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HISTORY 

FOR  READY  REFERENCE 

FROM  THE  BEST 

HISTORIANS,  BIOGRAPHERS,  AND  SPECIALISTS 


THEIR  OWN  WORDS  IN  A COMPLETE 

SYSTEM  OF  HISTORY 

FOR  ALL  USES,  EXTENDING  TO  ALL  COUNTRIES  AND  SUBJECTS,  AND 
REPRESENTING  FOR  BOTH  READERS  AND  STUDENTS  THE 
BETTER  AND  NEWER  LITERATURE  OF  HISTORY 
IN  THE  ENGLISH  LANGUAGE 


BY 


J.  N.  LARNED 


WITH  NUMEROUS  HISTORICAL  MAPS  FROM  ORIGINAL  STUDIES 
AND  DRAWINGS  BY 

ALAN  C.  REILEY 

REVISED  AND  ENLARGED  EDITION 

IN  SEVEN  VOLUMES 


VOLUME  VII.  — RECENT  HISTORY 
(1901  TO  1910) 

A to  Z 


SPRINGFIELD,  MASS. 

THE  C.  A.  NICHOLS  CO.,  PUBLISHERS 

1910 


*5  0 3 

v/1 


Copyright,  1910, 
BY  J.  N.  LARNED. 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.S.  A. 
Printed  by  H.  ()._  Houghton  & Company 


4'YUo  (-|.5"0 


SEVENTH  VOLUME 


<s 

o 

-i 

PREFACE  TO  THE 


IN  the  preface  to  the  Sixth  Volume  of  this  work,  published  in  the  spring  of  1901, 
it  was  remarked  that  the  last  half-dozen  years  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  which 
that  volume  covered,  had  been  filled  with  events  so  remarkable  and  changes  so  rev- 
olutionary in  political  and  social  conditions  that  many  people  had  asked  for  an  ex- 
tension of  my  work  to  report  them.  The  years  then  reviewed  disclosed  only  the 
beginnings  of  what  the  decade  since  has  been  developing,  in  movements  and  achieve- 
ments so  varied,  so  numerous,  in  such  rapid  succession,  with  effects  so  profound  and 
so  problematical,  that  their  appeal  to  our  interest  seems  the  strongest  that  has  come 
to  us  yet  from  human  history.  That  the  interest  in  them  justifies  this  further  ex- 
tension of  my  compilation  of  “ recent  history  ” has  been  made  clear  to  me  by  the 
frequency  of  the  suggestions  of  another  volume  which  have  come  to  the  publisher 
and  to  myself.  In  the  new  volume  I have  striven  to  make  a clear  exhibit  of  all 
these  strangely  pregnant  evolutionary  and  revolutionary  movements  of  the  present 
time,  which  are  traversing  all  divisions  and  institutions  of  all  society,  occidental 
and  oriental,  along  all  the  lines  of  its  organization,  — international,  national,  muni- 
cipal, political,  industrial,  intellectual,  moral,  — leaving  nothing  in  life  untouched. 

A few  indications  of  the  subjects  dealt  with  most  extensively  in  the  volume  may 
convey  some  idea  of  its  scope,  and  of  the  aims  pursued  in  its  preparation.  For  ex- 
ample : “ Railways  ” and  “ Combinations  ” (“  Trusts  ”),  treated  mainly  as  the  sub- 
jects of  regulative  governmental  action,  occupy  38  pages  in  all.  “ Labor  Organiza- 
tion ” fills  25  pages  with  the  incidents  of  its  trade  unions,  labor  parties,  strikes, 
mediations,  arbitrations  and  industrial  agreements.  “ Labor  Protection  ” receives  6 
pages,  for  the  account  of  what  has  been  done  in  various  countries  in  the  matters  of 

r employers’  liability,  industrial  insurance,  hours  of  work,  etc.  “ Labor  Remunera- 

tion ” receives  9 pages,  for  the  reporting  of  experiments  in  cooperation,  profit- 
sharing,  wages-regulation,  pensions,  etc.  Various  dealings  with  the  problems  of 
“Poverty  and  Unemployment”  are  set  forth  in  8 pages  ; similarly  the  problems  of 
“ Crime  and  Criminology  ” receive  nearly  6 ; those  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  9 ; those  of 
the  Opium  evil,  3.  The  development  of  organized  work  for  “ Social  Betterment  ” is 
traced  in  5 pages  ; that  of  reform  in  “ Municipal  Government  ” in  12.  The  “Race 
Problems,”  which  are  troubling  many  countries  and  people,  are  depicted  in  15  pages. 
Twenty-six  pages  are  given  to  the  Educf&ional  history  of  the  last  decade ; recent 
“ Science  and  Invention  ” are  reported  in  16.  “ Children  under  the  Law  ” are  the 
subject  of  8 interesting  pages  on  recent  legislation  touching  the  young. 

The  contradictory  states  of  temper  in  the  world  on  the  subject  of  War  are  de- 
picted under  two  contrasted  headings  — “ War,  The  Preparations  for  ” and  “ War, 
The  Revolt  against,”  in  particulars  which  fill  35  pages.  Of  the  one  great  war  of  the 
period,  between  Japan  and  Russia,  and  the  triumph  of  mediation  which  brought  it 
to  a close,  the  narrative,  in  about  20  pages,  is  full.  The  story  of  the  late  revolution 
in  Turkey  is  told  authentically  in  9 pages,  and  that  of  Persia  in  10.  The  abortive 
attempts  at  revolution  in  Russia,  and  the  sham  of  constitutional  government  con- 
ceded, have  their  history  in  18  pages.  The  signs  of  wakened  life  in  China  are  de- 
scribed in  12.  The  discontent  of  India  and  Lord  Morley’s  measures  of  reform  in  the 

iii 


168156 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SEVENTH  VOLUME 


British-Indian  goverment,  enlarging  the  native  representation  in  it,  are  set  forth 
broadly  in  15.  Generally,  as  concerns  the  British  Empire,  the  interesting  conditions 
that  have  arisen  in  it  very  lately,  adding  South  Africa  to  the  group  of  unified  Colo- 
nial Dominions,  which  are  young  British  nations  in  the  making,  and  drawing  them 
all  into  a league  with  the  “ Mother  Country  ” for  organized  imperial  defense,  are 
amply  portrayed.  So,  too,  are  the  agitations  in  recent  British  politics  at  home, 
which  have  arisen  from  an  increasing  antagonism  between  popular  interests  repre- 
sented in  the  House  of  Commons  and  class  interests  intrenched  in  the  House  of 
Lords.  In  American  politics,  the  remarkable  invigoration  and  freshening  of  spirit 
which  characterized  the  administration  of  President  Roosevelt  are  made  apparent 
in  a broad  exhibit  of  their  many  effective  results. 

As  was  said  of  Volume  VI.,  it  can  be  said,  I think,  with  even  more  truth  of  this, 
that  it  presents  “ History  in  the  making,  — the  day  by  day  evolution  of  events  and 
changes  as  they  passed  under  the  hands  and  before  the  eyes  and  were  recorded  by 
the  pens  of  the  actual  makers  and  witnesses  of  them.” 

As  an  appendix  to  the  present  volume,  a new  feature,  related  to  the  whole  work, 
has  been  introduced.  It  offers  a considerably  extensive  series  of  systematic  courses 
for  historical  study  and  reading,  the  literature  for  which  is  supplied  in  the  seven 
volumes  of  “ History  for  Ready  Reference.”  This  has  been  prepared  in  response 
to  many  requests  which  the  publishers  have  received.  Even  for  casual  investiga- 
tions it  will  be  found  serviceable  to  every  possessor  and  user  of  the  work. 

J.  N.  L. 

Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  May,  1910. 


IV 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


I AM  indebted  to  the  following  named  authors  and  publishers  for  permission  kindly  given  me  to 
quote  from  books  and  periodicals,  all  of  which  are  duly  referred  to  in  connection  with  the  pas 
sages  borrowed  severally  from  them: 

The  publishers  of  The  American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  The  American  Monthly  Review  of 
Reviews,  The  Associated  Prohibition  Press,  The  Atlantic  Monthly  Magazine,  The  Boston  Tran- 
script,The  Century  Magazine,  The  Contemporary  Review,  The  Fortnightly  Review,  The  New  York 
Evening  Post,  The  New  York  State  Journal  of  Medicine,  The  Nineteenth  Century  Review,  The 
North  American  Review,  The  Outlook,  The  Times  (London),  Messrs.  T.  & T.  Clark,  Edinburgh, 
Messrs.  Doubleday,  Page  & Co.,  Messrs.  E.  P.  Dutton  & Co.,  Messrs.  Harper  & Brothers,  Messrs. 
Henry  Holt  & Co.,  Messrs.  Houghton  Mifflin  Company,  Messrs.  John  Lane  Company,  Messrs. 
Charles  Scribner’s  Sons ; Professors  Joseph  H.  Beale  and  Bruce  Wyman  (as  joint  authors) ; Mr.  Fred- 
erick H.  Clark,  Head  of  History  Department,  Lowell  High  School,  San  Francisco ; Mr.  George  lies, 
author  of  “ Inventors  at  Work  Dr.  James  Brown  Scott,  Solicitor  of  the  U.  S.  Department  of  State. 

I am  much  indebted,  furthermore,  to  the  courtesy  of  many  societies  and  persons  from  whom  I 
have  received  reports  and  other  documents  that  were  essential  to  my  work ; and  especially  do  I owe 
much  to  the  helpfulness  of  many  on  the  staff  of  the  Buffalo  Public  Library. 


V 


HISTORY  FOR  READY  REFERENCE 


ABD  EL  AZIZ,  Sultan  of  Morocco.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  I).  1903,  and  1907-1909. 

ABDUL  HAMID  II.,  Sultan  of  Turkey.  — 
His  forced  restoration  of  the  Constitution  of 
1876.  — His  faithlessness  to  it.  — His  depo- 
sition. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908 
(July-Dec.),  and  1909  (Jan. -May). 

ABDULLA  MOHAMMED,  The  Mullah. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa  : Somaliland. 

ABDURAHMAN,  Ameer  of  Afghanistan: 
Death,  1901.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Afghanistan: 
A.  D.  1901-1904. 

ABERDEEN,  The  Earl  of:  Lord  Lieuten- 
ant of  Ireland.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ABERDEEN,  Lady.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Wo- 
men, International  Council  of. 

“ ABIR,”  or  A.  B.  I.  R.  COMPANY,  The. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Congo  State:  A.  D.  1903-1905. 

ABYSSINIA:  A.  D.  1902.  — The  French 
in  favor.  — Their  railway  building  and  plans. 
— “Through  Abyssinia  the  French  hope  to  es- 
tablish a line  of  trade  across  Africa  from  east  to 
west  in  opposition  to  our  Cape  to  Cairo  railway 
from  north  to  south.  In  this  they  have  already 
achieved  some  success.  They  have  settled  them- 
selves along  the  Gulf  of  Tadjoura,  on  the  south 
of  which  they  hold  the  magnificent  Bay  of  Dji- 
bouti, while  on  the  north  their  flag  waves  over 
the  small  port  of  Obok.  But  their  real  triumph 
in  these  regions  has  been  the  establishment  of  a 
lasting  friendship  with  Abyssinia  by  judicious 
consignments  of  arms  and  ammunition  — which 
were  used  against  Italy  in  the  war  of  1896.  Fi- 
nally, they  are  now  in  the  act  of  building  a 
French  railway  from  Djibouti  to  Addis  Abeba, 
the  capital  of  Abyssinia.  This  railway  will  com- 
pletely cut  out  the  British  port  of  Zeila,  for  in  the 
concession  granted  by  Menelik  it  is  stipulated 
that  no  company  is  to  be  permitted  to  construct 
a railroad  on  Abyssinian  territory  that  shall  enter 
into  competition  with  that  of  M.  Ilg  and  M. 
Chefneux.  . . . 

“ At  Menelik’s  capital.  Addis  Abeba,  there  is, 
to  use  the  expression  of  M.  Hugues  le  Roux,  a 
silent  duel  in  progress  between  the  representa- 
tives of  the  various  nationalities.  We  are  repre- 
sented by  Colonel  Harrington.  But,  although 
Menelik  is  wise  enough  to  extend  a friendly 
greeting  to  all,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  we  should  enjoy  as  great  a share  of  favour 
as  other  nations.  Although  throughout  the  war 
we  preserved  a strict  neutrality,  we  are  regarded 
as  a powerful  and  aggressive  neighbour,  and  as 
the  ally  of  Italy,  whereas  the  French  have  been 
the  truest  friends  of  Abyssinia.  The  Russians 
are  also  in  communication  with  the  Negus,  and 
their  efforts  are,  of  course,  seconded  by  France. 
As  for  the  Italians,  their  position  seems  now  to 
be  as  good  as  that  of  any  European  nation.”  — 
G.  F.  H.  Berkeley,  The  Abyssinian  Question  and 
its  History  ( Nineteenth  Century,  Jan..  1903). 

A.  D.  1902.  — Treaty  with  Great  Britain.  — 
A treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Emperor 


Meuelek,  of  the  kingdom  of  Ethiopia  (Abyssinia), 
signed  on  the  15thofMay,  1902,  defines  the  bound- 
aries between  the  Soudan  and  Ethiopia,  and 
contains  the  following  important  provisions: 

"Article  III.  His  Majesty  the  Emperor Mene- 
lek  II.,  King  of  Kings  of  Ethiopia,  engages  him- 
self towards  the  Government  of  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty not  to  construct,  or  allow  to  be  constructed, 
any  work  across  the  Blue  Nile,  Lake  Tsana,  or 
the  Sobat,  which  would  arrest  the  flow  of  their 
waters  into  the  Nile,  except  in  agreement  with 
his  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  and  the 
Government  of  the  Soudan.  Article  IV.  The 
Emperor  Menelek  engages  himself  to  allow  his 
Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Soudan  to  select  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Rang,  on  the  Baro  River,  a block  of  ter- 
ritory having  a river  frontage  of  not  more  than 
2000  metres,  in  area  not  exceeding  400  hectares, 
which  shall  be  leased  to  the  Government  of  the 
Soudan,  to  be  administered  and  occupied  as  a 
commercial  station,  so  long  as  the  Soudan  is 
under  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Government.  It  is 
agreed  between  the  two  high  contracting  parties 
that  the  territory  so  leased  shall  not  be  used  for 
any  political  or  military  purpose.  Article  V. 
The  Emperor  Menelek  grants  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  and  the  Government  of  the 
Soudan  the  right  to  construct  a railway  through 
Abyssinian  territory  to  connect  the  Soudan  with 
Uganda.  A route  for  the  railway  will  be  se- 
lected by  mutual  agreement  between  the  two 
hieh  contracting  parties.” 

ACCIDENTS  TO  WORKMEN:  In  the 
United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Pro- 
tection. 

ACHINESE,  Dutch  hostilities  with  the. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1904. 

ACRE  DISPUTES,  The  : Claims  on  the 
region  by  Brazil,  Peru,  and  Bolivia.  — Its 
final  partition.  — A considerable  territory  of 
much  richness  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the 
Amazon  Valley,  around  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Madeira,  the  Aquiry,  and  the  Purus  tributaries, 
was  long  in  dispute  between  Brazil,  Bolivia,  and 
Peru,  and  became  a cause  of  serious  quarrel  be- 
tween the  two  first  named  in  1903.  The  then 
Brazilian  President,  Rodriguez  Alves,  in  his  first 
annual  message,  May,  1903,  stated  the  situation 
from  the  Brazilian  standpoint  as  follows: 

“ Our  former  relations  of  such  cordial  friend- 
ship with  Bolivia  have  suffered  a not  insignifi- 
cant strain  since  the  time  when  the  Government 
of  that  sister  Republic,  unable  to  maintain  its 
authority  in  the  Acre  region,  inhabited  exclu- 
sively, as  you  know,  by  Brazilians  who,  many 
years  previously,  had  established  themselves 
there  in  good  faith,  saw  fit  to  deliver  it  over  to  a 
foreign  syndicate  upon  whom  it  conferred  powers 
almost  sovereign.  That  concession,  as  danger- 
ous for  the  neighboring  nations  as  for  Bolivia  it- 
self, encountered  general  disapproval  in  South 
America  As  the  most  immediately  interested, 
Brazil,  already  in  the  time  of  my  illustrious  pre- 


ACRE  DISPUTES 


ACRE  DISPUTES 


decessor,  protested  against  the  contract  to  which 
I refer,  and  entered  upon  the  policy  of  reprisals, 
prohibiting  the  free  transit  by  the  Amazon  of  mer- 
chandise between  Bolivia  and  abroad.  Neither 
that  protest  nor  the  counsels  of  friendship  pro- 
duced at  that  time  the  desired  effect  in  La  Paz, 
and,  far  from  rescinding  the  contract  or  making 
the  hoped-for  modifications  therein,  the  Bolivian 
Government  concluded  an  especial  arrangement 
for  the  purpose  of  hurrying  the  entrance  of  the 
syndicate  into  the  possession  of  the  territory. 

“When  I assumed  the  government  that  was 
the  situation,  and  in  addition  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Acre,  who  had  again  proclaimed  their  inde- 
pendence, were  masters  of  the  whole  country, 
excepting  Puerto  Acre,  of  which  they  did  not  get 
possession  until  the  end  of  January.  Although 
since  January  negotiations  have  been  initiated 
by  us  for  the  purpose  of  removing  amicably  the 
cause  of  the  disorders  and  complications  which 
have  had  their  seat  of  action  in  the  Acre  ever 
since  the  time  when  for  the  first  time  the  Bo- 
livian authorities  penetrated  thither,  in  1899, 
yet  the  Government  of  La  Paz  has  nevertheless 
thought  proper  that  its  President  and  his  minis- 
ter of  war  should  march  against  that  territory 
at  the  head  of  armed  forces  with  the  end  in  view 
of  crushing  its  inhabitants  and  then  establishing 
the  agents  of  the  syndicate.” 

The  Brazilian  President  proceeded  then  to 
relate  that  he  had  notified  the  Bolivian  Govern- 
ment of  the  intention  of  Brazil  to  “defend  as 
its  boundary  the  parallel  of  10°  20'  south,”  which 
it  held  to  be  the  line  indicated  by  the  letter  and 
the  spirit  of  a treaty  concluded  in  1867 ; and  that 
Bolivia  had  then  agreed  to  a settlement  of  the  dis- 
pute through  diplomatic  channels.  “ Upon  the 
Bolivian  Government  agreeing  to  this,”  he  con- 
tinued, “ we  promptly  reestablished  freedom  of 
transit  for  its  foreign  commerce  by  Brazilian 
waters.  Shortly  after  this  the  syndicate,  by 
reason  of  the  indemnity  which  we  paid  it,  re- 
nounced the  concession  which  had  been  made  it, 
eliminating  thus  this  disturbing  element.” 

In  conclusion  of  the  subject,  President  Alves 
reported:  “To  the  Peruvian  Government  we 
have  announced,  very  willingly,  since  January, 
that  we  will  examine,  with  attention,  the  claims 
which  in  due  time  they  may  be  pleased  to  make 
upon  the  subject  of  the  territories  now  in  dis- 
pute between  Brazil  and  Bolivia.” 

The  result  of  the  ensuing  negotiations  between 
Brazil  and  Bolivia  was  a treaty  signed  in  the 
following  November  and  duly  ratified,  the  terms 
of  which  were  summarized  as  follows  in  a de- 
spatch from  the  American  Legation  at  La  Paz, 
December  26:  “Three  months  after  exchange 
of  ratifications  Brazil  is  to  pay  an  indemnity  of 
£1,000,000  and  in  March,  1905,  £1,000,000.  A 
small  strip  of  territory,  north  Marso,  Brazilero, 
embracing  Bahia  Negra  and  a port  opposite 
Coimbra,  on  Paraguay  River,  are  conceded,  and 
all  responsibilities  respecting  Peruvian  conten- 
tions are  assumed.  The  disputed  Acre  territory  is 
conceded  by  Bolivia.  A railroad  for  the  com- 
mon use  of  both  countries  is  to  be  built  from  San 
Antonio,  on  Madeira  River,  to  Cuajar  Ameren,  on 
Mamore  River,  within  four  years  after  ratifica- 
tion. Free  navigation  on  the  Amazon  and  its 
Bolivian  affluents  is  conceded.  A mixed  com- 
mission, with  umpire  chosen  from  the  diplo- 
matic representation  to  Brazil,  will  treat  all 
individual  Acre  claims.” 


Subsequently  it  was  determined  in  Bolivia 
that  the  entire  indemnity  received  from  Brazil 
should  be  expended  on  railroads,  with  an  addi- 
tional sum  of  £3,500,000,  to  be  raised  by  loan. 

F or  the  settlement  of  the  remaining  question  of 
rights  in  the  Acre  territory,  between  Bolivia  and 
Peru,  a treaty  of  arbitration,  negotiated  in  De- 
cember, 1902,  but  ratified  with  modifications  by 
the  Bolivian  Congress  in  October,  1903,  provided 
that  “ the  high  contracting  parties  submit  to  the 
judgment  and  decision  of  the  Governmentof  the 
Argentine  Republic,  as  arbitrator  and  judge  of 
rights,  the  question  of  limits  now  pending  be- 
tween both  republics,  so  as  to  obtain  a definite  and 
unappealablesentence,  in  virtue  of  which  all  the 
territory  which  in  1810  belonged  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion or  district  of  the  Ancient  Audience  of  Char- 
cas,  within  the  limits  of  the  viceroyalty  of 
Buenos  Ayres,  by  acts  of  the  ancient  sovereign, 
may  belong  to  the  Republic  of  Bolivia  ; and  all 
the  territory  which  at  the  same  date  and  by  acts 
of  equal  origin  belonged  to  the  viceroyalty  of 
Peru  may  belong  to  the  Republic  of  Peru.” 

The  case  was  pending  until  July,  1909,  when 
judgment  favorable  to  the  claims  of  Peru  was 
pronounced  by  the  President  of  the  Argentine 
Republic,  Senor  Figueroa  Alcorta.  According 
to  the  award,  as  announced  officially  from  Peru, 
the  line  was  drawn  to  “ follow  the  rivers  Heath 
and  Madre  de  Dios  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  To- 
romonas  and  from  there  a straight  line  as  far  as 
the  intersection  of  the  river  Tehuamanu  with 
meridian  69.  It  will  then  run  northwards  along 
this  meridian  until  it  meets  the  territorial  sov- 
ereignty of  another  nation.” 

The  Bolivians  were  enraged  by  the  decision 
against  them,  and  riotous  attacks  were  made  on 
the  Argentine  Legation  at  La  Paz,  the  Bolivian 
capital,  and  on  Argentine  consulates  elsewhere. 
Worse  than  this  in  offensiveness  was  a published 
declaration  by  President  Montes  of  Bolivia  that 
the  arbitration  award  respecting  the  frontiers  of 
Bolivia  and  Peru  had  been  given  by  Argentina 
without  regard  to  Bolivia’s  petition  that  an  ac- 
tual inspection  of  the  territory  should  be  made 
in  case  the  documents  and  titles  submitted  were 
unsatisfactory.  “ Had  thisbeen  done,”  said  the 
President  of  Bolivia,  “the  arbitrator  would  have 
been  convinced  of  the  respective  possessions  of 
the  two  countries.  It  is  inexplicable  how  the 
arbitrator,  after  examining  the  titles  and  docu- 
ments, could  give  such  a decision.  He  passed 
over  the  elementary  principles  of  international 
rights  in  awarding  to  Peru  territory  which  had 
never  been  questioned  as  belonging  to  Bolivia. 
As  a consequence  Bolivia  rejects  the  award.” 
The  insulted  Government  of  Argentina  de- 
manded explanations;  diplomatic  relations  be- 
tween the  two  countries  were  broken  off,  and 
war  seemed  imminent.  Fortunately  the  term 
of  President  Montes  was  near  its  close,  and  a 
man  of  evidently  cooler  temper,  Elidoro  Villa- 
zon,  succeeded  him  in  the  Presidency  on  August 
12th.  The  new  President,  in  his  message  to  Con- 
gress next  day,  while  characterizing  the  award  as 
unjust,  said:  “We  must  proceed  circumspectly, 
and  be  guided  by  international  rights  and  the 
customs  of  civilized  nations  in  similar  cases.  I' 
consider  it  right  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  means 
offered  by  diplomacy  to  obtain  a rectification  of 
the  new  frontier  line  given  by  arbitration,  thus 
saving  the  compromised  possessions  of  Bolivia.” 
With  this  better  spirit  entering  into  thecontro- 


2 


ACRE  DISPUTES 


AFRICA 


versy,  Bolivia  was  soon  able  to  arrange  with  Peru 
for  a concession  from  the  latter  which  made  her 
people  willing  to  recognize  the  award.  This 
agreement  was  effected  on  the  11th  of  Septem- 
ber, and  its  terms,  as  made  known  in  a despatch 
from  Rio  de  Janeiro,  were  as  follows:  “Peru 
surrenders  to  Bolivia  a very  small  extent  of  ter- 
ritory lying  between  the  Madre  de  Dios  River 
and  the  Acre,  traversed  by  the  rivers  Tahua- 
mano  and  Buyamaro,  which  together  form  the 
river  Orton,  an  affluent  of  the  Beni  River.  This 
territory,  with  an  area  of  about  6,500  square 
kilometres,  was  discovered  and  colonized  by  Bo- 
livians, who  to-day  are  in  possession  of  nu- 
merous prosperous  industries  there.  Peru  gets 
possession  of  all  the  upper  course  of  the  Madre 
de  Dios,  from  its  head  waters  to  its  confluence 
with  the  river  Heath.  Such  a slight  modifica- 
tion as  the  foregoing  from  the  decision  reached  by 
the  arbitrator  in  no  way  disturbs  the  Argentine 
Republic.” 

As  between  Peru  and  Brazil  the  boundary 
question  was  settled  by  a treaty  signed  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro  on  the  8th  of  September,  three  days  be- 
fore the  Bolivian  pacification. 

This  probably  closes  a territorial  dispute 
whicn  has  troubled  four  countries  in  South 
America  for  many  years,  and  brought  quarrel- 
ling couples  to  the  verge  of  war  a number  of 
times. 

ADANA,  Massacres  at.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.-May),  and  (April- 
Dec.). 

ADDIS  ABEBA,  Capital  of  Abyssinia. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Abyssinia:  A.  D.  1902. 

ADULTERATIONS,  Laws  against.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Public  Health  : Pure  Food 
Laws. 

AEHRENTHAL,  Baron.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

AERONAUTICS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent. 

AFGHANISTAN:  A.  D.  1901-1906.— 
Death  of  Abdurahman.  — Succession  of  his 
son,  Habibullah.  — Signs  of  a progressive 
spirit  in  the  new  Ameer.  — The  late  Ameer, 
Abdurahman,  died  in  October,  1901,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  eldest  son,  Habibullah.  Early -in 
the  third  year  of  his  reign  the  new  Ameer  began 
to  show  signs  of  a wish  to  have  his  country 
move  a little  on  the  lines  of  European  progress, 
in  the  march  which  so  many  of  his  Asiatic  neigh- 
bors were  joining.  His  undertakings  were  dis- 
turbed for  a time  by  trouble  with  his  half- 
brother,  Omar  Jan,  and  with  the  latter’s  mother, 
the  Bibi  Halima  or  Queen  of  the  Harem ; but  he 
brought  the  trouble  to  an  end  which  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  tragical,  and  that,  in  itself,  is 
a notable  mark  in  his  favor.  The  Russo-Japan- 
ese War  interested  him  immensely,  and  he  estab- 
lished a daily  post  between  Khyber  and  Cabul  to 
bring  speedy  news  of  events.  He  then  read  the 
reports  in  public,  with  expositions,  to  make  the 
listening  people  understand  the  bearing  of  what 
was  happening  on  their  own  interests,  and  the 
lessons  they  should  learn  from  what  the  Japanese 
were  doing.  He  is  said  to  have  done  much  in 
the  way  of  improving  agriculture  and  horse- 
breeding  in  Afghanistan ; he  has  a desire  to  es- 
tablish a Chiefs’  College,  with  the  English  lan- 
guage as  the  basis  of  instruction,  but  has  met 
with  strong  opposition  in  this  undertaking;  and 
he  has  introduced  electric  lighting,  with  probably 


other  luxuries  of  modern  science,  in  Cabul. 
Such  things  in  Afghanistan  mark  a highly  pro- 
gressive man.  His  political  intelligence  is  proved 
by  the  cordiality  of  his  relations  with  the  British 
Indian  Government.  An  interesting  account  of 
conditions  in  the  Ameer’s  country  in  1904  was 
given  by  Mr.  D.  C.  Boulger,  in  the  Fortnightly 
Review  of  December,  that  year,  under  the  title  of 
“ The  Awakeningof  Afghanistan.” 

A.  D.  1905.  — The  Ameer  becomes  King. 
In  a new  treaty  between  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  Ameer  of  Afghanistan,  the 
latter  was  recognized  as  King. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  relative  to  Afghanistan. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

AFRICA:  Its  Colonizability  by  white  peo- 
ples.— The  regions  habitable  by  Europeans. 
— ‘ ‘ There  are  three  obstacles  to  the  white  race 
from  Europe  overrunning  and  colonising  the 
continent  of  Africa  as  it  has  overrun  and  colo- 
nised the  two  Americas  and  Australasia.  The 
first  is  the  insalubrity  of  the  well- watered  regions 
and  the  uninhabitability  of  the  desert  tracts; 
the  second  is  the  opposition  of  strong  indigenous 
races ; and  the  third,  of  quite  recent  growth,  is 
a growing  sentiment  which  is  increasingly  in- 
fluencing public  opinion,  in  Europe  more  espe- 
cially, and  which  forbids  the  white  man  to  do' 
evil  that  good  may  come:  namely,  to  displace 
by  force  of  arms  pre-existing  races  in  order  that, 
the  white  man  may  take  the  land  they  occupy 
for  his  own  use.  It  is  probable  that  the  sec- 
ond and  third  reasons  combined  may  in  future 
prove  the  more  effective  checks.  Deserts,  to  be 
made  habitable  and  cultivable,  only  need  irriga- 
tion, and  apparently  there  is  a subterranean 
water  supply  underlying  most  African  deserts 
which  can  be  tapped  by  artesian  wells.  The 
extreme  unhealthiness  of  the  well-watered  parts 
of  Africa  is  due  not  so  much  to  climate  as  to  the 
presence  of  malaria  in  the  systems  of  the  Negro 
inhabitants.  This  malaria  is  conveyed  from  the 
black  man  to  the  white  man  by  certain  gnats  of 
the  genus  Anopheles  — possibly  by  other  agen- 
cies. But  the  draining  of  marshes  and  the  ster- 
ilisation of  pools,  together  with  other  measures, 
may  gradually  bring  about  the  extinction  of  the 
mosquito ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  seems  as 
though  the  drug  ( Cassia  Beareana ) obtained 
from  the  roots  of  a cassia  bush  may  act  as  a 
complete  cure  for  malarial  fever.  . . . 

“ For  practical  purposes  the  only  areas  south 
of  the  Sahara  Desert  which  at  the  present  time 
are  favourable  to  white  colonisation  are  the  fol- 
lowing. In  West  Africa  there  can  be  no  white 
colonisation  under  existing  conditions  ; the  white 
man  can  only  remain  there  for  a portion  of  his 
working  life  as  an  educator  and  administrator. 
...  In  North-East  Africa,  Abyssinia  and  Eri- 
trea will  suggest  themselves  as  white  man’s 
countries  — presenting,  that  is  to  say,  some  of 
the  conditions  favourable  to  European  colonisa- 
tion. The  actual  coast  of  Eritrea  is  extremely 
hot,  almost  the  hottest  country  in  the  world,  but 
it  is  not  necessarily  very  unhealthy.  The  heat, 
however,  apart  from  the  existence  of  a fairly 
abundant  'native  population,  almost  precludes 
the  idea  of  a European  settlement.  But  on  the 
mountains  of  the  hinterland  which  are  still 
within  Italian  territory  there  are  said  to  be  a 
few  small  areas  suited  at  any  rate  to  settlement 
by  Italians,  who,  by-the-by,  seem  to  be  getting  on 


AFRICA 


AFRICA 


very  well  with  the  natives  in  that  part  of  Africa. 
But  a European  colonisation  of  Abyssinia,  possi- 
ble as  it  might  be  climatically,  is  out  of  the 
question  in  view  of  the  relatively  abundant  and 
warlike  population  indigenous  to  the  Ethiopian 
Empire.  . . . 

“Then  comes  Central  Africa,  which  may  be 
taken  to  range  from  the  northern  limits  of  the 
Congo  basin  and  the  Great  Lakes  on  the  north 
to  the  Cunene  River  and  the  Zambesi  on  the 
south.  British  East  Africa  and  Uganda  offer 
probably  the  largest  continuous  area  of  white 
man’s  country  in  the  central  section  of  the  con- 
tinent. The  Ankole  country  in  the  southwest 
of  the  Uganda  Protectorate  and  the  highlands 
north  of  Tanganyika,  together  with  the  slopes 
of  the  Ruwenzori  range,  offer  small  tracts  of 
land  thoroughly  suited  to  occupation  by  a white 
race  so  far  as  climate  and  fertility  are  concerned  ; 
but  these  countries  have  already  been  occupied, 
to  a great  extent,  by  some  of  the  earliest  fore- 
runners of  the  Caucasian  (the  Bahirna),  as  well 
as  by  sturdy  Negro  tribes  who  have  become  in- 
ured to  the  cold.  To  the  northeast  of  the  Vic- 
toria Nyanza,  however,  there  is  an  area  which 
has  as  its  outposts  the  southwest  coast  of  Lake 
Rudolf,  the  great  mountains  of  Debasien  and 
Elgon,  and  the  snow-clad  extinct  volcanoes  of 
Kenia  and  Kilimanjaro.  This  land  of  plateaux 
and  rift  valleys  is  not  far  short  of  70,000  square 
miles  in  extent,  and  so  far  as  climate  and  other 
physical  conditions  are  concerned  is  as  well 
suited  for  occupation  by  British  settlers  as 
Queensland  or  New  South  Wales.  But  nearly 

50.000  square  miles  of  this  East  African  terri- 
tory is  more  or  less  in  the  occupation  of  sturdy 
Negro  or  Negroid  races  whom  it  would  be  neither 
just  nor  easy  to  expel.  . . . 

“The  only  portion  of  German  East  Africa 
which  is  at  all  suited  to  European  settlement 
lies  along  the  edge  of  the  Nyasa-Tanganyika 
Plateau.  Here  is  a district  of  a little  more  than 
a thousand  square  miles  which  is  not  only  ele- 
vated and  healthy,  but  very  sparsely  populated 
by  Negroes.  A few  patches  in  the  Katanga 
district  and  the  extreme  southern  part  of  the 
Congo  Free  State  offer  similar  conditions. 

“In  British  Central  Africa  we  have  perhaps 

6.000  square  miles  of  elevated,  sparsely  popu- 
lated, fertile  country  to  the  northwest  of  Lake 
Nyasa  and  along  the  road  to  Tanganyika.  There 
is  also  land  of  this  description  in  the  North-East 
Rhodesian  province  of  British  Central  Africa,  in 
Manikaland,  and  along  the  water-parting  be- 
tween the  Congo  and  the  Zambesi  systems. 
Then  in  the  southernmost  prolongation  of  Brit- 
ish Central  Africa  are  the  celebrated  Shire  High- 
lands, which,  together  with  a few  outlying 
mountain  districts  to  the  southwest  of  Lake 
Nyasa,  may  offer  a total  area  of  about  5,000 
square  miles  suitable  to  European  colonisation. 
A small  portion  of  the  Mozambique  province, 
in  the  interior  of  the  Angoche  coast,  might  an- 
swer to  the  same  description.  Then  again,  far 
away  to  the  west,  under  the  same  latitudes,  we 
have,  at  the  back  of  Mossamedes  and  Benguela, 
other  patches  of  white  man’s  country  in  the 
mountains  of  Bailundo  and  Sheila. 

“In  South  Africa,  beyond  the  latitudes  of 
the  Zambesi,  we  come  to  lauds  which  are  in- 
creasingly suited  to  the  white  man’s  occupation 
the  further  we  proceed  south.  Nearly  all  Ger- 
man South-West  Africa  is  arid  desert,  but  inland 


there  are  plateaux  and  mountains  which  some- 
times exceed  8,000  feet  in  altitude,  and  which 
have  a sufficient  rainfall  to  make  European  agri- 
culture possible.  . . . About  two-thirds  of  the 
Transvaal,  a third  of  Rhodesia,  a small  portion 
of  southern  Bechuanaland,  two-thirds  of  the 
Orange  River  Colony,  four-fifths  of  Cape  Col- 
ony, and  a third  of  Natal  sum  up  the  areas  at- 
tributed to  the  white  man  in  South  Africa.  The 
remainder  of  this  part  of  the  continent  must  be 
considered  mainly  as  a reserve  for  the  black 
man,  and  to  a much  smaller  degree  (in  South- 
East  Africa)  as  a field  for  Asiatic  colonisation, 
preferentially  on  the  part  of  British  Indians. 

“ Counting  the  white-skinned  Berbers  and 
Arabs  of  North  Africa,  and  the  more  or  less 
pure-blooded,  light-skinned  Egyptians,  as  white 
men,  and  the  land  they  occupy  as  part  of  the 
white  man’s  share  of  the  Dark  Continent,  we 
may  tlien  by  a rough  calculation  arrive  (by  add- 
ing to  white  North  Africa  the  other  areas  enu- 
merated in  the  rest  of  the  continent)  at  the  fol- 
lowing estimate : that  about  970,000  square  miles 
of  the  whole  African  continent  may  be  attrib- 
uted to  the  white  man  as  his  legitimate  share. 
If,  however,  we  are  merely  to  consider  the  ter- 
ritory that  lies  open  to  European  colonisation, 
then  we  must  considerably  reduce  our  North 
African  estimate.”  — II.  H.  Johnston,  The  White 
Man's  Place  in  Africa  ( Nineteenth  Century, 
June,  1904). 

Agreements  between  England  and  France 
concerning  Egypt,  Morocco, Senegambia,  and 
Madagascar.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1904  (Apisii,). 

British,  German,  and  Congo  frontier  agree- 
ment.— The  following  was  telegraphed  to  the 
Press  from  Berlin,  November  29,  1909:  “An 
agreement  was  signed  in  Berlin  during  the  sum- 
mer, Reuter’s  representative  learns,  whereby 
various  questions  affecting  the  frontier  lines  be- 
tween British  Uganda  and  German  East  Afriqa 
and  the  Congo,  which  have  been  under  discussion 
for  years,  were  definitely  settled.  The  agreement 
is  understood  to  be  satisfactory  to  both  parties, 
but  the  details  are  not  to  be  published  as  yet.” 

French  Central:  A Land-locked  Empire. — 
“Since  1898,  successive  expeditions  have  con- 
verged from  the  French  Niger  Territories, 
from  South  Algeria,  and  from  the  French  Congo 
towards  Lake  Tchad,  which  has  ever  exercised 
a mystic  charm  over  the  minds  of  explorers. 
Rabah,  the  usurper  of  Bornou,  has  been  killed, 
and  his  son  Fadel’allah  recently  met  the  same 
fate,  so  that  all  the  belt  of  black  countries  stretch- 
ing from  the  north  of  Sokoto,  the  north  of  Bor- 
nou and  Baghirmi  to  the  confines  of  Wada'f,  the 
most  easterly  limit  of  the  French  sphere,  are 
now  occupied  in  a military  sense.  . . . Even  if 
we  consider  the  French  as  now  firmly  settled  in 
these  countries,  peopled  with  timid  blacks  from 
whom  little  is  to  be  feared,  the  succeeding  prob- 
lem, what  to  do  with  them,  presents  no  seductive 
outlook. 

“The  key  to  the  situation  is  the  question  of 
transport,  for  here  we  have  a vast  land-locked 
empire,  the  roads  to  which  are  long,  complicated, 
and  difficult.  For  the  present  the  question  of  a ' 
great  Trans-Saliarau  railway  may  be  left  out  of 
account,  and  in  all  probability  more  mature  con- 
sideration will  convince  the  French  of  the  futil- 
ity of  such  a scheme.  Three  roads  running 
through  French  territory  are  available  ; from  the 


AFRICA 


AFRICA 


east  by  the  Niger,  from  the  south  by  the  French 
Congo,  and  from  the  north,  Tunis  or  Algeria, 
across  the  great  Sahara.  Of  the  three,  the  only 
one  which  cau  be  made  of  practical  utility  for  a 
long  time  to  come  is  that  across  the  Sahara. 
From  the  centre  of  Africa  there  are  several  well- 
known  caravan  routes,  all  capable  of  being  com- 
mercially used,  provided  the  intervening  tribes 
cau  be  brought  to  acquiesce  in  the  French  dom- 
ination. All  these  terminate  in  Turkish  territory.” 
— E.  J.  Wardle,  The  French  in  Central  Africa 
(Contemporary  Review,  Oct.,  1902). 

Subjugation  of  Hausa  Land  and  occupation 
of  Sokoto.  — Early  in  1903  the  High  Commis- 
sioner of  Nigeria,  Sir  F.  Lugard,  sent  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Emir  of  Kano,  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  Nigerian  Protectorate,  within  the 
Sultanate  of  Sokoto,  which  had  never  been  made 
submissive  to  the  rule  which  Great  Britain 
claimed.  Kano  was  reached  and  taken  by  assault 
on  the  3d  of  February,  the  Emir  and  his  horse- 
men escaping  toward  Sokoto.  The  expedition 
then  proceeded  against  Sokoto,  where  feeble  re- 
sistance was  offered,  and  tbe  seat  of  the  Sul- 
tanate was  taken  on  the  15th  of  March.  These 
conquests  are  believed  to  have  effected  a firm 
establishment  of  British  ascendancy  throughout 
the  Niger  territory,  from  the  coast  to  the  Saharan 
sphere  of  the  French.  The  possession  of  Kano 
is  important,  as  it  is  the  starting  point  of  caravan 
routes  eastward  and  northward  and  the  chief 
commercial  town  of  the  Western  Sudan. 

Rapid  development  of  the  railway  system. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  Nigeria. 

French  Mauretanie.  See  Morocco:  A.  D. 
1909. 

French  Western:  Eradication  of  Yellow 
Fever.  See  Public  Health:  A.  D.  1901-1905. 

German  Colonies:  Cost  to  Germany. — 
Small  number  of  German  Colonists.  See 

Germany:  A.  D.  1903. 

’ Unpopularity  of  the  Colonial  Policy  in 
Germany.  See  Germany:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

Wars  with  the  Natives. — In  the  German 
Parliament,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1905,  it  was 
stated  by  the  Director  of  the  Colonial  Depart- 
ment, Dr.  Stiibel,  that  up  to  that  date  11,000 
German  troops  had  been  employed  against  the 
Hereros  and  Witbois  in  Southwest  Africa,  and 
that  the  campaign  of  1904  had  cost  42,000,000 
marks  (about  $10,500,000).  The  military  estimate 
for  1905  was  60,000,000  marks.  General  von 
Trotha,  Governor  of  the  colony,  who  had  been 
in  command  of  operations,  and  who  had  set  a 
price  on  the  heads  of  Morenga  and  other  insur- 
gent chiefs,  and  had  threatened  the  whole  tribe 
with  extermination,  was  to  be  superseded;  but 
the  Emperor,  notwithstanding,  conferred  on  him 
the  Order  “Pour  le  Merite.”  A similar  conflict 
with  the  natives  in  German  East  Africa  was 
opened  in  August,  1905,  by  the  murder  of  Bishop 
Spiers  and  four  missionaries  and  Sisters  of 
Mercy.  The  Wangonis  are  of  the  Zulu  race, 
mustering  about  30,000  warriors,  and  reinforce- 
ments of  the  German  troops  had  to  be  sent  out. 

Opening  of  Diamond  Fields.  — Diamond  dis- 
coveries in  German  Southwest  Africa  begau  to 
acquire  importance  in  1908.  As  stated  in  a lec- 
ture on  the  subject  by  Herr  Dernburg,  the  Ger- 
man Colonial  Secretary,  at  Berlin,  in  January, 
1909,  these  diamond  deposits  lie  in  crescent  form 
around  Liideritz  Bay,  beginning  to  the  south 
of  Elizabeth  Bay  and  extending  northwards  to 


the  sea-coast  in  the  vicinity  of  Anischab.  The 
full  extent  of  the  stretch  of  diamond-bearing 
sand  can  only  be  ascertained  by  careful  measure- 
ment, but  it  is  even  now  permissible  to  describe 
the  deposits  as  very  considerable.  The  diamonds, 
which  are  found  mixed  with  small  agates  and 
other  half-precious  stones,  vary  from  one-fifth 
to  three-quarters  of  a carat  — the  average  not 
exceeding  one-third  of  a carat.  They  are  almost 
perfect  octahedrons  of  good  water.  The  regular 
exploitation  may  be  said  to  have  begun  in  Sep- 
tember, 1908,  the  total  recovered  before  that  date 
only  amounting  to  2,720  carats.  In  September 
the  amount  was  6,644  carats,  in  October  8,621, 
in  November  10,228,  and  in  December  11,549, 
or  in  all  39,762,  the  price  of  which  would  be 
about  £55,000.  The  administrative  regulations 
introduced  stipulate,  first,  that  half  the  net  profit 
shall  go  to  the  Southwest  African  Treasury  ; sec- 
ondly, that  measures  shall  be  taken  to  secure  an 
adequate  market  for  the  new  supply  and  to  pre- 
vent depreciation  ; thirdly,  that  suitable  condi- 
tions shall  be  established  for  the  working  of  the 
mines ; and,  fourthly,  that  their  exploitation  shall 
be  mainly  reserved  for  German  capital,  and  that 
increased  work  shall  be  provided  for  the  German 
diamond-cutting  industry. 

Portuguese  : A.  D.  1905-1908.  — Continued 
existence  of  slavery.  — General  F.  Joubert- 
Pienaar,  one  of  the  prominent  Boer  leaders  in 
the  Boer-British  War,  is  the  authority  for  start- 
ling statements  concerning  the  continued  main- 
tenance of  slavery  in  Portuguese  Africa.  He 
attempted  to  become  a settler  in  that  region, 
and  related  subsequently  what  he  saw  and  heard 
during  his  stay  in  it.  Of  an  experience  at  the 
Island  PriDcipe  he  said:  “ The  English  director 
of  the  cable  office  took  me  to  some  of  the  cocoa 
plantations,  with  which  the  slopes  of  the  hills 
are  covered.  He  told  me  that  it  was  a terribly 
unhealthy  place  to  live,  and  that  Europeans 
could  not  exist  there  for  more  than  a couple  of 
months  at  a time,  and  that  frequent  changes  have 
to  be  made,  therefore,  in  tbe  telegraph  depart- 
ment. He  told  me,  further,  that  the  year  before 
the  whole  original  population  of  the  island  had 
died  from  malarial  fever,  and  that  the  following 
year  they  imported  five  hundred  slaves,  men  and 
women,  to  repopulate  the  island.  That  was  ten 
months  before  my  visit.  Pointing  to  five  women 
walking  on  the  street,  he  said : ‘ There  are  all 
that  are  left  of  the  women  imported,  and  only 
about  a dozen  men  remain.’  I asked  him  how 
they  carried  on  the  work  of  the  plantations.  He 
said  it  was  done  by  simply  importing  slaves,  from 
time  to  time,  to  replace  those  who  had  died.” 

General  Joubert-Pienaar  declares  that  he  never 
heard  of  a single  case  where  one  of  these  slaves 
had  returned  to  his  own  country,  while  in  the 
coast  towns  tbe  abnormal  proportion  of  native 
women  and  children  noticeable  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  men  have  been  sent  as  slaves  to  the 
islands.  The  method  of  obtaining  the  slaves  and 
of  making  the  pretense  of  a contract  with  them 
is  thus  described : “ When  any  slaves  are  wanted 
in  the  islands,  the  plantation  owner  informs  the 
slave-traders  on  the  mainland.  The  slave-trader 
goes  to  a strong  chief,  inland,  and  bargains  with 
him  for  the  number  of  slaves  he  requires,  gen- 
erally paying  him  in  rifles  and  ammunition.  This 
chief  will  not  send  any  of  his  own  men  to  the 
islands,  but,  calling  his  braves,  he  goes  to  some 
weaker  tribe,  attacks  it,  and  annihilates  the  tribe, 


AGRICULTURE 


takin  om(  n,  and  cattle  cap- 

tivp  *nd  as  men  as  are  neces- 

sa  over  to  trader,  the  rest  of 

< od  the  cat  ps  for  himself  and 

, and  the  cl  e sells  to  colonists 

s.  On  these  ~ hunting  expeditions 
st  terrible  cruelties  are  enacted  and  the 
gruesome  atrocities  perpetrated.  . . . Ar- 
.ig  at  the  coast,  these  men — and  sometimes 
; omen  when  they  are  required — are  brought 
jefore  an  officer  appointed  for  the  purpose.  He 
reads  the  contract  to  them  in  Portuguese ; and 
after  the  contract  has  been  read  to  these  people, 
who  do  not  understand  one  word  of  the  language, 
a black  man,  who  is  stationed  there  for  the  pur- 
pose, shouts  to  these  slaves  to  say  ‘Yes!’  Of 
course  they  all  repeat  the  ‘Yes’  after  him,  and 
the  Portuguese  official  then  certifies  that  these 
men  have  all  agreed  to  go  and  work  on  the  islands 
under  the  terms  of  the  contract  read  to  them. 
He  then  takes  a little  tin  box,  in  which  a copy  of 
the  contract  is  placed,  and  ties  it  around  the  neck 
of 'each  of  the  slaves.” 

Somaliland:  Troubles  with  the  Mullah. — 

In  1902  the  British  in  their  Somali  Coast  Pro- 
tectorate began  to  be  harassed  by  raids  from  the 
bordering  desert  region  led  by  a religious  agita- 
tor who  had  assumed  the  character  known  as 
that  of  a Mullah.  Three  years  previously  the 
British  Consul  at  Berbera  had  reported  to  Lon- 
don the  appearance  of  this  personage,  Muham- 
mad Abdullah  by  name,  in  the  Dolbahanta  coun- 
try, and  that  he  was  said  to  be  “collecting  arms 
and  men  with  a view  to  establishing  his  authority 
over  the  southeastern  portion  of  the  Protecto- 
rate.” He  had  made  several  pilgrimages  to  Mecca, 
and  had  attached  himself  there  to  a sect  which 
“preaches  more  regularity  in  the  hours  of 
prayer”  and  “stricter  attention  to  the  forms 
of  religion.”  He  had  begun  the  use  of  force  to 
compel  the  tribes  of  his  region  to  join  his  sect, 
and  was  evidently  gaining  power  to  make  trou- 
ble. The  trouble  was  realized  in  due  time,  and 
became  serious  in  1902,  when,  in  October,  Colonel 
Swayne,  with  a native  levy  of  troops,  having 
driven  the  Mullah’s  raiders  back  into  the  desert, 
followed  them  thither,  and  suffered  a serious 
reverse.  He  was  attacked  and  compelled  to  re- 
treat, with  a loss  of  two  officers  and  70  men 
killed  and  two  officers,  with  about  100  men 
wounded.  Troops  were  then  sent  to  the  Pro- 
tectorate from  India  and  careful  preparations 
were  made  for  dealing  with  the  Mullah  in  a more 
effectual  way.  He,  meantime,  sent  demands  for 
political  recognition  and  for  the  cession  to  him 
of  a port. 

Early  in  1903  operations  against  the  Mullah 
were  renewed,  with  strongly  increased  forces 
from  India  and  from  African  native  levies  ; but 
the  results  were  again  disastrous.  A detachment 
from  a column  which  pursued  the  Mullah  into 
his  own  region  ventured  too  far  in  the  advance 
and  was  overwhelmed,  losing  nearly  200  officers 
and  men.  There  appears  to  have  been  do  suc- 
cess during  the  year  to  counterbalance  this  re- 
verse. 

Peace  with  the  Mullah.  — The  Mullah  was 
brought  at  last  to  an  agreement  with  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Italy  which  established  comparative 
peace  for  the  time  being  in  Somaliland,  with  the 
promise  of  freedom  in  trade. 

Notwithstanding  the  pacific  agreement  with 
the  Mullah,  effected  in  1905,  troubles  on  the 


Somali  border  have  continued,  because  of  his  at- 
tacks on  friendly  tribes.  Early  in  1909  it  was 
announced  that  the  British  forces  in  Somaliland 
were  to  be  increased,  but  that  there  was  no  in- 
tention to  embark  on  any  expedition  against  the 
Mullah.  A despatch  from  Bombay,  India,  on 
the  3d  of  January,  said:  “Further  operations 
against  the  Somaliland  Mullah  are  strongly  de- 
precated. It  is  impossible  to  conduct  a success- 
ful campaign,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  obtain- 
ing supplies,  unless  a light  railway  200  miles 
long  is  built  to  Boliotle.  The  Mullah,  who  is  an 
able  man,  is  not  believed  to  be  anxious  to  engage 
in  fresh  hostilities  with  the  British,  but  he  is  de- 
termined to  dominate  the  Hinterland.  Experts 
consider  that  no  new  movement  on  the  lines  of  the 
last  campaign  would  produce  a satisfactory  re- 
sult. The  Mullah’s  strength  is  unknown,  but  it 
is  probably  great,  as  his  camp  sometimes  covers 
ten  square  miles.  His  mobility  is  astonishing, 
and  he  can  always  elude  our  troops.  Our  pres- 
ent advanced  outpost  is  Burao,  80  miles  from 
Berbera,  where  there  is  a small  force  of  the 
King’s  African  Rifles.  The  country  is  practi- 
cally worthless,  and  the  best  course,  probably,  is 
to  hold  the  coast  and  to  leave  the  far  interior 
severely  alone.  The  friendly  tribes  cannot  be 
further  effectively  protected  without  perma- 
nently employing  a large  force.  Minor  opera- 
tions are  now  merely  a waste  of  money.” 

Sudan:  Suppression  of  a new  Mahdi. — A 
new  Mahdi  proclaimed  himself  in  Southern  Kor- 
dofan  in  November,  1903.  He  was  a native  of 
Tunis,  named  Mahomed  El  Amin,  who  had  twice 
made  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  Colonel  Mahon, 
the  Deputy-Governor  of  the  Sudan,  on  hearing  of 
Mahomed’s  proclamation,  started  instantly  from 
Khartoum,  with  200  cavalry,  sending  orders  to 
El  Obeid  for  200  infantry,  with  Maxims,  to  meet 
him  near  Tagalla.  With  this  force,  after  a five 
days  march,  through  the  desert  toward  the 
Tagalla  mountains,  lie  caught  the  Mahdi,  took 
him  to  El  Obeid  and  tried  and  hanged  him 
straightway. 

Population.  — Lord  Cromer,  in  his  annual 
report,  1904,  estimated  the  population  of  the 
Sudan,  within  the  British-Egyptian  Condomini- 
um, at  no  more  than  1,870,000,  to  which  number 
it  had  been  reduced  by  war  and  disease  from 
former  estimates  of  8,525,000,  prior  to  the  Mahdi 
domination. 

See,  also,  Algiers,  Congo,  Egypt,  Morocco, 
Rhodesia,  South  Africa,  etc. 

AGLIPAY,  Padre  Gregorio:  His  secession 
from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  the  Phil- 
ippines. See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1902. 

AGRAM  TRIALS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

AGRARIAN  INTEREST,  in  Germany: 
Its  triumph  in  1909.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1908-1909. 

AGRARIAN  LAW,  The  Russian.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1909  (April). 

AGRICULTURAL  CRISIS  IN  RUSSIA. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  I).  1905. 

AGRICULTURE  : Cooperative  and  other 
unions  among  farmers.  See  (in  this  vol  ) 
Labor  Organization:  United  States:  A.  I). 
1902-1909;  and  Labor  Remuneration:  Coop- 
erative Organization. 

Dry  Farming.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and 
Invention  : Agriculture. 

6 


AGRICULTURE 


AGRICULTURE 


Germany:  Decrease  of  agricultural  popu- 
lation. See  Germany:  A.  D.  1907. 

Increasing  cooperative  organization  in 
Great  Britain.  See  Labor  Remuneration: 
Cooperative  Organization. 

International  Institute  : Its  origin  and  pur- 
pose. — Created  under  the  auspices  of  the 
King  of  Italy.  — Forty  nations  associated  in 
its  membership.  — Its  seat  near  Rome.  — The 

idea  of  an  international  organization  for  system- 
atizing the  agricultural  production  of  the  world 
and  regulating  the  markets  of  food  products,  by 
constant  and. authentic  knowledge  of  crops  and 
conditions,  was  conceived  some  years  ago  by  Mr. 
David  Lubin,  of  California.  It  was  first  expressed 
by  him  publicly  at  Budapest  in  1896,  but  was  the 
growth  of  thirteen  years  of  thought  preceding 
that  date.  As  the  result  of  Mr.  Lubin’s  efforts 
to  interest  governments  and  peoples  in  the  pro- 
ject, King  Victor  Emmanuel  III.,  of  Italy,  became 
its  hearty  patron  in  1903,  and  took  the  initiative 
step  toward  effecting  an  organization  as  wide  as 
the  civilized  world,  by  inviting  all  nations  to  take 
partin  a convention  of  delegates  for  the  purpose, 
at  Rome,  in  May,  1905.  The  invitation,  as  ad- 
dressed to  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
by  the  Italian  Ambassador  at  Washington,  on  the 
26th  of  February,  1905,  was  in  these  words:  “ By 
order  of  my  government,  I have  the  honor  to  in- 
form your  excellency  that  His  Majesty  the  King, 
my  august  sovereign,  has  taken  the  initiative  in 
the  formation  of  an  international  institute  of 
agriculture  to  be  composed  of  representatives 
of  the  great  agricultural  societies  of  the  various 
countries  and  of  delegates  from  the  several  gov- 
ernments. This  institute,  being  devoid  of  any 
political  intent,  should  tend  to  bring  about  a 
community  of  interests  among  agriculturists 
and  to  protect  these  interests  in  the  markets  of 
the  world.  It  will  study  agricultural  conditions 
in  the  different  countries,  periodically  indicating 
the  supply  and  the  quality  of  products  with  ac- 
curacy and  care,  so  as  to  proportion  production 
to  demand,  increase  and  distribute  the  various 
crops  according  to  the  rate  of  consumption,  ren- 
der the  commerce  of  agricultural  products  less 
costly  and  more  expeditious,  and  suitably  deter- 
mine the  prices  thereof.  Acting  in  unison  with 
the  various  national  bureaus  already  existing,  it 
will  furnish  accurate  information  on  conditions 
regarding  agricultural  labor  in  various  localities, 
and  will  regulate  and  direct  the  currents  of  emi- 
gration. It  will  favor  the  institution  of  agricul- 
tural exchanges  and  labor  bureaus.  It  will  pro- 
tect both  producers  and  consumers  against  the 
excesses  of  transportation  and  forestalling  syndi- 
cates, keeping  a watch  on  middlemen,  pointing 
out  their  abuses,  and  acquainting  the  public  with 
the  true  conditions  of  the  market.  It  will  foster 
agreements  for  common  defense  against  the  dis- 
eases of  plants  and  live  stock,  against  which  in- 
dividual defense  is  less  effectual.  It  will  help  to 
develop  rural  cooperation,  agricultural  insurance, 
and  agrarian  credit.  It  will  study  and  propose 
measures  of  general  interest,  preparing  interna- 
tional agreements  for  the  benefit  of  agriculture 
and  the  agricultural  classes. 

“ Carrying  out  the  intention  of  His  Majesty,  the 
Italian  Government  appeals  to  all  friendly  na- 
tions, each  of  which  ought  to  have  its  own  rep- 
resentatives in  the  institute,  appointed  to  act  as 
the  exponents  of  their  respective  governments, 
as  organs  of  mutual  relations,  and  as  mediums  of 


reciprocal  influence  and  information.  It  accord- 
ingly now  invites  them  to  participate  through 
their  delegates  in  the  first  convention,  which  is 
to  be  held  at  Rome  next  May  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  rules  for  the  new  institute. 

“The  King’s  Government  trusts  that  the 
United  States  will  be  willing  to  cooperate  in  the 
enterprise,  the  first  inspiration  of  which  is  due  to 
an  American  citizen,  and  that,  accepting  the  in- 
vitation to  the  conference  at  Rome,  it  will  send 
thither  a delegation  commensurate  with  its  im- 
portance as  the  foremost  agricultural  nation  in 
the  world.” 

Gratifying  responses  to  the  invitation  were 
made  by  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  governments  ad- 
dressed, and  the  Conference  at  Rome  was  held 
at  the  appointed  time.  It  concluded  its  sessions 
on  the  7th  of  June  by  attaching  the  signatures  of 
the  delegates  of  the  Powers  represented  to  a final 
Act,  which  embodies  the  resolutions  on  which 
they  had  agreed.  This  Act  of  organization  was 
as  follows: 

“Article  1.  There  is  hereby  created  a per- 
manent international  institute  of  agriculture, 
having  its  seat  at  Rome. 

“Article  2.  The  international  institute  of 
agriculture  is  to  be  a government  institution,  in 
which  each  adhering  power  shall  be  represented 
by  delegates  of  its  choice.  The  institute  shall 
be  composed  of  a general  assembly  and  a per- 
manent committee,  the  composition  and  duties 
of  which  are  defined  in  the  ensuing  articles. 

“ Article  3.  The  general  assembly  of  the  in- 
stitute shall  be  composed  of  the  representatives 
of  the  adhering  governments.  Each  nation, 
whatever  be  the  number  of  its  delegates,  shall  be 
entitled  to  a number  of  votes  in  the  assembly 
which  shall  be  determined  according  to  the  group 
to  which  it  belongs,  and  to  which  reference  will 
be  made  in  article  10. 

‘ ‘ Article  4.  The  general  assembly  shall  elect 
for  each  session  from  among  its  members  a presi- 
dent and  two  vice-presidents.  The  sessions  shall 
take  place  on  dates  fixed  by  the  last  general  as- 
sembly and  according  to  a programme  proposed 
by  the  permanent  committee  and  adopted  by  the 
adhering  governments. 

“Article  5.  The  general  assembly  shall  ex- 
ercise supreme  control  over  the  international 
institute  of  agriculture.  It  shall  approve  the 
projects  prepared  by  the  permanent  committee 
regarding  the  organization  and  internal  workings 
of  the  institute.  It  shall  fix  the  total  amount  of 
expenditures  and  audit  and  approve  the  accounts. 
It  shall  submit  to  the  approval  of  the  adhering 
governments  modifications  of  any  nature  involv- 
ing an  increase  in  expenditure  or  an  enlargement 
of  the  functions  of  the  institute.  It  shall  set  the 
date  for  holding  the  sessions.  It  shall  prepare 
its  regulations.  The  presence  at  the  general  as- 
semblies of  delegates  representing  two-thirds  of 
the  adhering  nations  shall  be  required  in  order  to 
render  the  deliberations  valid. 

“Article  6.  The  executive  power  of  the  in- 
stitute is  intrusted  to  the  permanent  committee, 
which,  under  the  direction  and  control  of  the 
general  assembly,  shall  carry  out  the  decisions 
of  the  latter  and  prepare  propositions  to  submit 
to  it. 

“Article  7.  The  permanent  committee  shall 
be  composed  of  members  designated  by  the  re- 
spective governments.  Each  adhering  nation 
shall  be  represented  in  the  permanent  committee 


AGRICULTURE 


- E 


by  oik 

onei 

oth 


How 
be  intr 
<!  'i'"  .j,  nation 

lumbers  sh 
ons  of  voti- 
ball  be  tlie  sr 
/ for  the  genera 
iiTiCLE  8.  The  p< 


• representation  of 
■ a delegate  of  an- 
1 that  the  actual 
less  than  fifteen, 
permanent  com- 
ose  indicated  in 
ies. 

committee  shall 


t from  among  its  members  for  a period  of 

.ee  years  a president  and  a vice-president,  who 
nay  be  reelected.  It  shall  prepare  its  internal 
regulations,  vote  the  budget  of  the  institute 
within  the  limits  of  the  funds  placed  at  its  dis- 
posal by  the  general  assembly,  and  appoint  and 
remove  the  officials  and  employees  of  its  office. 
The  general  secretary  of  the  permanent  com- 
mittee shall  act  as  secretarj'  of  the  assembly. 

“ Article  9.  The  institute,  confining  its  oper- 
ations within  an  international  sphere,  shall  — 

(a)  Collect,  study,  and  publish  as  promptly  as 
possible  statistical,  technical,  or  economic  in- 
formation concerning  farming,  both  vegetable 
and  animal  products,  the  commerce  in  agricul- 
tural products,  and  the  prices  prevailing  in  the 
various  markets ; 

(b)  Communicate  to  parties  interested,  also  as 
promptly  as  possible,  all  the  information  just  re- 
ferred to ; 

(c)  Indicate  the  wages  paid  for  farm  work  ; 

(d)  Make  known  the  new  diseases  of  vege- 
tables which  may  appear  in  any  part  of  the 
world,  showing  the  territories  infected,  the  pro- 
gress of  the  disease,  and,  if  possible,  the  remedies 
which  are  effective  in  combating  them ; 

(e)  Study  questions  concerning  agricultural 
cooperation,  insurance,  and  credit  in  all  their  as- 
pects ; collect  and  publish  information  which 
might  be  useful  in  the  various  countries  in  the 
organization  of  works  connected  with  agricul 
tural  cooperation,  insurance,  and  credit; 

(f)  Submit  to  the  approval  of  the  governments, 
if  there  is  occasion  for  it,  measures  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  common  interests  of  farmers  and 
for  the  improvement  of  their  condition,  after 
having  utilized  all  the  necessary  sources  of  in- 
formation, such  as  the  wishes  expressed  by  in- 
ternational or  other  agricultural  congresses  or 
congresses  of  sciences  applied  to  agriculture, 
agricultural  societies,  academies,  learned  bodies, 
etc. 

All  questions  concerning  the  economic  inter- 
ests, the  legislation,  and  the  administration  of 
a particular  nation  shall  be  excluded  from  the 
consideration  of  the  institute. 

“ Article  10.  The  nations  adhering  to  the  in- 
stitute shall  be  classed  in  five  groups,  according 
to  the  place  which  each  of  them  thinks  it  ought 
to  occupy.  The  number  of  votes  which  each 
nation  shall  have  and  the  number  of  units  of  as- 
sessment shall  be  established  according  to  the 
following  gradations: 


Groups  of  Numbers  Units  of 

nations.  of  votes  assessment. 

1 5 16 

II 4 8 

III  3 4 

IV  2 2 

V  1 1 


In  any  event  the  contribution  due  per  unit  of 
assessment  shall  never  exceed  a*maximum  of 
2,500  francs.  As  a temporary  provision  the  as- 
sessment for  the  first  two  years  shall  not  exceed 


1,500  francs  per  unit.  Colonies  may,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  nations  to  which  they  belong,  be 
admitted  to  form  part  of  the  institute  on  the  same 
conditions  as  the  independent  nations. 

“ Article  11.  The  present  convention  shall 
be  ratified  and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged 
as  soon  as  possible  by  depositing  them  with  the 
Italian  Government.” 

In  communicating  this  Act  of  the  Conference 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the  Ital- 
ian Ambassador  at  Washington  wrote  August 
9,  1905:  “The  final  act  of  the  conference  was 
signed  by  the  delegates  under  reservation  of  the 
approval  of  their  respective  governments,  nor 
could  it  be  otherwise.  After  this  approval  the 
convention,  which  constitutes  the  essential  part 
of  the  act,  shall,  if  approved  (as  the  King’s  Gov- 
ernment does  not  doubt  it  will  be),  assume  the 
character  of  an  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  na- 
tions which  shall  have  adhered  to  it  through  the 
signature  of  plenipotentiaries  appointed  for  the 
purpose.” 

On  March  27,  1906,  he  was  able  to  announce 
that  “the  States  which  were  represented  at  the 
Conference  of  last  year  at  Rome  . . . have  now 
all  sanctioned  by  the  signature  of  their  plenipo- 
tentiaries the  Convention  drafted  at  that  Confer- 
ence.” As  appears  from  a copy  transmitted,  the 
Convention  had  been  signed  by  the  plenipotentia- 
ries of  forty  nations,  including  twelve  American 
republics  besides  the  United  States.  To  this 
gratifying  announcement  the  Ambassador  from 
Italy  added  the  following: 

“ His  Majesty  the  King  at  the  council  of  Janu- 
ary 28  last  signed  a decree,  a few  copies  of  which 
I have  the  honor  to  inclose,  by  which  a royal 
' commission  is  established,  and  whose  precise  duty 
is  to  carry  into  effect,  as  soon  as  it  becomes  oper- 
ative, the  convention  which  will  soon  be  referred 
to  the  several  contracting  governments  for  rati- 
fication.” 

At  the  second  general  meeting  of  the  Institute 
at  Rome,  Dec.  12,  1909,  more  than  100  foreign 
delegates  were  present. 

“His  Majesty  the  King,  desiring  again  to 
prove  how  much  he  has  at  heart  the  contem- 
plated international  institute,  has  ordered  that 
the  net  income  of  the  royal  domains  of  Tombelo 
and  Coltano,  amounting  yearly  to  300,000  lire, 
shall  be  turned  over  to  the  above-mentioned 
royal  commission  from  the  1st  of  July  next  until 
the  day  when,  the  international  institute  of  agri- 
culture being  legally  constituted,  the  administra- 
tion and  usufruct  of  the  said  domains  shall,  in 
accordance  with  the  announcement  made  to  the 
international  conference  at  its  session  of  June  6, 
1905,  be  transferred  to  the  institute  itself. 

“In  obedience  to  His  Majesty’s  interest,  the 
royal  commission  has  decided  to  apply  the  sum 
graciously  placed  at  its  disposal  for  the  aforesaid 
period  to  the  construction  of  a palace,  where  the 
international  institute  will  have  its  headquarters, 
and  which  will  therefore  be  solely  due  to  the 
munificence  of  the  sovereign.  The  new  building 
that  is  to  stand  on  the  village  Umberto  I.,  near 
the  Porta  Pinciana,  and  will  cover  10,000  square 
meters  of  public  property,  will,  it  is  fully  ex- 
pected, be  completed  about  the  end  of  next  year, 
which  is  the  time  when  the  permanent  commit- 
tee of  the  institute  will  likely  be  convened  at 
Rome.  This  munificent  act  of  His  Majesty  the 
King,  whereby  the  erection  of  quarters  worthy 
of  the  international  institute  of  agriculture  is 

8 


AGRICULTURE 


ALASKA 


provided  for,  thus  begins  the  execution  of  the 
convention  of  June  7,  1905.” 

Transmitting  to  the  American  Ambassador  at 
Rome  the  President’s  ratification  of  the  Conven- 
tion, on  the  11th  of  July,  1906,  Secretary  Root 
made  known  that  Congress  had  appropriated 
$4800  as  the  quota  of  the  United  States  to  the 
support  of  the  International  Institute  of  Agricul- 
ture for  the  fiscal  year  1907,  and  $8000  for  the 
travelling  expenses  of  the  delegates  to  be  ap- 
pointed to  the  grand  assembly  of  the  Institute, 
and  for  the  salary  of  one  member  of  the  perma- 
nent committee  ; and  to  this  he  added:  “In  pur- 
suance of  the  authority  thus  conferred,  Mr.  David 
Lubin,  of  Sacramento,  California,  has  been 
selected  to  represent  this  Government  on  the 
permanent  committee,  it  being  understood  that 
he  is  willing  to  serve  without  salary.”  — Papers 
relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United 
States,  1905  and  1906 

AGUINALDO  Y FAMY,  Emilio.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  PuiLirpiNE  Islands:  A.  D.  1901. 

AHMED  RIZA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

ALASKA:  A.  D.  1903.  — Settlement  ofthe 
boundary  question.  — Dissatisfaction  in  Can- 
ada dissipated  by  better  knowledge  of  the 
facts.  — The  Alaska  boundary  question  (see  in 
Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  under  Alaska  Bound- 
ary Question)  was  brought  to  a settlement  in 
1903  by  an  arrangement  which  submitted  it  to  a 
Commission  of  six,  three  representing  the  United 
States  and  three  acting  for  Great  Britain  and 
Canada.  The  American  Commissioners  were  the 
Hon.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War,  and  senators 
Henry  C.  Lodge  and  George  Turner,  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  the  State  of  Washington  respect- 
ively. The  British  and  Canadian  members  were 
the  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  Enarland,  Lord  Alver- 
stone,  Sir  Louis  Jette,  of  Quebec,  and  A.  B. 
Aylesworth,  of  Toronto,  Ontario.  The  Com- 
mission, meeting  in  London,  arrived  at  its  de- 
cision in  October,  signing,  on  the  20th,  an  agree- 
ment on  all  the  questions  submitted.  “By  this 
award,”  said  President  Roosevelt,  in  his  subse- 
quent Message  to  Congress,  “the  right  of  the 
United  States  to  the  control  of  a continuous 
strip  or  border  of  the  mainland  shore,  skirting 
all  the  tide-water  inlets  and  sinuosities  of  the 
coast,  is  confirmed  ; the  entrance  to  Portland 
Canal  (concerning  which  legitimate  doubt  ap- 
peared) is  defined  as  passing  by  Tongass  Inlet 
and  to  the  northwestward  of  Wales  and  Pearse 
islands:  a line  is  drawn  from  the  head  of  Port- 
land Canal  to  the  fifty-sixth  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude : and  the  interior  border  line  of  the  strip  is 
fixed  by  lines  connecting  certain  mountain  sum- 
mits lying  between  Portland  Canal  and  Mount 
St.  Elias  and  running  along  the  crest  of  the  divide 
separating  the  coast  slope  from  the  inland  water- 
shed, at  the  only  part  of  the  frontier  where  the 
drainage  ridge  approaches  the  coast  within  the 
distance  of  ten  marine  leagues  stipulated  by  the 
treaty  as  the  extreme  width  of  the  strip  around 
the  heads  of  Lynn  Canal  and  its  branches.  While 
the  line  so  traced  follows  the  provisional  demar- 
cation of  1878  at  the  crossing  of  the  Stikine 
River,  and  that  of  1899  at  the  summits  of  the 
White  and  Cliilkoot  passes,  it  runs  much  farther 
inland  from  the  Klehine  than  the  temporary  line 
of  the  later  modus  vivendi,  and  leaves  the  entire 
mining  district  of  the  Porcupine  River  and  Gla- 
cier Creek  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 


States.  The  result  is  satisfactory  in  every  way. 
It  is  of  great  material  advantage  to  our  people 
in  the  Far  Northwest.  It  has  removed  from  the 
field  of  discussion  and  possible  danger  a question 
liable  to  become  more  acutely  accentuated  with 
each  passing  year.  Finally  it  has  furnished  a 
signal  proof  of  the  fairness  and  good  will  with 
which  two  friendly  nations  can  approach  and 
determine  issues  involving  national  sovereignty, 
and  by  their  nature  incapable  of  submission  to 
a third  power  for  adjudication.”  — Message  of 
President  Roosevelt,  Dec.  7,  1903. 

In  Canada  the  feeling  was  very  different  from 
that  expressed  by  President  Roosevelt.  There, 
the  dissatisfaction  was  intense.  The  two  Cana- 
dian Commissioners  had  opposed  the  award, 
while  Lord  Alverstone  cast  his  vote  with  the  three 
Americans,  which  provoked  the  accusation  that 
his  decision  had  been  given,  at  the  instigation  of 
the  British  Government,  not  judicially,  but  dip- 
lomatically, for  the  pleasing  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  sacrifice  of  Canadian  interests  and  rights. 
The  groundlessness  of  such  defamatory  suspi- 
cions became  plain  when  Lord  Alverstone  made 
public  the  reasons  for  his  vote.  A recent  histo- 
rian of  Canada  ends  his  account  of  the  matter 
with  the  following  remarks: 

“ In  vain  did  students  and  experts  declare  that 
they  had  felt  before  the  tribunal  met  that  Canada 
had,  in  very  many  respects,  a weak  case.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  some  of  the  Canadian  surveys 
gave  the  line  as  the  Americans  claimed  it,  that 
Americans  had  by  long  occupation  got  a hold 
upon  and  a right  of  possession  to  various  ports 
and  sections,  and  that  against  this  occupancy 
J;here  had  been  no  British  protest  whatever. 
Finally  one  distinguished  citizen  reminded  the 
Canadians  that  if  they  had  been  allowed  to  select 
one  man  as  sole  arbitrator  they  would  have  been 
glad  to  accept  Lord  Alverstone.  Lord  Alverstone 
was  really  the  one  arbitrator  and  judge.  Had 
he  decided  against  the  Americans,  the  case 
would  have  been  deadlocked  for  years.  In  time 
Canadians  came  to  a more  sober  and  reasonable 
attitude  on  the  subject.  They  came  to  see  that 
Lord  Alverstone  could  not  have  been  prejudiced 
and  that  his  decision  was  really  the  only  one  that 
was  fair  and  unbiased.  Some  came  also  to  see 
that  the  American  case  was  much  the  stronger, 
and  that  in  this  light  the  decision  was  a just  one. 
But  they  were  not  and  are  not  ready  to  believe 
that  the  whole  scheme  was  anything  but  one  con- 
trived at  Washington  to  get  the  contest  settled 
to  the  advantage  of  the  Americans.”  — F.  B. 
Tracy,  Tercentenary  History  of  Canada,  v.  3,  p. 
1044  ( Macmillan  Co.,  N.  Y.,  1908). 

A full  account  of  the  arbitration  with  the  cor- 
respondence preceding  it,  and  the  opinions  writ- 
ten by  the  arbitrators  severally,  is  given  in  the 
British  Parliamentary  “Papers  by  Command” 
(United  States,  No.  1,  1904),  Cd.  1877. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Convention  to  provide  for  final 
establishment  of  the  boundary  line.  — Final 
proceedings  for  establishing  the  boundary  line  of 
Alaska  were  provided  for  in  a Convention  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  signed 
April  21,  1906.  The  need  and  object  of  the  Con- 
vention were  set  forth  in  its  preamble  as  follows : 

“Whereas  by  a treaty  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  all  the  Russias,  for  the  cession  of  the  Russian 
possessions  in  North  America  to  the  United 
States,  concluded  March  30, 1867,  the  most  north- 


ALASKA 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


erly  part  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  said 
Russian  possessions  and  those  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty,  as  established  by  the  prior  convention 
between  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  of  February 
f 1825,  is  defined  as  following  the  141st  degree 
of  longitude  west  from  Greenwich,  beginning 
at  the  point  of  intersection  of  the  said  141st  de- 
gree of  west  longitude  with  a certain  line  drawn 
parallel  with  the  coast,  and  thence  continuing 
from  the  said  point  of  intersection,  upon  the  said 
meridian  of  the  141st  degree  in  its  prolongation 
as  far  as  the  Frozen  Ocean  , 

“And  whereas,  the  location  of  said  meridian 
of  the  141st  degree  of  west  longitude  between 
the  terminal  points  thereof  defined  in  said  treaty 
is  dependent  upon  the  scientific  ascertainment 
of  convenient  points  along  the  said  meridian  and 
the  survey  of  the  country  intermediate  between 
such  points,  involving  no  question  of  interpre- 
tation of  the  aforesaid  treaties  but  merely  the 
determination  of  such  points  and  their  connect- 
ing lines  by  the  ordinary  processes  of  observation 
and  survey  conducted  by  competent  astronomers, 
engineers  and  surveyors; 

‘ ‘ And  whereas  such  determination  has  not  hith- 
erto been  made  by  a joint  survey  as  is  requisite  in 
order  to  give  complete  effect  to  said  treaties.” 


To  make  such  determination  it  was  agreed  that 
each  Government  should  “appoint  one  Commis- 
sioner, with  whom  may  be  associated  such  sur- 
veyors, astronomers  and  other  assistants  as  each 
Government  may  elect.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Election  of  a delegate  to 
Congress.  — An  Act  to  authorize  the  election 
of  a Delegate  to  Congress  from  the  Territory  of 
Alaska  was  approved  by  the  President  May  7, 
1906. 

ALASKA  COAL  FIELDS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Conservation  of  Natural  Resources  : 
United  States. 

ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC  EXPOSI- 
TION. See  (in  this  vol.)  Seattle:  A.  D. 
1909. 

ALBANIA:  A.  D.  1904. — Hostility  to  the 
Murzsteg  programme.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key : A.  D.  1903-1904. 

ALBERT,  King  of  Belgium.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Belgium;  A.  D.  1909  (Dec.). 

ALBERT,  Marcellin : Leader  of  the  wine- 
growers revolt  in  France.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1907  (May-July). 

ALBERTA:  Organized  as  a province  of 
the  Dominion  of  Canada.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Canada  : A.  D.  1905. 


ALCOHOL 

Austria : A.  D.  1903. — Resolution  ofthe  Na- 
tional Convention  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  against  alcoholic  drinks. — At  a con- 
vention of  the  Social  Democracy  of  the  Austrian 
Empire,  held  at  Vienna,  in  November,  1903,  Dr. 
Richard  Frohlich  read  an  elaborate  report  against 
the  use  of  intoxicating  liquors,  concluding  with 
an  earnest  appeal,  in  these  words;  “We  want  to 
create  a new  social  order : to  give  the  world  a new 
face  ! To  lay  the  foundations  for  the  new  society  is 
the  task  of  political  and  industrial  organization  — 
and  there  is  no  greater  deterrent  to  the  accomplish- 
ment of  that  task  than  alcohol.  In  building  the  new 
mansion  of  the  future  we  think  also  of  the  men 
who  are  to  dwell  in  it.  Does  it  not  bring  a blush  of 
shame  to  our  cheeks  merely  to  imagine  that  the 
men  of  the  future  society  will  be  contented  be- 
cause they  are  intoxicated.  ! Contentment  in  that 
new  order  will  arise  from  a sound  brain  and  the 
satisfaction  of  the  rational  desires  which  proceed 
from  it.  We  have  enough  retarding  forces  to  con- 
tend with  in  our  struggle  for  this  ideal  of  the 
future  generation.  One  such  force  we  are  able 
to-day  to  overcome  if  we  will.  That  is  alcoholism, 
the  last  refuge  of  philistinism  and  stupid  con- 
servatism. If  we  really  want  the  new  world,  we 
must  provide  the  new  men  to  make  it.  The  pro- 
gram of  total  abstinence  does  not  set  new  ideals 
for  us,  but  it  gives  us  a new  weapon,  sharp  and 
effective  for  the  conquest  of  our  old  ideals.  The 
responsibility  is  upon  us  to  use  this  weapon.  Let 
us  do  it ! ” 

In  response,  the  Convention  adopted  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

“The  convention  of  the  party  recognizes  in 
alcohol  a serious  detriment  to  the  physical  and 
mental  power  of  the  working  man,  and  a great 
hindrance  to  all  efforts  of  organization  in  the 
social  democracy.  Every  means  should  be  em- 
ployed to  remove  the  evils  which  have  come 
from  it. 


PROBLEM. 

“The  first  aim  in  this  struggle  must  be  the 
economic  betterment  of  the  proletariat.  And  that 
must  be  accomplished  by  a clear  teaching  of  the 
effects  of  alcohol,  and  by  the  removal  of  the  com- 
mon toleration  of  drinking. 

“The  convention  of  the  party,  therefore,  re- 
commends that  all  the  party  groups  and  brother- 
hoods lend  their  support  to  the  crusade  against 
alcohol,  and  declares  that  the  first  step  in  this  di- 
rection must  be  the  abolishment  of  compulsory 
drinking  in  all  of  the  meetings  of  the  organiza- 
tion. Members  of  the  party  who  are  converted 
to  total  abstinence  are  recommended  to  form 
total  abstinence  clubs,  to  continue  the  propa- 
ganda and  to  see  to  it  that  their  members  are  true 
to  the  political  and  economic  duties  of  the  party 
organization.” 

Canada:  A.  D.  1906-1908.  — The  Canada 
Temperance  Act.  — Under  what  was  known 
as  the  Scott  Act,  of  1878,  the  privilege  of  local 
option  had  been  given  to  counties  and  cities  in 
Canada,  and  had  been  brought  into  exercise  by 
nine  cities  and  seventy-three  counties,  which 
prohibited  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  within 
their  limits ; but  in  most  of  these  the  supporters 
of  the  law  were  gradually  overcome  and  the  pro- 
hibition removed.  In  all  the  provinces  except 
Quebec,  a referendum  vote  taken  in  1898  showed 
majorities  in  favor  of  a Dominion  Prohibition 
Law  ; but  the  vote  cast  was  so  light  and  the  ad- 
verse majorities  in  cities  was  so  large  that  the 
government  did  not  feel  warranted  in  bringing 
forward  a Bill.  In  1906,  however,  the  demand 
for  local  option  in  the  matter  of  permitting  al- 
coholic liquors  to  be  sold  had  become  strong  , 
enough  to  extort  from  Parliament  the  desired 
legislation.  As  amended  in  1908,  Part  II.  of  this 
Canada  Temperance  Act  (Part  I.  having  pre- 
scribed the  proceedings  for  bringing  Part  II.  into 
force)  provides  that  “ from  the  day  on  which  this 
Part  comes  into  force  and  takes  effect  in  any 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


county  or  city,  and  for  so  long  thereafter  as,  and 
while  the  same  continues  or  is  in  force  therein, 
no  person  shall,  except  as  in  this  Part  specially 
provided, by  himself, his  clerk, servant  or  agent,— 
(a)  expose  or  keep  for  sale,  within  such  county 
or  city,  any  intoxicating  liquor;  or,  ( b ) directly 
or  indirectly  on  any  pretense  or  upon  any  device, 
within  any  such  county  or  city,  sell  or  barter,  or, 
in  consideration  of  the  purchase  of  any  other 
property,  give  to  any  other  person  any  intoxi- 
cating liquor;  or,  (c)  send,  ship,  bring  or  carry 
or  cause  to  be  sent,  shipped,  brought,  or  carried 
to  or  into  any  such  county  or  city,  any  intoxi- 
cating liquor;  or,  ( d ) deliver  to  any  consignee  or 
other  person,  or  store,  warehouse,  or  keep  for 
delivery,  any  intoxicating  liquor  so  sent,  shipped, 
brought  or  carried.”  But  these  last  two  subsec- 
tions are  not  to  ‘ ‘ apply  to  any  intoxicating  liquor 
sent,  shipped,  brought  or  carried  to  any  person 
or  persons  for  his  or  their  personal  or  family  use, 
except  it  be  so  sent,  shipped,  brought  or  carried 
to  be  paid  for  in  such  county  or  city  to  the  person 
delivering  the  same,  his  clerk,  servant,  or  agent, 
or  his  master  or  principal,  if  the  person  deliver- 
ing it  is  himself  a servant  or  agent.” 

To  bring  Part  II.  of  the  Act  into  force  in  any 
county  or  city,  not  less  than  one-fourth  of  the 
total  number  of  electors  therein  must  petition 
the  Governor  in  Council  for  a poll  of  votes  on 
the  question,  and  when  the  vote  is  taken  there 
must  be  an  affirmative  majority;  failing  which 
no  similar  petition  can  be  put  to  vote  in  the  same 
community  for  three  years. 

On  the  2d  of  May,  1909,  the  following  an- 
nouncement of  the  operation  of  the  law  in  the 
province  of  Ontario  was  made:  “May  Day,  1909, 
will  long  be  remembered  by  the  advocates  of 
local  option  in  Ontario.  One  hundred  and  forty- 
two  bars  passed  out  of  existence  yesterday,  and 
of  the  807  municipalities  in  the  province  334  are 
now  without  a single  license  in  force.  The 
Toronto  commissioners  have  cut  off  40  licenses, 
leaving  only  110  in  a city  of  nearly  400,000 
people.” 

Casual  occurrences  of  saloon  suppression, 
showing  what  goes  with  it.  — Communities  in 
which  the  liquor  traffic  is  ordinarily  favored  are 
sometimes  compelled  by  exigencies  of  circum- 
stance to  suppress  it  temporarily,  and  are  forced 
then  to  see  how  much  of  crime  and  disorder  goes 
with  it.  During  the  weeks  in  which  military 
authority  cleared  saloons  from  San  Francisco, 
after  the  calamity  of  1906,  every  observer  made 
note  of  the  conspicuous  freedom  of  the  city 
“from  all  kinds  of  violence  and  crime,”  though 
the  whole  organization  of  life  was  upset.  One 
trustworthy  journal  reported  conditions  six 
months  after  the  calamity  as  follows:  “During 
the  two  months  and  a half  after  April  18  San 
Francisco  was  probably  the  most  orderly  large 
city  in  the  United  States.  Violence  and  crime 
were  practically  unknown.  During  that  time  the 
saloons  and  liquor  stores  of  the  city  were  closed 
tight.  About  the  middle  of  July  the  saloons 
were  permitted  to  open  again.  This  action  of 
the  city  government  was  accompanied  by  the  ex- 
pectation on  the  part  of  many  citizens  of  an  out- 
break of  violence  and  disorder.  Clergymen,  and 
it  is  said  even  the  police,  advised  men  and  women 
to  carry  firearms  for  their  own  protection.  For 
the  past  three  months  San  Francisco  has  been 
living  under  a reign  of  terror.  In  eighty  days 
eighty-three  murders,  robberies,  and  assaults 


were  registered  on  the  police  records.  A despatch 
to  Ridgway’s,  the  new  weekly  periodical,  reports 
the  sale  in  San  Francisco  during  one  week  in 
October  of  over  six  thousand  revolvers.” 

When  Stockholm,  in  the  summer  of  1909,  was 
undergoing  the  trials  of  the  great  general  strike, 
and  by  general  consent  of  all  concerned  the  sale 
of  liquors  was  stopped,  the  same  report  went 
out,  that  magistrates  and  police  had  little  to  do. 
And  that  is  the  stauding  account  of  things  from 
the  Panama  Canal  Zone,  about  which  an  English 
visitor,  Sir  Harry  Johnston,  wrote  in  April,  1909: 

“The  whole  of  the  canal  zone  (ten  miles  on 
either  side  of  the  canal  banks)  is  ‘ teetotal,’  except 
in  the  actual  towns  of  Panama  and  Colon.  No 
alcohol  is  sold  by  the  Canal  Commission  at  its 
hotels  or  boarding-houses.  And  the  general  re- 
sult of  these  stern  measures  — the  improvement 
in  health  and  the  absence  of  crime — amply  jus- 
tifies this  anti-alcohol  policy.  . . . There  is  sin- 
gularly little  serious  crime  throughout  the  canal 
zone.  One  has  the  sensation  of  being  perfectly 
safe  anywhere  at  any  time  of  day  or  night. 
Petty  dishonesty  among  the  lower  classes  is 
common,  especially  at  the  railway  stations,  where 
one  is  liable  to  lose  small  articles  of  baggage  if 
they  are  left  unguarded.  Panama  in  this  respect 
is  worse  than  the  other  towns  of  the  Isthmus, 
new  or  old.  But  there  is  no  open  shock  to  any 
one’s  prejudices  or  sentiments  in  the  way  of 
flagrant  immorality  (as  at  New  Orleans,  for  ex- 
ample).” 

So  easily  can  communities  solve  half,  at  least, 
of  their  most  troublesome  problems,  and  cure 
half,  at  least,  of  their  worst  social  maladies,  if 
they  will ! 

England:  A.  D.  1902.  — Passage  of  an 
amended  licensing  law.  — A moderate  re- 
form. — A Licensing  Bill,  moderately  in  the  in- 
terest of  temperance  reform,  was  discussed  and 
passed  in  Parliament  during  the  summer  of  1902. 
It  made  publicans  more  strictly  responsible  for 
drunkenness  incurred  on  their  premises ; strength- 
ened the  prohibition  of  liquor-selling  to  habitual 
drunkards;  improved  measures  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  public  drunkenness;  subjected  licenses  to 
tradesmen  for  the  sale  of  liquors  off  their  prem- 
ises to  the  unqualified  discretion  of  justices,  and 
facilitated  the  separation  of  husbands  and  wives 
from  a drunken  mate. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Passing  of  a new  Licensing 
Bill,  providing  compensation  for  the  with- 
drawal of  licenses  on  grounds  of  public 
policy. — An  agitation  in  Great  Britain  which 
almost  equalled  for  a time  that  produced  in  the 
same  period  by  Mr.  Chamberlain’s  campaign 
for  a preferential  tariff  was  stirred  up  by  a new 
Licensing  Bill,  introduced  as  a Government 
measure  on  the  20th  of  April,  1904.  The  bill 
provided  for  compensation  to  be  made,  at  the 
expense  of  the  liquor  trade,  for  the  taking  of  a 
license  away  from  any  public  house,  on  grounds 
of  public  policy,  no  matter  how  briefly  the  license 
had  been  held.  A fund  for  the  compensations 
was  to  be  raised  by  assessment  on  all  engaged 
in  the  trade.  Authority  to  refuse  the  renewal 
or  transfer  of  licenses  on  any  ground  other  than 
ill  conduct  or  character  was  withdrawn  from 
local  magistrates  and  exercised  by  the  courts  of 
quarter  sessions  (composed  of  the  justices  of  the 
peace  in  each  county)  only.  When  a public 
house  was  thought  to  be  superfluous  by  local 
magistrates  they  were  required  to  report  the 

1 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


case  to  quarter  sessions,  where  a hearing  upon 
it  would  be  given.  If  the  Bench  of  quarter  ses- 
sions decided  to  extinguish  the  license,  it  must 
specify  the  grounds  of  its  decision  in  writ- 
ing, and  award  a compensation,  based  on  the 
estimated  difference  between  the  value  of  the 
licensed  premises  and  the  value  of  the  same 
premises  without  a license.  If  no  agreement  on 
this  basis  could  be  reached,  the  Inland  Revenue 
Commissioners  should  determine  the  sum. 

The  Bill  was  advocated  in  the  interest  of  tem- 
perance, as  being  calculated  to  reduce  the  num- 
ber of  public  houses,  and  to  raise  their  character. 
Mr.  Balfour  upheld  it  as  “a  great  temperance 
measure.”  It  should  be  the  aim  of  Government, 
he  argued,  to  “encourage  respectable  persons  to 
keep  public  houses,  and  with  that  object  they 
should  make  the  trade  secure.”  On  the  other 
side  it  was  opposed  with  exceeding  bitterness  as 
a measure  that  had  the  backing  and  was  in  the 
interest  of  the  brewers  and  the  whole  liquor 
trade ; that  created  vested  interests  in  the  trade, 
rooting  it  to  a new  depth ; that  tended  to  add 
value  to  the  low  class  of  public  houses,  and  ob- 
structed future  temperance  reform.  Repeated 
attempts  to  introduce  a limit  of  years  after 
which  the  awarding  of  compensation  for  the 
withdrawal  of  license  would  cease  were  defeated, 
and  the  Bill  passed  both  Houses  in  August,  sub- 
stantially as  it  came  into  Parliament  four  months 
before. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Drink  in  its  relation  to  crime. 
— Testimony  of  judges.  — “The  following  is 
from  a newspaper  report  of  a speech  by  Judge 
Rentoul,  delivered  in  the  Guildhall,  G’ambridge, 
on  the  15th  of  October,  1907.  He  happened  to  be 
one  of  the  judges  of  the  chief  criminal  courts  of 
this  country,  and  he  said  to  them  on  that  plat- 
form that  90  per  cent,  of  the  cases  that  came  to 
the  Central  Criminal  Court  of  England  came 
directly  through  drink.  The  late  Lord  Bramp- 
ton, formerly  Sir  Henry  Hawkins,  perhaps  the 
greatest  criminal  judge  during  the  past  century, 
had  also  put  the  figures  at  90  per  cent.  Lord 
Coleridge,  speaking  at  one  Assizes,  said,  ‘Every 
single  case  in  my  present  list  comes  from  the 
use  of  strong  drink.’  ‘If  it  were  not,’  said  his 
Honour,  ‘ for  alcohol,  three  fourths  of  our  crimi- 
nal courts  would  be  closed  in  this  country  and 
closed  forever.’  ” — H.  A.  Giles,  Opium  and  Alco- 
hol in  China  (Nineteenth  Century , Dec.,  1907). 

A.  D.  1908.  — Passage  of  a new  Licensing 
Bill  by  the  Commons  and  its  rejection  by 
the  Lords.  — Nothing  contributed  more  to  the 
defeat  of  the  Conservative  Ministry  in  the  Brit- 
ish Parliamentary  elections  of  1905  than  the 
moral  repugnance  of  the  country  to  the  Licens- 
ing Bill  of  1904  (described  above);  and  the  Lib- 
eral Government  came  to  power  with  no  com- 
mission from  the  people  more  positive  than  was 
in  the  demand  for  an  amendment  of  that  law. 
In  1908  it  brought  into  Parliament  and  passed 
through  the  House  of  Commons  a Bill  which 
answered  the  demand,  asserting  the  right  and 
the  need  and  the  power  in  Government  to  put 
limitations  on  the  granting  of  licenses  for  the 
sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  without  treating 
them  as  vested  interests  under  a sacred  guard. 
The  limitation,  in  fact,  was  made  definite  and 
mandatory  by  the  first  provision  of  the  Bill, 
which  declared;  “Licensing  justices  shall,  in 
accordance  with  this  Act,  reduce  the  number  of 
on-licenses  in  their  district  so  that  at  the  end  of 


a period  of  fourteen  years  from  the  fifth  day 
of  April  nineteen  hundred  and  nine  the  number 
of  those  licenses  in  any  rural  parish  or  urban 
area  in  their  district  shall  not  exceed  the  scale 


set  out  in  the  First  Schedule  to  this  Act  as  ap- 
plied to  that  parish  or  area  under  the  provisions 
of  that  schedule.”  The  schedule  referred  to  was 

as  follows: 

Persons  per  acre. 

2 or  less 

Exceeding  2 but  not  exceeding  25 
“ 25  “ “ 50 

“ 50 

75 

“ 75 

100 

“ 100 

200 

“ 200 

Number  of  on-licenses. 

1 to 

400  persons  or  part  of 

400 

1 “ 

500 

500 

1 “ 

600 

600 

1 “ 

700 

700 

. 1 “ 

800 

800 

1 “ 

900 

900 

1 “ 

1,000 

1,000 

The  Bill  provided  further  for  local  option  in 
the  matter  of  granting  new  licenses,  permitting 
a majority  of  voters  in  any  licensing  district  to 
prohibit  further  grants ; and  introduced  other 
changes  of  law  in  the  interest  of  temperance, 
but  not  going  to  any  extreme.  When  the  meas- 
ure went  to  the  House  of  Lords  it  suffered  there 
the  same  fate  that  had  been  meted  out  to  the 
Education  Bill  of  1906.  How  serious  an  issue 
between  the  Commons  and  the  Lords  was  raised 
by  that  occurrence  is  intimated  in  one  passage 
of  a speech  made  by  the  Liberal  Prime  Minister, 
Mr.  Asquith,  in  July,  1909.  He  was  reviewing 
some  of  the  significant  incidents  of  recent  politi- 
cal history,  and  when  he  came  to  the  Licensing 
Bill  there  was  more  feeling  in  his  remarks  than 
he  had  shown  before.  “That,”  he  said,  “was 
a Bill,  as  you  know,  which  was  debated  for 
weeks  and  for  months  and  passed  through  the 
House  of  Commons  with  sustained  and  unexam- 
pled majorities.  When  it  reached  ‘another 
place,’  what  was  its  fate  ? It  was  rejected  with- 
out even  any  pretence  of  consideration  of  its 
details,  it  was  rejected  in  pursuance  of  a pre- 
concerted party  resolution,  it  was  rejected  with 
every  circumstance  of  contumely  and  contempt. 
I will  not  pause  to  dwell  upon,  certainly  not  to 
praise,  the  provisions  of  the  Licensing  Bill, 
which,  I may  say,  was  to  some  extent  my  own 
handiwork.  But  in  regard  to  its  rejection  I will 
say  that  it  has  made  two  things — that  rejection 
and  the  circumstances  preceding,  following,  and 
attending  it  have  made  two  things  — abundantly 
plain.  The  first  is  that  it  has  ruined  the  pros- 
pects of  any  really  effective  temperance  reform 
on  anything  like  a large  and  comprehensive  scale 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  present  Parliament. 
I will  say  next  the  circumstances  of  that  rejec- 
tion have  brought  into  greater  prominence  than 
ever  before  the  fact  that  our  constitutional  sys- 
tem is  not,  or  at  least  that  it  can  be  made  not  to 
be,  the  embodiment,  but  the  caricature  of  a re- 
presentative and  responsible  Government.  And 
the  question  of  the  relations  between  the  two 
Houses  of  Parliament  must  be  for  us  Liberals, 
at  any  rate,  as  I described  it  at  the  time,  the 
dominant  issue  in  our  programme.” 

The  requirement  of  the  Act  of  1904  that  com- 


'ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


pcnsation  should  be  paid  to  every  license-holder 
whose  lieense  was  withdrawn  for  publie  reasons, 
put  so  narrow  a limit  on  the  reductions  made, 
that  the  138,011  licensed  houses  in  England  and 
Wales  in  1904  had  oidy  been  diminished  by  about 
3000  in  1908  ; whereas  the  country  demanded  a 
great  cutting  down  of  the  excessive  number. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Provisions  of  The  Children 
Act  for  the  Protection  of  Children.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Children,  under  the  Law  : as  Depend- 
ents, &c. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Taxation  of  the  Liquor  Trade 
proposed  in  the  Budget.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England  : A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1909. — The  Decreased  Consumption 
of  Whiskey  caused  by  increased  tax.  — Speak- 
ing in  Parliament  of  the  increased  whiskey  tax 
in  his  Budget,  on  the  29th  of  October,  some 
months  after  it  had  gone  into  effect  and  its  yield 
was  being  shown,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, Mr.  Lloyd-George,  acknowledged  that 
he  had  greatly  overestimated  the  revenue  it  would 
produce.  He  said : “ The  whole  point  was  to  what 
extent  would  an  addition  of  a halfpenny  a glass 
deter  a man  from  taking  his  usual  share  of  drink. 
I could  no  more  estimate  that  than  any  other 
member  of  the  House.  I made  a very  liberal 
allowance  for  decrease  in  consumption,  so  liberal 
that  nobody  either  in  or  out  of  the  House  agreed 
with  it.  Many  said  it  was  absurd.  . . . I assumed 
that  people  who  could  afford  it  would  not  regard 
the  halfpenny  at  all;  that  they  would  buy  exactly 
the  same  quantity  of  whisky  as  before.  The 
working  classes  I assumed  would  probably  pur- 
chase a smaller  quantity.  Supposing  a man  says, 
I spend  2s.  6d.  on  drink  ; he  would  not  spend 
more ; therefore  he  would  consume  less. 

“ I made  a rough  calculation  upon  such  infor- 
mation as  I had  how  that  would  affect  the  con- 
sumption of  whisky  as  a whole,  but  I find  the 
change  has  gone  beyond  that,  and  my  informa- 
tion now  is  not  merely  that  there  are  thousands 
of  people  who  drink  a percentage  which  is,  in 
proportion  to  the  increase,  less,  but  some  of  them 
drop  it  altogether.  Some  of  them  are  barely 
drinking  half  what  they  were  before.  Altogether 
a most  extraordinary  effect  has  been  produced 
upon  the  habits  of  the  people.  I am  not  here  to 
apologize  for  that  at  all.  In  some  districts,  I am 
told,  the  drinking  of  spirits  has  gone  down  by  70 
percent,  in  Ireland,  I think.  I hear  that  there  are 
districts  in  Scotland  where  it  has  gone  down  50 
per  cent.  I have  a communication  in  regard 
to  the  whisky  distillers  of  Glasgow  saying  that 
the  decrease  in  Glasgow  during  September  has 
been  36  per  cent. 

“People  have  not  even  been  driven  to  the  con- 
sumption of  beer.  It  is  really  almost  unaccount- 
able. People  have  not  been  driven  from  one  form 
of  alcohol  to  another,  but  have  been  driven  from 
alcohol  altogether.  The  fact  is  very  extraordi- 
nary, and  has  gone  beyond  anything  I have  anti- 
cipated. . . . Our  anticipations  now  are  that  the 
consumption  of  spirits,  both  of  foreign  and  home 
manufacture,  will  go  down  by  something  be- 
tween 20  and  25  per  cent.  That  means  that  a 
smaller  quantity  of  spirits  will  be  consumed  in 
this  country  during  this  year  by  eight  or  nine 
million  gallons.’’ 

A.  D.  1909.  — Organization  of  “The  True 
Temperance  Association.” — Its  aim  and 
appeal. — Under  the  name  of  “The  True  Temper- 
ance Association,”  a London  organization  headed 


by  Lord  Halsbury  made  the  following  appeal  to 
the  English  public,  in  May,  1909:  “Let  us  take 
what  is  to  hand  — the  publichouse ; the  regu- 
lated refreshment  house  of  the  people.  Let  us 
transform  that  out  of  its  present  condition  of  a 
mere  drink-shop  into  a house  of  general,  reason- 
able, and  reputable  entertainment — a place  where 
there  will  be  other  things  to  consume  besides 
beer  and  whisky,  and  other  forms  of  recreation 
besides  mere  drink.  We  should  imitate  the 
model  of  the  Continental  cafe  and  German  bier- 
lutus  ; the  White  City  and  other  exhibitions  have 
shown  us  that  they  would  not  be  exotics  in  this 
country;  and  those  exhibitions  with  their  won- 
derful record  of  sobriety  also  show  us  that  there 
is  every  ground  to  expect  that  England,  with 
transformed  publichouses,  would  beas sober,  and 
withal  as  bright  as  are  Continental  countries.” 
England,  United  States,  France,  and  Ger- 
many, A.  D.  1900.  — Comparative  statement 
of  the  consumption  of  alcoholic  drink.  — 
“The  consumption  of  alcoholic  drink  in  the 
above  countries,  per  ten  of  population,  was  in 
the  year  1900  as  follows:  — 


Drink-consumption  per410  of  population. 


Country. 

Beer,  spirits, 
and  wine. 

Beer. 

Spirits. 

Wine. 

Gallons. 

Gallons. 

Gallons. 

Gallons. 

France 

..  336 

62 

20 

254 

United  Kingdom  332 

317 

11 

4 

Germany  . . . . 

. . 309 

275 

19 

15 

United  States 

. . 147 

133 

11 

3 

“Some  years  agone,  the  late  P.  G.  Hamerton 
in  his  book  French  and  English  mentioned  the 
increase  of  drinking  in  France,  and  we  see  that 
French  drink-consumption  per  head  is  now 
greater  than  British  consumption.  The  French 
drink  more  spirits,  more  wine,  and  have  a larger 
total  consumption  per  head  than  any  of  these 
three  other  nations. 

“The  most  striking  fact  in  the  above  state- 
ment is  the  low  drink-consumption  per  head  in 
the  United  States.  The  American  total  per  head 
is  less  than  one-half  of  the  total  consumption 
per  head  in  any  of  the  three  other  countries. 
The  superior  sobriety  of  the  American  workman 
as  compared  with  the  Englishman  has  often  been 
noticed,  and  observation  in  social  grades  higher 
than  that  of  the  artizan  tends  to  show  that 
American  superiority  in  this  respect  is  a general 
superiority  not  confined  to  workmen  only.  The 
developed  alertness  and  prompt  energy  of  the 
American  may,  it  is  quite  likely,  be  due  in  some 
part  to  this  relative  abstinence  from  alcoholic 
drink  which  is  now  illustrated. 

“Looking  back  over  the  fifteen  years  1886- 
1900,  for  the  purpose  of  observing  the  increase 
or  the  decrease  in  drink-consumption  per  head 
of  population,  the  following  results  have  been 
obtained;  — 


Country. 

Average  yearly  drink-consumption, 
per  head  of  population,  during 
1886-1890.  1891-1895.  1890-1900. 

France 

Gallons. 

26.5 

Gallons. 

31.5 

Gallons. 

32.3 

United  Kingdom.  . 

29.4 

31.1 

33.1 

Germany 

24.4 

26.6 

29.9 

United  States  . . . . 

11.8 

14.3 

14.2 

The  drink-consumption  per 

head  during  1886-1890  The  drink-consumption  per 

being  taken  at  100  head  during  1896-1900  was 

per  cent.  per  cent. 


France 

100 

122 

United  Kingdom. 

100 

113 

Germany 

100 

123 

United  States  . . . 

100 

120 

ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


“ In  each  country  the  drink-consumption  per 
head  of  population  has  increased  since  1886- 
1890,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  United 
States,  there  has  been  an  increase  during  each 
five -yearly  period  observed, 

“Comparing  the  period  1896-1900  with  the 
period  1886-1890,  we  see  that  the  percentage 
of  increase  per  head  of  population  in  drink-con- 
sumption was  smaller  in  the  United  Kingdom 
than  in  any  of  the  three  other  countries.  Ger- 
many and  France  have  had  the  largest  relative 
increases  per  head  of  population. 

“In  the  United  States,  the  increase  of  20  per 
cent  in  the  drink-consumption  per  head  of  popu- 
lation is  due  to  an  increase  in  beer-drinking  — 
the  consumption  per  head  of  wine  and  of  spirits 
has  declined.”  — J.  H.  Schooling,  Brink:  in 
England , the  United  States,  France,  and  Ger- 
many {Fortnightly  Review,  Jan.,  1902). 

France:  A.  D.  1907.  — Revolt  of  the  Wine 
Growers  of  Southern  France  against  wine 
adulteration.  See  (in  this  vol. ) France  : A.  D. 
1907  (May-July). 

Germany:  Temperance  requisite  in  rail- 
way employees. — The  dangers  to  the  travel- 
ing public  that  are  attendant  on  the  use  of  al- 
coholic stimulants  by  railway  employees  were 
discussed  very  seriously  not  long  since  by  a 
writer  in  the  Deutsche  Monatsschrift.  “ The  con- 
stantly growing  demands  upon  transit  service 
for  safety  and  speed,”  he  observed,  “call  for  an 
increasingly  higher  efficiency  of  the  personnel, 
not  only  as  regards  prudence,  judgment,  deci- 
sion, and  clearsightedness,  but  a sense  of  duty, 
all  which  qualities  are,  it  has  been  proved,  viti- 
ated by  nothing  so  readily  and  to  such  a degree 
as  by  indulgence  in  alcoholic  drinks.  The  chief 
danger,  moreover,  consists  not  so  much  in  exces- 
sive drink  resulting  in  drunkenness,  which  is 
easily  recognized,  as  in  the  more  moderate  but 
habitual  use  of  liquor,  which  is  harder  to  control, 
and  the  after-effects  of  heavy  drinking.  Scien- 
tific investigation  has  established  the  fact  that 
even  a moderate  use  of  alcoholic  beverages  im- 
pairs the  acuteness  of  sight  and  hearing,  includ- 
ing the  power  of  distinguishing  colors.  Most  of 
the  violations  of  discipline  and  duty  in  the  Ger- 
man transportation  service  are  due  to  indulgence 
in  drink,  besides  leading  to  misery  and  want  in 
the  home.” 

The  writer  alludes  to  an  association  of  German 
railway  officials  started  by  himself,  whose  object 
it  is  to  enlighten  the  public  regarding  the  worth- 
lessness of  alcoholic  drinks  as  a tonic  and  how 
they  may  be  dispensed  with  as  a means  of  re- 
freshment. This  society,  he  states,  has  been 
most  encouragingly  successful  in  its  efforts.  He 
adds  the  important  statement  that  the  Prussian 
Government,  owing  to  recent  serious  accidents, 
has  issued  an  order  prohibiting  all  railway  em- 
ployees from  taking  any  beverage  containing 
alcohol  while  on  duty. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Resolution  of  Socialist  Con- 
gress.— The  subject  in  Prussian  schools. — 

The  German  Socialist  Congress,  sitting  at  Mu- 
nich in  September,  1902,  adopted  a resolution 
which  warned  the  working  classes  against  the 
dangers  from  immoderate  indulgence  in  alco- 
holic drinks,  but  declined  to  make  total  absti- 
nence a condition  of  party  membership.  In  the 
previous  March  the  Prussian  minister  of  edu- 
cation had  given  instructions  to  the  school  au- 
thorities of  the  kingdom  which  aimed  at  the 


enlightening  of  the  people  as  to  the  deleterious 
effects,  both  physical  and  economical,  of  an 
excessive  use  of  alcoholic  liquors.  The  same 
subject  had  been  agitated  in  the  Prussian  par- 
liament, and  there  was  discussion  of  measures  of 
more  strict  regulation  of  public  houses. 

International  Congress  on  Alcoholism.  — 
For  twenty-four  years  an  International  Congress 
on  Alcoholism  has  held  biennial  meetings  in  dif- 
ferent European  cities,  beginning  at  Antwerp  in 
1885,  steadily  demonstrating  a growth  of  oppo- 
sition— especially  of  scientific  opposition  — even 
in  Continental  Europe,  to  the  use  of  alcoholic 
liquors.  The  meeting  of  1905  was  at  Budapest; 
that  of  1907  at  Stockholm;  that  of  1909  at  Lon- 
don. The  delegates  to  the  latter  numbered  about 
1300,  coming  from  nearly  every  European  coun- 
try, and  from  the  United  States,  Canada,  and 
South  Africa.  Of  the  strong  character  of  the 
discussions  at  the  London  meeting  the  New  York 
Evening  Post  said  after  its  adjournment:  “Men 
and  women  from  every  country,  representing 
varying  conditions  of  society,  offered  evidence 
tending  to  show,  by  actual  figures  of  loss,  the 
bad  effects  of  drinking.  From  the  standpoint  of 
education,  science,  medicine,  society,  economics, 
efficiency,  and  law,  the  speakers  all  reached  the 
same  conclusion,  bringing  strong  testimony  in 
support.  Efficiency  was  the  keynote  of  papers 
representing  public  service  on  the  part  of  the 
post  office,  the  railroad,  the  navy,  and  the  army 
of  Great  Britain.” 

An  interesting  figure  at  the  Congress,  it  was 
said  by  an  American  newspaper  correspondent, 
was  Judge  William  J.  Pollard,  of  St.  Louis, 
who  went  as  a representative  of  the  U.  S.  Gov- 
ernment, and  who  was  known  widely  as  the 
originator  of  the  pledge  instead  of  prison  method 
of  dealing  with  drunkards.  When  he  spoke  on 
that  subject  he  was  given  a double  allowance  of 
time,  on  the  motion  of  a delegate  from  France, 
and,  although  under  the  constitution  of  the  con- 
gress no  resolution  could  be  put,  a declaration  in 
favor  of  the  plan  was  signed  by  practically  every 
delegate  in  the  hall.  The  declaration  reads  as 
follows: 

“We,  the  undersigned  members  and  delegates 
attending  the  International  Congress  on  Alco- 
holism assembled  in  Loudon,  July,  1909,  desire 
to  record  our  gratification  at  the  recognition  in 
statute  law  by  Great  Britain,  Vermont,  U.  S.  A., 
and  Victoria  (Australia)  of  the  principle  of  re- 
forming drunkards  by  the  probation  on  pledge 
method,  commonly  known  as  the  Pollard  plan. 
The  possibilities  of  this  wise  and  beneficent  pol- 
icy are  so  great  that  we  desire  to  commend  its 
adoption  throughout  the  world.” 

“ Judge  Pollard’s  plan,  established  in  the  Saint 
Louis  police  court  nine  years  ago,  consists  in 
giving  the  drunkards  a chance  of  reform.  In- 
stead of  sentencing  them  to  prison  or  fining  them, 
Judge  Pollard  requires  persons  charged  before 
him  with  drunkenness  to  take  the  pledge.  If 
they  do  so  he  suspends  sentence  on  them,  and  if 
the  pledge  is  kept  for  a certain  period  they  hear 
no  more  about  the  matter.  If  it  is  broken  the 
fine  or  sentence  is  enforced.” 

One  of  the  results  of  the  Congress  was  the 
organization  of  a “ World’s  Prohibition  Confed- 
eration,” “ to  better  amalgamate  the  forces  in 
various  countries  working  along  their  respective 
lines  towards  the  one  common  aim  of  the  total 
suppression  of  the  liquor  traffic.” 

14 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


Two  sessions  were  held  and  the  Conference 
finally  decided  by  unanimous  vote  upon  the  fol- 
lowing outline  of  the  purposes  and  methods  of 
the  new  Confederation : 

“(1)  Name  — The  name  of  this  association 
shall  be  ‘The  International  Prohibition  Confed- 
eration (Confederation  Prohibitioniste  Interna- 
tionale— Internationaler  Verbaud  fuer  Alkohol- 
verbot).’ 

“(2)  Object  — (a)  To  amalgamate  the  forces 
in  various  countries  working  along  their  respec- 
tive lines  towards  the  one  common  aim  of  the 
total  suppression  of  the  liquor  traffic,  (b)  To 
obtain  notes  of  progress,  information,  and  news 
from  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  send  such  infor- 
mation to  all  organizations  joining  the  Confed- 
eration and  other  applicants. 

‘ ‘ (3)  Membership  — The  membership  shall  con- 
sist of  representatives  of  temperance  organiza- 
tions in  all  countries  approving  of  the  objects 
and  such  officers  as  may  be  elected  by  the  Con- 
federation. 

“(4)  Finances  — The  financial  support  shall  be 
gained  from  such  contributions  as  the  various 
affiliated  societies  and  individual  associate  mem- 
bers may  subscribe.” 

New  Zealand  : A.  D.  1896-1908.  — Twelve 
years  of  Local  Option. — Increasing  majorities 
against  the  liquor  traffic.  — The  vote  of  wo- 
men. — Under  the  operation  of  a local  option  law 
since  1896,  New  Zealand  has  been  steadily  nar- 
rowing the  liquor  traffic,  with  what  seems  to  be 
a fair  prospect  of  extinguishing  it  entirely.  The 
law  provides  for  the  taking  of  a vote  in  each 
parliamentary  electoral  district  once  in  three 
years  on  three  propositions,  as  follows: 

“1.  That  the  number  of  licensed  houses  ex- 
isting in  the  district  shall  continue. 

“ 2.  That  the  number  shall  be  reduced. 

“3.  That  no  licenses  whatever  shall  be 
granted. 

“ Electors  may  vote  for  one  of  these  proposals 
or  for  two  of  them.  The  prohibitionists  strike 
out  the  top  line,  and  thus  vote  for  a reduction 
of  the  number  of  licenses,  and  also  for  total 
prohibition  in  their  district.  Those  who  oppose 
prohibition  usually  strike  out  the  second  and 
third  lines,  so  as  to  vote  for  the  continuance  of 
existing  licensed  houses ; while  there  are  others, 
again,  who  strike  out  the  first  and  third  issues, 
with  a view  simply  to  a reduction  in  the  number 
of  licensed  houses.  An  absolute  majority  of  the 
votes  carries  reduction ; but  it  requires  a three- 
fifths  majority  to  carry  ‘ no-license.’  If  reduc- 
tion is  carried  the  licensing  committee  must  then 
reduce  the  publicans’  licenses  in  the  district  by 
not  less  than  5 per  cent,  or  more  than  25  per 
cent,  of  the  total  number  existing.” 

The  local  option  vote  has  now  been  taken  five 
times,  with  a slow  but  steady  increase  of  major- 
ities given  against  the  liquor  traffic,  either  to 
restrict  or  to  end  it, — as  the  following  table 
shows : 


Continuance.  Redaction.  No-license.  Valid  votes. 


1896  . . 

. 139,500 

94,500 

98,300 

259,800 

1899  . . 

. 142,400 

107,700 

118,500 

281,800 

1902  . . 

. 148,400 

132,200 

151,500 

318,800 

1905  . . 

. 182,800 

151,000 

198,700 

396,400 

1908  . . 

. 186,300 

161,800 

209,100 

410,100 

The  figures  here  entered  of  the  vote  in  1908 
are  not  official,  but  are  said  to  be  close  to  ac- 
curacy. 


The  New  Zealand  correspondent  of  the  Lon- 
don Times , from  whose  report  the  above  is  taken, 
adds  these  particulars:  “ The  result  of  the  local 
option  poll  taken  in  December,  1905,  was  to 
carry  ‘ no  license  ’ in  three  new  districts  and  re- 
duction in  four  districts.  In  36  of  the  other 
districts  a majority  of  the  votes  polled  was  for 
‘ no  license,’  though  the  three-fifths  majority 
necessary  to  carry  the  proposal  was  not  ob- 
tained. The  results  of  the  recent  poll  were  very 
striking.  In  six  new  districts  ‘ 110-license  ’ was 
carried,  and  in  some  others  ‘ no-license  ’ and  ‘ re- 
duction’ were  only  lost  by  narrow  margins. 
The  rapid  advance  made  by  the  ‘no  license’ 
party  is  certainly  remarkable. 

“ While  the  proportion  of  votes  cast  for  con- 
tinuance is  steadily  declining,  the  proportion 
for  ‘ no-license  ’ is  increasing  at  an  accelerated 
rate.  Already  there  is  a bare  majority  of  the 
total  votes  in  favour  of  prohibition;  while  if  we 
had  national  instead  of  local  option  the  chances 
are  that  in  a comparatively  short  period  the 
necessary  three-fifths  majority  to  secure  total 
prohibition  in  the  country  might  be  obtained. 
There  are  now  indications  that  the  ‘ no-license  ’ 
party  will  make  a bold  bid,  not  only  for  a bare 
majority  vote  on  the  no-license  issue,  but  also 
for  national  option.  In  this  event  they  will 
alienate  the  sympathies  of  the  great  majority 
of  the  moderates  who  now  vote  with  them,  so 
that  the  ‘ no-license  ’ cause  may  receive,  at  least, 
a temporary  check. 

‘ ‘ Three  important  suggestions  have  been  made 
to  save  the  trade  — viz.,  reform  from  within, 
State  control,  and  municipalization.  Judging 
from  past  experience,  the  first  idea  seems  hope- 
less. The  trade  has  had  its  lessons,  but  has 
not  taken  sufficient  heed.  State  control  will 
scarcely  be  tolerated,  since  most  people  realize 
that  the  liquor  trade  in  the  hands  of  a Govern- 
ment might  be  a dangerous  political  engine,  be- 
sides which  there  would  always  be  the  tempta- 
tion ever  present  to  a Government  to  use  it  for 
revenue  purposes.  Without  very  necessary  re- 
form from  within,  therefore,  the  only  chance 
for  the  liquor  trade  would  seem  to  lie  in  the 
direction  of  municipalization.  Under  munici- 
pal control,  with  the  abolition  of  the  open  bar 
in  favour  of  the  cafe  system,  with  better  liquor, 
and  with  a thorough  system  of  inspection  and 
analysis,  the  liquor  trade  in  New  Zealand  might 
obtain  a new  lease  of  life.  Under  the  present 
system  there  is  every  indication  that  its  doom 
is  sealed.” 

The  importance  of  the  vote  of  women,  on  this 
question  especially,  appears  in  the  following 
statements:  “In  1902,  138,565  women,  or  74.52 
per  cent,  of  those  on  the  rolls,  voted;  in  1905, 
175,046,  or  82.23  per  cent,  of  those  on  the  rolls, 
voted.  The  proportion  of  females  to  males  vot- 
ing at  successive  general  elections  also  shows  a 
gradual  increase  from  69.57  per  cent,  in  1893  to 
78.99  in  1905.  Then  there  is  the  gradual  in- 
crease in  the  proportion  of  females  to  males  in 
the  population  of  a young  country  to  be  con- 
sidered. At  the  foundation  of  the  colonies  the 
males,  naturally,  largely  outnumbered  the  fe- 
males ; but  eventually  the  sexes  will  become 
more  nearly  equal  in  number.  Thus,  while  in 
1871  the  proportion  of  females  to  males  in  the 
colony  was  only  70.52,  in  1906  it  was  88.65. 
Furthermore,  women  are  taking  a keener  inter- 
est than  ever  in  politics.  They  are  beginning 

15 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


to  appreciate  the  franchise  and  to  exercise  it 
intelligently  in  ever-increasing  numbers.” 

The  warning  and  alarming  effect  of  the  local 
option  vote  of  December,  1908,  on  the  New 
Zealand  liquor  dealers  was  made  apparent  by 
their  action  taken  soon  after,  as  reported  in  the 
following  Press  despatch  from  Wellington,  Jan- 
uary 18,  1909: 

“As  a result  of  the  large  ‘moderate’  vote 
cast  at  the  recent  poll  on  the  question  of  total 
prohibition  or  reduction  of  facilities  for  obtain- 
ing drink,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to-day, 
at  a meeting  of  the  Auckland  Brewers  and  Li- 
censed Victuallers’  Association,  representing  all 
the  wholesale  and  nearly  every  member  of  the 
retail  trade,  to  abolish  barmaids,  to  abolish  pri- 
vate bars,  and  to  raise  the  age-limit  of  youths 
who  may  be  supplied  with  liquor  from  18  to  20. 
No  woman  will  be  supplied  with  liquor  for  con- 
sumption on  the  premises  unless  she  is  boarding 
in  the  house. 

“In  an  interview,  the  Mayor  of  Auckland, 
who  is  himself  a brewer,  stated  that  since  the 
trade  has  to  ask  the  public  every  three  years  for 
the  continuance  of  its  existence,  it  is  necessary 
for  it  to  be  conducted  on  lines  approved  by  the 
public  at  large.” 

United  States:  A.  D.  1904-1909.  — The 
progress  of  State,  County,  and  T own  Prohibi- 
tion in  the  five  years. — The  following  exhibit 
of  the  status  of  state  and  local  prohibition  in 
every  State  of  the  United  States,  on  the  1st  of 
November,  1909,  compared  with  the  same  in  1904, 
is  reproduced,  with  permission,  from  the  latest 
leaflet  published  at  the  time  of  this  writing  (Jan. 
1,  1910)  by  the  Associated  Prohibition  Press,  lo- 
cated at  92  La  Salle  Street,  Chicago  : 

“The  record  at  Prohibition  National  Head- 
quarters, Chicago,  shows  that  during  the  past 
four  years  the  amount  of  Prohibition  territory 
has  been  doubled  and  20,000,000  people  added 
to  those  living  in  Prohibition  cities,  counties 
and  states,  making  an  aggregate  of  over  40,000,- 
000  now  by  their  own  choice  in  saloon-free 
districts. 

“The  figures  below  show  that  nearly  two- 


thirds  of  the  territory  and  nearly  one-half  of  the 
people  are  under  Prohibition  protection  : 

“17,000,000  people  in  the  South  under  Pro- 
hibition in  1904. 

“25,000,000  people  in  the  South  under  Pro- 
hibition in  1909. 

“There  are  to-day  375  Prohibition  cities  in 
the  United  States,  having  a population  of  over 
5,000  each,  with  a total  population  of  more  than 
three  million  and  a half. 

“ In  1904  there  were  scarcely  100  Prohibition 
cities  of  5,000  or  over;  there  are  now  90  Pro- 
hibition cities  of  10,000  or  over.  There  are 
fifty-five  industrial  centers  in  fourteen  different 
states  of  20,000  population  and  over,  with  an 
aggregate  of  2,000,000  population,  now  under 
Prohibition  law. 

“The  Prohibition  party  is  organized  and  at 
work  in  practically  every  state  in  the  Union. 

“ In  1904  the  National  Liquor  League  of  the 
United  States  was  organized  at  Cincinnati, 
January  7th  and  8th,  to  put  the  ‘ lid  ’ on  the  ap- 
parent beginnings  of  a Prohibition  renaissance. 
Five  years  of  the  ‘ National  Liquor  League  of 
the  United  States’  has  resulted  in  20,000,000 
people  being  added  to  the  Prohibition  popula- 
tion of  the  country ; 250  new  Prohibition  cities; 
6 new  Prohibition  states,  hundreds  of  new  Pro- 
hibition counties,  and  thousands  of  new  Prohi- 
bition towns  and  villages  in  all  the  rest  of  the 
country. 

“One  of  the  most  striking  contrasts  between 
1904  and  1909  is  seen  in  the  transformation 
which  has  been  wrought  in  the  attitude  of  the 
daily  and  secular  press  towards  the  Prohibition 
question.  Since  1904  leading  daily  papers  in 
all  parts  of  the  country  have  begun  to  exclude 
liquor  advertising  from  their  columns. 

“ The  daily  press  of  America  is  to-day  giving 
ten  times  more  attention  to  and  far  more  friendly 
treatment  of  the  Prohibition  issue  than  was  the 
case  in  1904. 

“On  Nov.  1st,  1909,  the  record  of  state  and 
local  Prohibition  territory  in  the  United  States, 
at  National  Prohibition  Headquarters,  was  as 
follows: 


The  Situation  by  States. 


State. 

1904. 

Alabama 

. .20 

Prohibition  counties. 

11 

Dispensary. 

35 

License. 

Arizona No  Prohibition  territory. 

Two-thirds  majority  required. 


Arkansas 44  Prohibition  counties. 

29  License. 

2 Partially  license. 

California 175  Prohibition  towns. 

Colorado Few  Prohibition  towns. 

No  local-option  law. 

Connecticut Half  of  State  local  Prohibition. 

Delaware Few  small  Prohibition  towns. 

16 


November  1,  1909. 

State  Prohibition  ; enforccement  legisla- 
tion enacted  by  Legislature,  August, 
1909. 

Data  shows  business  prospers,  crime  de- 
creasing. 

Popular  vote  on  Constitutional  Prohibi- 
tion Nov.  29,  1909. 

New  county  Prohibition  law  bare  major- 
ity  substituted  for  previous  two-thirds 
requirement. 

Four-fifths  of  Territory  “dry”  in  12 
months  is  prediction. 

57  Prohibition  counties.  State  certain 
in  next  Legislature. 

250  “dry”  towns.  Sentiment  rapidly 
growing  for  State  Prohibition.  , 

100  towns  “ dry.”  Stricter  law  enforce- 
ment. Prohibition  sentiment  growing. 

Large  increase  in  no-license  vote.  Legis- 
lature passed  several  important  restric- 
tive measures. 

Two-thirds  of  State  Prohibition. 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


District  of 


Columbia Apathy  dominant.  New  high  license  law.  Sentiment  for 

Prohibition  organizing.  Stricter  en 
forcement. 

Florida 30  Prohibition  counties.  35  counties  “dry.”  Popular  vote  State 

Prohibition  November,  1910. 

Georgia 104  Prohibition  counties  out  of  134.  State  Prohibition.  Supporting  sentiment 

Large  cities  all  license.  grows.  Atlanta  elects  law-enforce- 

ment Mayor.  Crime  largely  decreasing. 

Idaho No  Prohibition  territory.  Couuty  law  passed.  Seven  vote  “dry.” 

“ Wide-open  ” -State.  State  Prohibition  campaign  on. 

Illinois 8 Prohibition  counties.  36  “ dry  ” counties.  2500  “ dry  ” towns. 

500  Prohibition  towns.  23  “ dry  ” cities.  No  license  fight  on  in 

“ Wide  open”  Sunday.  Chicago. 

Indiana 140  Prohibition  townships.  70  Counties  “dry. ’’Net  Prohibition  ma- 


jority 67,025.  Three-fourths  of  the 
State  population  under  Prohibition. 
Sentiment  for  State  Prohibition  very 
active;  1,780,839  or  65  per  cent  of  State 
population  in  “dry”  territory;  32 
“ dry  ” cities  (5,000  and  over). 


Iowa 25  License  counties.  Campaign  for  State  Prohibition  develop- 

Lax  enforcement  of  law.  ing  great  enthusiasm. 

Kansas STATE  PROHIBITION.  Legislature  passed  1909  important  addi- 

Lax  enforcement.  tions  to  State  law.  The  sale  of  alco- 

Law  enforcement  crusade  at  Kansas  hoi  in  any  form  absolutely  prohibited. 
City,  Kan.,  a “ fizzle.”  Strict  enforcement  the  rule. 

Kentucky 47  Prohibition  counties.  96  Prohibition  counties;  1,541,613 or  66 

Legislature  defeated  very  moderate  per  cent  of  total  population  in  “dry” 
local  option  bill.  territory.  State  Prohibition  campaign 

launched  in  earnest. 

Louisiana 20  Prohibition  parishes  out  of  54.  Prohibition  sentiment  grows.  Local 

Prohibition  proves  notable  success  in 
33  “dry”  parishes. 

Maine STATE  PROHIBITION.  Move  for  resubmission  emphatically  de- 

Lax  enforcement.  feated  by  State  Legislature.  Senti- 

ment for  law  enforcement  growing 
steadily. 

Maryland 15  Prohibition  counties.  Some  locals  gains.  New  high-license 

law  for  Baltimore. 

Massachusetts.  ..  .250  Prohibition  towns  and  cities.  Some  local  gains.  Twenty-five  thousand 


State  majority  against  license.  Defi- 
nite campaign  for  State  Prohibition; 
261  towns  “dry”  out  of  321 ; 20  cities 
“dry  ” out  of  33  ; 26,297  State  majority 
against  license. 


Michigan 2 Prohibition  counties.  Thirty  Prohibition  counties.  Important 

400  Prohibition  towns.  new  restrictive  legislation  took  effect 

Sept.  1,  1909.  State  Prohibition  cam- 
paign on. 

Minnesota 400  Prohibition  towns.  1,611  “dry”  towns.  State  wide  union 

of  Prohibition  forces. 

Mississippi 65  Prohibition  counties.  Enforcement  of  State-wide  law  passed 

Legislature  defeated  State  Prohibi-  Feb. , 1908.  Governor  Noel  a vigorous 
tion  amendment.  prohibitionist. 

Missouri 3 Prohibition  counties  1905.  77  ‘ dry  ” counties.  State  Prohibition 

campaign  definitely  under  way.  Vote 
November,  1910. 

Montana No  Prohibition  territory.  Prohibition  sentiment  growing  with  not- 

able increase  of  party  vote  in  several 
districts. 

Nebraska 200  Prohibition  towns.  26  Prohibition  counties.  Many  local 

gains.  State  capital  Lincoln,  50,000, 
voted  “dry.”  State  Prohibition  cam- 
paign on;  48  “dry”  county  seats. 

Nevada No  Prohibition  territory.  Sentiment  against  gambling  and  liquor 

selling  growing.  State  Prohibition  of 
gambling  effective  October  1,  1910. 

New  Hampshire.  . .State  Prohibition  repealed  1903.  183  “dry”  towns. 

New  Jersey “Wide-open”  State.  Whole  year  of  1909  filled  with  agitation. 

Law-defying  Atlantic  City  ring  pro- 
vokes widespread  public  sentiment. 
County  option  expected. 


17 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


New  Mexico Nothing. 


New  York 285  Prohibition  towns. 

Cities  all  license  by  State  law. 

North  Carolina.  .Local-option  passed  1903. 

Raleigh,  capital,  had  dispensary  run 
by  church  deacons. 

North  Dakota  . ...STATE  PROHIBITION. 

Lax  enforcement  in  some  sections. 


Ohio 


First  State  local -option  law  passed. 


Oklahoma Few  Prohibition  towns. 


Oregon No  Prohibition  territory. 

No  local-option  law. 

Pennsylvania  ....  Prohibition  sentiment  apathetic. 


Rhode  Island 20  Prohibition  towns. 

South  Carolina  . . State  dispensary. 

(Abolished  1908.) 

South  Dakota  ....  Scattering  Prohibition  towns. 

Tennessee  * 8 License  cities. 

Liquor  men  threatened  repeal  of 
Adams  local-option  law. 


Texas 140  Prohibition  counties. 


Utah No  Prohibition  territory. 

Vermont Prohibition  repealed  1903. 

138  Prohibition  towns  out  of  240  in 
1904. 

Virginia Local-option  law  passed  1903. 

Washington Few  Prohibition  towns. 


West  Virginia.  . . .40  out  of  54  counties  “dry  ” 

Wisconsin 300  Prohibition  towns 

Wyoming No  Prohibition  territory. 


Prohibition  forces  very  active  at  legisla- 
tive session.  Strong  sentiment  for 
State  Prohibition  growing. 

Few  changes.  Concerted  State  wide 
campaign  on  in  300  local  Prohibition 
contests. 

Success  of  State  Prohibition  shown  by 
official  statistics.  In  force  Jan.,  1908. 

Same  law.  Sentiment  back  of  Prohibi- 
tion law  overwhelming  throughout 
State.  Strong  supplementary  legisla- 
tion passed  1909. 

61  counties  “dry.”  Campaigns  in  largest 
cities,  and  State  Prohibition  scheduled 
for  near  future.  Net  Prohibition  ma- 
jority in  70  county  contests,  66,132. 

Enforcement  of  State  Prohibition  law 
steadily  growing  success.  Governor 
Haskell  heartily  supporting  it.  Pro- 
hibition Party  organized  September  27, 
1909. 

State  Prohibition  vote  November,  1910. 
21  counties  “dry.” 

County  option  defeated  1909  but  senti- 
ment rapidly  growing,  Confident  of 
advanced  legislation  at  next  session. 

Little  change 

37  Prohibition  counties  out  of  42. 
Sweeping  Prohibition  victories  August 
17,  1909.  State  campaign  definitely  on. 

Few  local  changes.  Sentiment  for  State 
Prohibition  campaign  developing. 

State  Prohibition  passed  January,  1909. 
Effective  July  1,  1909.  Liquor  manu- 
facture prohibition.  Law  effective 
January  1,  1910.  Remarkably  bene- 
ficial effects  of  Prohibition  immedi- 
ately shown  in  Nashville  and  other 
cities. 

154  Prohibition  counties.  State  Prohibi- 
tion referendum  narrowly  defeated  by 
Legislature,  only  increased  agitation 
for  that  object.  Vote  expected  within 
two  years. 

County  Prohibition  and  State  referendum 
defeated  in  Legislature,  expected  at 
next  session. 

216  towns  “dry.”  Demand  for  resub- 
mission of  State  Prohibition  growing. 
Prohibition  majority  of  8,819  in  whole 
State. 

71  Prohibition  counties.  Democratic 
primary  being  fought  out  on  Prohibi- 
tion issue. 

Compromise  local  Prohibition  law, 
passed  Legislature,  1909.  Prohibition 
sentiment  growing.  Alaska -Yukon 
Exposition,  Seattle,  first  big  “ dry”  ex- 
position. 

Some  local  gains.  Charleston,  state  capi- 
tal “dry”  since  July  1,  Only  three 
wholly  “wet”  counties.  State  cam- 
paign on. 

789  towns  “dry.”  Prohibition  sentiment 
growing  rapidly;  4.000  business  men 
cheer  argument  for  Prohibition  in 
great  debate  at  Milwaukee  March,  1909.' 

New  law  effective  January,  1910,  puts 
whole  State  under  Prohibition  outside 
of  incorporated  towns. 


* A proposal  to  embody  state-wide  prohibition  in  a constitutional  amendment  was  voted  down  heavily  in  Ten 
nessee  on  the  29th  of  November,  1909. 

18 


ALCOHOL  PROBLEM 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Diminished  consump- 
tion of  whiskey  and  beer.  — According  to  the 
annual  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Internal 
Revenue  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1909, 
there  were  about  5,000,000  less  gallons  of  whis- 
key contributing  to  the  Federal  revenue  than  in 
the  fiscal  year  preceding,  and  something  like 
2,500,000  fewer  barrels  of  beer  and  ale.  “This 
seems  clearly  to  mirror  the  effect  of  the  prohibi- 

ALCORTA,  Jose  Figueroa:  President  of 
Argentine  Republic.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Acre 
Disputes. 

ALDERMAN,  Edward  Anderson:  Presi- 
dent of  the  University  of  Virginia.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education:  United  States:  A.  D.  1901— 
1909. 

ALDRICH,  Nelson  W. : Work  on  the 
Payne-Aldrich  Tariff.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Tariffs:  United  States. 

ALEXANDER,  King  of  Servia  : His  mur- 
der. See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States:  Servia. 

ALEXEIEFF,  Admiral:  Appointed  Vice- 
roy in  Manchuria,  1903.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

ALFARO,  General  Elroy : Made  Presi- 
dent of  Ecuador  by  a revolution.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Ecuador  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ALFONSO  XIII.  : His  Coronation.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

Marriage. — Attempted  assassination.  See 
Spain:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ALGECIRAS  CONFERENCE,  and  Act. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1905-1906, 
and  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

ALGIERS:  A.  D.  1896-1906.  — Encroach- 
ments on  the  Moroccan  boundary.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1895-1906. 

ALIENS  ACT,  The  English.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Immigration:  England  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

ALIENS,  Rights  of:  Pan-American  Con- 
vention. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

ALI  RIZA  PASHA.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.-May). 

ALL  INDIA  MOSLEM  LEAGUE.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907  (Dec.),  and  1907- 
1909. 

ALLIANCES:  Franco-Russian.  — Effect 
of  Russo-Japanese  War.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 


tion  movement  which  has  lately  gained  such 
headway  in  certain  sections  of  the  South  and 
West.  Ordinarily,  the  consumption  of  spirits 
and  malt  liquor  is  fairly  steady  in  times  of  de- 
pression ; and  when  an  industrial  revival  is  under 
way,  their  use  increases  and  reflects  itself  in 
larger  revenue  returns.  The  absolute  shrinkage 
in  consumption  in  the  past  fiscal  year,  therefore, 
is  doubly  significant.” 


Great  Britain  with  Japan.  See  Japan:  A 
D.  1902,  and  1905  (Aug.). 

The  Triple  Alliance.  See  Triple  Al- 
liance. 

ALMENARA,  Dr.  Domingo.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Peru. 

ALSOP  CLAIM,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Chile  : A.  D.  1909, 

ALVERSTONE,  Sir  Richard  Everard 
Webster,  Lord  Chief  Justice : On  the  Alas- 
ka Boundary  Commission.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Alaska:  A.  D.  1903. 

ALVES,  Rodriquez.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Acre 
Disputes. 

AMADE,  General  d’:  Operations  in  Mo- 
rocco. See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909,  and  1909. 

AMADOR,  Manuel : President  of  Pan- 
ama. See  (in  this  vol.)  Panama. 

AMALGAMATED  ASSOCIATION,  of 
Iron,  Steel,  and  Tin  Plate  Workers:  It 
strike  in  1901.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Lab^r 
Organization,  &c. : United  States:  A.  D. 
1901. 

AMALGAMATED  SOCIETYOF  RAIL- 
WAY SERVANTS,  British:  In  Taff  Vale 
case.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization, 
&c. : England:  A.  D.  1900-1906. 

In  strike  of  1907.  See  same  : 1907-1909. 
AMARAL,  Admiral  Ferreira  do.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Portugal:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

AM  BAN,  Chinese.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet: 
A.  D.  1902-1904. 

AMERICAN  CIVIC  ASSOCIATION.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Social  Betterment:  United 
States. 

AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LA- 
BOR. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization, 
&c. : United  States. 

“AMERICAN  INVASION”  OF  CAN- 
ADA, The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D. 
1896-1909. 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 


The  South  and  Central  American  nations: 
Their  recent  rapid  advance  in  character,  dig- 
nity, and  importance.  — Among  the  astonishing 
changes  that  have  come  upon  the  political  face 
of  the  world  within  a few  years  past,  producing 
new  arrangements  of  rank  or  standing  and  new 
distributions  of  influence  in  the  great  family  of 
nations,  the  emergence  of  the  South  American 
republics  from  generally  chronic  disorder  and 
obscure  unimportance  to  a position,  almost 
suddenly  recognized,  of  present  weight  and  dig- 
nity and  great  promise  to  the  future,  is  far  from 
the  least. 

In  1890,  when  Mr.  Blaine,  as  Secretary  of 
State,  opened  the  first  well -planned  endeavor  of 
our  government  to  put  itself  into  such  relations 


with  them,  of  friendly  influence,  as  the  elder  and 
stronger  in  the  family  of  American  republics 
ought  to  hold,  there  was  little  appreciation  of 
the  importance  of  the  movement.  Even  Mr. 
Blaine  did  not  seem  to  be  fully  earnest  and  fully 
sanguine  in  it,  or  else  his  chief  and  his  colleagues 
in  the  government  were  not  heartily  with  him  ; 
for  his  admirable  scheme  of  policy  was  almost 
wrecked  in  the  second  year  of  its  working,  by 
the  unaccountable  impatience  and  harshness  with 
which  President  Harrison  wrung  humiliating 
apologies  from  Chili  for  a trifling  offense  in  1892. 
The  seeming  arrogance  of  power  then  manifested 
cast  a reasonable  suspicion  on  the  motives  with 
which  the  great  republic  of  North  America  had 
made  overtures  of  fraternity  to  the  republics  of 

19 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


the  South,  and  it  freshened  an  old  distrust  in 
their  minds. 

Happily,  however,  Mr.  Blaine,  in  1890,  had 
brought  about  the  creation  of  a harmonizing  and 
unifying  agency  which  needed  only  time  to  effect 
great  results.  This  was  the  Bureau  of  the  Ameri- 
can Republics,  established  at  Washington,  by  a 
vote  of  the  delegates  from  eighteen  North, South, 
and  Central  American  governments,  at  an  Inter- 
national American  Conference,  held  in  that  city 
in  March  of  the  year  named.  Its  immediate  pur- 
pose was  the  promotion  of  commercial  inter- 
course ; but  the  information  spread  with  that 
object,  through  all  the  countries  concerned,  has 
carried  with  it  every  kind  of  pacific  understand- 
ing and  stimulation.  The  common  action  with 
common  interests  thus  organized  must  have  had 
more  than  anything  else  to  do  with  the  gen- 
erating of  a public  spirit,  lately,  in  the  Spanish- 
American  countries,  very  different  from  any  ever 
manifested  before.  It  has  wakened  national  am- 
bitions in  them  and  sobered  the  factious  temper 
which  kept  them  in  political  disorder  so  long. 

Ten  years  ago,  the  Central  and  South  Ameri- 
can republics  had  so  little  standing  among  the 
nations  that  few  of  them  were  invited  to  the 
Peace  Conference  of  1900,  and  the  invitation  was 
accepted  by  none.  Spanish  America  was  repre- 
sented by  Mexico  alone.  At  the  conference  of 
1907  at  The  Hague  there  were  delegates  from 
all,  and  several  among  their  delegates  took 
a notably  important  part,  giving  a marked  dis- 
tinction to  the  peoples  they  represent.  It  was 
by  a special  effort  on  the  part  of  our  then  Sec- 
retary of  State  that  they  were  brought  thus  into 
the  council  of  nations. 

Mr.  Root  has  had  wonderful  success,  indeed, 
in  realizing  the  aim  of  the  policy  projected  and 
initiated  by  Mr.  Blaine.  He  has  cleared  away 
the  distrust  and  won  the  confidence  of  our  fellow 
Americans  at  the  middle  and  south  of  the  conti- 
nent, bringing  them  to  a friendly  acceptance  of 
the  leading  -which  goes  naturally  with  the  power 
and  the  experience  of  these  United  States.  The 
resulting  weight  in  world  politics  of  what  may 
be  called  the  Concert  of  America,  paralleling  the 
Concert  of  Europe,  is  one  of  the  greater  products 
of  the  present  extraordinary  time. 

Their  Second  International  Conference,  at 
the  City  of  Mexico,  in  1901-2.  — Its  pro- 
ceedings, conventions,  resolutions,  etc.  — 
The  First  International  Conference  of  American 
Republics  was  held  at  Washington  in  the  winter 
and  spring  of  1889-90,  attended  by  delegates 
from  eighteen  Governments  of  the  New  World. 
(See,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  American 
Republics.)  On  the  suggestion  of  President 
McKinley,  ten  years  later,  and  on  the  invitation 
of  President  Diaz,  of  Mexico,  a second  Confer- 
ence was  convened  at  the  City  of  Mexico,  on  the 
23d  of  October,  1901.  The  sessions  of  this  Con- 
ference were  prolonged  until  the  31st  of  January, 
1902.  It  was  attended  by  delegates  from  every 
independent  nation  then  existing  in  America, 
being  twenty  in  number ; but  the  delegation  of 
Venezuela  was  withdrawn  by  the  Government 
of  that  State  on  the  14th  of  January,  and  the 
withdrawal  was  made  retroactive  to  and  from 
the  preceding  31st  of  December.  The  delega- 
tion from  the  United  States  was  composed  of 
ex-United  States  Senator  Henry  G.  Davis;  Mr. 
William  I.  Buchanan,  formerly  Envoy  Extraor- 
dinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Ar- 


gentine Republic  ; Mr.  John  Barrett,  formerly 
Minister  Resident  of  the  United  States  to  Siam; 
and  Messrs.  Charles  M.  Pepper  and  Volney  W. 
Foster. 

The  following  account  of  the  work  of  the  Con- 
ference and  its  results  is  compiled  from  the  re- 
port made  by  the  delegates  of  the  United  States 
to  the  Department  of  State:  “Sefior  Raigosa, 
chairman  of  the  Mexican  delegation,  was  chosen 
temporary  president,  and  the  Conference  then 
preceded  to  its  permanent  organization  by  the 
election  of  his  excellency  Senor  Lie.  Don  Ignacio 
Mariscal,  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  Mexico, 
and  Hon.  John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States,  honorary  presidents;  Senor  Lie. 
Don  Genaro  Raigosa,  of  Mexico,  president ; Sen- 
hor  Don  Jose  Hygino  Duarte  Pereira,  of  Brazil, 
first  vice-president,  and  Senor  Doctor  Don  Bal- 
tasar  Estupinian,  of  Salvador,  second  vice-pres- 
ident. . . . Under  the  rules  adopted  19  com- 
mittees were  appointed  and  the  work  of  the 
conference  was  apportioned  among  them.  . . . 

‘ ‘ Discussion  between  the  representatives  of  the 
Republics  that  would  constitute  the  conference 
began  months  previous  to  its  opening  upon  the 
subject  of  arbitration,  and  while  every  desire 
was  manifested  then  and  thereafter  by  all  to  see 
a conclusion  reached  by  the  conference  in  which 
all  might  join,  unsettled  questions  existed  be- 
tween some  of  the  Republics  that  would  parti- 
cipate in  the  conference  of  a character  that  made 
their  avoidance  difficult  in  any  general  discus- 
sion of  the  subject.  . . . This  difficulty  became 
more  apparent  as  the  conference  proceeded  with 
its  work.  ...  It  was  tacitly  agreed  between 
delegations,  therefore,  that  the  discussion  of  the 
subject  should  be  confined,  so  far  as  possible,  to 
a committee.  . . . There  was  at  no  time  any 
difficulty  with  regard  to  securing  a unanimous 
report  favoring  a treaty  covering  merely  arbitra- 
tion as  a principle;  all  delegations  were  in  favor 
of  that.  The  point  of  discussion  was  as  to  the 
extent  to  which  the  principle  should  be  applied. 
Concerning  this,  three  views  were  supported  in 
the  conference  : (a)  Obligatory  arbitration,  cov- 
ering all  questions  pending  or  future  when  they 
did  not  affect  either  independence  or  the  na- 
tional honor  of  a country  ; (b)  Obligatory  arbi- 
tration covering  future  questions  only  and 
defining  what  questions  shall  constitute  those  to 
be  excepted  from  arbitration ; and  (c)  Faculta- 
tive or  voluntary  arbitration,  as  best  expressed 
by  The  Hague  convention.  . . . 

“A  plan  was  finally  suggested  providing  that 
all  delegations  should  sign  the  protocol  for  adhe- 
sion to  the  convention  of  The  Hague,  as  originally 
suggested  by  the  United  States  delegation,  and 
that  the  advocates  of  obligatory  arbitration  sign, 
between  themselves,  a project  of  treaty  obligat- 
ing their  respective  governments  to  submit  to  the 
permanent  court  at  The  Hague  all  questions  aris- 
ing or  in  existence,  between  themselves,  which 
did  not  affect  their  independence  or  their  na- 
tional honor.  Both  the  protocol  and  treaty  were 
then  to  be  brought  before  the  conference,  incor- 
porated in  the  minutes  without  debate  or  action, 
and  sent  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  of 
Mexico,  to  be  officially  certified  and  transmitted 
by  that  official  to  the  several  signatory  govern- 
ments. After  prolonged  negotiations  this  plan 
was  adopted  and  carried  out  as  outlined  above, 
all  of  the  delegations  in  the  conference,  except- 
ing those  of  Chile  and  Ecuador,  signing  the 

20 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


protocol  covering  adherence  to  The  Hague  con- 
vention before  its  submission  to  the  conference. 
These,  after  a protracted  debate  on  a point  of 
order  involving  the  plan  adopted,  later  accepted 
in  open  conference  a solution  which  made  them 
— as  they  greatly  desired  to  be,  in  another  form 
than  that  adopted  — parties  to  the  protocol.  The 
project  of  treaty  of  compulsory  arbitration  was 
signed  by  the  delegations  of  the  Argentine  Re- 
public, Bolivia,  Santo  Domingo,  El  Salvador, 
Guatemala,  Mexico,  Paraguay,  Peru,  Uruguay, 
and  Venezuela.  . . . 

“ By  the  above  plan  the  conference  attained 
the  highest  possible  end,  and  for  the  first  time 
each  of  the  American  Republics,  as  a result  of 
that  action,  takes  her  place  by  the  side  of  the 
other  countries  of  the  world  in  favor  of  inter- 
national arbitration;  more  than  this,  by  the 
unanimous  acceptance  thus  of  The  Hague  con- 
vention on  the  part  of  the  19  Republics  repre- 
sented in  the  conference,  it  is  given  that  force 
and  character  which  places  it  to-day  as  the  for- 
mal expression  of  the  governments  of  the  entire 
civilized  world  in  favor  of  peace.  The  delegates 
of  the  United  States  believe,  hence,  that  sub- 
stantial progress  and  a noteworthy  and  historic 
step  in  advance  has  been  taken  in  the  interests  of 
peace,  and  that  means  have  been  provided  by 
which  wars  will  be  rendered  less  frequent,  if  not 
wholly  avoided,  betwTeen  the  countries  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  The  opening  of  the  doors 
of  the  permanent  tribunal  of  The  Hague  to  all 
of  the  Republics  of  America,  as  this  protocol  has 
done,  is  of  itself  an  achievement  of  the  greatest 
importance.  As  a result  of  this  action  the  Amer- 
ican Republics  now  have  at  their  command  the 
machinery  of  that  great  international  body  for 
the  pacific  settlement  of  any  dispute  they  may 
desire  to  refer  to  arbitration.  Beyond  this  the 
obligations  imposed  by  their  adhesion  to  the  con- 
vention to  have  recourse,  as  far  as  circumstances 
allow,  to  the  good  offices  or  mediation  of  any 
one  or  more  friendly  powers,  and  to  permit  these 
offers  to  be  made  without  considering  them 
unfriendly,  is  certainly  a point  of  great  value 
gained  by  all. 

“ In  addition  to  accepting  The  Hague  conven- 
tion the  conference  went  further.  It  accepted 
the  three  Hague  conventions  as  principles  of 
public  American  international  law,  and  author- 
ized and  requested  the  President  of  the  Mexican 
Republic,  as  heretofore  explained,  to  enter  upon 
negotiations  with  the  several  American  Govern- 
ments looking  toward  the  most  unrestricted  ap- 
plication of  arbitration  possible  should  the  way 
for  such  a step  appear  open.  In  addition  to  the 
protocol  and  treaty  referred  to,  another  step  was 
taken  in  the  direction  of  the  settlement  of  inter- 
national controversies  by  the  adoption  and  sign- 
ing, on  the  part  of  every  country  represented  in 
the  conference,  of  a project  of  treaty  covering 
the  arbitration  of  pecuniary  claims.  Under  this 
the  several  republics  obligate  themselves  for  a 
period  of  five  years  to  submit  to  the  arbitration 
of  the  court  at  The  Hague  all  claims  for  pecuni- 
ary loss  or  damage  which  may  be  presented  by 
their  respective  citizens  and  which  cannot  be 
amicably  adjusted  through  diplomatic  channels, 
when  such  claims  are  of  sufficient  importance 
to  warrant  the  expense  of  arbitration.  Should 
both  parties  prefer  that  a speoial  jurisdiction  be 
organized,  according  to  article  21  of  the  conven- 
tion of  The  Hague  this  may  be  done,  and  if  the 


permanent  court  of  The  Hague  shall  not  be  open 
to  one  or  more  of  the  signatory  republics  for  any 
cause,  they  obligate  themselves  to  stipulate  then 
in  a special  treaty  the  rules  under  which  a tri- 
bunal shall  be  established  for  the  adjustment  of 
the  matter  in  dispute  and  the  form  of  procedure 
to  be  followed  in  such  arbitration.  As  a supple- 
ment to  the  protocol  and  treaty  above  referred 
to,  this  project  of  treaty  is  of  great  importance 
and  will  most  certainly  be  of  wide  benefit  to  the 
good  relations  and  intercourse  between  the 
United  States  and  her  sister  republics  of  this 
Hemisphere.”.  . . 

“Among  the  most  important  recommenda- 
tions made  by  the  First  International  American 
Conference,  held  in  Washington  in  1889-90,  with 
a view  to  facilitating  trade  and  communication 
between  the  American  Republics,  was  that  look- 
ing to  the  construction  of  an  intercontinental 
railway,  by  which  all  of  the  republics  on  the 
American  continent  would  be  put  into  rail  com- 
munication with  each  other.  In  pursuance  of 
the  recommendations  of  that  conference,  an  in- 
ternational railway  commission  was  organized, 
and  under  its  direction  surveys  were  made  which 
showed  that  it  would  be  entirely  practicable,  by 
using,  as  far  as  possible,  existing  railway  sys- 
tems and  filling  in  the  gaps  between  them.  . . . 
The  report  of  the  intercontinental  railway  com- 
mission showed  that  the  distance  between  New 
York  and  Buenos  Ayres  by  way  of  the  proposed 
line  would  be  10,471  miles,  of  which  a little  less 
than  one-lialf  had  then  been  constructed,  leav- 
ing about  5,456  miles  to  be  built.  Following 
up  the  work  of  the  first  conference  and  the  in- 
tercontinental railway  commission,  the  present 
conference  adopted  a strong  report  and  a series 
of  carefully  considered  recommendations  on  this 
subject.  . . . 

“ The  resolution  . . . providing  for  the  meet- 
ing of  an  international  American  customs  con- 
gress in  the  city  of  New  York  within  a year,  to 
consider  customs  administrative  matters,  is  one 
of  the  subjects  on  which  early  action  should  be 
taken  by  our  Government  if  the  success  of  the 
congress  is  to  be  assured.  The  governing  board 
of  the  International  Bureau  of  the  American 
Republics  is  to  fix  the  date  for  the  meeting  of 
this  congress.  . . . This  congress  will  have 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  subject  of  tariff 
rates  in  any  of  the  countries  represented.  Its 
functions  . . . briefly  stated,  are  to  consider 
means  for  bringing  about,  as  far  as  may  be 
practicable,  the  adoption  by  the  several  repub- 
lics of  uniform  and  simple  methods  of  custom- 
house procedure  and  a uniform  and  simple  sys- 
tem of  port  regulations  and  charges ; measures 
to  secure  the  adoption  and  use  in  customs  sched- 
ules and  laws  of  a common  nomenclature  of  the 
products  and  merchandise  of  the  American  re- 
publics, to  be  issued  in  English,  Spanish,  Por- 
tuguese, and  French,  and  that  it  may  become 
the  basis  for  the  statistical  data  of  exports  and 
imports;  to  provide  for  the  organization  of  a 
permanent  customs  committee  or  commission, 
composed  of  persons  having  technical  and  ex- 
pert knowledge,  which,  as  a dependency  of  the 
International  Bureau  of  the  American  Republics, 
or  otherwise,  shall  be  charged  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  resolutions  and  decisions  of  the  con- 
gress and  the  study  of  the  customs  laws  of  the 
American  republics,  in  order  to  suggest  to  the 
several  governments  the  adoption  of  laws  and 

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measures  which,  with  regard  to  custom  house 
formalities,  may  tend  to  simplify  and  facilitate 
mercantile  traffic.  . . . 

“ Another  resolution  which  contemplates  that 
early  action  must  be  taken  by  the  several  Gov- 
ernments is  that  regarding  quarantine  and  sani- 
tary matters.  In  dealing  with  this  subject  the 
■object  of  the  conference  was  to  make  sanitation 
take  the  place  of  quarantine.  When  the  ideal 
had  in  view  by  the  conference  shall  have  been 
realized,  the  cities  of  the  Western  Hemisphere 
will  have  been  put  in  such  perfect  sanitary  con- 
dition that  the  propagation  of  disease  germs  in 
them  will  be  impossible  and  quarantine  restric- 
tions upon  travel  and  commerce,  with  their  vex- 
ations and  burdensome  delays  and  expenses,  will 
be  unnecessary. 

“The  conference  fully  recognized  the  value  and 
importance  to  all  the  Republics  of  the  Interna- 
tional Bureau  of  the  American  Republics,  w hich 
was  established  in  Washington  in  pursuance  of 
the  action  of  the  First  International  American 
Conference.  . . . With  a view  to  rendering  the 
Bureau  still  more  useful  to  all  the  countries 
represented  in  its  administration,  and  making  it 
still  more  valuable  in  establishing  and  maintain- 
ing closer  relations  between  them,  the  confer- 
ence adopted  a plan  of  reorganization,  or  rather 
of  broadening  and  expanding  the  existing  organ- 
ization. . . . The  new  regulations  adopted  pro- 
vide that  the  Bureau  shall  be  under  the  manage- 
ment of  a governing  board  to  be  composed  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  who 
is  to  be  its  chairman,  and  the  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives in  Washington  of  all  the  other  govern- 
ments represented  in  the  Bureau.  This  govern- 
ing board  is  to  meet  regularly  once  a month, 
excepting  in  June,  July,  and  August  of  each 
year.  . . . 

“In  order  that  the  archaeological  and  ethno- 
logical remains  existing  in  the  territory  of  the 
several  Republics  of  the  Western  Hemisphere 
might  be  systematically  studied  and  preserved, 
the  conference  adopted  a resolution  providing 
for  the  meeting  of  an  American  international 
archaeological  commission  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.,  within  two  years  from  the  date  of 
the  adoption  of  the  resolution.  . . . 

“ The  conference  gave  its  most  hearty  indorse- 
ment to  the  project  for  the  construction  of  an  in- 
teroceanic  canal  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.”  . . . 

“The  recommendation  of  the  conference  that 
there  be  established  in  New  York,  Chicago,  San 
Francisco,  New  Orleans,  Buenos  Ayres,  or  any 
other  important  mercantile  center,  a bank  with 
branches  in  the  principal  cities  in  the  American 
republics,  is  in  line  with  the  similar  resolution 
adopted  by  the  First  International  American 
Conference  in  Washington  in  1889-90.” 

“ In  addition  to  the  protocol  for  the  adhesion 
of  the  American  Republics  to  the  Convention  of 
The  Hague,  the  treaty  of  compulsory  arbitration 
signed  by  nine  delegations,  and  the  treaty  for 
the  arbitration  of  pecuniary  claims,  the  Confer- 
ence agreed  to  and  signed  a treaty  for  the  extra- 
dition of  criminals,  . . . including  a clause  mak- 
ing anarchy  an  extraditable  offense  when  it  shall 
have  been  defined  by  the  legislation  of  the  re- 
spective countries;  a convention  on  the  practice 
of  the  learned  professions,  providing  for  the  re- 
ciprocal recognition  of  the  professional  diplo- 
mas and  titles  granted  in  the  several  Republics; 


a convention  for  the  formation  of  codes  of  pub- 
lic and  private  international  law;  . . . a conven- 
tion on  literary  and  artistic  copyrights;  ...  a 
convention  for  the  exchange  of  official,  scientific, 
literary,  and  industrial  publications ; . . . a treaty 
on  patents  of  invention,  etc. ; . . . and  a con- 
vention on  the  rights  of  aliens.”  The  treaty  on 
patents  and  the  convention  on  the  rights  of  aliens 
could  not  be  signed  by  the  delegates  of  the 
United  States,  for  reasons  set  forth  in  their  re- 
port. 

“The  delegates  desire  especially  to  express 
their  most  grateful  appreciation  of  the  courtesy 
extended  by  the  Mexican  Government  in  prepar- 
ing for  the  comfort  of  delegates  and  in  all  the 
arrangements  for  the  conference.  Every  con- 
venience at  the  command  of  that  Government 
was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  delegates  to  assist 
them  in  the  discharge  of  their  labors.  . . . 

“It  is  the  belief  of  the  delegates  of  the  United 
States  that  the  results  of  the  Second  Interna- 
tional American  Conference  will  be  of  great  and 
lasting  benefit  to  the  nations  participating  in  its 
deliberations.  . . . That  the  relations  between 
the  American  Republics  have  been  improved  as 
a result  of  the  conference  cannot  be  doubted. 
The  intimate  daily  association  for  nearly  four 
months,  of  leading  men  from  every  American 
Republic  of  itself  tended  toward  this  result. 
Delegates  learned  that,  while  existing  interna- 
tional relations  made  differences  of  opinion  in- 
evitable between  the  representatives  of  some  of 
the  countries,  they  all  had  many  interests  in 
common.  As  a result,  toleration  for  the  opinions 
of  others  was  shown  by  delegates  to  a marked 
degree,  and  the  sessions  of  the  conference  were 
remarkably  free  from  acrimonious  debates  and 
reflections  on  the  policies  of  delegations  or  their 
Governments,”  — 57 th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.  1901-2, 
Senate  Doc.  330. 

Their  Third  International  Conference,  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  Brazil,  in  1906.  — Proceed- 
ings, conventions,  resolutions.  — The  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Republics 
was  held  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Brazil,  from  July 
21st  to  August  26th,  1906.  It  was  attended  by 
delegates  from  each  of  the  21  American  Repub- 
lics, excepting  only  Hayti  and  Venezuela.  The 
delegates  from  the  United  States  of  America 
were  the  Hon.  William  I.  Buchanan,  chairman, 
formerly  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  the  Argentine  Republic;  Dr. 
L.  S.  Rowe,  Professor  of  Political  Science,  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  ; Hon.  A.  J.  Montague, 
ex-Governor  of  Virginia;  Mr.  Tulio  Larrinaga, 
Resident  Commissioner  from  Porto  Rico  in  Wash- 
ington ; Mr.  Paul  S.  Reinsch,  Professor  of  Politi- 
cal Science,  University  of  Wisconsin  ; Mr.  Van 
Leer  Polk,  ex-Consul-General ; with  a staff  of 
secretaries,  etc. , from  several  departments  of  the 
public  service  at  Washington. 

The  Conference  was  attended  also  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  of  the  United  States,  the  Hon. 
Elihu  Root,  incidentally  to  an  important  tour 
through  many  parts  of  South  America  which  he 
made  in  the  months  of  that  summer.  In  the 
course  of  his  journey  he  visited,  on  iuvitation, 
not  only  Brazil,  but  Uruguay,  Argentina,  Chile, 
Peru,  Panama,  and  Colombia  ; and,  as  stated  in 
the  next  annual  Message  of  President  Roosevelt, 
“he  refrained  from  visiting  Paraguay,  Bolivia, 
and  Ecuador  only  because  the  distance  of  their 
capitals  from  the  seaboard  made  it  impracticable 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


with  the  time  at  his  disposal,  lie  carried  with 
him  a message  of  peace  and  friendship,  and 
of  strong  desire  for  good  understanding  and 
mutual  helpfulness;  and  he  was  everywhere  re- 
ceived in  the  spirit  of  his  message.” 

In  the  instructions  to  the  delegates  from  the 
United  States,  prepared  by  Secretary  Root,  this 
wise  admonition  was  conveyed : — 

“ It  is  important  that  you  should  keep  in  mind 
and,  as  occasion  serves,  impress  upon  your  col- 
leagues, that  such  a conference  is  not  an  agency 
for  compulsion  or  a tribunal  for  adjudication; 
it  is  not  designed  to  compel  States  to  make 
treaties  or  to  observe  treaties;  it  should  not  sit 
in  judgment  upon  the  conduct  of  any  State,  or 
undertake  to  redress  alleged  wrongs,  or  to  settle 
controverted  questions  of  right.  A successful 
attempt  to  give  such  a character  to  the  Confer- 
ence would  necessarily  be  fatal  to  the  Conference 
itself,  for  few  if  any  of  the  States  represented 
in  it  would  be  willing  to  submit  their  sovereignty 
to  the  supervision  which  would  be  exercised  by 
a body  thus  arrogating  to  itself  supreme  and  in- 
definite powers.  The  true  function  of  such  a 
conference  is  to  deal  with  matters  of  common 
interest  which  are  not  really  subjects  of  contro- 
versy, but  upon  which  comparison  of  views  and 
friendly  discussion  may  smooth  away  differences 
of  detail,  develop  substantial  agreement  and  lead 
to  cooperation  along  common  lines  for  the  at- 
tainment of  objects  which  all  really  desire.  It 
follows  from  this  view  of  the  functions  of  the 
Conference  that  it  is  not  expected  to  accomplish 
any  striking  or  spectacular  final  results ; but 
is  to  deal  with  many  matters  which,  not  being 
subjects  of  controversy,  attract  little  public  at- 
tention, yet  which,  taken  together,  are  of  great 
importance  for  the  development  of  friendly  in- 
tercourse among  nations  ; and  it  is  to  make  such 
progress  as  may  now  be  possible  toward  the  ac- 
ceptance of  ideals,  the  full  realization  of  which 
may  be  postponed  to  a distant  future.  All  pro- 
gress toward  the  complete  reign  of  justice  and 
peace  among  nations  is  accomplished  by  long 
and  patient  effort  and  by  many  successive  steps; 
and  it  is  confidently  hoped  that  this  Conference 
will  mark  some  substantial  advancement  by  all 
the  American  States  in  this  process  of  developing 
Christian  civilization.  Not  the  least  of  the  bene- 
fits anticipated  from  the  Conference  will  be  the 
establishment  of  agreeable  personal  relations, 
the  removal  of  misconceptions  and  prejudices, 
and  the  habit  of  temperate  and  kindly  discussion 
among  the  representatives  of  so  many  Repub- 
lics.” 

The  following  account  of  the  Conference  and 
its  action  is  derived  from  the  subsequent  official 
report  of  the  Delegates  of  the  United  States:  — 

“ The  sessions  of  the  Conference  were  held  in 
a spacious  and  ornate  building,  erected  especially 
for  this  purpose  by  the  Brazilian  Government, 
and  situated  on  the  superb  new  boulevard  that  for 
nearly  four  miles  follows  the  shore  of  the  Bay  of 
Rio,  and  at  the  end  of  the  new  Avenida  Central. 
The  building  is  a permanent  one,  reproduced  in 
granite  and  marble  from  the  plans  of  the  palace 
erected  by  Brazil  at  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Ex- 
position, at  St.  Louis.  It  is  surrounded  by  an 
exquisite  garden,  and,  facing  as  it  does  the  en- 
trance to  the  wonderfully  beautiful  Bay  of  Rio, 
the  building  is  a notable  landmark.  It  was 
christened  ‘ The  Monroe  Palace  ’ by  special  ac- 
tion of  the  Brazilian  Government.  The  Brazilian 


Government  installed  in  the  palace  a complete 
telegraph,  mail,  and  telephone  service,  and  tele- 
grams, cables,  and  mail  of  the  different  delega- 
tions and  of  individual  delegates  were  transmitted 
free.  Recognition  is  due  in  this  connection  to 
the  governments  of  the  Argentine  Republic, 
Paraguay,  Uruguay,  and  Chili,  which  officially 
extended,  through  the  director  of  telegraphs  of 
Brazil,  the  courtesy  of  free  transit  for  all  tele- 
grams sent  by  delegates  over  the  telegraph  lines 
of  their  respective  countries.  This  marked  cour- 
tesy on  the  part  of  Brazil  and  of  the  Republics 
mentioned  was  greatly  appreciated  by  the  dele- 
gates. In  connection  with  the  work  of  the  Con- 
ference, the  Brazilian  Government  organized 
and  maintained  at  its  expense  an  extensive  and 
competent  corps  of  translators,  stenographers, 
and  clerical  assistants,  whose  services  were  at  all 
times  at  the  command  of  the  delegates.  A buffet 
lunch,  for  the  convenience  and  comfort  of  dele- 
gates and  their  guests,  was  maintained  in  the  pal- 
ace throughout  the  period  of  the  Conference.  The 
palace  was  elaborately  lighted  and  was  the  center 
of  attraction  day  and  night  for  great  crowds  of 
people,  and  nothing  in  connection  with  its  equip- 
ment and  administration  or  that  concerned  the 
comfort  or  convenience  of  delegates  was  left  un- 
done by  the  Brazilian  Government.  The  Monroe 
Palace  now  becomes  a national  meeting  place  for 
the  people  of  Brazil.  It  will  remain  as  an  adorn- 
ment of  the  splendid  new  Rio  that  has  risen  from 
the  old  city  during  the  past  two  or  three  years, 
and  as  an  evidence  of  the  progress  and  energy  of 
the  Brazilian  people. 

“ The  Conference  was  formally  opened  in  the 
presence  of  a large  and  distinguished  audience 
on  the  evening  of  July  23,  1906,  by  His  Excel- 
lency the  Baron  do  Rio  Branco,  the  distinguished 
Brazilian  minister  for  foreign  affairs.  The  ap- 
proaches to  the  palace  were  lined  with  troops, 
the  public  grounds  and  avenues  of  the  city  bril- 
liantly illuminated  and  packed  with  people.  . . . 
The  Conference  unanimously  chose  as  its  presi- 
dent, His  Excellency  Senor  Dr.  Joaquim  Nabuco, 
the  Brazilian  Ambassador  to  the  United  States; 
as  honorary  vice-presidents.  His  Excellency  the 
Baron  do  Rio  Branco,  and  the  Hon.  Elihu  Root, 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  and  as 
its  Secretary -General,  His  Excellency,  Senor  Dr. 
J.  F.  de  Assis-Brasil,  the  Brazilian  envoy  ex- 
traordinary and  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the 
Argentine  Republic.  The  latter  selected  as  his 
assistants  one  of  the  most  competent  and  distin- 
guished groups  of  men  that  has  served  any  of  the 
preceding  conferences.  . . . These  officers  left 
nothing  undone  toward  aiding  and  facilitating 
the  work  of  delegates,  and  to  them  the  United 
States  delegation  feels  greatly  indebted  for  the 
many  courtesies  and  the  great  kindness  extended 
on  ail  occasions. 

“The  conference  was  attended  by  delegates 
from  each  of  the  21  American"  Republics,  with 
the  exception  of  Haiti  and  Venezuela.”  . . . 

“The  distinguishing  note  of  the  Conference 
was  the  extraordinary  session  convened  to  re- 
ceive the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States, 
Hon.  Elihu  Root,  who,  as  stated  earlier  in  this 
report,  had  been  named  one  of  the  two  honorary 
presidents  of  the  Conference.  The  reception 
accorded  the  Secretary  of  State  by  the  Con- 
ference was  one  of  the  most  notable  political 
events  that  has  taken  place  in  our  relations  with 
Central  and  South  America,  and  manifested  the 


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feeling  of  goodfellowship  and  sympathy  that 
exists  between  the  American  Republics.  We 
believe  the  visit  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
South  America  has  resulted  in  greater  good  to 
our  relations  with  Central  and  South  America  than 
any  one  thing  that  has  heretofore  taken  place 
in  our  diplomatic  history  with  them.  The  ex- 
traordinary session  of  the  Conference  to  receive 
the  Secretary  of  State  was  held  on  the  evening 
of  July  31  and  was  one  of  great  brilliancy.  In 
introducing  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Confer- 
ence, His  Excellency  Ur.  Joaquim  Nabueo,  the 
Brazilian  Ambassador  to  the  United  States  and 
President  of  the  Conference,  delivered  a nota- 
ble address,  to  which  the  Secretary  of  State  re- 
plied.” 

It  was,  indeed,  a notable  utterance  of  preg- 
nant and  impressive  thought  which  Mr.  Root 
addressed  to  this  important  congress  of  the 
American  Republics,  and  it  well  deserved  the 
distinction  that  was  accorded  to  it  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  when  he  appended  it  to 
his  Message  to  Congress  the  following  December. 
A considerable  part  of  the  brief  but  richly  filled 
address  may  fitly  be  quoted  here: 

“ I bring  from  my  country,”  said  the  Secre- 
tary, ‘‘a  special  greeting  to  her  elder  sisters  in 
the  civilization  of  America.  Unlike  as  we  are 
in  many  respects,  we  are  alike  in  this,  that  we  are 
all  eugaged  under  new  conditions,  and  free  from 
the  traditional  forms  and  limitations  of  the  Old 
World  in  working  out  the  same  problem  of  pop- 
ular self-government. 

‘‘It  is  a difficult  and  laborious  task  for  each 
of  us.  Not  in  one  generation  nor  in  one  century 
can  the  effective  control  of  a superior  sovereign, 
so  long  deemed  necessary  to  government,  be  re- 
jected and  effective  self-control  by  the  governed 
be  perfected  in  its  place.  The  first  fruits  of  demo- 
cracy are  many  of  them  crude  and  unlovely  ; its 
mistakes  are  many,  its  partial  failures  many,  its 
sins  not  few.  Capacity  for  self-government  does 
not  come  to  man  by  nature.  It  is  an  art  to  be 
learned,  and  it  is  also  an  expression  of  character 
to  be  developed  among  all  the  thousands  of  men 
who  exercise  popular  sovereignty. 

‘‘To  reach  the  goal  toward  which  we  are 
pressing  forward,  the  governing  multitude  must 
first  acquire  knowledge  that  comes  from  univer- 
sal education,  wisdom  that  follows  practical  ex- 
perience, personal  independence  and  self-respect 
befitting  men  who  acknowledge  no  superior, 
self-control  to  replace  that  external  control 
which  a democracy  rejects,  respect  for  law, 
obedience  to  the  lawful  expressions  of  the  pub- 
lic will,  consideration  for  the  opinions  and  inter- 
ests of  others  equally  entitled  to  a voice  in  the 
state,  loyalty  to  that  abstract  conception  — one’s 
country  — as  inspiring  as  that  loyalty  to  per- 
sonal sovereigns  which  has  so  illumined  the 
pages  of  history,  subordination  of  personal  in- 
terests to  the  public  good,  love  of  justice  and 
mercy,  of  liberty  and  order.  All  these  we  must 
seek  by  slow  and  patient  effort ; and  of  how 
many  shortcomings  in  his  own  land  and  among 
his  own  people  each  one  of  us  is  conscious  ! 

‘‘Yet  no  student  of  our  times  can  fail  to  see 
that  not  America  alone  but  the  whole  civil- 
ized world  is  swinging  away  from  its  old  govern- 
mental moorings  and  intrusting  the  fate  of  its 
civilization  to  the  capacity  of  the  popular  mass 
to  govern.  By  this  pathway  mankind  is  to 
travel,  whithersoever  it  leads.  Upon  the  success 


of  this  our  great  undertaking  the  hope  of  hu- 
manity depends.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  see  that 
the  world  makes  substantial  progress  towards 
more  perfect  popular  self-government.  . . . 

“ It  is  not  by  national  isolation  that  these  re- 
sults have  been  accomplished  or  that  this  pro- 
gress can  be  continued.  No  nation  can  live  unto 
itself  alone  and  continue  to  live.  Each  nation’s 
growth  is  a part  of  the  development  of  the  race. 
There  may  be  leaders  and  there  may  be  lag- 
gards, but  no  nation  can  long  continue  very  far 
in  advance  of  the  general  progress  of  mankind, 
and  no  nation  that  is  not  doomed  to  extinction 
can  remain  very  far  behind.  It  is  with  nations 
as  with  individual  men;  intercourse,  association, 
correction  of  egotism  by  the  influence  of  others’ 
judgment,  broadening  of  views  by  the  experi- 
ence and  thought  of  equals,  acceptance  of  the 
moral  standards  of  a community  the  desire  for 
whose  good  opinion  lends  a sanction  to  the  rules 
of  right  conduct  — these  are  the  conditions  of 
growth  in  civilization.  . . . 

‘‘To  promote  this  mutual  interchange  and 
assistance  between  the  American  republics,  en- 
gaged in  the  same  great  task,  inspired  by  the 
same  purpose,  and  professing  the  same  principles, 

I understand  to  be  the  function  of  the  American 
Conference  now  in  session.  There  is  not  one  of 
all  our  countries  that  cannot  benefit  the  others; 
there  is  not  one  that  cannot  receive  benefit  from 
the  others;  there  is  not  one  that  will  not  gain  by 
the  prosperity,  the  peace,  the  happiness  of  all. . . . 

“ The  association  of  so  many  eminent  men  from 
all  the  Republics,  leaders  of  opinion  in  their  own 
homes ; the  friendships  that  will  arise  among 
you;  the  habit  of  temperate  and  kindly  discus- 
sion of  matters  of  common  interest ; the  ascer- 
tainment of  common  sympathies  and  aims ; the 
dissipation  of  misunderstandings ; the  exhibition 
to  all  the  American  peoples  of  this  peaceful  and 
considerate  method  of  conferring  upon  interna- 
tional questions  — this  alone,  quite  irrespective 
of  the  resolutions  you  may  adopt  and  the  con- 
ventions you  may  sign,  will  mark  a substantial 
advance  in  the  direction  of  international  good 
understanding. 

“ These  beneficent  results  the  Government  and 
the  people  of  the  United  States  of  America 
greatly  desire.  We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those 
of  peace;  for  no  territory  except  our  own  ; for 
no  sovereignty  except  the  sovereignty  over  our- 
selves. We  deem  the  independence  and  equal 
rights  of  the  smallest  and  weakest  member  of  the 
family  of  nations  entitled  to  as  much  respect  as 
those  of  the  greatest  empire,  and  we  deem  the 
observance  of  that  respect  the  chief  guaranty  of 
the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the  strong. 
We  neither  claim  nor  desire  any  rights,  or  privi- 
leges, or  powers  that  we  do  not  freely  concede 
to  every  American  republic.  We  wish  to  increase 
our  prosperity,  to  expand  our  trade,  to  grow 
in  wealth,  in  wisdom,  and  in  spirit,  but  our  con- 
ception of  the  true  way  to  accomplish  this  is  not 
to  pull  down  others  and  profit  by  their  ruin,  but 
to  help  all  friends  to  a common  prosperity  and  a 
common  growth,  that  we  may  all  become  greater 
and  stronger  together.  , 

‘‘Within  a few  months,  for  the  first  time  the 
recognized  possessors  of  every  foot  of  soil  upon 
the  American  continents  can  be  and  I hope  will 
be  represented  with  the  acknowledged  rights  of 
equal  sovereign  states  in  the  great  World  Con- 
gress at  The  Hague.  This  will  be  the  world’s 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


formal  and  final  acceptance  of  the  declaration 
that  no  part  of  the  American  continents  is  to  be 
deemed  subject  to  colonization.  Let  us  pledge 
ourselves  to  aid  each  other  in  the  full  perform- 
ance of  the  duty  to  humanity  which  that  accepted 
declaration  implies  ; so  that  in  time  the  weakest 
and  most  unfortunate  of  our  republics  may  come 
to  march  with  equal  step  by  the  side  of  the 
stronger  and  more  fortunate.  Let  us  help  each 
other  to  show  that  for  all  the  races  of  men  the 
liberty  for  which  we  have  fought  and  labored 
is  the  twin  sister  of  justice  and  peace.  Let  us 
unite  in  creating  and  maintaining  and  making 
effective  an  all-American  public  opinion,  whose 
power  shall  influence  international  conduct  and 
prevent  international  wrong,  and  narrow  the 
causes  of  war,  and  forever  preserve  our  free  lands 
from  the  burden  of  such  armaments  as  are  massed 
behind  the  frontiers  of  Europe,  and  bring  us  ever 
nearer  to  the  perfection  of  ordered  liberty.  So 
shall  come  security  and  prosperity,  production 
and  trade,  wealth,  learning,  the  arts,  and  happi- 
ness for  us  all.” 

The  fruits  of  the  Conference  were  embodied 
in  four  conventions  and  a number  of  important 
resolutions.  The  text  of  a convention  agreed  to, 
which  establishes  between  the  States  signing  it 
the  status  of  naturalized  citizens  who  again  take 
up  their  residence  in  the  country  of  their  origin, 
will  be  found  elsewhere  in  this  volume,  under 
the  subject-heading  Naturalization.  Another, 
which  amends  and  extends  the  operation  of  a 
treaty  signed  at  the  Second  Conference,  at  Mex- 
ico, in  1902  (see  above)  is  as  follows : — 

“ Sole  article.  The  treaty  on  pecuniary  claims 
signed  at  Mexico  January  thirtieth,  nineteen 
hundred  and  two,  shall  continue  in  force,  with 
the  exception  of  the  third  article,  which  is  hereby 
abolished,  until  the  thirty-first  day  of  December, 
nineteen  hundred  and  twelve,  both  for  the  na- 
tions which  have  already  ratified  it,  and  for  those 
which  may  hereafter  ratify  it.” 

The  third  Convention  signed  was  a modifica- 
tion and  extension  of  another  of  the  agreements 
of  the  Second  Conference,  at  Mexico,  having 
relation  to  patents  of  invention,  literary  prop- 
erty, etc.  The  fourth  Convention  provides  for 
an  “international  Commission  of  Jurists,  com- 
posed of  one  representative  from  each  of  the 
signatory  States,  appointed  by  their  respective 
Governments,  which  Commission  shall  meet  for 
the  purpose  of  preparing  a draft  of  a code  of 
Private  International  Law  and  one  of  Public 
International  Law,  regulating  the  relations  be- 
tween the  nations  of  America.”  The  more  im- 
portant of  the  resolutions  adopted  were  the 
following: 

“To  ratify  adherence  to  the  principle  of  arbi- 
tration ; and,  to  the  end  that  so  high  a purpose 
may  be  rendered  practicable,  to  recommend  to 
the  Nations  represented  at  this  Conference  that 
instructions  be  given  to  their  Delegates  to  the 
Second  Conference  to  be  held  at  The  Hague,  to 
endeavor  to  secure  by  the  said  Assembly,  of 
world-wide  character,  the  celebration  of  a Gen- 
eral Arbitration  Convention,  so  effective  and 
definite  that,  meriting  the  approval  of  the  civil- 
ized world,  it  shall  be  accepted  and  put  in  force 
by  every  nation.” 

“To  recommend  to  the  Governments  repre- 
sented therein  that  they  consider  the  point  of 


inviting  the  Second  Peace  Conference,  at  The 
Hague,  to  examine  the  question  of  the  compul- 
sory collection  of  public  debts,  and,  in  general, 
means  tending  to  diminish  between  Nations 
conflicts  having  an  exclusively  pecuniary  ori- 
gin.” 

Other  resolutions  of  the  Conference  were  di- 
rected to  a broadening  of  the  work  and  an  en- 
largement of  the  influence  of  the  International 
Bureau  of  the  American  Republics;  to  the  erec- 
tion of  a building  for  that  Bureau  and  for  the 
contemplated  Library  in  Memory  of  Columbus; 
to  the  creation  in  the  Bureau  of  a section  having 
“as  its  chief  object  a special  study  of  the  cus- 
toms legislation,  consular  regulations  and  com- 
mercial statistics  of  the  Republics  of  America,” 
with  a view  to  bringing  them  into  more  har- 
mony, and  to  securing  the  greatest  develop- 
ment and  amplification  of  commercial  relations 
between  American  Republics ; to  promote  the 
establishment  and  maintenance  of  navigation 
lines  connecting  the  principal  ports  of  the  Amer- 
ican continent ; to  bring  about  more  effective 
cooperation  in  international  sanitary  measures; 
to  advance  the  construction  of  lines  that  shall 
form,  connectedly,  the  desired  Pan-American 
Railway,  extending  through  the  two  continents. 

The  time  and  place  of  future  conferences  are 
to  be  determined  by  the  Governing  Board  of 
the  Bureau  of  American  Republics. 

The  International  Bureau : Its  increased 
efficiency.  — The  gift  of  a building  to  it  by 
Mr.  Carnegie.  — The  International  Bureau  of 
the  American  Republics,  instituted  at  Washing- 
ton in  1890  (see  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work), 
assumed  larger  functions  and  increased  impor- 
tance in  1906,  after  the  return  of  Mr.  Root, 
United  States  Secretary  of  State,  from  his  tour 
of  visits  to  the  South  American  States.  The 
Hon.  John  Barrett,  who  had  sucessively  repre- 
sented the  Government  of  the  United  States  in 
Panama,  in  Argentina  and  in  Colombia,  as  well 
as  at  the  Second  Pan-American  Conference,  in 
Mexico,  was  made  Director  of  the  Bureau,  and 
entered  upon  its  duties  with  an  exalted  belief  in 
the  possibilities  of  good  to  be  done  in  the  Amer- 
ican hemisphere  by  an  energetic  promotion  of 
more  intimate  relations  between  its  peoples.  At 
the  same  time  a new  dignity  was  given  to  the 
International  Union  of  the  American  Republics, 
embodied  in  the  work  of  the  Bureau,  by  the  pro- 
vision of  a stately  building  for  its  use.  Mr.  Root 
had  persuaded  Congress  to  appropriate  $200,000 
for  the  site  and  building  of  such  a home,  to  be 
ofEered  to  the  Union,  and  this  inadequate  sum 
was  supplemented  by  a generous  private  gift. 
It  was  easy  to  interest  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  in 
a project  which  bore  so  directly  on  the  promo- 
tion of  international  friendliness  and  peace,  and 
he  offered  an  addition  of  $750,000  to  the  fund 
for  the  Pan-American  Building. 

The  site  secured  for  the  structure  is  that  of 
the  old  Van  Ness  mansion,  about  half-way 
between  the  State,  War  and  Navy  Building  and 
the  Potomac  River.  It  covers  a tract  of  five 
acres,  facing  public  parks  on  two  sides.  There 
the  corner  stone  of  a central  seat  of  Pan-Ameri- 
can cooperations  and  influences  was  laid  in  May, 
1908,  in  the  presence  of  official  representatives 
from  twenty -one  American  republics,  and  under 
their  assembled  flags. 


25 


AMERICAN  SCHOOL  PEACE  LEAGUE 


ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 


AMERICAN  SCHOOL  PEACE 
LEAGUE,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1908. 

AMERICAN  SOCIETY  OF  EQUITY. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization,  &c. : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1902-1909. 

AMERICAN  SUGAR  REFINING 
COMPANY  (the  “Sugar  Trust”).  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1907-1909,  and  1909. 

AMSTERDAM  : A.  D.  1907. — Meeting  of 
International  Woman  Suffrage  Alliance.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise:  Woman 
Suffrage. 

AMUNDSEN,  Roald:  Arctic  Exploration. 
— Magnetic  Pole  Researches.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 

ANAM:  Deposition  of  the  King.- — Toward 
the  end  of  1906,  France  asserted  sovereignty 
over  Anam,  which  had  been  a French  Protecto- 
rate for  many  years,  by  adjudging  its  king  to 
be  insane,  placing  him  in  confinement,  and  thus 
ending  liis  reign.  He  was  accused  of  almost 
incredible  atrocities,  in  torturing  and  murdering 
his  wives  and  other  subjects  within  his  reach. 
Even  cannibalism  was  included  among  his  al- 
leged crimes. 

ANARCHISM  IN  INDIA.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1907-1908,  and  1907-1909. 

ANATOLIAN  RAILWAY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  Turkey:  A.  D.  1899-1909. 

ANDERSON,  Judge  A.  B. : Acquittal  of 
the  Standard  Oil  Company.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : United 

States:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

ANDRASSY,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Aus- 
tria-Hungary: A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ANGELL,  James  Burrill:  Retirement 

from  Presidency  of  University  of  Michigan. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1901-1909. 

ANGLE  HILL,  Capture  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

ANJUMAN,  or  Enjumen.  A term  which 
seems  to  signify  in  Persia  either  a local  assembly 
or  a political  association  of  any  nature.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

ANNUITIES,  for  Workingmen.  See  Pov- 
ety,  Problems  of. 

ANTARCTIC  EXPLORATION.  See 

Polar  Exploration. 

ANTHRACITE  COAL:  The  Railroad 
Monopoly.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

ANTHRACITE  COAL  STRIKES.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States. 

ANTI-REBATE  LEGISLATION.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1870-1908,  and  1903  (Feb.). 

ANTI-SEMITIC  DEMONSTRA- 
TIONS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Jews. 

ANTI-TRUST,  or  Sherman  Act,  of  1890. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1890-1902. 

ANTI-TRUST  DECISIONS,  in  United 
States  Courts.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 

ANTUNG:  Opened  to  Foreign  Trade.  See 
{in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1903  (May-Oct.). 

ANTUNG-MUKDEN  RAILWAY 
QUESTION,  between  Japan  and  China. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1905-1909 


APOSTOLIC  CONSTITUTION  OF 
THE  CURIA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy: 
A.  D.  1908. 

APPALACHIAN  MOUNTAIN  FOR- 
ESTS, Preservation  of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Conservation  of  Natural  Resources: 
United  States. 

APPONYI,  Count  Albert.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1904;  1905-1906; 
1908-1909. 

ARABIA:  A.  D.  1903-1905. — “ Holy  War  ” 
with  the  Sultan  opened  by  the  Sheik  Hamid 
Eddin,  of  the  Hadramaut,  claiming  the 
Caliphate.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1903-1905. 

ARBITRATION,  Industrial.  See  Labor 

Organization. 

ARBITRATION,  International : General 
Treaties,  since  the  First  Peace  Conference, 
of  1899.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1899-1909. 

Special:  Of  the  Pious  Fund  Dispute  be- 
tween Mexico  and  the  United  States.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Mexico  : A.  D.  1902  (May). 

Of  Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  Vene- 
zuela : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

Of  Alaska  Boundary,  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  See  Alaska:  A.  D. 
1903. 

Of  Brazil  and  British  Guiana:  Boundary 
Dispute.  See  Brazil  : A.  D.  1904. 

Of  Great  Britain  and  Russia:  The  Dogger 
Bank  Incident.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905 
(Oct. -May). 

Of  Fisheries  Questions  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  See  Newfound- 
land: A.  D.  1905-1909. 

Central  American  Court  of  Justice.  See 
Central  America:  A.  D.  1907. 

Of  Casablanca  Incident,  between  Germany 
and  France,  at  The  Hague.  See  Morocco: 
A.  D *1907-1909. 

ARCTIC  EXPLORATION.  See  (iu  this 
vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 

ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC:  A.  D.  1901- 
1906.  — Participation  in  Second  and  Third 
International  Conferences  of  American  Re- 
publics, at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Noble  ending  of  naval  ri- 
valries with  Chile.  — A model  arbitration 
treaty.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  Foreign  Population. — 

“ Statistics  of  1903  showed  1,000,000  foreigners 
in  Argentina  in  a total  of  5,000,000.  Of  these 
500,000  were  Italians,  200,000  Spaniards,  100,000 
French,  25,000  English,  18,000  Germans,  15,000 
Swiss,  13,000  Austrians,  and  the  remainder  of 
many  nationalities.  The  number  of  Americans 
did  not  exceed  1,500,  although  many  are  coming 
now,  to  go  into  cattle-raising  and  farming  iu  the 
country  or  into  all  kinds  of  business  in  Buenos 
Ayres.  English  influence  is  very  strong,  espe- 
cially in  financial  circles,  with  the  Germans  al- 
most equally  active.”  — John  Barret,  Argentina 
{Am.  Review  of  Reviews,  July,  1905). 

A.  D.  1904.  — Inauguration  of  President 
Quintana.  — Dr.  Manuel  Quintana,  elected  Pre- 
sident of  the  Republic,  was  inaugurated  on  the 
12th  of  October,  1904,  and  entered  on  an  adminis- 
tration which  promised  much  good  to  the  coun- 
try. 


ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 


ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 


A.  D.  1905. — A revolutionary  movement 
promptly  suppressed.  — A revolutionary  un- 
dertaking, in  Buenos  Aires  and  several  pro- 
vinces, had  its  outbreak  on  the  4th  of  February, 
but  was  suppressed  so  promptly  that  the  public 
disturbance  by  it  was  very  brief.  Particulars 
of  the  affair  were  reported  by  the  American  Min- 
ister at  Buenos  Aires,  Mr.  Beaupre,  as  follows: 
“On  the  afternoon  of  the  3d  instant  rumors  of 
an  intended  movement  subversive  of  the  estab- 
lished government  of  this  country  came  to  the 
Federal  authorities  from  various  parts  of  the  Re- 
public. These  rumors  were  at  first  discredited, 
but  finally  proved  so  persistent  that  the  Presi- 
dent and  heads  of  the  various  departments  of  the 
government  proceeded  to  take  measures  of  pre- 
caution. In  the  early  hours  of  the  morning  of 
the  next  day,  the  4th  instant,  the  anticipated 
outbreak  came  simultaneously  in  the  capital, 
Rosario,  Mendoza,  Cordoba,  and  Bahia  Blanca, 
these  being  the  largest  cities  of  the  Republic 
and  the  principal  political  and  military  centers. 

“ In  the  capital  the  plan  of  the  revolutionists 
seems  to  have  been  to  attack  the  police  stations 
and  military  arsenal,  with  a view  perhaps  of 
forcing  the  police  of  the  capital  into  their  ranks 
and  of  supplying  themselves  with  arms  and 
munitions.  At  the  arsenal,  by  a simple  strata- 
gem of  the  minister  of  war,  the  malcontents  were 
lured  into  the  building  and  arrested.  About  the 
police  stations  there  was  some  fighting,  partic- 
ularly at  Station  No.  14  ; but  the  insurgents 
proved  unprepared  and  insufficiently  organized, 
so  that  by  dawn  the  movement  had  completely 
failed  in  this  city.  Except  that  many  of  the 
shops  remained  closed  throughout  the  day  of 
the  4th,  and  except  for  the  presence  of  armed 
police  in  the  streets,  there  were  no  evidences  of 
any  revolutionary  effort.  Some  half  dozen  fa- 
talities are  reported. 

“The  prompt  and  effective  suppression  of  the 
revolution  in  this  city  is  due  in  large  measure  to 
the  energy  and  judgment  displayed  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  ministers,  who  spent  the  entire  night 
in  the  Government  House  in  council.  Following 
up  the  precautionary  measures  of  the  3d  instant 
and  the  active  measures  of  the  night  of  the  3d 
and  4th,  the  President  proceeded  at  8 A.  m.  of 
the  4th  to  declare  the  Republic  in  a state  of  siege 
for  a period  of  thirty  days,  to  call  out  the  reserves 
and  to  establish  a censorship  of  the  press  and  of 
the  telegraph  service. 

“ The  movement  in  Rosario  was  about  as  brief 
and  unsuccessful  as  that  in  the  capital,  so  that 
by  the  forenoon  of  the  4th  it  was  known  to  have 
failed  in  the  two  principal  cities  of  the  Republic. 
Here  there  was  also  some  blood  shed. 

“ In  the  meantime  the  real  center  of  the  move- 
ment was  the  city  of  Cordoba,  while  serious 
trouble  seemed  in  view  in  the  city  of  Mendoza, 
where  the  revolutionists  were  said  to  be  in  a 
strong  position,  and  in  the  province  of  Buenos 
Aires,  where  troops  and  marines  were  already 
in  movement  from  Bahia  Blanca  upon  the  capi- 
tal.” 

Forces  despatched  to  those  points  made  as 
quick  an  ending  of  the  revolt  there  as  at  the 
capital.  “ The  revolutionary  forces  at  Cordoba 
had  made  prisoners  of  the  vice-president  of  the 
Republic,  Dr.  Figueroa  Alcorta,  and  other  promi- 
nent citizens.  These  prominent  men  they  are 
reported  to  have  proposed  putting  in  their  van- 
guard unless  concessions  were  made  to  them. 


This  and  the  conditions  of  the  revolutionists  the 
vice-president  telegraphed  to  the  Executive,  who 
did  not  allow  himself  to  be  moved  by  threats  or 
even  by  sympathy  for  his  colleague.  Conse- 
quently the  revolutionists,  finding  threats  and 
resistance  vain,  fled  yesterday  before  the  gov- 
ernment troops  arrived.  With  the  failure  of  the 
movement  in  Cordoba  the  revolution  is  consid- 
ered at  an  end  and  the  country  has  returned  to 
its  former  condition  of  peace  and  tranquillity.” 
A.  D.  1906.  — Death  of  its  President.  — Dr. 
Manuel  Quintana,  the  much  esteemed  President 
of  the  Argentine  Republic,  died  in  March,  1906, 
aud  was  succeeded  by  the  Vice-President,  Dr. 
Figuero  Alcorta,  who  will  fill  the  office  until 
1910. 

A.  D.  1908. — Dreadnought  building.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Assassination  of  Colonel  Fal- 
con.— As  Colonel  Falcon,  Prefect  of  Police  at 
Buenos  Ayres,  was  returning  from  a funeral,  with 
his  secretary,  on  the  14th  of  November,  a bomb 
was  thrown  into  the  carriage  and  exploded,  with 
fatal  effects  to  both.  The  assassin,  a youth  of 
nineteen  years,  was  captured.  The  murder  had 
been  preceded  by  a number  of  bomb  explosions 
in  the  past  six  months,  all  attributed  to  anarchists 
from  Europe,  of  whom  large  numbers  were  said 
to  have  been  collected  in  Buenos  Ayres. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Chief  food  supply  to  Great 
Britain. — “How  many  readers  of  The  Times 
(said  a special  correspondent  of  the  London  Times 
writing  from  Buenos  Aires,  October  15,  1909), 
if  asked  to  name  the  country  which  supplied  the 
United  Kingdom  last  year  with  the  largest  quan- 
tity of  wheat,  of  maize,  and  of  refrigerated  and 
frozen  cattle,  would  unhesitatingly  award  the 
first  place  to  the  Argentine  Republic  ? How 
many  English  people  realize  that  this  South 
American  Republic  is  changing  places  with  the 
North  American  Republic  in  the  exporting  of 
these  and  other  food  products  to  the  United 
Kingdom  ? The  Argentine  Republic  last  year 
occupied,  and  may  in  the  future  occupy,  the  first, 
whilst  the  United  States  may  have  to  be  content 
with  the  second,  place  in  the  exportation  of  food- 
stuffs. The  change  is  partly  due  to  the  shortage 
of  meat  in  America,  and  partly  to  the  fact  that 
with  their  increasing  population  the  United 
States  will  have  less  and  less  surplus  provisions 
with  which  to  supply  the  world.  Last  year,  the 
Argentine  Republic  sent  England  three  times 
more  maize  than  the  United  States  did,  some- 
thing like  four  and  a half  million  cwt.  more 
wheat,  and  considerably  over  twice  the  amount 
of  refrigerated  and  frozen  cattle.  The  shipments 
of  meat  are  considerably  heavier  for  the  first 
nine  months  of  1909,  so  the  proportion  shipped 
by  the  Argentine  Republic  is  not  likely  to  be 
less  for  the  present  year.  ” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Arbitration  of  the  Acre 
boundary  dispute  between  Bolivia  and 
Peru.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Acre  Disputes. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Building  of  the  Transandine 
Railway  Tunnel.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
Argentina-Chile. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Agreement  with  Uruguay 
concerning  the  River  Plate.  — The  following 
message  came  from  Buenos  Ayres  on  the  6th  of 
January,  1910  : “A  burning  question  between 
Argentina  and  Uruguay,  which  for  two  years 
was  seemingly  insoluble  and  possibly  involved 
Brazil,  has  been  settled  by  Senor  Roque  Saenz - 

27 


ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 


ASSASSINATIONS 


Pena.  As  Argentine  Plenipotentiary  he  signed 
a Protocol  at  Montevideo  yesterday,  of  which  the 
following  is  a summary : Recognizing  the  re- 
ciprocal desire  for  friendly  relations,  fortified  by 
the  common  origin  of  the  two  nations,  the  parties 
agree  to  declare  that  past  differences  are  not  capa- 
ble of  being  regarded  as  a cause  of  offence  and 
shall  not  be  allowed  to  continue.  The  naviga- 
tion and  use  of  the  waters  of  the  River  Plate 
will  continue  as  heretofore  without  alteration, 
and  differences  which  may  arise  in  the  future 
will  be  removed  and  settled  in  the  same  spirit  of 
cordiality.” 

ARICA-LA  PAZ  RAILWAY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  Chile-Bolivia. 

ARICA  QUESTION.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Chile:  A.  I).  1907. 

ARID  LANDS,  Reclamation  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

ARIZONA:  Refusal  of  statehood  in  union 
with  New  Mexico.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States:  A.  D.  1906. 

ARMENIANS:  A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Incur- 
sions of  Armenian  revolutionists  from  Russia 
and  Persia.  — Exaggerated  accounts  of  mas- 
sacre. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903- 
1904. 

A.  D.  1905. — Massacre  by  Tartars  in  the 
Caucasus.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D. 
1905  (Feb.-Nov.). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Massacre  at  Adana  and  vi- 
cinity. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -May)  and  (April-Dec.). 

ARMAMENTS.  — Armies.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Preparation  for. 

ARMOUR  & CO.,  et  al.,  The  case  of  the 
United  States  against.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1903-1906. 

ARMOUR  PACKING  COMPANY:  De- 
cision against  in  rebating  case.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1908. 

ARMSTRONG,  Vice-Consul  J.  P.:  Re- 
ports on  affairs  in  the  Congo  State.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Congo  State:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

ARMSTRONG  INVESTIGATION  COM- 
MITTEE. See  (in  this  vol.)  Insurance, 
Life. 

ARNOLDSEN,  K.  P.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

ARRHENIUS,  SVANTE  AUGUST.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

ARYA  SAMAJ,  The  : This  is  “ an  organiza- 
tion founded  in  Bombay  more  than  30  years  ago 
by  a devout  Gujerati  Brahmin  who  was  born  in 
Kathiawar.  So  far  as  I am  aware,  it  has  few 
followers  in  Bombay  nowadays  : but  in  the  last 
few  years  it  has  waxed  very  strong  in  the  Pun- 
jab. Originally  it  was  a purely  religious  move- 
ment, based  upon  the  teaching  of  the  Vedas.  It 
promotes  the  abolition  of  caste  and  idolatry, 
condemns  early  marriages,  and  permits  the  re- 
marriage of  widows.  At  the  same  time  it  is 
violently  hostile  to  Christianity.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  large  numbers  of  members  of 
the  Arya  Samaj  are  only  concerned  with  its  spir- 
itual side  ; but  there  can  be  equally  no  question 
that  the  organization,  as  a whole,  has  developed 
marked  political  tendencies  subversive  of  British 
rule  . . . 

“In  the  United  Provinces  it  is  believed  that 
there  are  now  about  40,000  members  of  the  Arya 
Samaj.  I have  entirely  failed  to  secure  any 


trustworthy  estimate  of  the  number  of  its  mem- 
bers in  this  province  [the  Punjab],  but  there  are 
flourishing  branches  of  the  Samaj  in  every  large 
town  and  in  many  of  the  ijmportant  villages,  and 
proselytism  is  being  actively  pursued  with 
marked  success.  The  members  of  the  Samaj 
strenuously  deny  that  their  organization  has  a 
political  side.  The  literature  of  the  sect,  and 
particularly  the  writings  of  their  founder,  the 
ardent  ascetic  Dayanand  Saraswati,  who  came 
from  Kathiawar,  show  no  trace  of  any  interest 
in  mundane  politics.  Dayanand  was  an  enthu- 
siast who  denounced  the  idolatrous  tendencies  of 
modern  Hinduism,  and  advocated  a return  to 
the  earlier,  purer  faith.  . . . Dayanand’s  clarion 
call  of  “ Back  to  the  Vedas  ” produced  a complete 
revulsion  of  feeling,  and  he  made  the  Punjab  a 
stronghold  of  the  new  creed.  For  that  reason,  the 
Arya  Samaj  is  to  this  day  the  bitterest  opponent  of 
Christianity  in  India;  and  Punjabi  Maliomedans 
declare  that  it  is  also  their  most  formidable  foe.” 
— India  correspondence  of  The  Times. 

ASHOKAN  RESERVOIR.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

ASIATIC  IMMIGRATION:  The  resist- 
ance to  it  in  South  Africa,  Australia, 
America,  and  elsewhere.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Race  Problems. 

ASQUITH,  Mr.  Herbert  Henry,  Chancel- 
lor of  the  Exchequer.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1905  (Dec.),  and  1905-1906. 

On  the  German  attitude  toward  an  inter- 
national reduction  of  naval  armaments.  See 
War,  The  Preparations  for. 

Address  at  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907 
on  Preferential  Trade.  See  British  Empire: 
A.  D.  1907. 

Prime  Minister.  See  England  : A.  D.  1908 
(April). 

On  the  rejection  of  the  Licensing  Bill  by 
the  House  of  Lords.  See  Alcohol  Problem  : 
England:  A.  D.  1908. 

On  the  Budget  of  1909.  See  England:  A.  D. 
1909  (April-Dec.). 

ASIA  : The  Asiatic  future  of  Russia  as  it 
appeared  at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth 
century.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia. 

ASSAM : United  with  Eastern  Bengal. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

ASSASSINATIONS:  Of  King  Alexander, 
Queen  Draga,  and  others  of  the  Servian 
Court.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  andDanubian 
States  : Servia. 

Of  Count  Alexei  Ignatief.  See  Russia:  A.  D. 
1906. 

Of  Ali  Akbar  Khan,  the  Atabek  Azam.  See 

Persia:  A.  D.  1907. 

Of  Ashutosh  Biswas.  See  India:  A.  D.  1907- 

1908. 

Of  the  Atabeg-i-Azam.  See  Persia:  A.  D. 
1907  (Jan.-Sept.). 

Of  General  Beckman.  See  Denmark:  A.  D. 
1909  (June). 

Of  Governor-General  Bobrikoff.  See  Fin- 
land : A.  D.  1904. 

Of  M.  Bogoliepoff,  Russian  Minister  of  In- 
struction. See  Russia:  A D.  1901-1904. 

Of  King  Carlos  I.  and  Crown  Prince  Luiz  ' 
Felipe.  See  Portugal:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

Of  Sir  Curzon-Wyllie.  See  India:  A.  D. 
1909  (July). 

Of  Premier  Delyannis.  See  Greece:  A.  D. 
1905. 

28 


ASSASSINATIONS 


AUSTRALIA 


Of  Colonel  Falcon.  See  Argentine  Repub- 
lic: A.  I).  190!). 

Of  Fehim  Pasha.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908 
(July-Dec.),  and  1909  (Jan. -May). 

Of  Prince  Ito.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 
Of  Colonel  Karpoff.  See  Russia  : A.  D.  1909 

(Dec.). 

Of  President  McKinley.  See  Buffalo:  A. 
D.  1901;  and  United  States  : A.  D.  1901  (Sep- 
tember). 

Of  General  Min.  See  Russia:  A.  D.  1906 
(Aug.). 

Of  M.  Plehve.  See  Russia  : A.  D.  1901-1904. 

Of  General  Sakharoff.  See  Russia:  A.  D. 
1904-1905. 

Of  Count  Schouvaloff.  See  Russia:  A.  D. 
1905  (Feb.-Nov.). 

Of  Grand  Duke  Sergius.  See  Russia:  A.  D. 
1904-1905. 

Of  Shemsi  Pasha.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908 
(July-Dec.), 

OfM.  Sipiagin.  See  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 
Of  ex-Governor  Steunenberg,  of  Idaho.  See 

Labor  Organization:  United  States.  A.  D. 
1899-1907. 

Of  D.  W.  Stevens.  See  Korea:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

Attempted  murder  of  Minister  Stolypin. 

See  Russia:  A.  D.  1906  (Aug.). 

ASSINIBOIA:  Absorbed  in  the  Province 
of  Saskatchewan.  See  (in this vol. ) Canada: 
A.  D.  1905. 


ASSIS-BRAZIL,  Dr.  J.  F.  : Secretary- 
general  of  Third  International  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

ASSOCIATIONS,  Law:  French.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1902  (April-Oct.), 
and  1903. 

German.  See  Germany  : A.  D.  1908  (April). 
ASSUAN  DAM,  Completion  of.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Egypt  : A.  D.  1902  (Dec.). 

ASTRONOMY  OF  THE  INVISIBLE. 
See  Science  and  Invention. 

ATABEG-I-AZAM  : Premier  of  Persia. — 
His  assassination.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia: 
A.  D.  1907  (Jan.-Sept.). 

ATABEGS,  or  Atabeks.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ATCHINESE,  Dutch  hostilities  with  the. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Netherlands  : A.  D.  1904. 

ATHABASCA : Absorbed  in  the  Provinces 
of  Alberta  and  Saskatchewan.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1905. 

ATLANTA:  A.  D.  1906.  — Anti-Negro 
Riot.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1906. 

ATWATER,  Professor  W.  O.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : Car- 
negie Institution. 

AUSGLEICH,  Austro-Hungarian.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1902-1903, 
and  1907. 


AUSTRALIA. 


The  Race  Problem.  — Reasons  for  dread  of 
Asiatic  immigration.  — The  demand  for  a 
white  Australia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Prob- 
lems. 

Woman  Suffrage.  See  Elective  Fran- 
chise: Woman  Suffrage. 

Government  ownership  of  railways.  — Dis- 
connecting gauges  in  the  several  states.  See 
Railways  : Australia. 

A.  D.  1901-1902. — The  Tariff  Question  in 
the  First  Parliament  of  the  Commonwealth. 
— Issue  between  the  Senate  and  the  Repre- 
sentative Chamber.  — “The  tariff  originally 
proposed  by  the  government  was  framed  on  lines 
of  extreme  protection,  with  special  reference  to 
the  languishing  industries  of  Victoria  ; it  was 
inevitable  that  the  opposition,  mainly  represent- 
ing New  South  Wales,  should  fight  tooth  and 
nail  to  prevent  its  becoming  law.  The  result  of 
the  struggle,  which  lasted  almost  without  a seri- 
ous interruption  for  nine  months,  has  been  a 
compromise  which  leaves  the  tariff  of  the  com 
monwealth  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other. 
There  c-an  be  little  doubt  that  in  debating  power 
and  political  generalship  the  victory  lay  generally 
with  the  opposition  ; but  after  all  the  result,  so 
far  as  it  was  a victory  for  the  party  of  free 
trade,  was  due  to  the  action  of  the  Senate. 

“To  many,  and  apparently  not  least  to  the 
cabinet,  the  prompt  and  effective  interference 
of  the  Senate  in  a question  of  taxation,  which 
was  generally  supposed  to  be  practically  placed 
by  the  constitution  almost  as  much  beyond  their 
control  as  custom  has  placed  it  beyond  that  of 
the  House  of  Lords  in  England,  was  a great  sur- 
prise, and  as  the  first  test  of  the  respective  powers 


of  the  two  chambers  of  the  legislature  it  can 
hardly  fail  to  be  of  great  political  importance. 
It  was  provided  by  the  constitution  not  only 
that  all  bills  involving  the  taxation  of  the  peo- 
ple, directly  or  indirectly,  should,  as  in  this  coun- 
try, originate  in  the  representative  chamber  of 
the  legislature,  but  further  that  such  bills  should 
not  be  altered  or  amended  in  their  passage 
through  the  Senate.  As  a concession  to  the  less 
populous  states,  it  was  agreed  when  the  consti- 
tution was  framed  that  while  only  the  chamber, 
elected  on  a strict  basis  of  population,  should 
impose  or  control  taxation,  the  Senate,  in  which 
all  the  states  enjoy,  as  in  America,  equal  repre- 
sentation, should  have  the  right  to  suggest,  for 
the  consideration  of  the  other  chamber,  any 
amendments  it  thought  desirable  in  any  money 
bill  sent  on  for  its  assent.  This  provision,  mild 
and  inoffensive  as  it  was  supposed  to  be,  has 
now  been  used  in  a way  to  upset  the  policy  of 
the  government,  and  practically  to  compel  the 
assent  of  the  representative  chamber  to  the  views 
of  a Senate  majority.  The  tariff  bill  as  passed 
by  the  government  majority  was  subjected  to 
an  exhaustive  criticism  by  the  Senate,  and  finally 
fully  fifty  items  of  the  schedule  imposing  duties 
were  referred  back  to  the  representative  cham- 
ber, with  a request  for  their  reconsideration  and 
reduction  or  excision. 

“ The  government  attempted  to  meet  the  dif- 
ficulty by  agreeing  to  a few  trifling  amendments 
on  the  lines  suggested,  and  got  the  chamber  per- 
emptorily to  reject  all  the  others,  sending  the 
bill  back  in  effect  as  it  was.  To  this  the  Senate 
replied  by  calmly  adhering  to  the  views  it  had 
already  expressed,  and  sending  the  bill  back 


AUSTRALIA,  1902 


AUSTRALIA,  1902 


again  for  further  consideration,  allowing  it  to 
be  pretty  plainly  understood  that,  in  the  event 
of  their  views  being  ignored,  they  would  place 
their  reasons  on  record  and  reject  the  bill  alto- 
gether, thus  preventing  any  uniform  tariff  being 
established  during  the  session.  Face  to  face 
with  so  grave  a difficulty  the  cabinet  gave  way, 
and  agreed  to  a compromise  which  they  would 
not  have  dreamed  of  doing  but  for  the  action  of 
the  Senate,  with  its  free-trade  majority  of  two 
votes.  The  immediate  result  of  the  long  strug- 
gle has  been  the  passing  of  a tariff  act  which 
pleases  neither  party,  but  will  apparently  raise 
the  required  revenue  of  $40,000,000,  needed  to 
meet  the  wants  of  the  federal  and  state  govern- 
ments.”— Hugh  H.  Lusk,  The  First  Parliament 
of  Australia  ( American  Review  of  Reviews, 
March,  1903). 

A.  D.  1902.  — The  “States  Rights”  tem- 
per. — Question  of  constitutional  rela- 
tions between  Commonwealth  and  States 
in  external  affairs,  as  raised  by  South 
Australia.  — Decision  of  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment.— “State-rights”  questions  and  the  pro- 
vincialistic  spirit  behind  them  made  a prompt 
appearance  in  the  Australian  Commonwealth 
after  its  federation  was  accomplished.  One  of 
the  first  wrangles  to  occur  between  the  General 
Government  and  that  of  a State  was  appealed 
necessarily  to  the  Imperial  Government  at  Lon- 
don, because  it  arose  out  of  a call  from  the  lat- 
ter, in  September,  1902,  for  information  about 
an  incident  which  concerned  a Dutch  ship.  The 
request  for  information  went  from  London  to 
the  Commonwealth  Government,  and  from  the 
latter  to  the  Government  of  South  Australia, 
where  the  incident  in  question  occurred,  involv- 
ing some  act  of  its  officials.  The  South  Austra- 
lian Ministry  declined  to  pass  the  desired  infor- 
mation through  the  channel  of  the  Common- 
wealth Ministry,  but  would  give  it  to  the  British 
Colonial  Office,  direct.  A long  triangular  argu- 
mentative correspondence  ensued,  in  the  course 
of  which  much  that  seems  like  a repetition  of  the 
early  history  of  the  United  States  of  America 
appears.  Such  as  this,  for  example,  in  one  of  the 
letters  of  the  Acting  Premier  of  South  Australia 
to  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  that  State:  “ The 
importance  to  the  States,  especially  to  the  smaller 
States,  of  strictly  maintaining  the  lines  of  de- 
marcation between  Commonwealth  and  State 
power  is  manifest.  Already  a movement  has 
begun  to  destroy  the  Federal  element  in  the  Con- 
stitution. A remarkable  indication  of  this  may 
be  gathered  from  a speech  made  by  Sir  William 
Lyne,  the  Commonwealth  Minister  for  Home 
Affairs,  at  Kalgoorlie,  in  Western  Australia, 
on  the  2nd  day  of  the  present  month.  Speaking 
of  the  Constitution,  Sir  William  Lyne  said: 
‘ If  the  population  increased  in  the  States  as  he 
expected,  he  did  not  think  three  of  the  larger 
States  would  still  consent  to  be  governed  by  four 
of  the  smaller  ones.  He  hoped  that  when  the 
time  came  there  would  not  be  bloodshed,  but 
that  things  would  settle  themselves  in  a manner 
worthy  of  the  records  of  the  first  Parliament.’ 

“ Believing,  as  Ministers  do,  that  the  peaceful 
and  successful  working  of  the  Constitution  de- 
pends upon  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  lines 
of  demarcation  between  the  powers  of  the 
Commonwealth  and  those  of  the  States,  and 
that  that  line  is  drawn  clearly  in  the  Consti- 
tution, they  cannot  agree  to  the  opinions  of  the 


Right  Honourable  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies,  which  increase,  by  implication,  the 
power  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  which  seem 
to  Ministers  to  tend  to  Unification,  and  to  a sac- 
rifice of  the  Federal  to  the  National  principle.” 
This  communication,  transmitted  to  London, 
drew  from  the  then  Colonial  Secretary,  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain, an  unanswerable  reply,  addressed  to 
the  Lieutenant-Governor  and  dated  April  15, 
1903,  in  part  as  follows: 

“Your  Ministers  contend  ‘that  the  grant  of 
power  to  the  Commonwealth,  notwithstanding 
the  general  terms  of  Section  3 of  the  Act,  is 
strictly  limited  to  the  Departments  transferred, 
and  to  matters  upon  which  the  Commonwealth 
Parliament  has  power  to  make  laws  and  has 
made  laws,’  and  that  ‘ in  the  distribution  of  legis- 
lative and  consequently  of  executive  power, 
made  by  the  Constitution,  all  powers  not  spe- 
cifically ceded  to  the  Commonwealth  remain  in 
the  States.’ 

“ They  are  unable  to  agree  ‘ with  the  conten- 
tion that  there  does  not  appear  to  be  anything  in 
the  Constitution  to  justify  this  limitation,’  and 
argue  that  the  validity  of  any  claim  of  the  Com- 
monwealth to  any  particular  power,  should  be 
tested  by  enquiring  : — Does  the  Constitution 
specifically  confer  the  power  ? 

“ The  view  of  the  Act  which  I take  is  that  it 
is  a Constitution  Act,  and  creates  a new  politi- 
cal community.  It  expressly  declares  that  ‘ the 
people  of  New  South  Wales,  Victoria,  South 
Australia,  Queensland,  and  Tasmania,  and  also, 
if  Her  Majesty  is  satisfied  that  the  people  of 
Western  Australia  have  agreed  thereto,  of  West- 
ern Australia,  shall  be  united  in  a Federal  Com- 
monwealth under  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Australia.’  The  object  and. scope  of  the  Act 
is  defined  and  declared  by  the  preamble  to  be  to 
give  effect  to  the  agreement  of  the  people  of 
New  South  Wales,  Victoria,  South  Australia, 
Queensland,  and  Tasmania  ' to  unite  in  one  indis- 
soluble Federal  Commonwealth  under  the  Crown 
of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  and  under  the  Constitution  hereby  es- 
tablished.’ 

“The  whole  Act  must  be  read  in  the  light  of 
this  declaration  and  the  provisions  of  Section  3. 
So  far  as  other  communities  in  the  Empire  or 
foreign  nations  are  concerned,  the  people  of  Aus- 
tralia form  one  political  community  for  which 
the  Government  of  the  Commonwealth  alone 
can  speak,  and  for  everything  affecting  external 
states  or  communities,  which  takes  place  within 
its  boundaries,  that  Government  is  responsible. 
The  distribution  of  powers  between  the  Federal 
and  State  Authorities  is  a matter  of  purely  in- 
ternal concern  of  which  no  external  country  or 
community  can  take  any  cognizance.  It  is  to 
the  Commonwealth  and  the  Commonwealth 
alone  that,  through  the  Imperial  Government, 
they  must  look,  for  remedy  or  relief  for  any 
action  affecting  them  done  within  the  bounds  of 
the  Commonwealth,  whether  it  is  the  act  of  a 
private  individual,  of  a State  official,  or  of  a 
State  government.  The  Commonwealth  is, 
through  His  Majesty’s  Government,  just  as  re- 
sponsible for  any  action  of  South  Australia 
affecting  an  external  community  as  the  United 
States  of  America  are  for  the  action  of  Louisiana 
or  any  other  State  of  the  Union. 

“The  Crown  undoubtedly  remains  part  of 
the  constitution  of  the  State  of  South  Australia 

30 


AUSTRALIA,  1902 


AUSTRALIA.  1903-1904 


and,  in  matters  affecting  it  in  that  capacity,  the 
proper  channel  of  communication  is  between 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  State  Governor. 
But  in  matters  affecting  the  Crown  in  its  capacity 
as  the  central  authority  of  the  Empire,  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  can,  since  the  people  of  Australia 
have  become  one  political  community,  look  only 
to  the  Governor-General,  as  the  representative 
of  the  Crown  in  that  community.” 

The  published  correspondence  ends  with  this, 
and  it  is  to  be  assumed  that  South  Australia  had 
no  more  to  say. — Correspondence  respecting  the 
Constitutional  Relations  of  the  Australian  Com- 
monwealth and  States  in  regard  to  External 
Affairs  ( Parliamentary  Papers , Cd.  1587). 

A.  D.  1902.  — British  Colonial  Conference  at 
London.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire. 

A.  D.  1902.  — The  Governor-Generalship. — 
The  office  of  Governor-General  was  resigned  by 
Lord  Hopetoun  in  the  summer,  and  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Lord  Tennyson. 

A.  D.  1902-1909.  — Undertakings  of  irriga- 
tion and  forestry.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources:  Australia. 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  Governor-Generalship. — 
In  August,  Lord  Northcote,  previously  Governor 
of  the  Presidency  of  Bombay,  was  appointed 
Governor-General  of  Australia,  succeeding  Lord 
Tennyson. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Resignation  of  Premier 
Barton.  — The  Deakin  Ministry.  — Four 
months  of  power  for  the  Labor  Party.  — Its 
influence  in  the  Commonwealth.  — Sir  Ed- 
mund Barton,  who  had  been  the  Prime  Minister 
of  the  Australian  Commonwealth  since  its  Union 
in  1900  (see  Australia  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work),  resigned  in  1903  to  accept  a place  on  the 
bench  of  the  High  Federal  Court,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Mr.  Alfred  Deakin,  previously  Attor- 
ney-General in  the  Federal  Cabinet.  The  most 
important  occurrence  of  the  year  in  the  Common- 
wealth was  the  election  of  a new  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  the  Federal  Parliament  and  of  one 
third  of  its  Senate.  These  were  the  first  federal 
elections  occurring  since  those  of  1900  which  con- 
stituted the  original  Parliament,  opened  in  May, 
1901,  and  the  first  in  which  women  went  to  the 
polls.  The  main  issue  in  the  elections  was  between 
the  Labor  Party  and  its  opponents,  and  the  rising 
power  of  the  former  was  shown  by  its  gain  of  six 
seats  in  each  House,  four  from  the  Ministry  and 
two  from  the  opposition  in  the  Senate,  and  all 
six  from  the  Ministry  in  the  lower  House.  This 
threw  the  balance  of  power  into  its  hands  in  both 
branches  of  Parliament.  Naturally,  in  these  cir- 
cumstances, labor  questions  became  dominant  in 
Australian  politics,  with  Socialistic  tendencies 
very  strong. 

The  Deakin  Ministry  was  defeated  in  April, 
1904,  on  an  industrial  arbitration  bill  which  ex- 
cluded State  railway  employes  and  other  civil 
servants  from  its  provisions,  contrary  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  Labor  Party.  The  adverse  majority 
was  made  up  of  23  Labor  representatives,  13  op- 
ponents of  the  protectionist  policy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  4 from  the  ranks  of  its  own  ordi- 
nary supporters.  The  ministry  resigned,  and 
the  leader  of  the  Labor  Party,  Mr.  J.  C.  Watson, 
a young  compositor  by  trade,  was  called  to  form 
a Government,  which  he  did,  drawing  all  but  its 
Law  Officer  from  the  Labor  Party.  It  is  credita- 
ble to  the  capability  of  this  Labor  Ministry  that, 
with  so  precarious  a backing  in  the  House,  it 


should  have  held  the  management  of  Govern- 
ment, with  apparently  good  satisfaction  to  the 
public,  for  about  four  months.  It  was  defeated 
in  August  on  another  labor  question,  and  gave 
way  to  a coalition  Ministry  of  Free  Traders  and 
Moderate  Protectionists, formed  under  Mr. George 
Houston  Reid. 

An  account  of  the  Labor  Ministry  and  its 
leader,  from  which  the  following  facts  are  taken, 
was  given  by  The  Review  of  Reviews  for  Australa- 
sia at  the  time  of  its  ascendancy : The  average 
age  of  the  members  is  only  forty-three  years, 
while  in  England  sixty  is  the  average  age  at 
which  corresponding  rank  is  attained.  The  na- 
tionalities of  the  members  are  as  follows:  One, 
the  prime  minister,  is  a New  Zealander,  two  are 
Australian-born,  two  are  Irish,  two  are  Scotch, 
and  one  is  Welsh.  There  is  not  one  who  was  born 
in  England. 

Mr.  John  Christian  Watson,  the  premier,  is  but 
thirty-seven  years  of  age.  He  was  bom  in  Val- 
paraiso, where  his  parents  were  on  a visit,  but 
was  only  a few  months  old  when  they  returned 
to  New  Zealand.  At  an  early  age  he  began  his 
apprenticeship  as  a compositor,  joining  the  Ty- 
pographical Union.  When  nineteen,  he  came  to 
Sydney  and  joined  the  composing  staff  of  the 
Star.  Then  he  became  president  of  the  Sydney 
Trades  and  Labor  Council,  and  president  of  the 
Political  Labor  League  of  New  South  Wales.  In 
1894,  he  was  returned  to  a New  South  Wales  Par- 
liament, and  took  the  leading  place  among  the 
Labor  members.  In  1901,  he  was  returned  to  the 
first  federal  Parliament.  He  was  selected  to  lead 
the  Labor  party  in  the  federal  House,  and  has 
won  golden  opinions  in  that  position.  He  is  a 
born  leader  of  men,  and  has  rare  tact.  He  over- 
came the  apprehension  caused  by  his  youth.  He 
curbed  the  extremists  of  his  party.  Power  came 
to  him  at  once.  He  seized  the  advantage  of  lead- 
ing a third  party  between  two  opponents.  It  was 
he,  rather  than  Sir  Edmund  Barton  or  Mr.  Dea- 
kin, who  decided  what  should  pass  and  what  not. 

The  situation  developed  in  this  period  is  de- 
scribed by  an  American  writer,  whose  sympathies 
are  ardently  with  the  Labor  Party,  as  follows  : 
“ Protectionists  and  Free  Traders  (so  called)  were 
so  divided  in  the  Australian  Parliament  that 
neither  could  gain  a majority  without  the  Labor 
Party.  A succession  of  governments  bowled  over 
by  labor  votes  drove  this  hard  fact  into  the  po- 
litical intelligence.  The  Labor  Party  was  then 
invited  to  take  the  government.  For  five  months 
men  that  had  been  carpenters,  bricklayers,  and 
painters  administered  the  nation’s  affairs.  No  con- 
vulsion of  nature  followed,  no  upheavals  and  no 
disasters.  It  is  even  admitted  that  the  govern- 
ment of  these  men  was  conspicuously  wise,  able, 
and  successful.  But  having  a minority  party, 
their  way  was  necessarily  precarious,  and  on  the 
chance  blow  of  an  adverse  vote  they  resigned. 
Some  scene  shifting  followed,  but  in  the  end 
the  present  arrangement  was  reached,  by  which 
the  government  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Protection- 
ists that  follow  Mr.  Deakin,  and  the  ministry  is 
supported  by  the  Labor  Party  on  condition  that 
the  Government  adopt  certain  legislation.  And 
that  is  the  extent  of  the  ‘absolute  rule  of  the 
Labor  gang.’  The  Deakin  Government  does  not 
greatly  care  for  the  Labor,  Party,  nor  for  the 
Labor  Party’s  ideas,  but  it  rules  by  reason  of  the 
Labor  Party’s  support,  and  in  return  therefor 
has  passed  certain  moderate  and  well-intentioned 

31 


AUSTRALIA,  190.', -1906 


AUSTRALIA,  1905-1906 


measures  of  reform.  Indeed  the  sum-total  of  the 
‘revolutionary,  radical,  and  socialistic  laws’ 
passed  by  the  Labor  Party,  directly  or  by  bar- 
gaining with  the  Deakin  or  other  ministries,  in- 
dicates an  exceedingly  gentle  order  of  revolution. 
It  has  done  much  in  New  South  Wales  and  else- 
where to  mitigate  the  great  estate  evil  by  enact- 
ing graduated  land  taxes;  it  has  passed  humane 
and  reasonable  laws  regulating  employers’  liabil- 
ity for  accidents  to  workmen  and  laws  greatly 
bettering  the  hard  conditions  of  labor  in  mines 
and  factories.  It  has  passed  a law  to  exclude 
trusts  from  Australian  soil.  It  has  stood  for  equal 
rights  for  men  and  women.  In  New  South  Wales 
it  has  enormously  bettered  conditions  for  toilers 
by  regulating  hours  of  employment  even  in  de- 
partment and  other  stores  and  by  instituting  a 
weekly  half-holiday  the  year  around  for  every- 
body. It  has  tried  with  a defective  Arbitration 
and  Conciliation  Act  to  abolish  strikes.  To  guard 
Australia  against  the  sobering  terrors  of  the  race 
problem  that  confronts  America,  it  has  succeeded 
in  keeping  out  colored  aliens.  It  has  agitated  for 
a Henry  George  land  tax  and  for  the  national  own- 
ership of  public  services  and  obvious  monopolies. 
And  with  one  exception  this  is  the  full  catalogue 
of  its  misdeeds.”  [The  “ one  exception  ” is  the 
abolition  of  coolie  labor.]  — Charles  E.  Russell, 
The  Uprising  of  the  Many , eh.  24  {Doubleday , 
Page  and  Co.,  N.  Y. , 1907). — See,  also,  Labor 
Organization:  Australia. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.—  Mr.  Deakin’s  precarious 
ministry.  — Power  of  the  Labor  Party  with- 
out responsibility. — Its  principles  and  its 
“Fighting  Platform.” — Important  legisla- 
tion of  1905.  — The  Federal  Capital  question. 
— General  election  of  1906.  — Mr.  Reid,  the 
Free  Trade  Premier,  had  taken  office  on  an  agree- 
ment with  Mr.  Deakin,  the  Protectionist  leader, 
that  the  tariff  question  should  not  be  opened  dur- 
ing the  term  of  the  existing  Parliament.  But 
the  truce  became  broken  early  in  1905,  each 
party  attributing  the  breach  to  the  other,  and  the 
Reid  Ministry,  beaten  on  an  amendment  to  the 
address  replying  to  the  Governor-General’s 
speech,  resigned.  The  Protectionists,  in  provi- 
sional alliance  with  the  Labor  Party,  then  came 
back  to  power,  with  Mr.  Deakin  at  their  head. 

Of  the  political  situation  in  1905  it  was  said  by 
a writer  in  one  of  the  English  reviews:  ‘‘The 
Labour  Party  can  dictate  terms  to  the  Ministry, 
and  ensure  that  its  own  policy  is  carried  out  by 
others.  It  is  strongest  whilst  it  sits  on  the  cross 
benches.  During  the  few  months  it  was  in  office 
it  was  at  the  mercy  of  Parliament ; it  left  most 
of  the  planks  of  its  platform  severely  alone,  and 
it  had,  during  that  time,  less  real  power  than  it 
has  had  either  before  or  since.  It  is  not  likely 
again  to  take  office,  unless  it  can  command  an 
absolute  majority  of  its  own  members  to  give 
effect  to  its  own  ideas,  and,  indeed,  it  perhaps 
would  be  better  for  Australia  that  it  had  respon- 
sibility as  well  as  power,  rather  than  as  at  present 
power  without  responsibility.  However,  if  not 
at  the  next  general  election,  the  party  is  bound 
ere  long  to  get  the  clear  Parliamentary  majority 
it  seeks.  Under  these  circumstances,  great  im- 
portance attaches  to  its  aims  and  organisa- 
tion. . . . 

“ To  quote  from  the  official  report  of  the  de- 
cisions of  the  last  Triennial  Conference  of  the 
Political  Labour  organisations  of  the  Common- 
wealth, which  sat  in  Melbourne  last  July,  the 


objective  of  the  Federal  Labour  party  is  as 
follows : 

“ (a)  The  cultivation  of  an  Australian  senti- 
ment, based  upon  the  maintenance  of  racial 
purity,  and  the  development  in  Australia  of  an 
enlightened  and  self-reliant  community,  (b)  The 
security  of  the  full  results  of  their  industry  to  all 
producers  by  the  collective  ownership  of  monopo- 
lies, and  the  extension  of  the  industrial  and  eco- 
nomic functions  of  the  State  and  Municipality. 
The  Labour  party  seek  to  achieve  this  objective 
by  means  of  a policy  that  they  invariably  refer 
to  as  their  platform.  The  planks  of  what  is 
called  the  ‘ Fighting  Platform’  are  as  follows  : 

“(1)  The  maintenance  of  a white  Australia. 
(2)  The  nationalisation  of  monopolies.  (3)  Old 
age  pensions.  (4)  A tariff  referendum.  (5)  A 
progressive  tax  on  unimproved  land  values.  (6) 
The  restriction  of  public  borrowing.  (7)  Navi- 
gation laws.  (8)  A citizen  defence  force.  (9) 
Arbitration  amendment.” — J.  W.  Kirwan,  The 
Australian  Labour  Party  {Nineteenth  Century, 
Nov.,  1905). 

A strike  in  one  of  the  coal  mines  of  New  South 
Wales  during  1905  brought  the  Arbitration  Act 
of  that  province  to  an  unsatisfactory  test.  The 
dispute,  concerning  wages,  went  to  the  Arbitra- 
tion Court  and  was  decided  against  the  miners. 
They  refused  to  accept  the  decision,  abandoning 
work,  and  the  court,  when  appealed  to  by  the 
employers,  found  itself  powerless  to  enforce  the 
decision  it  had  made.  The  judge  resigned  in 
consequence,  and  there  was  difficulty  in  finding 
another  to  take  his  seat. 

The  Labor  Party  secured  the  passage  of  an 
Act  which  gives  the  trades-union  label  the  force 
of  a trade  mark.  Another  important  Act  of  1905 
modified  the  Immigration  Restriction  Act,  so  far 
as  to  admit  Asiatic  and  other  alien  students  and 
merchants,  whose  stay  in  the  country  was  not 
likely  to  be  permanent,  and  which,  furthermore, 
permitted  the  introduction  of  white  labor  un- 
der contract,  subject  to  conditions  that  were 
expected  to  prevent  any  lowering  of  standard 
wages. 

The  location  of  a federal  capital  became  a sub- 
ject of  positive  quarrel  between  the  Government 
of  the  Commonwealth  and  that  of  New  South 
Wales.  By  agreements  which  preceded  the 
federation,  the  Commonwealth  capital  was  to  be 
in  New  South  Wales,  but  not  less  than  a hun- 
dred miles  from  Sydney.  This  hundred-mile 
avoidance  of  Sydney  was  considerably  exceeded 
by  the  Federal  Government  when  it  chose  a site, 
to  be  called  Dalgety,  about  equidistant  from 
Sydney  and  Melbourne.  New  South  Wales  ob- 
jected to  the  site  and  objected  to  the  extent  of 
territory  demanded  for  it.  Mr.  Deakin  proposed 
a survey  of  900  square  miles  for  the  Federal 
District.  New  South  Wales  saw  no  reason  for 
federal  jurisdiction  over  more  than  100  square 
miles. 

Ultimately  Dalgety  was  rejected  and  a site 
named  Yass-Canberra,  or  Canberra,  was  agreed 
upon  and  the  choice  confirmed  by  legislation. 

It  is  in  the  Murray  district,  about  200  miles 
southwest  of  Sydney. 

A general  election  in  the  Commonwealth,  near  ' 
the  close  of  1906,  gave  the  Protectionists  a small 
increase  of  strength  in  Parliament,  and  the  Labor 
Party  gained  one  seat,  raising  its  representation 
from  25  to  26.  The  losers  were  the  so-called 
Free  Traders,  or  opponents  of  protective  tariff- 


AUSTRALIA,  1906 


AUSTRALIA,  1909 


making.  Tlieir  leader,  Mr.  Reid,  in  the  canvass, 
dropped  the  tariff  issue  and  made  war  on  the 
State  Socialism  of  the  Labor  Party.  He  held  in 
the  new  Parliament  a considerably  larger  follow- 
ing than  the  Protectionist  Premier,  Mr.  Deakin, 
could  muster,  but  it  contained  more  Protection- 
ists than  Free  Traders. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Developing  the  water  sup- 
ply. See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Nat- 
ural Resources:  Australia. 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  “New  Protection,’’ 
under  the  Tariff  Excise  Act.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Laror  Remuneration:  The  “New  Pro- 
tection.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Statistics  of  state  schools. 
See  Education:  Australia. 

A.  D.  1907  (April-May). — Imperial  Con- 
ference at  London.  See  British  Empire: 
A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.). — Population  of  the 
Commonwealth.  — According  to  a letter  to  the 
London  Times,  from  Sydney,  “the  population 
of  Australia  on  December  31,  1908,  was  esti- 
mated at  4,275,304  (exclusive  of  full-blooded 
blacks),  showing  an  increase  of  509,965,  or  of 
13.5  per  cent,  in  the  eight  years  of  federation. 
That,”  said  the  writer,  “ is  not  a satisfactory  ex- 
pansion, and  we  should  have  fared  better.  New 
South  Wales  gained  231,367,  or  17  per  cent,  and 
Western  Australia  87,143,  or  48.4  per  cent,  but 
all  the  other  States  fared  indifferently.  There 
is  reason  to  hope  that  in  the  change  of  fashion, 
Australia  will  again  grow  into  some  favour  with 
the  emigrant  from  home.”  ■ 

A.  D.  1908. — Change  of  Ministry.  — Late 
in  the  year,  the  Ministry  of  Mr.  Deakin  lost  the 
provisional  support  of  the  Labor  party,  which 
had  kept  it  in  control  of  the  Government  for 
nearly  four  years,  and  suffered  a defeat  in  Par- 
liament which  threw  it  out.  For  the  second 
time  a short-lived  Labor  Ministry  was  formed, 
under  Mr.  Andrew  Fisher. 

A.  D.  1908.  — The  Governor-Generalship. 
— After  five  years  of  service  as  Governor-Gen- 
eral, Lord  Northcote  returned  to  England  in  the 
fall  of  1908  and  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Dudley. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Attitude  of  the  people  to- 
ward immigration.  — Land-locking  against 
settlement.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Immigration: 
Australia. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A summary  of  sixty  years 
of  growth  and  progress. — Sir  John  Forrest, 
Treasurer  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia, 
in  his  Budget  Speech  to  the  Federal  House  of 
Representatives,  in  August,  1909,  surveyed  the 
position  of  Australia  as  part  of  the  British  na- 
tion, — a continent,  he  observed,  containing  two 
billion  acres,  with  a coast  line  of  12,000  miles, 
no  other  nation  having  right  or  title  to  any  part 
of  this  splendid  heritage  of  the  Southern  Hemi- 
sphere. which  was  another  home  for  the  British 
race.  Sixty  years  ago,  said  Sir  John,  the  popu- 
lation of  Australia  was  400,000  and  there  were 
no  railways.  Now  the  inhabitants  numbered 
nearly  four-and-a-half  millions,  of  whom  96  per 
cent  were  British.  They  had  £112,000,000  de- 
posited in  banks  and  deposits  in  savings  banks 
to  the  amount  of  over  £46,000,000,  the  depositors 
in  these  being  one-third  of  the  entire  population. 
They  had  produced  minerals  to  the  value  of 
£713,000,000.  Ten  million  acres  were  under 
crop.  During  last  year  Australia  had  produced 
62,000,000  bushels  of  wheat.  It  had  exported 


butter  of  the  value  of  £2,387,000  and  wool  of 
the  value  of  £23,000,000.  Australia  had  90,000,- 
000  sheep,  10,000,000  cattle,  and  2,000,000  horses. 
The  oversea  trade  in  1908  represented  £114,000,- 
000. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Proposed  federalization  of 
state  debts. — On  the  8th  of  September,  1909, 
the  Government  introduced  a Bill  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  for  the  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  so  as  to  enable  the  Commonwealth 
to  federalize  the  State  debts  incurred  since  the 
inauguration  of  the  Commonwealth,  in  addition 
to  those  then  existing.  The  Premier  urged  that 
if  the  agreement  was  carried  out  the  Common- 
wealth would  be  freed  financially,  and  if  the 
debts  were  taken  over  the  per  capita  payments 
would  be  appropriated  to  meet  the  interest  on 
the  debts,  the  States  making  up  any  deficiency. 
The  Bill  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  7th  of 
October. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Federal  acquisition  of  the 
N orthern  T erritory.  — A Bill  providing  for  the 
transfer  to  the  Commonwealth  of  the  vast  un- 
populated Northern  Territory  of  the  Australian 
Continent  was  before  the  Parliament  of  the 
Commonwealth  during  the  last  summer.  In  ad- 
vocating its  passage,  the  Minister  for  External 
Affairs  explained  that  “ the  area  to  be  transferred 
under  the  Bill  was  equal  to  France,  Germany, 
Belgium,  Switzerland,  and  Italy  together.  Port 
Darwin  was  nearer  to  Hongkong  than  to  Syd 
ney,  and  while  the  Northern  Territory  remained 
unpeopled  it  was  a perpetual  menace  to  Austra- 
lia. The  military  authorities,  Sir  George  Le 
Hunte,  formerly  Governor  of  South  Australia, 
and  Lord  Northcote,  formerly  Governor- General 
of  the  Commonwealth,  had  all  strongly  urged 
its  effective  occupation,  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  had 
advised  the  Commonwealth  to  fill  its  ‘ empty 
north.  ’ 

“By  the  terms  of  the  agreement  the  Com- 
monwealth would  assume  responsibility  for  the 
debt  of  the  territory,  amounting  to  £2,725,000, 
and  the  accumulated  deficit  of  the  past  admin- 
istration, amounting  to  £600,000.  The  measure 
provided  for  the  taking  over  of  the  Port  Au- 
gusta-Oodnadatta  Railway  at  a price  of  £2,240,- 
000,  and  for  the  Commonwealth  to  undertake 
the  construction  of  a trans  continental  line  con- 
necting the  territory  with  South  Australia,  at 
an  estimated  cost  of  £4,500,000.  The  latest  re- 
ports showed  that  the  interior  of  the  territory 
was  a fertile  and  well-watered  white  man’s  coun- 
try, the  healthiest  in  the  tropical  world,  and  that 
it  was  capable  of  carrying  a large  population.”  — 
Despatch  from  Melbourne  to  The  Times , London. 

A.  D.  1909  (May-June). — Opening  of  the 
session  of  Parliament.  — Programme  of  busi- 
ness proposed.  — The  political  situation.  — 
Coalition  under  Mr.  Deakin  against  the  min- 
istry.—Its  success. — Resignation  of  Pre- 
mier Fisher  and  Cabinet. — Return  of  Mr. 
Deakin  to  power. — His  programme.  — The 
Federal  Parliament  was  opened  at  Melbourne  on 
the  26th  of  May.  In  the  speech  of  the  Governor- 
General,  Lord  Dudley,  as  reported  to  the  Eng- 
lish Press,  he  stated  that  “ notwithstanding  a 
decrease  in  the  Customs  and  postal  revenue,  ar- 
rangements had  been  made  to  pay  old-age  pen- 
sions from  July  1.  Large  financial  obligations 
would  be  incurred  in  the  near  future  and  would 
demand  careful  attention.  Parliament  would  be 
invited  to  consider  the  financial  relations  between 

33 


AUSTRALIA,  1909 


AUSTRALIA,  1909 


the  Commonwealth  and  the  States,  with  a view 
to  an  equitable  adjustment  of  them.  Proposals 
would  be  submitted  for  the  establishment  of  a 
Commonwealth  silver  and  paper  currency. 

“The  Governor-General  went  on  to  refer  to 
the  coming  Imperial  Defence  Conference  and  the 
establishment  of  a General  Staff  for  the  Empire. 
Engagements  had,  he  said,  been  entered  into  for 
the  building  of  three  destroyers,  and  Parliament 
would  be  asked  to  approve  a policy  of  naval  con- 
struction including  the  building  of  similar  ves- 
sels in  Australia  and  the  training  of  the  necessary 
crews.  A measure  providing  for  an  effective 
citizens’  defence  force  would  be  introduced  at  an 
early  stage. 

“ It  being  recognized  that  the  effective  defence 
of  Australia  required  a vast  increase  in  the  popu- 
lation, it  was  proposed  to  introduce  a measure 
of  progressive  taxation  on  unimproved  land 
values,  leading  to  a subdivision  of  large  estates, 
so  as  to  offer  immigrants  the  inducement  neces- 
sary to  attract  them  in  large  numbers. 

‘ ‘ Proposals  would  be  submitted  for  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  enable  Parlia- 
ment to  protect  the  interests  of  the  consumer 
while  ensuring  a fair  and  reasonable  wage  to 
every  worker  [see  in  this  volume,  Labor  Remu- 
neration : The  ‘ New  Protection  ’]  to  extend 
the  jurisdiction  of  Parliament  in  regard  to  trusts 
and  combinations,  and  to  provide  for  the  nation- 
alization of  monopolies.” 

In  an  editorial  article  on  the  situation  at  this 
juncture  in  Australia,  which  was,  it  remarked, 
“as  interesting  as  it  is  obscure,”  the  London 
Times  rehearsed  the  main  facts  of  it  as  follows: 

‘ ‘ It  will  be  remembered  that  towards  the  close 
of  last  year  the  withdrawal  of  its  support  by  the 
Labour  party  led  somewhat  unexpectedly  to  the 
defeat  and  resignation  of  Mr.  Deakin’s  Cabinet. 
A Labour  Ministry  was  subsequently  formed,  and 
was  enabled  by  Mr.  Deakin’s  refusal  to  combine 
with  the  Opposition  against  it  to  prorogue  Parlia- 
ment and  get  into  recess.  It  has  since  elaborated  a 
programme,  announced  by  Mr.  Fisher,  the  Prime 
Minister,  to  his  constituents  at  Gympie,  a few 
weeks  ago,  and  recapitulated  yesterday  in  the 
Governor-General's  speech,  which  strongly  re- 
sembles in  most  particulars  the  national  policy 
advocated  by  Mr.  Deakin  when  in  power,  and 
includes  besides  one  or  two  additional  proposals, 
such  as  ‘ the  nationalization  of  monopolies,’  more 
exclusively  the  property  of  the  Labour  party  it- 
self. These  latter  aspirations  are  probably  more 
pious  than  practical,  and  are  certainly  not  the  is- 
sues on  which  the  Labour  Ministry  is  now  to  stand 
or  fall.  It  will  stand  or  fall  by  its  proposals  for  the 
readjustment  of  the  financial  relations  between 
the  Commonwealth  and  the  States,  the  establish- 
ment of  a local  flotilla  designed  for  coastal  de- 
fence, the  creation  of  a citizen  army  based  on 
universal  training,  and  the  imposition  of  a pro- 
gressive land  tax  calculated  to  bring  about  the 
subdivision  of  large  estates. 

“ This  latter  proposal  is  the  only  one  in  which 
the  Labour  party  cannot  claim  to  be  carrying  out 
the  spirit,  if  not  the  letter,  of  Mr.  Deakin’s  own 
programme  ; but,  curiously  enough,  it  does  not 
seem  to  be  the  question  on  which  Mr.  Deakin  has 
taken  immediate  issue  with  them.  He  is  taking 
issue,  we  gather,  first  and  foremost  on  the  ques- 
tion of  defence.  The  Labour  Ministry  is  to  be 
censured  for  refusing  to  make  the  offer  of  the 
Australian  Dreadnought  in  the  name  of  the  Com- 


monwealth. In  taking  this  line  Mr.  Deakin  has 
already  made  it  clear  that  he  has  not  in  any  way 
modified  his  previous  views  on  the  necessity  of 
providing  immediately  for  the  creation  of  an 
Australian  flotilla,  but  he  considers  that  this 
necessity  should  in  no  way  prevent  Australia 
from  adding  in  emergency  to  the  strength  of  the 
British  fleet.  Speaking  at  Sydney  last  month, 
he  said : ‘ Our  defence  needs  not  only  our  own 
flotilla  but  a fleet  on  the  high  seas  as  well.  It  is 
for  us  to  recognize  that  by  joining  New  Zealand 
and  making  our  offer  of  a Dreadnought  for  the 
Imperial  Navy  . . . the  Commonwealth  must 
do  its  share  to  prove  the  reality  of  Australia’s 
federal  unity,  to  prove  the  unity  of  the  Empire, 
to  stand  beside  the  stock  from  which  we  came.’ 

‘ ‘ On  this  point  there  is  no  obscurity.  It  presents 
a clear  difference  of  view  dividing  Mr.  Deakin 
and  the  two  sections  of  the  Opposition  with  which 
he  has  now  coalesced  from  the  policy  of  the  Min- 
istry in  power.  Bnt  while  it  provides  a rallying 
ground  from  which  the  coalition  may  defeat  the 
Ministry,  it  provides  no  subsequent  line  of  united 
advance.  The  terms  on  which  the  coalition  has 
been  formed  seem  indeed  to  contemplate  no  defi- 
nite policy  at  all.” 

The  coalition  against  the  Ministry  of  Mr. 
Fisher,  referred  to  in  the  above,  accomplished  its 
purpose  on  the  day  after  the  opening  of  Parlia- 
ment. by  carrying  a vote  of  adjournment  which 
the  Ministry  accepted  as  a vote  of  want  of  con- 
fidence, and  resigned.  The  former  Premier, 
Mr.  Deakin,  then  resumed  the  reins  of  Govern- 
ment, with  a following  that  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  expected  to  hold  together  very  long. 
On  the  reassembling  of  Parliament,  June  23,  the 
Prime  Minister  made  a statement  of  the  business 
to  be  submitted  to  the  House,  including  along 
with  other  measures  the  following : “ A Bill 
would  be  introduced  establishing  an  inter-State 
commission  which,  in  addition  to  the  powers  con- 
ferred by  the  Constitution,  would  undertake 
many  of  the  functions  of  the  British  Board  of 
Trade.  It  would  also  undertake  the  duties  of  a 
Federal  Labour  Bureau,  which  woidd  comprise 
the  study  of  the  question  of  unemployment  and 
a scheme  for  insurance  against  unemployment. 
The  commission  would  also  assist  in  the  super- 
vision of  the  working  of  the  existing  Customs 
tariff.  . . . An  active  policy  of  immigration 
would  be  undertaken,  it  was  hoped  with  the  co- 
operation of  all  the  States.  . . . The  appoint- 
ment of  a High  Commissioner  in  London  with  a 
well-equipped  office  was  necessary  to  take  charge 
of  the  financial  interests  of  the  Commonwealth, 
to  supervise  immigration,  and  to  foster  trade  and 
commerce.  . . . The  Old  Age  Pensions  Act  was 
to  be  amended  in  the  direction  of  simplifying  the 
conditions  for  obtaining  the  pensions.  . . . The 
policy  of  the  Government  in  the  matter  of  land 
defence  would  be  founded  on  universal  training, 
commencing  in  youth  and  continuing  towards 
manhood.  A military  college,  a school  of  mus- 
ketry, and  probably  a primary  naval  college 
would  be  established  to  train  officers.  The  coun- 
sel of  one  of  the  most  experienced  commanders 
of  the  British  Army  would  be  sought  for  with ' 
regard  to  the  general  development  and  disposi- 
tion of  Australia’s  adult  citizen  soldiers. 

“In  view  of  the  approaching  termination  of 
the  ten  year  period  of  the  distribution  of  the 
Customs  revenue  provided  for  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, a temporary  arrangement  was  being  pre- 


AUSTRALIA,  1909 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1902 


pared,  pending  a satisfactory  permanent  settle- 
ment of  the  financial  relation  between  the  State 
and  the  Commonwealth.” 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Federal  High  Court  de- 
cision on  Anti-Trust  Law.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : Australia. 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Sept.).  — The  Imperial 
Defense  Conference.  — Defense  Bill  in  Par- 
liament. — Proposed  compulsory  military 
training.  See  War,  The  Preparations  for: 
Military  and  Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Coal  Miners  strike  in 
New  South  Wales.  See  Labor  Organiza- 
tion: Australia:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Meeting  at  Sydney  of 
Empire  Congress  of  Chambers  of  Commerce. 
See  British  Empire:  A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). 

A.  D.  1910. — The  last  year  of  a trouble- 
some Constitutional  Requirement.  — Article 
87  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Australia  (see  in  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work),  reads 
as  follows  : “ During  a period  of  ten  years  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Commonwealth,  and 
thereafter  until  the  Parliament  otherwise  pro- 
vides, of  the  net  revenue  of  the  Commonwealth 
from  duties  of  custom' and  of  excise  not  more 
than  one  fourth  shall  be  applied  annually  by  the 
Commonwealth  towards  its  expenditure.  The 
balance  shall,  in  accordance  with  this  Constitu- 
tion, be  paid  to  the  several  States,  or  applied 
toward  the  payment  of  interest  on  debts  of  the 
several  States  taken  over  by  the  Commonwealth.” 
This,  which  has  been  known  as  the  Braddon  sec- 
tion, has  imposed  a serious  handicap  on  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  As  its  working  was  described 
recently  by  an  English  Press  correspondent,  “ it 
made  the  Commonwealth  raise  four  pounds  when- 
ever it  wanted  to  spend  one.  It  made  the  States 
begrudge  the  Commonwealth  every  penny  it 
spent,  even  out  of  its  own  quarter  — for  every 
penny  saved  out  of  that  quarter  was  an  extra 
penny  for  the  States.  And  it  prevented  every 
State  Treasurer  from  knowing,  until  the  Federal 
Treasurer  had  delivered  his  Budget  speech,  how 
much  money  he  was  likely  to  get  from  Federal 
sources  for  his  own  spending.” 

At  the  end  of  the  year  1910  the  requirement 
of  the  Article  will  cease  to  be  obligatory,  and 
the  Federal  Parliament  will  be  free  to  make  a 
different  appropriation  of  the  revenue  from  cus- 
toms and  excise.  Meantime  the  subject  is  under 


discussion,  and  in  August,  1909,  it  was  an- 
nounced that  a conference  of  the  State  Govern- 
ments had  come  to  an  agreement  — subject  to 
ratification  by  the  Federal  Government  — which 
provides  for  the  annual  per  capita  payment  of 
25s.  in  lieu  of  the  three-fourths  of  the  Customs 
revenue  which  has  hitherto  been  returned  to 
them.  Western  Australia  to  receive  a special 
extra  contribution  of  £250,000,  decreasing  by 
£10,000  annually  until  it  ceases.  Until  the  ar- 
rangement becomes  operative,  the  Common- 
wealth may  deduct  from  the  statutory  payments 
to  the  States  £600,000  annually  towards  the  cost 
of  old-age  pensions. 

The  readjustment  of  State  shares  in  the  Cus- 
toms revenue  is  said  to  involve  an  annual  loss  to 
New  South  Wales  of  £1,000,000.  According  to 
a London  newspaper  correspondent,  “ the  main 
effects  to  the  Commonwealth  are  the  abolition  of 
the  book-keeping  system  between  the  States,  the 
power  to  issue  Australian  stamps,  telegrams,  &c., 
and  the  securing  of  about  £2,300,000  a year,  or 
more,  additional  revenue.  The  States  lose  reve- 
nue to  a similar  amount,  but  there  is  a transfer 
of  old-age  pensions  to  the  amount  of  nearly 
£1,000,000,  of  which  they  are  relieved.  In  three 
of  the  States,  all  of  which  suffer  little  by  the 
change,  the  pensions  are  new,  and  a considerable 
boon  to  the  people.  But  more  than  half  the 
money  sacrifice  falls  upon  New  South  Wales,  and 
it  goes  to  relieve  her  less  prosperous  neighbours. 
Well,  that  is  true  Federation!  Naturally  the 
Southern  States  would  have  nothing  but  a per 
capita  distribution  from  the  Commonwealth,  and 
the  New  South  Wales  Ministers  agreed  to  it  with 
their  eyes  open.  At  present  the  Commonwealth 
Government  secures  the  further  revenue  needed. 
But  whether  this  agreement  will  so  distinctly 
suit  that  Government  as  the  State  populations 
grow  is  another  matter.” 

A Bill  for  the  required  amendment  of  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution  was  introduced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  by  the  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  Dea- 
kin,  on  the  8th  of  September.  On  the  4th  of 
November,  in  opposition  to  the  Government,  an 
amendment  to  the  Bill,  limiting  the  duration  of 
the  agreement,  instead  of  giving  it  force  in  per- 
petuity, was  carried  in  committee  of  the  whole 
by  the  casting  vote  of  the  chairman.  On  the 
1st  of  December  the  Bill  had  its  third  reading  in 
the  Senate. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. 


A.  D.  1870-1905. — Increase  of  population 
compared  with  other  European  countries. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1902  (June).  — Renewal  of  the  Triple 
Alliance.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Triple  Alliance. 

A.  D.  1902-1903. — Notice  by  Austria  of 
intention  to  end,  in  1904,  the  Customs  Union 
which  formed  part  of  the  Ausgleich,  or  Feder- 
ation Compact  of  1867.  — Language  strug- 
gle in  Austria.  — The  difficulties  between  Aus- 
tria and  Hungary,  concerning  a renewal  of  the 
Ausgleich , or  federation  compact  of  1867,  which 
created  the  dual  empire,  — some  account  of 
which  is  given  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  — 
were  compromised  in  1900  by  an  agreement 
which  extended  the  Ausgleich  temporarily  until 
1907  (see,  in  that  volume,  Austria-Hungary: 


A.  D.  1899-1900).  It  was  stipulated,  however, 
in  the  agreement,  that  if  no  permanent  settle- 
ment of  the  questions  involved  should  have  been 
reached  by  the  end  of  the  year  1902,  either  party 
to  the  Ausgleich  should  be  free  to  dissolve  the 
Customs  Union  that  formed  part  of  it  after  1904, 
provided  that  said  party  should  have  formally 
denounced  the  compact  prior  to  Jan.  1,  1902. 
The  formal  notice  or  denunciation  was  given  ac 
cordingly  by  Austria,  whose  government  gave 
notice  that  it  would  end  the  Customs  Union  un- 
less better  terms  from  Hungary  could  be  secured. 
In  Hungary  the  Independence  party  led  by 
Ferencz  Kossuth,  the  son  of  Louis  Kossuth,  was 
eager  for  the  break,  desiring  no  union  with  Aus- 
tria beyond  that  of  the  two  crowns  on  one  head. 
The  tariff  question  seemed  insoluble,  because 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1904 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1905-1906 


Hungary  wanted  protection  for  its  agriculture, 
which  Austria  believed  to  be  greatly  disadvanta- 
geous to  herself. 

The  prime  ministers  of  the  two  Governments 
came  to  an  agreement  which  was  submitted  to 
the  two  parliaments  early  in  1903,  but  obstruc- 
tion in  both  bodies  prevented  any  effective  ac- 
tion. On  other  questions  the  antagonism  was 
no  less  pronounced.  The  Hungarian  Independ- 
ence party  was  resolute  in  determining  to  sep- 
arate the  Hungarian  from  the  Austrian  army, 
making  it  distinctly  Hungarian,  under  Hunga- 
rian officers  and  using  the  Hungarian  word  of 
command.  This  drew  from  the  Emperor,  in 
September,  a public  announcement  that  he  must 
and  would  hold  fast  to  the  existing  organization 
of  the  army.  At  length,  in  December,  Kossuth 
agreed,  for  his  party,  to  abandon  obstruction  on 
condition  that  Parliament  should  proclaim,  as  a 
principle,  that  “in  Hungary  the  source  of  every 
right,  and  in  the  army  the  source  of  rights  ap- 
pertaining to  the  language  of  service  and  com- 
mand, is  the  will  of  the  nation  as  expressed 
through  the  legislature.”  But  though  ob- 
struction from  the  Independence  party  ceased 
then  it  was  continued  by  a Catholic  party,  on 
grounds  of  personal  hostility  to  the  Protestant 
Premier,  Count  Tisza,  and  the  Government, 
deprived  of  authority  to  recruit  the  army,  kept 
in  service  the  men  whose  term  had  expired. 

An  almost  equal  deadlock  of  legislation  pre- 
vailed in  Austria,  where  the  struggle  over  lan- 
guage questions  between  Czechs  and  Germans 
went  fiercely  on  ; while  Croatia  was  full  of  rebel- 
lious spirit,  excited  by  the  Magyarizing  policy 
of  its  Hungarian  governor. 

Twice,  during  1903,  the  Hungarian  adminis- 
tration underwent  a change,  the  Szell  Ministry 
giving  way  in  June  to  one  headed  by  Count 
Kuen  Hedervary,  he,  in  turn,  being  displaced 
by  Count  Tisza  in  October.  The  latter  was  a son 
of  Koloman  Tisza,  who  had  formerly  held  the 
reins  in  Hungary  for  many  years. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Concert  with  Russia  in 
submitting  the  Miirzsteg  Programme  of  re- 
form in  Macedonia  to  Turkey.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Paralysis  of  Government  in 
both  divisions  of  the  dual  empire.  — Legisla- 
tion in  both  Austria  and  Hungary  was  paralyzed 
throughout  1904  by  obstructive  oppositions 
which  nothing  could  pacify.  In  Austria  it  was 
the  battle  of  Czech  against  German  for  language 
rights;  but,  in  the  end,  the  German  Premier, 
Dr.  Korber,  lost  the  support  of  his  own  race,  by 
allowing  Italian  law-classes  to  be  formed  in  the 
University  at  Innspriick,  with  a faculty  of  their 
own.  He  resigned  on  the  last  day  of  the  year, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Baron  Gautsch. 

In  Hungary  the  obstruction  was  maintained 
by  a combination  of  three  parties,  — the  Inde- 
pendence Party  of  Ferencz  Kossuth,  which  is  ir- 
reconcilable in  its  repudiation  of  the  union  with 
Austria,  the  Liberal-Conservative  Separatists, 
so-called,  led  by  Count  Apponyi,  and  a Catholic 
People’s  Party,  under  Count  Zichy.  The  ex- 
traordinary attitude  of  these  practical  anarchists, 
as  they  would  seem  to  be,  is  indicated  by  a per- 
formance at  the  opening  of  the  session  of  the 
Hungarian  Parliament  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1904,  which  is  described  in  the  Annual  Register, 
as  follows:  “They  entered  the  House  before  the 
usual  time  of  meeting,  assaulted  the  police  when 


they  endeavored  to  prevent  some  of  the  mem- 
bers from  mounting  the  President’s  platform, 
tore  down  the  woodwork,  destroyed  the  furni- 
ture, and  finally  had  themselves  photographed, 
with  the  ex-Premier  Baron  Banffy  at  their  head, 
in  the  midst  of  the  ruin  they  had  wrought.  This 
extraordinary  scene  was  described  by  M.  Kos- 
suth as  ‘ a symbol  of  the  political  maturity  of 
the  Magyars,  who,  after  asserting  their  rights, 
refrain  from  excesses  ; ’ and  by  Count  Apponyi 
as  ‘ an  evidence  of  the  importance  attached  to 
continuity  of  legal  right  in  Hungary.’  When 
the  broken  furniture  was  removed  and  the  House 
was  restored  to  something  like  its  former  appear- 
ance, the  members  returned  ; but  all  the  attempts 
of  the  Government  to  speak  were  howled  down 
by  the  Opposition.”  The  Opposition  which  ac- 
complished this  paralysis  of  Government  in  Hun- 
gary numbered,  in  its  three  divisions,  only  190 
members,  out  of  451. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Effects  in  Europe  and 
on  the  Triple  Alliance  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1904r- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1905.  — - Action  with  other  Powers  in 
forcing  financial  reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Hostility  to  the  Serbo-Bul- 
garian  Customs  Union.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Balkan  States:  Bulgaria  and  Servia:  A.  D. 
1902. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Continued  deadlock, 
seated  mainly  in  Hungary.  — Resignation  of 
Count  Tisza.  — The  Fejervary  Ministry. — 
Dissolution  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament. — 
Kossuth  and  his  allies  take  office.  — Uni- 
versal male  suffrage  adopted  in  Austria.  — 
The  deadlock  of  political  forces  in  the  Dual 
Empire  was  prolonged  through  another  year, 
Hungary  being  the  main  seat  of  the  block.  Elec- 
tions for  the  Hungarian  Diet,  in  January,  went 
heavily  against  the  Ministry  of  Count  Tisza  and 
strongly  in  favor  of  that  section  of  the  Opposi- 
tion which  bore  the  name  of  the  Independence 
Party  and  which  was  led  by  Ferencz  Kossuth. 
Count  Tisza  resigned,  and  the  Emperor-King  en- 
deavored to  make  terms  with  Kossuth,  Apponyi, 
and  Andrassy  under  which  the  Government 
might  be  carried  on  with  parliamentary  support. 
This  proved  impracticable,  especially  by  reason 
of  the  insistent  demand  of  the  Opposition  for  a 
separation  of  the  Hungarian  from  the  Austrian 
part  of  the  imperial  army,  and  the  determination 
of  the  sovereign  not  to  yield  to  that  demand. 
Count  Tisza  and  his  colleagues  were  kept  in 
office  until  June,  despite  a heavy  vote  of  censure 
in  the  Diet,  and  then  the  Emperor  appointed  as 
Premier  General  Baron  Fejervary,  who  com- 
manded no  more  support  than  his  predecessor 
had  done.  The  majority  in  the  representative 
chamber  denounced  the  Ministry  as  unconstitu- 
tional, and  issued  a manifesto,  calling  on  the 
people  to  withhold  taxes  and  military  service 
from  this  simulacrum  of  Government,  which  had 
no  lawful  claim  to  either.  This  was  accepted  as 
good  counsel  by  great  numbers  of  people,  and 
grave  embarrassments  resulted  from  the  non- 
payment of  taxes. 

In  the  August  number  (1905)  of  The  American 
Review  of  Reviews  Count  Albert  Apponyi,  leader 
of  one  of  the  parties  united  more  or  less  in  the 
Hungarian  Opposition,  gave  the  Hungarian  side 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1905-1006 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1905-1906 


of  the  political  issues  with  Austria.  In  part,  he 
wrote:  “ The  writer  had  the  honor  of  delivering 
at  St.  Louis,  at  the  Arts  and  Science  Congress 
of  last  year,  a short  historical  account  of  our  re- 
lation with  the  Austrian  dynasty.  There  are  to 
be  found  the  chief  facts,  which  show : (1)  That 
our  forefathers  called  that  dynasty  to  the  Hun- 
garian throne,  not  in  order  to  get  Hungary  ab- 
sorbed into  an  Austrian  or  any  other  sort  of 
empire,  but,  on  the  contrary,  under  the  express 
condition  of  keeping  the  independence  and  the 
constitution  of  the  Hungarian  kingdom  unim- 
paired; (2)  that  this  condition  has  been  accepted 
and  sworn  to  by  all  those  members  of  the  dy- 
nasty (Joseph  II.  alone  excepted)  who  ascended 
the  Hungarian  throne ; (3)  that,  nevertheless, 
practical  encroachments  on  our  independence, 
followed  by  conflicts  and  reconciliations,  have 
been  at  all  epochs  frequent ; (4)  but  that  a ju- 
ridical fact  never  occurred  which  could  be  con- 
strued into  a modification  of  that  fundamental 
condition  of  the  dynasty’s  title  to  Hungary.  . . . 
The  physical  person  of  the  ruler  is,  in  truth,  the 
same  in  both  countries,  but  the  juridical  person- 
ality of  the  King  of  Hungary  is  distinct  and,  as 
to  the  contents  of  its  prerogative,  widely  differ- 
ent from  the  juridical  personality  of  the  Em- 
peror of  Austria.  Hungary  is  the  oldest  consti- 
tutional country  on  the  European  Continent. 
The  royal  prerogative  in  her  case  is  an  emana- 
tion of  the  constitution,  — not  prior  to  it,  — and 
consists  in  such  rights  as  the  nation  has  thought 
fit  to  vest  in  her  king.  In  Austria,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  existing  constitution  is  a free  gift  of 
the  Emperor,  and  has  conferred  on  the  people  of 
Austria  such  rights  as  the  Emperor  has  thought 
fit  to  grant  to  them.  The  title  of  ‘ Emperor  of 
Austria-Hungary  ’ . . . [sometimes  used]  is  sim- 
ply nonsense.  The  time-hallowed  old  Hungarian 
crown  has  not  been  melted  into  the  brand-new 
Austrian  imperial  diadem.  That  imperial  title 
does  not  contain,  to  any  extent,  the  Hungarian 
royal  title.  The  Emperor  of  Austria,  as  such, 
has  just  as  much  legal  power  in  Hungary  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States  has.  He  is,  jurid- 
ically speaking,  a foreign  potentate  to  us. 

“On  these  fundamental  truths,  no  Hungarian 
— to  whatever  party  he  may  belong  — admits 
discussion.  . . . The  Liberal  party,  vanquished 
at  the  last  elections,  does  not  in  the  least  differ 
from  the  victorious  opposition  as  to  the  princi- 
ples laid  down  in  these  pages  ; it  only  advocated 
a greater  amount  of  forbearance  against  the  petty 
encroachments  which  practically  obscured  them. 
That  policy  of  forbearance  became  gradually  dis- 
tasteful to  the  country;  seeing  it  shaken  in  the 
public  mind,  the  recent  prime  minister,  Count 
Tisza,  formed  the  unhappy  idea  of  gaining  a new 
lease  of  power  on  its  behalf  by  a parliamentary 
coup  d’etat.  The  rules  of  the  House  were  broken, 
in  order  to  prevent  future  obstruction,  chiefly 
against  military  bills.  This  brought  matters  to 
an  acute  crisis.  The  parliament  in  which  that 
breach  of  the  rules  had  taken  place  became  unfit 
for  work  of  any  sort,  the  country  had  to  be  con- 
sulted, and  down  went  the  Liberal  party  and  the 
half-hearted  policy  it  represented  with  no  hope 
for  revival. 

“The  army  question,  with  its  ever-recurring 
difficulties,  is  a highly  characteristic  feature  of 
the  chronic  latent  conflict  between  the  Austrian 
and  the  Hungarian  mentality.  It  amounts  to 
this,  that,  as  we  are  a nation,  we  mean  to  have 


an  armed  force  corresponding  to  our  national  in- 
dividuality, commanded  in  our  language,  and 
serving  under  our  flags  and  emblems.  It  would 
be  unnatural  for  any  nation,  and  would  be,  in 
fact,  an  abdication  of  the  title  of  ‘nation,’  to 
renounce  such  a national  claim.  The  Austrians, 
on  the  other  hand,  — and,  unhappily,  their  in- 
fluence is  still  prevalent  in  this  question,  — not 
yet  having  abandoned  the  idea  of  a pan-Austrian 
empire,  uncompromisingly  adhere  to  the  present 
military  organization,  which  makes  the  German 
language  and  the  imperial  emblems  prevalent 
throughout  the  whole  army,  its  Hungarian  por- 
tion included.  ” 

In  September,  1905,  the  Emperor-King  sum- 
moned the  chiefs  of  the  opposing  coalition  to 
Vienna  and  renewed  his  endeavor  to  make  terms 
with  them  ; but  his  own  conditions,  relative  to 
the  army,  to  the  language  of  command  and  ser- 
vice in  it,  to  the  tariff  relations  between  Austria 
and  Hungary,  and  to  other  matters  of  dispute, 
were  apparently  as  uncompromisable  as  theirs, 
and  only  intensified  the  bad  feeling  in  the  coun- 
try. 

A little  later  the  Fej  ervary  Ministry  announced 
a programme  of  policy  which  offered  concessions 
and  many  excellent  measures,  but  all  save  one  of 
them  were  scorned.  That  one  was  a proposal  of 
universal  suffrage,  with  direct  secret  balloting, 
which  in  both  Hungary  and  Austria  had  now 
become  a subject  of  wide  popular  demand.  The 
agitation  for  it  became  clamorous  in  the  later 
months  of  the  year,  especially  in  the  Austrian 
towns.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Hungarian  Oppo- 
sition were  supposed  to  be  personally  hostile  to 
universal  suffrage.  “ As  representatives  of  the 
most  educated, wealthy,  and  powerful  race  in  the 
kingdom,  they  have  long  enjoyed  absolute  politi- 
cal control.  But  universal  suffrage,”  says  a con- 
temporary journalist,  “would  so  increase  the 
non-Magyar  elements  in  Parliament  as  to  deprive 
the  Magyar  leaders  of  much  of  their  ascendency. 
At  present  these  leaders  are  strong  enough  to 
defeat  the  King’s  magnificent  programme,  an- 
nounced by  Baron  Fe  jervary.  But  such  a defeat 
would  place  them  in  an  embarrassing  position. 
They  would  have  definitely  assumed  an  attitude 
which  belies  their  name  of  Liberal.” 

The  Fej  ervary  programme  was  well  planned 
to  be  troublesome  to  the  opponents  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. While  not  surrendering  to  their  demand 
for  the  Magyar  language  of  command  in  the 
Hungarian  part  of  the  Imperial  army,  it  proposed 
that  the  men  who  do  not  speak  that  language 
should  be  trained  in  it  as  far  as  possible.  And 
it  included  a number  of  other  most  important 
measures:  for  compulsory  free  education;  for 
compulsory  insurance  of  workmen ; for  small 
farm  grants  to  the  peasantry  ; for  the  conversion 
of  mortgage  debts  that  weigh  on  small  land- 
owners,  and  for  various  taxation  reforms.  Evi- 
dently the  Opposition  endeavored  to  keep  public 
attention  and  public  feeling  focused  on  the  claim 
for  a distinct  Hungarian  army,  with  the  Magyar 
language  for  its  word  of  command.  Kossuth, 
the  dominating  leader  of  the  coalition  against  the 
Government,  defined  the  argument  for  this  claim. 
No  mention,  he  said,  is  made  of  any  common 
army  in  the  agreement  on  which  the  Dual  Empire 
is  founded.  The  Hungarian  Constitution  vests 
in  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  as  King  of  Hungary, 
“all  those  things  which  refer  to  the  commanding 
and  administration  ...  of  the  Hungarian  army." 

37 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1905-1906 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1907 


But  the  Constitution  does  not  hint  that  the  Hun- 

f arian  army  should  be  commanded  in  German. 

t has  not  specifically  forbidden  such  a thing, 
but  in  another  part  of  the  Constitution  it  is  pro- 
vided that  the  language  of  public  services  in 
Hungary  shall  be  Hungarian.  And  is  not  the 
army  a “public  service”?  he  asked.  Besides,  he 
explained  : “A  century  ago  the  Hungarian  mag- 
nates, generally,  paid  for  their  own  soldiers,  and 
ours  was  not,  in  the  beginning,  a State  army. 
When  the  combination  with  Austria  came  about, 
the  officers  were  of  all  nations,  and  the  Austrians 
brought  in  many  of  their  own.  To  tell  the  truth, 
our  own  Hungarians  were  too  lazy  — there  is  no 
other  word  for  it  — to  take  the  trouble  to  reorgan- 
ize and  start  a Hungarian  army,  so  they  left  it  to 
the  Austrians  for  the  time  being.  It  was  for  this 
reason,  and  with  the  consciousness  of  this  defect, 
that  Article  XI.  expressly  left  the  language  of 
command  to  be  determined,  constitutionally, 
later.  But  we  also  expressly  confined  it  within 
the  limits  of  our  own  Constitution  . . . and  we 
spoke  of  a Hungarian  army,  not  a common  one.” 
The  year  1906  opened  with  the  discords  of  the 
situation  in  Hungary  rather  heightened  than 
lessened,  and  on  the  19th  of  February  the  Em- 
peror dissolved  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  an- 
nouncing that  he  did  so  for  the  reason  that  the 
parties  of  the  Opposition  had  “ persistently  re- 
fused to  take  over  the  Government  on  an  accep- 
table basis  without  violating  the  Royal  rights  as 
by  law  guaranteed.”  Disturbances  on  the  occa- 
sion were  prevented  by  strong  forces  of  soldiery 
and  police.  Two  days  later  the  Austro-Hunga- 
rian tariff  and  a commercial  treaty,  both  of  which 
had  been  refused  ratification  in  Hungary,  were 
promulgated  as  of  force,  pending  future  action  ; 
and  by  various  other  arbitrary  measures  the 
Emperor-King  assumed  the  right  to  prevent  a 
governmental  collapse.  This  attitude  on  the 
part  of  the  sovereign  appears  to  have  produced 
a change  of  attitude  among  his  opponents  ; for 
early  in  April  M.  Kossuth  and  Count  Andrassy 
entered  into  an  arrangement  with  him  for  the 
formation  of  a Ministry  by  themselves  and  their 
associates  of  the  Coalition,  with  the  understand- 
ing that  the  army  question  should  be  put  aside 
until  after  the  election  of  a new  Parliament,  to 
meet  in  May.  At  that  session  they  promised  to 
pass  the  budget,  the  new  international  commer 
cial  treaties,  to  maintain  in  every  way  the  exist- 
ing condition  of  things  between  Austria  and 
Hungary,  to  permit  the  passage  of  a bill  provid- 
ing for  universal  manhood  suffrage,  and  then  for 
Parliament  to  terminate  its  labors,  allowing  the 
election  of  a new  one  under  the  universal  suffrage 
system,  the  Cabinet  to  be  re-formed  conformably 
to  the  desires  of  the  parliamentary  majority. 
Thereupon  the  Emperor-King  requested  Dr. 
Alexander  Wekerle,  a former  Hungarian  Prime 
Minister,  to  form  a Cabinet,  including  in  it 
Kossuth,  Apponyi,  Andrassy,  and  Zichy.  At  the 
election,  held  soon  after,  the  Independence  party 
won  about  250  out  of  400  seats.  The  new  Parlia- 
ment was  opened  on  the  22d  of  May. 

In  Austria,  the  grand  event  of  1906  was  the 
franchise  reform,  which  extinguished  the  whole 
system  of  class  representation  and  established  a 
representative  Parliament  on  the  broad  basis  of 
a manhood  vote.  “Every  male  citizen  who  had 
completed  his  twenty-fourth  year  and  was  not 
under  any  legal  disability  was  entitled  to  be 
registered  as  a voter  after  one  year’s  residence. 


Every  male,  including  members  of  the  Upper 
House,  who  had  possessed  Austrian  citizenship 
for  at  least  three  years  and  had  completed  his 
thirtieth  year,  was  eligible  for  election  as  a 
deputy ; but  members  of  the  Upper  House  elected 
to  the  Lower  could  not  sit  in  both  at  once.  Vot- 
ing was  to  be  direct  in  all  provinces.  In  Galicia, 
however,  every  constituency  would  return  two 
deputies,  each  voter  having  one  vote,  so  as  to  per- 
mit of  the  representation  of  racial  minorities,  the 
population  being  composed  of  Poles  and  Rutheni- 
ans.  Voting  was  to  be  obligatory  under  penalty 
of  a fine  wherever  a provincial  Diet  should  so 
decide.  This  Bill  was  passed,  in  the  face  of  the 
opposition  of  the  Conservative  and  aristocratic 
members  of  both  Houses  and  of  the  extreme 
representatives  of  the  various  nationalities, 
mainly  through  the  influence  of  the  Emperor. 
He  regarded  it  as  the  only  way  to  get  rid  of 
Parliamentary  obstruction,  and  the  best  means  of 
stimulating  loyalty  to  the  dynasty.” 

Two  changes  of  Ministry  occurred  in  Austria 
during  1906,  Baron  Gautsch,  as  Premier,  giving 
way  to  Prince  Hohenlohe  in  April,  and  the  latter 
resigning  in  June,  to  be  succeeded  by  Baron 
Beck.  Count  Goluchowski,  who  had  been 
Austro-Hungarian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
since  1895,  resigned  in  October,  because  of  ill- 
feeling  against  him  in  Hungary,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Baron  Aehrentlial. 

A.  D.  1906  (January-April).  — At  the  Alge- 
ciras  Conference  on  the  Morocco  question. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Effects  of  universal  and 
equalized  suffrage  in  Austria. — Elections  were 
held  in  Austria  a few  months  after  the  passage 
of  the  law  which  introduced  equal  and  universal 
male  suffrage,  and  the  character  and  disposition 
of  the  elected  Reichsrath,  which  met  in  June, 
1907,  afforded  indications  of  some  remarkable 
effects  from  the  extension  and  equalizing  of  the 
franchise.  It  was  expected,  of  course,  to  popu- 
larize the  Reichsrath,  and  break  the  domination 
of  the  upper  classes  in  that  body;  but,  according 
to  reports,  it  has  done  much  more.  Prior  to  1896, 
the  members  of  the  Abgeordneten  or  lower  house 
of  the  Reichsrath,  then  numbering  353,  were  all 
divided  into  four  sections,  elected  by  four  classes 
of  people,  as  follows:  85  elected  by  the  owners 
of  large  landed  estates,  22  by  chambers  of  com- 
merce and  manufactures  ; 115  by  town  taxpayers 
assessed  for  five  florins  of  annual  tax,  and  by 
doctors  of  universities;  131  by  country  taxpayers 
assessed  for  five  florins  yearly.  In  that  year  the 
membership  was  enlarged  by  an  addition  of  72, 
who  were  to  be  representatives  of  the  whole 
people,  elected  by  universal  male  suffrage,  while 
the  old  classified  representation  remained  as  be- 
fore. The  new  law  has  swept  away  the  whole 
system  of  a classified  representation,  and  the 
representative  house  is  now  leveled  to  one  foot- 
ing, as  a body  of  deputies  from  the  people  at 
large. 

The  most  conspicuous  effect  of  this  in  the  elec- 
tions appears  to  have  been  a sudden  break  of  the 
power  which  the  German  element  in  the  much- 
mixed  population  of  the  Austrian  dominion  has 
been  able  to  exercise  hitherto.  Hence,  it  must 
be  the  fact  that  the  Germans  hold  far  more  than 
their  proportion  of  the  property  which  the  old 
system  represented,  and  derived  from  that,  for- 
merly, a weight  in  the  Reichsrath  which  their 
numbers  cannot  give  them  on  the  equalized  vote. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1907 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1908-1909 


Altogether,  in  the  various  Cisleithan  states  — 
the  two  Austrias  proper,  Bohemia,  Moravia, 
Galicia,  Silesia,  Salzburg,  Tyrol,  Styria,  Carin- 
thia,  Carniola,  Istria,  Dalmatia  — they  form  a 
little  more  tliau  one  third  of  the  total  population, 
the  other  two  thirds  being  mainly  Slavonic,  in 
many  divisions,  principally  Czech,  Polish,  and 
Slovene. 

Ten  years  ago  the  Austrian  Reichsrath  was 
offering  a spectacle  of  factious  disorder  so  violent 
that  it  drew  the  attention  of  the  world,  and  was 
made  entertaining  as  well  as  interesting  by  Mark 
Twain,  then  a resident  for  some  months  at  Vienna 
and  writing  descriptions  of  the  scenes  of  tumult 
that  went  on  before  his  eyes.  See  in  Volume  VI. 
of  this  work  Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1897 
(October-December).  The  specially  bitter 
race  quarrel  was  over  a language  question  be- 
tween the  Germans  and  the  Czechs.  The  Czechs 
had  succeeded  in  forcing  the  government  to  give 
their  own  tongue  its  rightful  public  use  in  Bo- 
hemia, where  the  German  had  displaced  it  offi- 
cially for  along  time  past.  The  determination  of 
the  Germans  in  the  Reichsrath  to  undo  this 
change  practically  paralyzed  that  legislature  for 
a number  of  years,  and  seemed  to  be  driving 
the  realm  of  the  House  of  Austria  to  inevitable 
wreck. 

Indeed,  some  factious  of  the  Germans  made  no 
concealment  of  their  wish  for  such  a wreckage, 
out  of  which  the  German  Kaiser  at  Berlin  might 
pick  the  pieces  that  it  pleased  him  to  take. 
They  have  never  doubted  the  sympathy  and 
countenance  of  their  kinsmen  in  the  neighboring 
empire,  and  that  has  emboldened  them  to  an  at- 
titude which  a minority,  iD  other  circumstances, 
would  hardly  take. 

Within  the  last  few  years  there  has  been  a 
quieting  of  the  antagonism  ; but  most  observers 
of  the  state  of  things  in  Austria  have  looked  for 
serious  troubles  to  arise,  whenever  the  great  per- 
sonal influence  of  the  present  Emperor  is  with- 
drawn by  his  death.  The  imperial  dominion  of 
the  Austrian  archdukes  could  not  be  dissolved 
and  its  parts  redistributed  without  subjecting  the 
peace  of  Europe  to  such  a trial  as  it  never  yet 
has  gone  unbrokenly  through.  If  the  Germans 
lose  disturbing  power  in  the  Reichsrath,  as  the 
late  elections  are  said  to  indicate  that  they  will, 
and  if  racial  factions  give  place  to  political  parties, 
as  a consequence  of  the  equalized  and  univer- 
salized suffrage,  then  Austria  may  possibly  be 
welded  into  a nation,  and  her  neighbors  may  not 
be  tempted  to  quarrel  over  her  dismembered 
remains. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Final  negotiation  of  a new 
financial  Ausgleich.  — Adjustment  of  the 
vexed  questions  of  tariff,  joint  debt,  and 
revenue  quotas. — The  loug  struggle  toward  a 
readjustment  of  the  Ausgleich  or  Agreement  of 
1866  between  Austria  and  Hungary,  on  its 
financial  side,  was  brought  to  a close  on  the  8th 
of  October,  1907,  by  the  signing  of  a new  agree- 
ment that  day.  It  continued  the  common  cus- 
toms arrangement  until  1917,  and  provided 
that  commercial  treaties  concluded  with  foreign 
powers  must  be  signed  by  the  representatives 
of  both  Austria  and  Hungary  — a concession  by 
Austria  to  Hungary.  Hitherto  the  Austrian 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  had  conducted  such 
negotiations.  On  its  part,  Hungary  made  the 
minor  concession  of  conforming  its  stock  ex- 
change laws  to  those  of  Austria.  Previously, 


excise  duties  had  been  common  to  both  states; 
henceforth  they  were  to  be  left  to  each  state  to 
be  determined  and  levied.  In. the  joint  fiscal 
burden,  Hungary’s  contribution  was  increased 
from  34.4  per  cent  to  36.4  per  cent.  Provision 
was  made  for  a court  of  arbitration,  composed 
of  four  Austrian  and  four  Hungarian  members, 
who  must  chose  a ninth  member  as  chairman. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Hungarian  politics. — 
The  State  Bank  question.  — Split  in  the  Inde- 
pendence party.  — M.  de  Justh,  a new  party 
leader.  — Attitude  of  M.  Kossuth.  — Dead- 
lock returned. — The  complete  deadlock  of 
legislation  in  Hungary  from  1904  into  1906  was 
overcome  but  partially,  and  not  for  long,  by  the 
patched-up  coalition  which  started  the  wheels  of 
Government  anew,  under  Dr.  Wekerle,  in  April, 
1906,  as  related  above.  In  the  course  of  the  next 
two  years  the  Wekerle  Ministry  accomplished 
some  useful  legislation,  besides  achieving  the 
ratification  of  the  important  tariff  and  commerce 
agreement  which  settled  long-troublesome  dis- 
putes with  Austria;  but  its  very  slight  coher- 
ent energy  was  exhausted  soon, — too  soon  for 
its  promise  of  universal  suffrage  to  be  fulfilled. 
Practically,  it  seems  to  have  been  at  the  end  of 
its  capabilities  for  some  time  before  the  spring  of 
1909,  when,  in  April,  it  resolved  to  resign,  and 
began  an  effort  to  escape  from  office  which  went 
on  through  the  year  without  success.  The  Crown 
could  induce  no  one  to  take  from  Dr.  Wekerle 
the  impossible  task  of  government,  and  kept  that 
unfortunate  gentleman  in  his  powerless  place. 

In  Austro-Hungarian  politics  a new  contention 
had  now  been  developed,  which  divided  the  In- 
dependence party,  led  hitherto  by  M.  Kossuth 
and  Count  Apponyi,  so  that  it  acquired  on  the 
new  question  a third  more  extreme  sectional 
chief,  in  the  person  of  the  President  of  the 
Chamber,  M.  de  Justh.  The  followers  of  M.  de 
Justh  were  demanding  the  transformation  of  the 
existing  joint  State  Bank  into  two  autonomous 
banks,  connected  in  operation,  but  distinctly 
Hungarian  in  one  organization  and  Austrian  in 
the  other.  This  demand  was  opposed  in  Austria 
as  determinedly  as  the  obnoxious  demand  for 
army  use  of  the  Hungarian  language  in  Hunga- 
rian regiments,  and  the  Crown  would  give  sanc- 
tion to  neither.  Apparently,  neither  Kossuth 
nor  Apponyi  would  act  with  M.  de  Justh  on  the 
bank  question,  and  the  Independence  party  lost, 
consequently,  its  advantage  as  the  largest  of 
the  various  parties  in  the  Chamber. 

In  November,  when  a test  of  numbers  occurred 
at  a conference  of  the  party,  the  following  of  M. 
de  Justh  was  found  to  be  largely  in  the  major- 
ity. A resolution  demanding  the  separate  Hun- 
garian State  Bank  was  adopted  by  120  votes 
against  74,  despite  a declaration  by  M.  Kossuth 
that  he  would  quit  the  party  if  it  took  that  stand. 
According  to  a Press  report  of  what  occurred  at 
the  conference,  the  burden  of  Kossuth’s  speech  to 
the  conference  was  “that  without  his  name  and 
his  leadership  the  party  would  never  have  ob- 
tained the  majority,  and  that  many  of  those  who 
were  about  to  vote  against  him  owed  their  seats 
in  Parliament  to  his  recommendation.  His  speech 
was  indeed  a scarcely- veiled  threat  that  when  de- 
prived of  the  support  of  his  name  his  opponents 
would  find  themselves  forsaken  by  their  constit- 
uents. The  defeated  minority  proceeded  forth- 
with to  constitute  itself  as  the  ‘ Independence, 
1848,  and  Kossuth  party,’  as  distinguished  from 

39 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1909 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1909 


the  ‘ Independence  and  1848  party,’  over  which 
M.  de  Justh  now  reigns  supreme.” 

Immediately  after  his  triumph  at  the  party 
conference  M.  de  Justh  resigned  the  presidency 
of  the  Hungarian  Chamber  and  presented  him- 
self for  reelection.  In  that  test  he  suffered 
defeat,  the  combined  forces  of  the  Andrassy 
Liberals,  the  Clerical  People’s  party,  and  the 
Kossuth  group  casting  201  votes  against  157. 
The  Croatian  Deputies  abstained,  owing,  it  is 
said,  to  a promise  made  to  them  by  Dr.  Wekerle 
that,  if  they  remained  neutral,  he  would  deliver 
Croatia  from  the  oppressive  rule  of  the  Ban, 
Baron  Rauch.  The  political  situation  in  Hun- 
gary was  thus  more  than  ever  confused. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — The  “Greater  Servia 
Conspiracy.”  — Alleged  treasonable  move- 
ment of  Servians  in  Croatia. — The  Agram 
trials. — The  following  telegram  to  the  news- 
paper press,  from  Agram,  Austria,  October  5, 
1909,  reported  the  conclusion  and  the  result  of 
a long  prosecution  which  had  drawn  wide  atten- 
tion and  excited  deep  feeling  in  many  parts  of 
Europe  for  a full  year:  “After  a trial  lasting 
seven  months,  sentences  were  handed  down 
to-day  in  the  cases  of  fifty-two  school  teachers, 
priests,  and  other  persons  charged  with  connec- 
tion with  what  is  known  as  the  ‘ Greater  Servia 
conspiracy.’  The  prisoners  were  accused  of  high 
treason  in  participating  in  a movement  for  the 
union  of  Croatia,  Slavonia,  and  Bosnia  to  Servia, 
even  carrying  the  propaganda  among  the  troops 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  army.  Thirty  of  the 
accused  are  condemned  to  terms  of  rigorous  im- 
prisonment varying  from  four  to  twelve  years, 
and  twenty-two  were  acquitted.  The  persons 
condemned  have  given  notification  of  appeal.” 

On  the  31st  of  December  it  was  announced 
from  Vienna  that  all  but  two  of  the  condemned 
had  been  set  at  liberty  pending  their  appeal, 
this  being  consequent  on  the  revelations  of  for- 
gery in  the  documents  on  which  they  were  con- 
victed. See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct.- 
March)  at  close  of  article. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Arbitrary  annexation 
of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.- — Violence  to 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin. — The  European  dis- 
turbance and  its  settlement.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe  : A.  D.  1808-1809  (Oct. -March-). 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  language  quarrel  in 
Austria. — “Amid  deafening  uproar  from  the 
Czech  Radicals,  the  Austrian  premier  has  sub- 
mitted to  the  Chamber  [February  3,  1909]  two 
bills  for  the  regulation  of  the  Bohemian  language 
question.  The  bills,  which  in  present  circum- 
stances appear  to  have  little  chance  of  becoming 
law,  divide  Bohemia  into  239  judicial  and  20 
administrative  districts.  Of  the  former,  95  are 
German,  138  Czech,  and  the  remainder  mixed, 
while  of  the  administrative  districts  five  are  Ger- 
man, 10  Czech,  and  five  mixed.  In  the  German 
districts  German  is  to  be  the  predominant  lan- 
guage, and  in  the  Czech  districts  Czech,  while 
in  the  mixed  districts,  which  include  Prague, 
the  two  languages  are  placed  on  an  equal  foot- 
ing. Provision  is,  however,  made  for  the  use  of 
either  language  if  necessary  throughout  the 
whole  province.”  — N.  7.  Eve.  Post. 

A telegram  to  the  same  journal  from  Vienna, 
March  10,  reported  : “The  Lower  House  of  the 
Austrian  Parliament,  which  closed  on  February 
5,  after  a scene  of  extraordinary  turbulence  aris- 
ing from  old  racial  ill-feeling  between  the  Ger- 


mans and  the  Czechs,  reopened  to-day  with  every 
promise  of  a continuance  of  the  disorders.  The 
galleries  of  the  House  were  crowded  with  par- 
tisans of  the  two  factions,  and  as  soon  as  the 
ministers  appeared  hostile  shouts  came  from  the 
Czech  and  radical  benches,  drowning  the  cheers 
of  the  members  of  the  Left  party  and  the  Poles. 

“Premier  von  Bienerth,  amid  an  incessant  tu- 
mult, declared  the  nineteenth  session  opened, 
saying  he  hoped  the  work  would  be  crowned 
with  success  and  the  proceedings  not  disturbed. 
His  statement  sounded  ironical  in  face  of  the  un- 
broken uproar.” 

The  following  is  a later  Press  despatch,  No- 
vember 2,  from  Vienna:  “The  Emperor  has 
accepted  the  resignations  of  the  two  Czech  Min- 
isters in  the  Austrian  Cabinet,  and  has  sanctioned 
the  laws  adopted  by  the  Diets  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Austria,  Salzburg  and  Vorarlberg,  to 
establish  the  unilingual  German  character  of 
those  provinces.  In  the  name  of  the  Czech  people 
the  Czech  National  Council  addressed  yesterday 
a telegram  to  the  Emperor  begging  that  the  laws 
might  not  be  sanctioned,  since,  runs  the  tele- 
gram, they  affect  the  honour  of  the  Czech  people 
and  must  cause  constant  racial  strife  both  in  the 
provinces  and  in  Vienna,  ‘ which  is  not  only  the 
capital  of  Lower  Austria,  but  is  also  the  capital 
of  the  whole  empire  and  of  all  its  races.  These 
laws  are  a dangerous  beginning  of  constitutional 
changes  in  your  Majesty’s  glorious  empire.’  A 
copy  of  the  telegram  was  sent  to  the  Polish 
leader,  Dr.  Glombinski,  with  an  * expression  of 
the  deepest  regret  that  members  of  the  Polish 
party  should  have  supported  as  Ministers  these 
anti-Slav  laws.’” 

A revival  of  turbulent  obstruction  to  legisla- 
tive proceedings  in  the  lower  house  of  the  Aus- 
trian Reiclisrath  led,  at  last,  in  December,  to  the 
enactment  of  rules  which  so  enlarge  the  powers 
of  the  speaker  as  to  enable  him  to  suppress  fac- 
tious obstruction  and  to  suspend  deputies  who 
outrage  the  decencies  of  behavior  in  the  Cham- 
ber. The  measure  was  limited  in  its  operation  to 
a year,  but  is  expected  to  be  prolonged. 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.). — Alleged  plan  of  a 
Federated  Triple  Monarchy.  — “ There  has 
been  circulated  in  Paris  a curious  document,  full 
of  figures,  supposed  to  be  based  on  authentic 
information.  This  document  relates  to  the  plan 
attributed  to  Prince  Lentur  and  Count  d’Aeh- 
renthal  to  change  the  dual  monarchy  of  Austria- 
Hungary  into  a triple  monarchy.  Croatia,  Bosnia- 
Herzegovina,  and  Dalmatia,  according  to  the 
scheme,  would  be  united  into  an  independent 
and  constitutional  kingdom,  corresponding  to 
the  old  Illyria.  The  double  state,  Austria-Hun- 
gary, would  be  changed  into  a three-fold  Austria- 
Hungary-Ulyria.  A Slav  nation  would  thus  stand 
side  by  side  with  the  Teutonic  nation  of  Austria 
and  the  Magyar  nation  of  Hungary.  Its  extent 
would  be  a good  deal  smaller,  a little  more  than 
one-third,  of  the  other  two,  and  its  population' 
about  a quarter  of  the  Hungarian  and  one-sixth 
of  the  Austrian.  According  to  this  document, 
which  is  declared  to  have  strong  claims  to  be  con- 
sidered authentic,  this  change  would  no  doubt 
be  followed  by  a further  one.  Bohemia  and  Mo- 
ravia would  also  want  home  rule.  The  mon- 
archy would  thus  become  a kind  of  Federal 
state.  Hungary  alone  would  remain  standing 
strong  and  united  as  the  centre  and  leader  of  this 
federation.”  — N.  7.  Eve.  Post,  Dec.  29,  1909. 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,  1910 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


A.  D.  1909-1910.  — The  Hungarian  situa- 
tion. — Late  in  December,  Dr.  de  Lukacs,  who 
had  served  in  the  former  Szell  Ministry,  was 
persuaded  by  the  Crown  to  undertake  the  for- 
mation of  a Government  which  might  hope  to 
secure  some  measure  of  parliamentary  support, 
and  on  the  4th  of  January  he  was  formally  ap- 
pointed Prime  Minister ; but  his  undertaking 
ended  on  the  lltli,  when  he  resigned,  and  Count 
Khuen  Hedervary  was  heroic  enough  to  accept 
the  apparently  hopeless  task.  The  Hedervary 
Ministry  suffered  defeat  on  the  28th  of  January, 
when  a vote  of  no  confidence  was  carried  by 
M.  de  Justh,  and  the  King  thereupon  prorogued 
the  chamber  until  March  24.  A majority  of 
the  members,  however,  remained  in  session  until 
they  had  adopted  a resolution  declaring  the  Gov- 
ernment to  be  unconstitutional  and  forbidding 
the  payment  of  taxes  to  it.  Such  is  the  Hungarian 


AUTOCRAT:  Title  denied  to  the  Czar 
by  the  Third  Duma.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia: 
A.  D.  1906-1907. 

AZAD-UL-MULK.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Per- 
sia: A.  D.  1905-1907. 


situation  at  the  time  this  record  of  events  goes 
to  print  — February,  1910. 

A.  D.  1910.  — The  Archduke  Franz  Fer- 
dinand, Heir  Apparent  to  the  thrones.  — Since 
the  tragically  mysterious  death  (Jan.  30,  1889) 
of  the  Emperor’s  only  son,  Rudolph,  the  heir 
apparent  to  the  several  Hapsburgh  crowns  has 
been  the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand,  son  of  the 
Emperor’s  brother,  the  late  Archduke  Karl  Lud- 
wig. In  order  to  contract  a morganatic  marriage, 
some  years  ago,  he  renounced  the  right  of  his 
children  to  the  imperial  and  regal  succession  ; 
but  it  is  believed  that  he  will  force  the  regular- 
izing of  his  marriage  and  the  annulling  of  his 
renunciation,  as  he  is  reputed  to  be  a man  of 
strenuous  will.  According  to  report,  also,  he  is 
strongly  anti-democratic  and  reactionary,  and 
extremely  likely  to  give  trouble  as  a sovereign 
to  this  democratic  generation. 


AZEFF : The  Russian  police  spy  and 
agent  provocateur.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan.-July). 

AZUL,  Party  of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Paraguay. 


B. 


BABISM.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

BACON,  Robert  : Secretary  of  State.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

BADEN:  A.  D.  1906.  — Introduction  of 
universal  suffrage.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elec- 
tive Franchise:  Germany:  A.  D.  1906. 

BAEYER,  Adolf  von.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

BAGDAD  RAILWAY,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  Turkey:  A.  D.  1899-1909. 

BA  HAMED,  Late  Grand  Wazeer  of 
Morocco.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D. 
1903. 

BAHIA  HONDA:  Coaling  and  naval 

station  leased  to  the  United  States.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D.  1903. 

BAH  IMA,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa: 
Its  Colonizability. 

BAILEY,  L.  H. : On  Country  Life  Com- 
mission. See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1908-1909  (Aug.-Feb.). 


BAKHMETIEFF,  Madame  : Her  humane 
work  in  Macedonia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key: A.  D.  1902-1903. 

BAKHTIARI,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Per- 
sia : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BAKU  : Destruction  of  Oil  Industry.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.). 

BALDWIN  ARCTIC  EXPEDITION. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 

BALFOUR,  Arthur  J. : Becomes  Prime 
Minister  of  England.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1902  (July). 

His  puzzling  attitude  on  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain’s declaration  for  preferential  trade 
with  the  Colonies.  — Correspondence  on  Mr. 
Chamberlain’s  resignation.  See  England: 
A.  D.  1903  (May-Sept.). 

In  the  “ Dreadnought  ” debate  of  1909. 
See  War,  The  Preparations  for:  Naval. 

BALFOUR  MINISTRY:  Its  resigna- 

tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES. 


A.  D.  1903-1907.  — Complaint  of  European 
non-action  by  Christian  subjects  of  Turkey. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1907. 

Bosnia:  A.  D.  1908.  — Arbitrary  annex- 
ation to  Austria-Hungary.  See  Europe: 
A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct.-March). 

Bulgaria:  The  influence  of  Robert  College. 
See  Education  : Turkey,  &c. 

A.  D.  1901.  — The  Bulgarian  committee 
which  directs  revoluntionary  operations  and 
assassinations  in  Macedonia.  See  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Alleged  promotion  of  revolt 
in  Macedonia.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

A.  D.  1905-1908. — Barbarities  of  Bulga- 
rian bands  in  Macedonia.  See  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1905-1908. 


A.  D.  1908.  — The  race  struggle  in  Mace- 
donia. See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (March). 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Independence  of  Turkey 
declared  and  won.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe: 
A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct.-March). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Prince  Ferdinand  assumes 
the  title  of  King.  On  the  acquisition  of  com- 
plete Bulgarian  independence,  Prince  Ferdinand 
was  said  at  first  to  be  intending  to  assume  the 
title  of  Tsar;  but  that  intention,  if  it  had  been 
formed,  was  changed,  and  he  took  the  title  of 
King. 

Bulgaria  and  Servia:  A.D.  1905. — Customs 
Union  Convention  between  the  two  States.  — 
Anger  and  Hostility  of  Austria.  — Dictatorial 
demands  on  Servia.  — The  frontier  closed 
to  trade. — “Servia and  Bulgaria,  in  July,  1905, 

41 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 

signed  a Customs  Convention,  creating  a customs 
union  and  breaking  down  the  tariff  barriers  be- 
tween the  two  countries.  The  age  is  the  age  of 
union  in  business,  in  finance,  in  every  department 
in  life.  . . . Not  only  has  the  Customs  Conven- 
tion between  the  two  countries,  which  is,  after 
all,  but  the  first  step  towards  a real  zollverein, 
demonstrated  the  trend  of  international  develop- 
ment, but  it  has  enabled  the  world  to  see  clearly 
the  relations  existing  between  the  small  Balkan 
States — unprotected  by  any  guarantee  of  neu- 
tral ity  — and  their  great  neighbours.  It  has  been 
made  clear  that,  despite  all  the  many  protesta- 
tions in  Vienna  of  goodwill  to  the  Balkan  States, 
Austria  does  not  wish  to  see  real  progress  in  that 
part  of  Europe.  And  what  is  true  of  Austria  is 
true  also  of  Russia.  . . . 

“True  to  her  unvarying  policy,  Austria  no 
sooner  heard  of  the  Customs  Convention  than  she 
set  to  work  to  destroy  it,  claiming  that  it  dam- 
aged her  commercial  interests.  By  her  unjust 
attempts  at  coercion,  plain  and  undisguised,  Aus- 
tria brought  into  being  a political  bond  between 
Bulgaria  and  Servia  which  was  not  in  existence 
at  the  time  of  the  signature  of  the  Customs  Con- 
vention. . . . 

“ In  the  past  Servia  has  fallen  more  and  more 
completely  under  the  domination  of  Austria  ; her 
geographical  position  and  her  internal  troubles 
made  her  an  easy  prey  for  Vienna,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  desire  of  Russia  to  share  the  dainty 
morsel,  Servia  would  in  all  probability  have  gone 
ere  this  to  join  the  Servian  provinces  of  Bosnia 
and  Hersegovina  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Aus- 
trian Empire.  Her  commerce  is  almost  solely 
with  Austria  or  Hungary,  and  her  finances  are 
under  the  control  of  a Freneh-Austrian  syndi- 
cate. It  might  therefore  well  seem  incredible  that 
the  small  State,  bound  thus  hand  and  foot  to  the 
oppressor,  should  dare  to  oppose  her  desire  for 
liberty  to  the  Austrian  desire  for  gain,  political, 
commercial,  or  financial.  But  just  as  under  the 
Turkish  rule  the  Servians  began  to  fight  for  free- 
dom in  small  bands,  so  the  Customs  Convention 
with  Bulgaria  represents  the  first  blow  for  eco 
nomic  and  political  freedom.  . . . While  the  Con 
vention  represents  an  effort  on  Servia’s  part  to  free 
herself  from  the  thrall  of  Austria,  it  was  not  di- 
rected against  that  country.  It  seeks  rather  to 
open  up  new  markets  and  new  means  of  export, 
for  which  there  was  sufficient  reason  in  the  fact 
that  there  was  no  increase  in  the  export  of  Servian 
goods  to  Austria  during  the  last  few  years,  some 
of  which  even  showed  a decrease.  Commercial 
development  demanded  that  new  markets  should 
be  sought  and  a new  route  via  Bulgaria  to  the 
Black  Sea  ports  be  opened  up.  . . . 

“ On  January  8th  the  Austrian  Minister  in  Bel- 
grade presented  a note  from  his  Government 
making  it  a condition  that  in  order  that  the  ne- 
gotiations for  a commercial  treaty  should  not  be 
suspended,  the  Servian  Government  should  en- 
gage not  to  bring  the  Customs  Union  before  the 
Skouptcliina  before  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty. 
At  the  same  time  he  indicated  the  disastrous 
results  of  refusal  on  Servia’s  part.  The  Servian 
Cabinet  accepted  the  Austrian  proposals  as  to 
the  postponement  of  the  presentation  of  the  Cus 
toms  Union  to  the  Skouptchina,  and  promised 
also  to  consider  the  modification  of  the  Conven- 
tion in  so  far  as  these  modifications  were  not  con- 
trary to  the  nature  of  the  Customs  Union.  The 
Austrian  Minister  recommended  a change  of  the 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 

reply,  because  his  Government  would  not  accept 
it  as  it  stood.  On  the  Servians  refusing  to  make 
any  change,  he  gave  them  till  the  afternoon  of 
the  next  day  to  repent,  with  the  alternative  that 
the  treaty  negotiations  would  be  broken  off  and 
the  frontiers  closed.  . . . Servia  insisted  upon 
maintaining  her  dignity  as  a nation,  while  ex- 
pressing her  readiness  to  meet  Austria  in  every 
possible  economic  way.  Furious  at  the  Servian 
refusal,  the  Viennese  authorities  ordered  the  clos- 
ing of  the  frontiers  to  Servian  cattle,  pigs,  and 
even  fowls.  This  last  restriction  was  contrary  to 
the  existing  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  two 
countries  which  does  not  expire  till  March  1st, 
1906.  The  cattle  and  pigs  were  excluded  under 
the  arbitrary  veterinary  convention,  it  having 
been  found  that  a pig  had  died  of  ‘diplomatic 
swine  fever,  ’ a contagious  disease,  prevaleu  t when 
Servia  opposes  Austrian  desires.  The  cool  indif- 
ference with  which  Austria  ignored  her  treaty 
obligations  with  Servia  led  to  a profound  feeling 
that  it  was  hardly  worth  making  sacrifices  in 
order  to  obtain  a new  commercial  treaty,  which 
could  be  as  equally  well  ignored.  Patriotic  fer- 
vour waxed  great  in  Servia,  and  the  people  pre- 
pared to  make  a good  fight  for  their  liberty.  But 
it  was  never  overlooked  that  the  relations  with 
Austria  were  of  great  and  vital  importance.”  — 
Alfred  Stead,  The  Serbo-Bvlgarian  Convention 
and  its  Results  {Fortnightly  Review,  March,  1906). 

Herzegovina:  A.  D.  1908. — Annexation  to 
Austria.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1908-1909  (Oct. -March). 

Montenegro:  A.  D.  1905.  — Prince  Nicho- 
las’s Constitution,  and  his  operation  of  it. — 

“ When  Prince  Nicholas  heard  that  the  Czar  had 
promised  his  people  a Constitution,  he,  disciple 
of  Russia  in  all  things,  determined  to  outdo 
Nicholas  II.,  and,  as  a matter  of  fact,  granted 
his  little  country  [December,  1905]  a more  lib- 
eral Constitution  than  that  which  Russia  enjoys. 
In  Russia  certain  things  were  not  to  be  discussed 
in  the  Duma.  In  Montenegro,  everything  could 
be  discussed.  When  this  principle  began  to  be 
put  in  practice,  however,  although  in  the  most 
loyal  and  respectful  manner,  the  Prince  took 
offence  and  began  to  imprison  politicians  who 
dared  to  ask  for  information  about  the  financial 
condition  of  the  principality.  Asa  consequence, 
he  made  himself  unpopular  among  what  in 
Russia  would  be  called  the  ‘ intelligencia,’  but, 
being  a man  of  far  stronger  personality  and 
more  striking  genius  than  the  Czar  of  Russia, 
he  is  still  feared  and  obeyed.  He  is,  in  fact,  an 
old  soldier  with  all  the  old  soldier’s  preference 
for  barrack  discipline  as  the  only  method  of 
rule,  and  in  thinking  that  he  understood  what 
is  meant  by  the  words  ‘ constitutional  govern- 
ment’ he  deceived  himself,  for  he  does  not  un- 
derstand, and  being  an  old  man  surrounded  by 
flatterers,  he  is  perhaps  less  able  to  understand 
now  than  he  would  have  been  thirty  years  ago. 

“If  he  had  been  more  adaptable,  and  had 
taken  greater  pains  to  instruct  his  people  in  the 
methods  of  parliamentary  government,  the  con- 
stitutionalist movement  might  have  been  a suc- 
cess, but  unfortunately  he  withdrew  from  Cet-  < 
tinje  in  a ‘ huff  ’ when  the  Skupschina  passed 
some  criticisms  on  the  government,  and  declined 
to  cooperate  with  the  deputies,  though  they 
were  all  very  anxious  to  have  his  advice.  It  is 
stated,  on  the  other  hand,  however,  that  the 
Skupschina  interpreted  in  too  large  a sense  the 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


Constitution  that  had  been  granted  to  them.” — 
Special  Cor.  N.  Y.  Eve.  Post , Cettinje,  Dec.  15, 

1908. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — With  Servia  against 
Austrian  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina. See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  a.  d.  1908- 
1809  (Oct.-Maucii). 

Roumania:  A.  D.  1866-1906. — Development 
of  the  country  under  King  Charles  I.  and  his 
admirable  Queen. — “The  efforts  of  King 
Charles  have  been  principally  devoted  towards 
internal  improvement.  Railways  have  increased 
and  improved  since  the  State  purchased  them  in 
1886,  at  an  outlay  of  237,500,000  francs.  Then 
there  were  1,407  kilometres;  in  1903  these  had  in- 
creased to  3,177.  In  the  Dobrudja,  given  to  Rou- 
mania after  the  war  with  Turkey,  the  King  has 
created  a great  commercial  port  at  Constantza, 
whence  the  grain  and  petroleum  of  Roumania 
can  flood  the  market.  From  here  will  radiate  a 
Roumanian  merchant  marine,  which  will  bear 
the  Roumanian  flag  to  all  parts  of  the  world. 
Agriculture  has  been  carefully  cherished,  and 
to-day  the  country  is  one  of  the  principal  grain- 
exporting countries  of  the  world,  and  the  lot  of 
the  peasant,  formerly  so  low,  has  been  improved. 
An  educational  system  has  sprung  into  being, 
owing  much  to  the  direct  support  and  inspira- 
tion of  the  Royal  family.  The  finances  have 
been  put  on  a stable  footing,  and  although  the 
nation  has  already  acquired  a sufficiency  of 
debt,  the  future  is  not  at  all  dangerously  beset. 
Thanks  to  the  discovery  of  extensive  petroleum 
fields,  Roumania  has  been  strengthened  and 
raised  from  the  position  of  a country  relying 
solely  on  the  rain  and  sun  for  its  prosperity; 
while  thanks  to  the  King’s  indefatigable  efforts 
and  unceasing  watchfulness,  the  petroleum  in- 
dustry has  been  protected  from  becoming  the 
monopoly  either  of  the  ruthless  Standard  Oil 
Trust  or  of  the  politically  guided  and  govern- 
ment-supported German  Bank.  Had  King 
Charles  done  nothing  else  for  Roumania,  his  de- 
termined and  wise  action  in  this  question  would 
have  earned  him  all  praise.  But  whether  it  be 
in  the  question  of  the  Danube,  with  its  interna- 
tional Commission,  or  of  the  transformation  of 
the  twelve  enormous  Crown  lands,  dispersed 
over  the  kingdom,  into  national  and  social 
models,  to  see  and  follow  — a work  due  princi- 
pally to  M.  Kalindero — the  King’s  interest  in 
all  things  which  directly  or  indirectly  touch 
Roumania  is  unabated. 

“ And  what  manner  of  man  is  this,  who  has 
thus  created  a European  State  out  of  the  rem- 
nants of  a land  cursed  by  a Turkish  rule  and 
Phanariot  sway  ? First  and  foremost  he  is  al- 
ways a Hohenzollern,  swayed  by  his  obedience 
to  duty,  and  based  upon  that  Hohenzollern 
saying : 1 It  is  not  enough  to  be  born  a prince,  you 
must  show  that  you  are  worthy  of  the  title,’  and 
second,  he  is  ever  a true  Roumanian,  who  has 
caught  much  of  the  inspiration  of  those  great 
former  Roumanian  leaders  and  warriors.  His 
youth  was  one  of  discipline  and  healthy  educa- 
tion, while  the  influence  of  his  father  on  his 
character  can  never  be  overestimated.  Every 
inch  a king,  he  never  forgets  that  he  is  always  also 
a man  — personal  animosities  never  cloud  his  na- 
tional judgment.  An  indefatigable  worker  and  on 
an  organised  plan  tending  towards  definite  ends, 
King  Charles  devotes  his  whole  time  to  his  never- 
ceasing  task.  By  his  marriage  to  Princess  Eliz- 


abeth of  Wied’  [known  in  literature  as  Carmen 
Sylva]  ‘ a marriage  so  non-political  as  to  make 
it  a political  event  of  the  first  importance,’  he 
brought  to  Roumania  a queen  who  made  herself 
beloved  of  all,  and  speedily  became  the  centre 
of  all  charitable  ideas  and  works.” — Alfred 
Stead,  King  Charles  I.  of  ltoumania  ( Fortnightly 
Review , July,  1906). 

A.  D.  1902.  — Oppression  of  the  Jews. — 
Appeal  of  the  United  States  to  the  signa- 
tories of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  — On  the  lltli 
of  August,  1902,  Mr.  John  Hay,  Secretary  of 
State  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
addressed  a communication  to  the  American 
Ambassadors  and  Ministers  in  Great  Britain, 
France,  Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  Russia, 
Italy,  and  Turkey,  whose  governments  were 
parties  to  the  Berlin  Treaty  of  1878,  directing 
that  it  be  read  to  the  proper  ministers  in  the 
governments  of  those  countries.  The  commu- 
nication related  to  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  in 
Roumania,  which  had  long  been  a matter  of  deep 
concern  to  the  United  States,  not  only  from 
sympathy  with  the  persecuted  people,  but  also 
because  of  the  state  in  which  it  drove  them  as 
emigrants  to  this  land.  An  abridgment  of  Sec- 
retary Hay’s  despatch,  published  at  the  time, 
renders  its  substance  as  follows: 

* ‘ As  long  ago  as  in  1872  this  country  protested 
against  the  oppression  of  these  Jews  under 
Turkish  rule.  The  Treaty  of  Berlin  it  was  sup- 
posed would  cure  this  wrong  by  the  provisions 
of  its  forty-fourth  article,  which  prescribed  that 
‘ in  Roumania  the  difference  of  religious  creeds 
and  confessions  shall  not  be  alleged  against  any 
person  as  a ground  for  exclusion  or  incapacity 
in  matters  relating  to  the  enjoyment  of  civil  and 
political  rights,  admission  to  public  employ- 
ments, functions  and  honors,  or  the  exercise  of 
the  various  professions  and  industries  in  any 
locality  whatsoever.  These  prescriptions,  how- 
ever, have,  in  the  lapse  of  time,  been  rendered 
nugatory  as  regards  the  native  Jews  of  Rou- 
mania. Apart  from  the  political  disabilities  of 
the  Jews  in  that  country,  and  their  exclusion 
from  the  liberal  professions,  they  are  denied  the 
inherent  rights  of  man  as  a breadwinner  in  the 
ways  of  agriculture  and  trade.  They  are  prohib- 
ited from  owning  land  or  from  cultivating  it  as 
common  laborers ; they  are  debarred  from  resid- 
ing in  the  rural  districts,  and  many  branches  of 
petty  trade  and  manual  production  are  closed  to 
them  in  the  cities.  They  have  become  reduced 
to  a state  of  wretched  misery.  The  experience 
of  the  United  States  shows  that  the  Jews  pos- 
sess in  a high  degree  the  qualities  of  good  cit- 
izenhood.  No  class  of  immigrants  is  more 
welcome  to  our  shores  when  coming  equipped 
in  mind  and  body,  but  when  they  come  as  out- 
casts, made  doubly  paupers  by  physical  and 
mental  oppression  in  their  native  land,  their  mi- 
gration lacks  the  essential  conditions  which  make 
alien  immigration  either  acceptable  or  bene- 
ficial. Many  of  these  Roumanian  Jews  are 
forced  to  quit  their  native  country,  and  the 
United  States  is  almost  the  only  refuge  left  to 
them.  They  come  hither  unfitted  by  the  condi- 
tions of  their  exile  to  take  part  in  the  new  life 
of  this  land,  and  they  are  objects  of  charity  for 
a long  time.  Therefore  the  right  of  remon- 
strance against  the  acts  of  the  Roumanian  Gov- 
ernment is  fairly  established  in  favor  of  this 
Government.  This  Government  cannot  be  a 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


tacit  party  to  what  it  regards  as  an  international 
wrong.  It  is  constrained  to  protest  against 
the  treatment  to  which  the  Jews  of  Roumania 
are  subjected.  The  United  States  is  not  a sig- 
natory to  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  and  cannot, 
therefore,  appeal  authoritatively  to  the  stipula- 
tions of  that  treaty,  but  it  does  earnestly  appeal 
to  the  principles  consigned  therein,  because  they 
are  the  principles  of  international  law  and  eter- 
nal justice.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Agrarian  and  anti-Semitic 
riots.  — Serious  riotings  of  the  peasants  of  Rou- 
mania, in  botLGVIoldavia  and  Wallachia,  occurred 
in  April,  1907."  Before  the  rising  could  be  sup- 
pressed more  than  100,000  troops  were  employed ; 
the  capital,  Bucharest,  was  in  a state  of  siege, 
and  martial  law  was  proclaimed  throughout  the 
country.  At  first  the  character  of  the  uprising 
seems  to  have  been  purely  agrarian.  The  pea- 
sants demanded  land  at  low  prices  and  tried  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  middlemen,  who  are 
mostly  Jews.  As  the  revolt  spread,  villages, 
farms,  and  even  some  towns  were  plundered  and 
destroyed  by  wholesale.  Hundreds  of  peasants 
were  killed,  and  in  several  sections  a state  of  real 
war  existed  for  more  than  a week.  King  Charles 
issued  a proclamation  to  his  people  promising 
the  redress  of  their  grievances.  The  Conserva- 
tive ministry  resigned  on  March  24  and  a Liberal 
government  was  at  once  formed  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Dr.  Sturdza. 

Servia:  A.  D.  1901-1903.  — Royal  Constitu- 
tion-making and  unmaking.  — The  character 
of  the  Servian  monarchy,  and  the  value  to  the 
nation  of  its  king-made  Constitution,  may  be 
judged  from  the  following  report,  May  12,  i903, 
to  the  State  Department  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment, by  its  Minister  at  Athens,  who  has  the 
care  of  American  interests  at  Belgrade:  “The 
Servian  constitution  now  in  force  is  that  which 
was  granted  the  country  by  King  Alexander  on 
April  6-19,  1901.  Under  this  constitution  the  in- 
fluence of  the  radical  part}'  had  gradually  in- 
creased to  such  an  extent  that  the  King  thought 
it  was  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of  the  country. 
For  some  time  there  were  rumors  to  the  effect  that 
a new  constitution  was  in  contemplation  and 
would  probably  be  put  into  force  on  the  anniver- 
sary of  its  predecessor.  More  or  less  excitement 
was  caused  by  these  reports,  and  in  consequence 
the  King  determined  to  act  at  once. 

“ On  the  afternoon  of  March  24r-April  6 last 
[1903]  a royal  proclamation  was  issued  to  the 
Servian  people,  explaining  the  King’s  views  of 
the  situation,  suspending  the  constitution  re- 
ferred to  above,  annuling  the  ukase  of  April  6, 
1901,  and  all  subsequent  ukases  relating  to  the 
election  of  senators,  retiring  all  the  members  of 
the  council  of  state,  dissolving  the  Skupshtina 
(national  chamber  of  deputies),  annulling  the 
election  of  all  senators  chosen  for  the  period 
1901-1906,  annulling  various  laws  relating  to  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  the  election  of  deputies,  etc., 
and  putting  into  force  certain  laws  which  had 
previously  been  repealed. 

“The  next  morning  a second  proclamation  was 
issued,  putting  the  same  constitution  in  force 
again,  and  directing  the  life  senators  to  elaborate 
a provisional  law  for  the  election  of  senators  and 
deputies,  who  should  hold  office,  respectively, 
until  September,  1909,  and  May,  1907. 

“The  date  for  the  elections  has  been  fixed  for 
the  first  part  of  June.  It  is  considered  probable 


that  the  Radical  members  of  the  Government 
(four  ministers,  I believe)  will  soon  withdraw 
from  the  cabinet.” 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  murder  of  King  Alex- 
ander, Queen  Draga,  her  brothers,  and  two 
ministers  of  state.  — The  military  plot. — King 

Alexander,  who  received  the  Servian  crown, 
as  a mere  boy,  by  the  abdication  of  his  father, 
the  erratic  King  Milan,  in  1889  (see,  in  Vol- 
ume I.  of  this  work,  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States  : a.  d.  1879-1889),  began  his  reign  auto- 
cratically, but  attempted  twelve  years  later,  to 
propitiate  popular  favor  by  the  grant  of  a lib- 
eral constitution,  in  1901.  This  failed,  however, 
to  win  the  good  will  of  his  subjects,  and  he 
annulled  it  in  April,  1903,  with  much  of  the 
legislation  it  had  produced.  This  intensified 
public  feeling  against  him,  and  against  his  un- 
popular Queen,  — the  former  lady-in-waiting  at 
his  mother’s  court,  Madame  Draga  Maschin,  his 
marriage  to  whom  in  1900  is  related  in  volume 
VI.  of  this  work  (see  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States:  Servia,  in  that  volume).  There  were 
fears  of  an  intention  to  force  recognition  of 
Queen  Draga’s  brother  as  heir  apparent  to  the 
crown,  and  feeling  in  the  army  became  especially 
bitter  against  both  king  and  queen.  The  out- 
come was  an  awful  tragedy  of  murder  on  the 
night  of  June  11,  1903,  when  a party  of  officers 
broke  into  the  palace  and  slew,  with  barbaric 
ferocity,  the  King,  the  Queen,  the  Queen’s 
brothers,  the  Prime  Minister,  and  the  Minister 
for  War.  The  following  account  of  the  horrible 
tragedy  appeared  in  the  next  issue  of  The  Con- 
temporary Review : 

“All  traces  of  the  midnight  carnage  in  the 
palace  of  Belgrade  have  been  cleared  away. 
The  Pretender  for  whose  benefit  it  was  perpe- 
trated comes  in.  First  proclaimed  in  the  midst 
of  the  still  warm  corpses,  the  title  of  military 
acclamation  has  been  ratified  by  a National  As- 
sembly, convened  by  the  Pretorians  almost  si- 
multaneously with  the  massacre  to  meet  three 
days  after  that  event,  and  in  the  palace  where 
Colonel  Maschine  and  his  lieutenants,  acting  in 
the  names  of  outraged  national  dignity  and  social 
purity,  put  to  shame  human  nature,  Karageor- 
gevich,  whose  career  as  a Pretender  in  some 
points  resembles  that  of  Louis  Napoleon,  accepts 
the  proffered  crown.  The  telegraphic  agencies 
have  informed  us  that  order  reigns  at  Belgrade, 
and  that  Peter  I.  has  entered  his  capital  amid 
demonstrations  of  public  joy.  The  representa- 
tives of  the  Press  of  Europe,  numbering  about 
a hundred,  were,  through  the  civility  of  a palace 
official  who  witnessed  the  nocturnal  invasion, 
taken  through  the  theatre  of  one  of  the  most 
revolting  crimes  of  modern  history.  They  were 
minutely  informed  of  the  circumstances  con- 
nected with  it,  saw  the  smashed  doors  and  floors 
where  dynamite  tubes  had  exploded,  the  pistol 
shots  in  walls  and  ceilings ; the  timepieces  shaken 
by  the  explosion  had  stopped  at  five  minutes 
past  one  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  June.  The 
palace  official  took  them  into  the  little  wardrobe 
room  in  which  the  King  and  Queen  had  hidden 
themselves,  and,  when  found,  met  their  doom< 
unshriven,  offering  no  resistance.  . . . 

“ Officers  who  had  studied  in  the  Zurich  Poly- 
technic school  knew  how  to  use  dynamite  with- 
out injury  to  themselves  when  they  wanted  to 
break  in  doors  massive  as  those  of  a church. 
Those  who  had  been  told  off  to  cut  the  electric 

44 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


wires  communicating  with  lamps  had  indiarub- 
ber  gloves.  They  searched  by  the  light  of  com- 
posite candles  they  had  brought  in  their  pockets 
for  the  hiding-place  of  the  King  and  Queen. 
When  they  discovered  the  fugitives,  some  of 
the  officers  held  high  the  candles  for  their  com- 
rades to  lay  on  and  not  spare  the  unfortunate 
pair.  There  was  no  attempt  to  resist.  All 
Alexander  wanted  was  ‘to  die  with  Draga,’ 
and  this  elevated  him  into  the  region  of  ro- 
mance. It  may  hereafter  furnish  a theme  to 
Servian  bards.  Another  modern  circumstance 
makes  one’s  flesh  creep.  The  bodies,  flung  out 
of  a window,  lay  on  a garden  walk  until  dawn, 
when  a soldier  received  an  order  to  wash  them 
there  with  a fireman’s  hydrant,  and  when  they  had 
been  cleansed  to  lay  them  on  the  tables  of  the  pal- 
ace kitchen  for  dissection.  The  surgeons  had  been 
requisitioned  to  come  there  at  five  o’clock.  . . . 

“ At  the  post-mortem  in  the  palace  kitchen  at 
Belgrade,  the  surgeons  counted  in  the  body  of 
Alexander  six  revolver  wounds,  each  deadly,  and 
forty-two  sword  wounds.  Draga  received  two 
pistol  balls  and  sixty-two  sword  cuts  and  slashes. 
She  had  been  cut  to  pieces,  but  they  left  her 
face  unmutilated.  And  — still  more  frightful  — 
her  corpse  bore  black  and  blue  marks  that  testi- 
fied to  a merciless  pounding  with  strong  fists. 
The  regicides  gave  so  many  conflicting  accounts 
of  their  adventure  that  one  did  not  know  what 
to  believe.  It  is  now  certain  that  the  King  and 
Queen  were  defenceless,  that  they  at  once  on 
being  aroused  by  the  dynamite  took  refuge  in 
her  wardrobe  room,  and  that  they  never  sought 
to  escape  by  the  roof,  and  did  not  run  through 
a long  suite  of  rooms,  slamming  the  doors  after 
them.  They  had  not  a moment’s  time  to  utter 
a prayer. 

“ Draga’s  brothers  received  a five  minutes’ 
respite  to  make  their  souls.  Nicodemus,  the 
eldest,  for  whom  Mademoiselle  Pach  mourns  in 
Brussels,  asked  for  cigars  and  for  leave  to  em- 
brace his  brother.  He  and  Nicholas  faced  un- 
flinchingly a firing  party,  casting  away  the  cigar 
ends  as  they  stood  before  a wall.  . . . 

“Colonel  Maschine,  who  figures  as  the  ring- 
leader in  the  conspiracy,  had  been  in  the  inner 
circle  of  King  Milan,  who  thought  him  a valu- 
abl  e offi  cer.  Milan , a man  with  conside  rable  abil  - 
ity  and  without  his  match  in  playing  an  intricate 
and  difficult  diplomatic  game,  had  been  educated 
in  his  mother’s  fast  set  in  Vienna,  and  at  a Paris 
lycee.  . . . Military  force  as  a means  of  gov- 
ernment recommended  itself  to  his  barbarous 
mind.  It  may  be  that  he  saw  in  Maschine  a 
man  suitable  for  coup  d’etat  work.  An  osten- 
sible reason  for  taking  him  into  favour  was  Mas- 
chine’s  bravery  in  the  campaign  against  Bulga- 
ria and  his  personal  fidelity  to  Milan,  as  twice 
evinced  in  saving  his  life.  The  partiality  of  the 
King  buoyed  up  Maschine’s  hopes  of  a brilliant 
military  career.  Death  overtook  Milan,  who  so 
often  had  escaped  poison  and  assassin’s  bullets, 
on  his  way  to  Belgrade,  where  he  was  to  have 
set  Alexander  aside  and  remounted  the  throne. 
His  unexpected  decease  blighted  the  colonel’s 
prospects,  inasmuch  as  Draga  gained  thereby 
uncontrolled  influence  over  the  King.  She  and 
the  Maschines  had  long  kept  up  a bitter  feud. 
Barbarians  like  to  brood  over  their  grievances, 
real  or  imaginary.  Colonel  Maschine  could  not 
forget  or  forgive,  and  his  pride  prevented  him 
from  trying  to  propitiate  her  when  she  let  him 


know  that  he  thought  her  more  intractable  than 
she  really  was  He  had  set  about  the  slander 
that  she  poisoned  her  first  husband,  and  then 
made  believe  he  committed  suicide.  This  story 
had  been  told  by  the  Colonel  to  Milan.  Alexan- 
der, when  his  father  repeated  it  to  him,  called 
it  a ‘machination,’  the  name  he  ever  after  gave 
to  slanders  and  libels  that  came  to  his  knowledge 
about  Draga.  He  refused  to  hear  calumnious 
tales,  but  could  not  prevent  anonymous  letters 
passing  into  the  hands  of  his  secretary,  and 
spoke  of  the  Court  of  Russia  as  being  stupidly 
turned  against  his  wife  by  ‘machinations.’  One 
can  understand  from  this  why  Colonel  Maschine 
became  the  soul  of  the  horrible  conspiracy,  and 
bent  his  whole  mind  to  carry  out  a plan  which 
has  succeeded,  through  his  perfect  generalship 
as  to  ensemble,  the  minutest  attention  to  details, 
the  widest  prescience,  the  coolest  head  and  an 
utter  unscrupulousness.”  — Ivanovich,  The  Ser- 
vian Massacre  (Contemporary  Review,  July,  1903). 

In  the  same  issue  of  The  Contemporary,  Dr. 
Dillon  wrote:  “A  graphic  version  of  one  scene 
of  the  tragedy,  which  was  given  to  me  by  one 
of  the  murderers,  Adjutant  N.,  is  as  follows: 
‘We  were  wild  with  passion,  trembling  with 
excitement,  incapable  of  receiving  any  impres- 
sions from  the  things  and  people  around  us. 
Hence  we  cannot  say  who  shot  the  King  in  the 
head,  who  in  the  heart.  But  I have  a vivid  re- 
collection of  some  things.  I remember  turning 
out  the  electric  light  and  going  to  fetch  candles 
to  light  my  comrades  on  the  way.  That  done 
I remained  together  with  them  to  the  end.  I 
remember  our  breaking  into  the  King’s  bed- 
room, finding  it  empty,  and  then  looking  into 
the  Queen’s  wardrobe  room,  where  we  found 
the  pair.  Who  fired  first?  I don’t  know ; no- 
body knows.  At  first  we  did  not  fire  at  all. 
We  drew  our  sabres  and  cut  off  the  fingers  of 
the  King  and  Queen;  four  fingers  were  hewn 
from  the  King’s  hand.  Then  we  fired.’” — E. 
J.  Dillon,  Servia  and  the  Rival  Dynasties  (Con- 
temporary Review,  July,  1903). 

The  hideous  crime  which  ended  the  reign  of 
King  Alexander  excited  horror  everywhere  ex- 
cept in  Servia.  There  it  seemed  to  be  approved 
and  rejoiced  over  universally,  even  the  head  of 
the  national  Servian  Church,  the  Metropolitan  of 
Belgrade,  officiating  at  a thanksgiving  service 
and  commending  the  army  for  what  it  had  done. 
Senators  and  Deputies  of  the  Skupstchina  filled 
the  vacant  throne  by  the  election  of  Prince  Peter 
Ivarageorgievitch,  descendant  of  Kara  Georg 
(Black  George),  the  primary  hero  of  the  later 
struggle  of  the  Servians  with  the  Turk.  King 
Alexander  had  been  of  the  house  of  Milosh  Obren- 
ovitch,  founder  of  the  Obrenovitch  dynasty, 
which  supplanted  that  of  Kara  Georg  (see 
Balkan  and  Danubian  States:  14th-19th 
Centuries:  Servia,  in  Volume  I.  of  this  work). 
Prince  Peter,  then  in  exile  at  Geneva,  accepted 
the  blood-stained  crown,  and  was  welcomed  at 
Belgrade  on  the  24th  of  June.  Foreign  govern- 
ments, except  those  of  Russia  and  Austria-Hun- 
gary, gave  no  recognition  to  the  new  sovereign 
for  some  time  ; but,  said  a writer  in  The  Fort- 
nightly Review  of  the  next  month,  “ no  thrill  of 
horror  has  been  manifested  by  the  ‘ dear  brothers  ’ 
and  ‘ cousins  ’ of  the  royal  victims ; on  the  very 
day  of  the  holocaust,  when  the  mangled  corpses 
of  a King  and  Queen  were  being  exposed  to  the 
outrages  of  frenzied  fiends,  there  was  never  a 


BALKAN  AND  DANUBIAN  STATES 


BEEF  TRUST 


pause  in  the  pomp  and  circumstance  and  revelry 
of  European  Courts.  But  the  ghastly  details  of 
the  deed  have  appealed  to  the  melodramatic  in- 
stincts of  the  vulgar,  arousing  a morbid  indigna- 
tion throughout  every  land.  What  honest  per- 
son could  fail  to  be  stirred  by  the  story  of  the 
conspirators,  sitting  over  their  wine  under  the 
verandah  of  the  Srbski  Kruna,  uproariously  urg- 
ing the  gipsy  band  to  play  Queen  Draga’s  March 
before  they  sallied  forth  to  hack  her  to  pieces 
with  their  swords ; by  the  airy  apologies  of  the 
baffled  murderers  when  they  roused  a citizen  for 
axes  and  candles,  wherewith  to  track  down  their 
victims  in  the  sleeping  palace  ; by  the  thought 
of  the  ill-starred  young  Sovereigns  lying  in  their 
own  gardens,  riddled  with  bullets,  sighing 
through  the  small  hours  for  the  long-delayed  re- 
lief of  death  ? In  the  pages  of  ancient  or  medi- 
aeval history,  even  in  sensational  fiction,  such 
hellish  horrors  could  not  fail  to  arouse  intense 
emotion ; in  the  cold  glare  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury they  are  brought  home  so  vividly  that  we 
are  almost  eye-witnesses.”  — Herbert  Vivian,  A 
‘ Glorious  involution  ’ in  Servia  ( Fortnightly  Re- 
view, July,  1903). 

A general  election  in  September  gave  the 
Radicals  a decisive  majority  in  the  Skupstchina, 
and  a Radical  Ministry  under  General  Gruitch 
was  formed. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Coronation  of  King  Peter. — 

King  Peter  was  anointed  and  crowned  with  due 
ceremony,  at  Zicha,  on  the  9th  of  October,  1904. 
Representatives  of  all  the  Powers  in  Europe  ex- 
cept Great  Britain  did  honor  to  the  occasion  by 
their  presence;  thus  condoning  the  foul  crime 


BALLINGER,  Richard  A.:  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1909  (March). 

Action  against  Water  Power  Monopoly. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1909. 

BALLOONS,  Dirigible.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent. 

BALTIC  FLEET,  The  Russian:  Its  voy- 
age and  destruction.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct.-May). 

BALTIC  PROVINCES:  Peasant  insur- 
rection. See  (iD  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905 
(Feb.-Nov.). 

BALTIMORE  : A.  D.  1904.  — Destructive 
fire. — Next  to  that  at  Chicago  in  1871,  the 
most  destructive  fire  among  the  many  that  have 
devastated  the  cities  of  the  United  States  oc- 
curred at  Baltimore  on  February  7th  and  8th, 
1904.  It  burned  for  thirty  hours,  in  the  heart  of 
the  city,  the  center  of  its  business,  destroying 
some  2600  buildings  and  consuming  property  to 
the  estimated  value  of  $75,000,000. 

BAMBAATA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Af- 
rica: Natal  : A.  D.  1906-1907. 

BANNARD,  Otto  T. : See  (in  this  vol.)  New 
York  City:  A.  D.  1909. 

BARCELONA:  A.  D.  1902.  — General 
strike  and  battle  with  soldiery.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization:  Spain. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Revolutionary  outbreak. — 
T rial  and  execution  of  Professor  Ferrer.  See 
Spain:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Riotous  hostility  to  war  in 
Morocco.  See  Morocco:  A.  D.  1909. 

BARGE  (ERIE)  CANAL,  The.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  New  York  State:  A.  D.  1898-1909. 


which  smeared  the  new  King’s  crown  with  blood. 
The  officers  who  committed  the  crime  had  been 
dismissed  from  their  palace  posts,  but  rewarded 
by  military  promotion. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Attitude  toward  Austria 
on  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzego- 
vina. See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1908- 
1909  (Oct.-March). 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — The  alleged  “ Greater 
Servia  Conspiracy.” — The  Agram  Trials. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria-Hungary:  A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Renunciation  of  the  crown 
by  the  Crown  Prince.  — The  following  note 
was  addressed  to  the  Prime  Minister  of  Servia  by 
the  Crown  Prince,  George,  on  the  25th  of  March, 
1909 : “ Driven  by  unjustified  insinuations  based 
on  an  unfortunate  occurrence,  I beg  in  defence 
of  my  honour,  as  well  as  of  my  conscience,  to 
declare  that  I renounce  all  claims  to  the  Throne, 
as  well  as  any  other  privileges  to  which  I am 
entitled.  I beg  you  to  take  note  of  this,  and 
to  take  the  necessary  steps  that  this  action  may 
receive  the  necessary  sanction.  I place  my  ser- 
vices as  a soldier  and  citizen  at  the  disposal 
of  my  King  and  Fatherland,  ready  to  give  my 
life  for  them.  — George.” 

The  “unfortunate  occurrence ” alluded  to  was 
the  death  of  one  of  the  Prince’s  servants  from 
injuries  which  the  Prince  was  believed  by  the 
public  to  have  inflicted,  as  he  was  reputed  to 
have  a brutal  temper. 

Servia  and  Bulgaria:  A.D.  1905.  — Customs 
Union  Convention.  See  above:  Bulgaria  and 
Servia. 


BARNATO,  Harry.  — Bequest  for  cancer 
research.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

BARRETT,  Charles  Simon:  President  of 
the  National  Farmers’  Union.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization  : United  States: 
A.  D.  1902-1909. 

BARRETT,  John.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Amer- 
ican Republics,  International  Bureau  of. 

Delegate  to  Second  International  Confer- 
ence of  American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

American  Republics. 

BARTHOLDT,  Richard.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1904-1909, 
and  1907. 

BARTON,  Sir  Edmund  : Premier  of  Aus- 
tralia. See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia  : A.  D. 
1903-1904. 

BAST,  The  taking  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

BASUTOLAND:  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa  : A.  D.  1904,  and  1909. 

BAVARIA:  A.  D.  1906.  — Introduction  of 
direct  voting.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective 
Franchise  : Germany  : A.  D.  1906. 

BEATIFICATION  OF  JOAN  OF  ARC. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy  : A.  D.  1909  (April). 

BECHUANALAND:  A.  D.  1904.— Cen- 
sus. See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D. 
1904,  and  1909. 

BECK,  Baron.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria- 
Hungary  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

BECQUEREL,  Henri.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science,  Recent  : Radium  ; also,  Nobel 
Prizes. 

“ BEEF  TRUST,”  The:  Investigations 
and  prosecutions  by  the  U.  S.  Government.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial  : 


BEERNAERT 


BELGIUM 


United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1906  ; 1903-1906 ; 
and  1910. 

BEERNAERT,  M.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes 

BEHRING,  Emil  Adolf  von.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

BEIRUT:  Joy  over  the  restored  consti- 
tution of  Turkey.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey: 
A.  I).  1908  (July-Dec.). 

BELGIUM  : A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increaseof 
population  compared  with  other  European 
countries.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D. 
1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1900-1904.  — Municipal  systems  of 
insurance  against  unemployment.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of:  Unem- 
ployment. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Popular  opposition  to  the 
plural  vote.  — Demand  for  constitutional  re- 
vision defeated.  — General  strike  in  the  coun- 
try. — Substantially  universal  but  not  equal 
suffrage  is  given  to  the  male  citizens  of  Belgium 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  kingdom  as  revised  in 
1893  (see  Constitution  of  Belgium,  in  Volume 
I.  of  this  work).  All  have  one  vote,  but  certain 
classes  of  persons,  qualified  by  property  owner- 
ship, tax-payments,  education,  office-holding  or 
professional  dignity,  are  given  one  or  two  supple- 
mentary votes.  Opposition  to  this  political  in- 
equality had  been  growing  from  the  first,  until 
it  united  the  Socialist  and  Liberal  parties  in  a 
demand  for  the  revision  of  the  Constitution,  not 
only  to  abolish  the  plural  suffrage,  but  to  intro- 
duce proportional  representation  and  compulsory 
education.  The  agitation  attending  this  demand 
brought  about,  in  April,  a general  strike  through- 
out the  country  of  workmen  in  all  departments 
of  industry,  to  the  extent  of  350,000.  The  Gov- 
ernment resisted  the  demand,  maintaining  that 
the  system  of  plural  voting  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently tried,  and  the  bill  for  constitutional  re- 
vision was  defeated  in  the  Chamber  of  Repre- 
sentatives, after  a bitter  debate,  by  84  votes  to 
64. 

The  situation  was  described  as  follows  by  Mr. 
Townsend,  the  American  Minister  to  Belgium,  in 
a despatch  of  April  19  : “The  struggle  between 
labor  and  capital  in  Belgium  has  become  ex- 
tremely acute  in  the  past  few  years.  A large 
industrial  population,  confined  to  a small  super- 
ficial area,  with  long  hours  of  labor  and  small 
wages,  have  combined  to  produce  a feeling  of 
discontent  among  the  working  classes,  who,  per- 
haps unjustly,  blame  the  existing  Government 
for  a condition  of  affairs  which  may  be  due  to 
economic  conditions  rather  than  political.  This 
is  a factor  which  may  be  largely  responsible  for 
the  rapid  growth  of  Socialism  in  Belgium  during 
the  past  few  years.  Liberals  and  Socialists  have 
combined  to  fight  for  universal  suffrage,  and  have 
raised  the  cry  ‘ one  man  one  vote  ’ as  a panacea 
for  the  existing  ills. 

“ The  Clericals  maintain  that  the  existing  sys- 
tem of  plural  voting  meets  the  present  require- 
ments of  the  country  ; that  it  places  a premium 
on  education,  and  acts  as  a check  to  the  power 
of  the  ignorant,  who  are  prone  to  resort  to  vio- 
lence and  disorder.  The  more  moderate  Liberals 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  expressed  a 
willingness  to  accept  a compromise  in  the  shape 
of  a total  abolition  of  the  triple  vote,  granting 
one  vote  at  25  years  and  a second  vote  to  married 
men  of  35  or  40  years,  with  legitimate  issue.  The 


Clericals,  however,  would  not  consider  a com- 
promise and  opposed  revision  in  any  form. 

“During  the  past  fortnight,  while  the  debates 
on  the  subject  of  revision  were  being  held  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  the  socialists  and 
workingmen  have  held  nightly  meetings  at  the 
Maison  du  Peuple,  and  have  frequently  paraded 
the  streets  shouting  for  universal  suffrage  and 
‘ one  man  one  vote.’  The  Liberal  members,  as 
well  as  some  of  the  socialist  leaders  in  the  House, 
have  cautioned  the  paraders  to  be  calm,  to  avoid 
violence  and  disorder.  But  the  ranks  of  the 
paraders  have  been  swelled  by  the  addition  of 
the  representatives  of  the  very  lowest  and  crimi- 
nal classes  of  the  population,  the  result  being  a 
conflict  with  the  police  followed  by  the  break- 
ing of  windows  and  other  damages  to  property. 
Shots  were  exchanged  between  the  gendarmes 
and  rioters,  several  of  the  latter  being  killed  and 
wounded.  Similar  scenes  were  at  the  same  time 
enacted  in  other  towns  in  Belgium,  consequently 
the  Government  called  out  the  troops.  Order 
has  been  restored,  but  the  streets  of  Brussels,  as 
well  as  the  large  towns,  are  lined  with  soldiers. 
A general  strike  has  taken  place  in  all  the  indus- 
trial centers  of  Belgium,  with  the  avowed  object 
of  forcing  the  Government  to  grant  universal 
suffrage,  but  without  success.  The  feeling  of 
unrest  is  very  general  all  over  the  country.”  — 
Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  U. 
S.,  1902,  p.  85. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Enactment  to  compensate 
workmen  for  injurious  accidents.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization:  Belgium:  A.  D. 
1903. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  settlement  of 
claims  against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1903-1905. — King  Leopold’s  admin- 
istration of  the  Congo  State.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Congo  State  : A.  D.  1903-1905. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Liberal  gains  in  the  elections, 
at  the  expense  of  the  Catholics  and  Socialists. 
— Belgian  elections,  in  May,  reduced  the  majority 
by  which  the  Clericals  still  retained  control  of  the 
Government,  and  took  six  seats  in  the  representa- 
tive chamber  from  the  Socialists,  adding  in  all 
nine  to  the  representation  of  the  Liberal  party. 
The  latter  continued,  with  no  success,  its  demand 
for  a revision  of  the  Constitution,  especially  for 
the  abolition  of  the  plural  vote,  which  gives  the 
Church  party  its  majority  in  Parliament,  while 
its  voters  are  an  actual  minority  of  the  nation. 

Belgian  feeling  on  the  subject  of  the  charges 
of  brutal  oppression  in  the  Congo  Free  State  was 
deeply  stirred,  and  its  current  ran  strongly 
against  the  accusers  of  the  King.  The  public  in 
general  appears  to  have  been  fully  persuaded 
that  interested  motives  were  actuating  the  whole 
criticism  of  Congo  administration,  and  that  the 
stories  of  inhumanity  to  the  natives  were  wholly 
false. 

A.  D.  1906.  — At  the  Algeciras  Conference 
on  the  Morocco  question.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1908.  — North  Sea  and  Baltic  agree- 
ments. See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Oct.).  — Annexation  ofthe  Con- 
go State.  See  Congo  State  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — New  military  law.  — Com- 
pulsory service  with  no  substitution.  See 
War,  The  Preparations  for  : Belgian. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — The  Government’s 

47 


BELGIUM 


BOSTON 


programme  of  reforms  in  the  Congo  State. 

See  Congo  State  : A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.). — Death  of  King  Leo- 
pold.— Accession  of  King  Albert.  — On  the 

17th  of  December,  1909,  King  Leopold  died.  He 
was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  Prince  Albert, 
son  of  his  brother,  the  Count  of  Flanders.  Of 
the  new  King,  who  was  born  in  1875,  it  was  said 
by  The  Times,  of  London:  “The  happiest  ex- 
pectations are  cherished  in  Belgium  for  the  new 
King’s  reign.  He  has  shown,  together  with  his 
gracious  Consort,  that  desire  to  identify  himself 
with  the  interests  of  the  humblest  of  his  subjects 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  admire  among  the 
characteristic  merits  of  our  own  Royal  Family. 
He  was  naturally  precluded  by  his  position  from 
taking  any  part  in  the  controversies  connected 
with  the  Congo,  but  it  may  reasonably  be  thought 
that  if  his  uncle’s  life  had  been  less  prolonged  the 
constitutional  difficulties  raised  by  the  ‘ Congo 
question  ’ would  have  been  avoided.  He  is  known 
to  have  been  painfully  impressed  by  the  need  of 
reform  during  his  recent  visit  to  the  colony.” 

BELL,  Richard:  Secretary  of  the  Amal- 
gamated Society  of  Railway  Servants.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  England: 
A.  D.  1907-1909. 

BENEDICTINES:  Forbidden  to  teach  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1908. 

BENGAL:  A.  D.  1905.  — Partition  of  the 
Province.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

BEQUESTS.  See  Gifts. 

BERESFORD,  Admiral  Lord  Charles: 
On  the  “Dreadnought.”  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Preparations  for:  Dreadnought 
Era. 

BERKELEY,  Cal.:  Perfect  example  of 
the  “ Commission  Plan  ” of  Government. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Government: 
California. 

BERLIN : A.  D.  1903.  — Sweeping  victory 
of  Socialists  in  Imperial  election.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1905.. — Strike  in  electrical  indus- 
tries. See  Labor  Organization  : Germany. 

BERLIN  TREATY  OF  1878,  Violations 
of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1908- 
1909  (Oct. -March). 

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG,  Dr.  von  : Ap- 
pointed Chancellor  of  the  German  Empire. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1908-1909, 
and  1909  (Oct. -Dec.). 

“ BIG  SIX,”  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combi- 
nations, Industrial:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1903-1906. — The  “Beef  Trust.” 

BIRRELL,  Augustine,  President  of  the 
Board  of  Education.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1905  (Dec.),  and  1905-1906. 

Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland.  — Proposed 
Councils  Bill  for  Ireland.  See  Ireland:  A.  D. 
1907  (May). 

BISWAS,  Ashutosh,  Assassination  of.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

BITUMINOUS  COAL  STRIKES.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States. 

BJORNSON,  Bjornstjerne.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

BLACK  HAND,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Crime  and  Criminology. 

BLERIOT,  Louis.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention,  Recent  : Aeronautics. 


BLIND,  Karl:  On  the  “Young  Turks.” 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A D.  1908  (July- 
Dec.). 

“ BLOC,”  Chancellor  Biilow’s  : Incongru- 
ous coalition  in  the  German  Reichstag.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

Its  break.  See  Germany  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

“ BLOODY  SUNDAY.”  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

BOARDS  OF  CONCILIATION.  See 
Labor  Organization:  Germany:  A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

BOBRIKOFF,  Governor-General  of  Fin- 
land : His  assassination.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Finland:  A.  D.  1904. 

BOER-BRITISH  WAR,  Last  year  of 
the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D. 

1901- 1902. 

BOERS,  The  : Repatriation  and  resettle- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D. 

1902- 1903. 

Active  in  movement  for  South  African 
Union.  See  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BOGOLIEPOFF,  M.,  Assassination  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

BOLIVIA:  A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Participa- 
tion in  Second  and  Third  International  Con- 
ferences of  American  Republics,  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

A.  D.  1901.  — Broad  Treaty  of  Arbitration 
with  Peru.  See  Arbitration,  International: 
A.  D.  1902  (Nov.). 

A.  D.  1903-1909. — Boundary  disputes  in 
the  Acre  region  with  Brazil  and  Peru.  See 

Acre  Disputes. 

BOMBAY  PRESIDENCY,  The  Bubonic 
Plague  in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health: 
Bubonic  Plague. 

BONAPARTE,  Charles  J. : Secretary  of 
the  Navy  and  Attorney-General.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

BOND,  Sir  Robert:  Premier  of  Newfound- 
land. — Negotiation  of  the  Hay-Bond  Reci- 
procity Treaty.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Newfound- 
land : A.  D.  1902-1905. 

At  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See 
British  Empire:  A.  I).  1907. 

Resignation  and  defeat  at  election.  See 
Newfoundland:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BONHAM,  Captain  W.  F.  See  (in  this  vol). 
South  Africa  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

BONILLA,  General  Manuel:  Revolution- 
ary President  of  Honduras.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Central  America:  A.  D.  1903,  and  1907. 

BONUS  SYSTEM,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Remuneration:  The  Bonus  System. 

“BOODLERS,”  so  called,  in  municipal 
government.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. 

BORSTAL  SYSTEM,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology:  Preventive 
Detention. 

BOSHIN  CLUB.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1909. 

BOSNIA.  See  Balkan  and  Danubian  , 
States. 

BOSTON:  A.  D.  1904. — International 
Peace  Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against:  A.  I).  1904. 

A.  D.  1909.  — New  plan  of  city  government 
chosen  by  popular  vote.  See  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. 

48 


BOTHA 


BRAZIL 


BOTHA,  GENERAL  LOUIS:  In  the  clos- 
ing year  of  the  Boer-British  War.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Soutii  Africa:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

Premier  of  the  Transvaal. — At  the  Impe- 
rial Conference  of  1907.  See  British  Empire  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

Leader  in  movement  for  South  African 
Union.  See  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BOURGEOIS,  Leon:  President  of  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Prance:  A.  D.  1902.  (April-Oct.). 

President  of  Chamber  of  Deputies.  See 
France  : A.  D.  1903. 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1906. 

BOURSE  LAW,  German:  Revision  of  it. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1908. 

BOURSES  DU  TRAVAIL.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization  : France:  A.  D. 
1884^1909. 

BOXER  OUTBREAK,  The:  Penalty  paid 
by  China  for  it.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1901-1908. 

Recurrence  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1902. 

BOYCOTTING:  In  China:  The  boycot- 
ting of  the  United  States  in  1905.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Race  Problems:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1905-1908. 

In  India.  See  India  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

In  Ireland  : The  recent  practice.  See  Ire- 
land: A.  D.  1902-1908. 

In  Turkey,  of  Austrian  commodities.  See 
Europe:  A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct. -March). 

In  the  United  States:  By  Trade  Unions. — 
Decisions  of  courts.  See  Labor  Organiza- 
tion: United  States  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BRADDON  SECTION,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Australia:  A.  D.  1910. 

BRANCO,  Baron  do  Rio.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics  : Third  International 
Conference. 

BRAUN,  Ferdinand.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 

BRAZIL:  A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Participation 
in  Second  International  Conference  of  Ameri- 
can Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Re- 
publics. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Inauguration  of  President 
Alves.  Dr.  Rodriguez  Alves  was  inducted  in 
office  as  President  of  the  United  States  of  Brazil 
on  the  15th  of  November,  1902,  succeeding  Dr. 
Campos  Salles. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Settlement  of  boundary  dis- 
pute with  Bolivia.  See  Acre  Disputes. 

A.  D.  1904.  — An  impromptu  Revolt  that 
became  a comedy  of  errors. — “ To  the  Amer- 
ican who  is  under  the  impression  that  all  South 
America  is  continually  in  the  throes  of  one  or 
another  revolution  it  will  come  as  a surprise  to 
learn  that  this  vast  district,  comprising  one  half 
the  territory  and  almost  two  thirds  the  popula- 
tion of  the  whole  continent,  has  known  no  revo- 
lution since  the  founding  of  the  Republic.  The 
revolts  of  1893, 1897,  and  1904,  menacing  in  vary- 
ing degree,  were  outbursts  fostered  by  a central- 
ization of  national  vitality  which  inspired  the 
belief  in  each  insurrectionist  that  it  was  but  ne- 
cessary to  strike  the  head,  — the  body  would  lie 
dormant.  The  justification  of  this  belief  lay  in 
the  historical  fact  that  the  vast  majority  of  suc- 
cessful revolts  throughout  South  America  have 
consisted  merely  in  coups  d'itat.  The  masses 


have  lain  dormant,  and  the  fighting,  if  any,  has 
generally  come  after  the  somersault. 

“ The  revolt  of  November  of  last  year  in  Brazil 
was  so  typical  of  South  American  revolutions, 
and  so  elementary,  that  it  affords  a lucid  illus- 
tration. Owing  to  the  prompt  and  efficient 
measures  taken  by  the  government  to  suppress 
true  reports  of  the  disturbance,  and  owing,  too, 
to  its  signal  failure,  this  revolt  was  scarcely 
mentioned  by  the  American  press.  Nevertheless, 
it  missed  by  little  causing  international  commo- 
tion. . . . 

“ A great  epidemic  of  smallpox  led  the  govern- 
ment to  require  of  Congress  a law  making  vac- 
cination compulsory.  Long  and  heated  debate 
on  the  constitutionality  of  the  measure  went  on, 
while  the  epidemic  assumed  alarming  propor- 
tions. The  Executive’s  patience  being  worn  out, 
arbitrary  pressure  was  brought  to  bear,  and  the 
law  passed.  This  intervention  brought  down 
the  general  censure  of  the  press,  and  the  oppo- 
sition seized  the  handle  with  disproportionate 
avidity.  On  the  eleventh  of  November  a mass 
meeting  was  held  in  one  of  the  central  squares 
of  Rio  Janeiro.  . . . The  mounted  police  broke 
up  the  meeting  with  the  flat  of  the  sword:  no 
lives  were  lost.  On  the  following  day  the  scene 
was  duplicated,  several  people  injured,  and  a 
life  lost.  By  night  riots  had  broken  out  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  city. 

“Up  to  the  fourteenth  of  November,  revo- 
lution was  not  even  rumored.  . . . Toward 
evening  city  and  government  were  genuinely 
surprised  by  the  news  that  General  Travassos, 
who  was  to  have  commanded  a battalion  in  the 
review,  immediately  upon  the  announcement  of 
its  postponement  had  proceeded  to  the  Military 
Academy  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  and,  before 
the  student  body,  had  demanded  of  the  officer  in 
charge  transfer  of  his  command.  Frightened  by 
the  attitude  of  the  cadets,  the  commanding  officer 
made  a puerile  protest,  and  surrendered.  He  and 
his  staff  were  allowed  to  withdraw,  and  carried 
the  news  of  the  revolt  to  the  city.  It  was  soon 
confirmed : the  cadets  were  advancing  on  the 
President’s  palace,  under  the  leadership  of  Gen- 
eral Travassos.  . . . 

“ The  shortest  line  of  march  was  along  the  bay 
front,  and  to  repulse  the  attack  were  sent  by 
land  a battalion  of  the  line  reinforced  by  police, 
and  by  sea  two  gunboats  under  the  play  of 
searchlights  from  an  armored  cruiser.  The 
cadets  marched  under  the  assurance  that  no 
soldier  of  the  line  would  fire  on  them,  as  the 
army  was  back  of  the  movement.  . . . They 
were  met  by  an  armed  force,  indistinguishable 
owing  to  the  destruction  of  all  the  lamps  by 
rioters.  The  force  was  the  advancing  battalion, 
and  it  is  generally  believed  that  it  fired  on  the 
cadets,  mistaking  them  for  the  returning  body 
of  police  which  had  followed  the  water  front. 
Brisk  fighting  ensued,  when  suddenly  the  cry 
arose  among  the  cadets  that  they  had  been  be- 
trayed, and  were  attacked  by  soldiers  of  the  line. 
They  broke  and  made  a disorderly  retreat  to  the 
Academy.  Almost  simultaneously  the  soldiers 
learned  their  mistake,  and  that  they  had  opposed 
a commanding  officer ; and  they  turned  in  pre- 
cipitous flight.  General  Travassos  was  mortally 
wounded  in  the  engagement.  . . . 

“Meanwhile  the  detachment  of  police  dis- 
patched from  the  city  had  advanced  along  the 
bay  front  to  the  stone  quarry,  where  they  awaited 


BRAZIL 


BRIAND 


the  rebels.  Drawn  up  at  this  spot  under  close 
formation,  they  were  mistaken  by  the  gunboats 
for  the  cadets,  and  were  made  the  target  of  a 
disastrous  hail  of  bullets  from  quick-firing  guns. 
Their  retreat  also  was  precipitous. 

“ Such  was  the  comedy  of  errors  which  will  be 
known  as  the  Revolt  of  1904.  Its  net  results 
were  a rude  but  salutary  recall  of  the  govern- 
ment to  watchfulness ; added  prestige  abroad  for 
the  government,  vouched  by  a rise  in  its  bonds ; 
and,  most  significant  of  all,  spontaneous  and  im- 
mediate support  of  the  Chief  Executive  from 
neighboring  states.  And  yet  the  credit  was  not 
due  to  the  government,  which  avowedly  had 
been  caught  napping,  but  to  the  Goddess  of 
Chance,  the  arbiter  of  every  coup  d'etat."  — G. 
A.  Chamberlain,  The  Cause  of  South  American 
Revolutions  (Atlantic  Monthly,  June,  1905). 

A.  D.  1904. — Settlement  of  boundary  be- 
tween Brazil  and  British  Guiana.  — By  the 
decision  of  the  King  of  Italy,  to  whom  the 
boundary  question  in  dispute  between  Brazil 
and  British  Guiana  had  been  referred,  the  line 
separating  the  territories  of  the  two  states  was 
defined,  as  drawn  by  Nature,  along  the  water- 
shed, starting  from  Mount  Yakontipu  and  run- 
ning easterly  to  the  source  of  the  river  Mahu, 
thence  down  that  river  to  the  Tacuta  and  up  the 
latter  to  its  source,  where  it  touches  the  bound- 
ary already  determined.  Both  countries  to  have 
free  navigation  of  the  rivers  in  question. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Presidential  Election. — The 
quadrennial  presidential  election  occurring  in 
Brazil  in  the  spring  of  1906  raised  Dr.  Alfonso 
Moreira  Penna  from  the  Vice-Presidency  to  the 
Presidency  of  the  Republic,  with  no  disturbance 
of  its  quiet. 

A.  D.  1906.  — German  Colonies.  — “Already 
500,000  Germans,  emigrants  and  their  offspring, 
are  resident  in  Brazil.  The  great  majority  of 
them,  it  is  true,  have  embraced  Brazilian  citi- 
zenship, but  their  ideals  and  ties  are  essentially 
and  inviolably  German.  In  the  south,  where 
they  are  thickest,  they  have  become  the  ruling 
element.  German  factories,  warehouses,  shops, 
farms,  schools  and  churches  dot  the  country 
everywhere.  German  has  superseded  Portu- 
guese, the  official  language  of  Brazil,  in  scores 
of  communities.  Twenty  million  pounds  of 
vested  interests  — banking,  street  railroads,  elec- 
tric works,  mines,  coffee-plantations,  and  a great 
variety  of  business  undertakings  — claim  the 
protection  of  the  Kaiser’s  flag.  A cross-country 
railway  and  a still  more  extensive  projected 
system  are  in  the  hands  of  German  capitalists. 
The  country’s  vast  ocean  traffic,  the  Amazon 
river  shipping,  and  much  of  the  coasting  trade 
are  dominated  by  Germans. 

“ Over  and  above  this  purely  commercial  con- 
quest, however,  looms  a factor  of  more  vital  im- 
portance to  North  American  susceptibilities  — 
namely,  the  creation  of  a nation  of  Germans  in 
Brazil.  That  is  the  avowed  purpose  of  three 
German  colonising  concerns,  which  have  become 
lords  and  masters  over  8,000  square  miles  of 
Brazilian  territory,  an  area  considerably  larger 
than  the  kingdom  of  Saxony,  and  capable  of 
dwarfing  half-a-dozen  German  Grand  Duchies. 
It  is  the  object  of  these  territorial  syndicates  to 
people  their  lands  with  immigrants  willing  to 
be  ‘ kept  German  ’ — a race  of  transplanted 
men  and  women  who  will  find  themselves  amid 
conditions  deliberately  designed  to  perpetuate 


‘ Deutschthum,’  which  means  the  German  lan- 
guage, German  customs,  and  unyielding  loyalty 
to  German  economic  hopes.”  — F.  W.  Wile, 
German  Colonisation  in  Brazil  ( Fortnightly  Re 
view,  Jan.,  1906). 

‘ ‘ The  talk  about  German  exploitation  of  Brazil 
for  colonization  purposes  is  pure  buncombe. 
The  writer  has  visited  the  southern  Brazilian 
provinces  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul,  Santa  Catha- 
rina,  and  Parana,  where  most  of  the  Germans 
reside,  and  he  has  seen  no  more  reason  for  Brazil 
to  fear  ulterior  purposes  on  the  part  of  Germany 
than  has  the  United  States  because  Germans 
form  a large  percentage  of  the  population  of 
New  York,  Chicago,  and  Milwaukee.  The  Ger- 
mans make  excellent  Brazilian  citizens,  while 
loving  the  Fatherland  from  association  and  re- 
specting the  Emperor  for  his  great  personality.” 
— John  Barrett,  The  United  States  and  Latin 
America  (North  American  Review,  Sept.  21, 
1906).  See,  also,  Germany:  A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Third  International  Confer- 
ence of  American  Republics  at  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
See  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1907. — Adoption  of  obligatory  mili- 
tary service. — By  a law  enacted  in  1907  mili- 
tary service  was  made  obligatory. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Dreadnought  building.  See 
War,  The  Preparations  for. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Increasing  immigration. 
See  Immigration  and  Emigration. 

A.  D.  1909. — Frontier  agreements  and 
demarcations.  — The  Message  of  President 
Penna  to  Congress,  May  3,  1909,  contained  the 
following  announcements:  “On  September  15 
last,  a treaty  between  Brazil  and  Holland  was 
finally  approved  at  The  Hague,  to  determine  the 
limits  of  our  frontier  with  the  Colony  of  Surinam 
or  Dutch  Guiana.  The  demarcation  of  the  new 
frontier  line  between  Brazil  and  Bolivia  in  Matto 
Grosso  is  now  completed,  and  awaits  only  the 
approval  of  the  two  Governments  interested. 
The  same  mixed  commission  to  which  was  in- 
trusted this  survey  will  now  proceed  to  recon- 
noitre the  head-waters  of  the  Rio  Verde.  The 
Government  of  the  French  Republic  proposes 
the  appointment  of  a mixed  commission  for  the 
demarcation  of  the  common  boundary  estab- 
lished on  December  1,  1900,  by  arbitration  of 
the  Swiss  Federal  Council.  An  agreement  will 
shortly  be  arrived  at  with  Great  Britain  to  de- 
termine the  frontier  of  Brazil  with  British  Gui- 
ana.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Death  of  President  Penna.  — 
Accession  of  the  Vice-President. — Dr.  Al- 
fonso Penna,  President  of  Brazil,  died  suddenly 
on  the  14th  of  June,  1909,  and  was  succeeded 
in  the  office  by  the  Vice-President,  Senor  Nilo 
Pecanha,  who  will  fill  out  the  presidential  term, 
ending  November  15,  1910.  Meantime  an  active 
canvass  of  candidates  for  the  succeeding  term 
has  been  in  progress,  the  names  most  discussed 
being  those  of  General  Hermes  de  Fonseca, 
Baron  Rio  Branco,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
and  Senor  Ruy  Barbosa,  a prominent  advo- 
cate. 

BRENNAN  MONO -RAIL  SYSTEM. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention  : 
Railways. 

BRIAND,  Aristide:  in  the  Ministry  of 
France  as  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  and 
Public  Worship.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 

| A.  D.  1906. 

50 


BRIAND 


BRITISH  EMPIRE 


Prime  Minister  of  France.  See  France: 
A.  D.  1909  (July). 

On  the  French  secular  or  neutral  schools 
and  the  clerical  attack  on  them.  See  Educa- 
tion : France  : A.  D.  1909. 

BRENT,  Bishop:  Service  on  Interna- 

tional Opium  Commission  and  on  Philippine 
Committee.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium  Prob- 
lem. 


BRITISH  CENTRAL  AFRICA:  Its 

parts  suitable  for  European  Settlement.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Africa. 

BRITISH  COLUMBIA:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 
— Census.  — Increased  representation  in 
Parliament.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D. 
1901-1902. 

BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA:  Its  habi- 
tability by  whites.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa. 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 


A Census  of  the  Empire.  — In  March,  1906, 
a “Census  of  the  British  Empire” — the  hist 
ever  undertaken  — was  published  as  a Parlia- 
mentary Blue  Book.  Its  preparation  had  been 
proposed  by  Mr.  Chamberlain,  who  suggested, 
while  Colonial  Secretary,  that  the  figures  of  the 
census  of  the  United  Kingdom  in  1901  should 
be  collated  with  those  of  other  portions  of  the 
empire,  to  be  analyzed,  tabulated,  and  published 
as  a whole.  A full  realization  of  the  plan  of  col- 
lation had  been  found  impracticable,  owing  to 
the  wide  differences  of  circumstance  and  of  the 
forms  of  census-taking  in  different  parts  of  the 
Empire ; but  many  summings  up  of  highly  in- 
teresting and  important  facts  were  obtained. 

The  territory  covered  by  the  British  Empire 
was  shown  to  be  11,908,378  square  miles,  being 
an  increase  of  40  per  cent,  since  1861,  and  em- 
bracing more  than  a fifth  of  the  land  surface  of 
the  globe.  This  exceeds  the  area  of  the  Russian 
Empire  (European  and  Asiatic)  by  more  than 
three  millions  of  square  miles.  It  is  nearly  three 
times  the  area  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  and  more 
than  three  times  that  of  the  United  States  and 
their  exterior  possessions.  An  exact  count  of 
population  in  all  regions  of  the  Empire  was  im- 
possible, but  the  estimated  total  is  400,000,000, 
of  which  300,000,000  is  assigned  to  Asia  and 
43,000,000  to  Africa.  The  United  Kingdom  con- 
tains 41,500,000,  British  America  7,500,000, 
Australasia,  5,000,000,  the  Mediterranean  pos- 
sessions 500,000,  and  there  are  150,000  in  the 
Channel  Islands  and  the  Isle  of  Man.  Classified 
by  religion,  there  208,000,000  Hindus,  94,000,000 
Mohammedans,  58,000,000  Christians,  12,000,000 
Buddhists,  and  23,000,000  of  other  religions  — 
Parsees,  Confucians,  Jews,  Sikhs,  and  Jaius, 
over  whom  Edward  VII.  of  England  reigns  as 
Emperor  or  King.  His  Asiatic  subjects  alone  are 
three-fourths  as  many  as  the  Emperor  of  China 
is  supposed  to  rule,  and  considerable  more  than 
twice  the  number  that  live  within  the  whole 
sweep  of  the  scepter  of  the  Tsar. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Conference  at  London  with 
the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  self-governing 
Colonies. — Address  of  the  Colonial  Secre- 
tary, Mr.  Chamberlain.- — Results  of  the 
Conference. — Taking  advantage  of  the  presence 
in  London  of  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  various 
self-governing  colonies  of  Britain,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  coronation  of  King  Edward  VII.,  a 
Conference  with  them,  touching  questions  of 
general  interest,  was  arranged  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies,  Mr.  Chamberlain,  in 
meetings  which  extended  from  June  to  August, 
1902.  The  proceedings  were  confidential,  and 
no  report  of  discussions  made  public ; but  the 
resulting  resolutions,  together  with  the  opening 
address  of  the  Colonial  Secretary,  and  certain 


statements  on  subjects  considered,  are  printed 
in  a Parliamentary  paper  (Cd.  1299)  from  which 
the  following  account  of  the  Conference  is  de- 
rived: 

Mr.  Chamberlain  in  his  address  argued  strongly 
and  with  feeling  for  a political  federation  of 
the  Empire.  He  said:  “I  maybe  considered, 
perhaps,  to  be  a dreamer,  or  too  enthusiastic, 
but  I do  not  hesitate  to  say  that,  in  my  opinion, 
the  political  federation  of  the  Empire  is  within 
the  limits  of  possibility.  I recognize  as  fully  as 
any  one  can  do  the  difficulties  which  would  at- 
tend such  a great  change  in  our  constitutional 
system.  I recognise  the  variety  of  interests 
that  are  concerned:  the  immense  disproportion 
in  wealth  aud  the  population  of  the  different 
members  of  the  Empire,  and  above  all,  the  dis- 
tances which  still  separate  them,  and  the  lack 
of  sufficient  communication.  These  are  difficul- 
ties which  at  one  time  appeared  to  be,  and  indeed 
were,  insurmountable.  But  now  I cannot  but 
recollect  that  similar  difficulties  almost,  if  not 
quite  as  great,  have  been  surmounted  in  the  case 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  And  difficul- 
ties, perhaps  not  quite  so  great,  but  still  very 
considerable,  have  been  surmounted  in  the  fed- 
eration of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  . . . We 
have  no  right  to  put  by  our  action  any  limit  to 
the  Imperial  patriotism  of  the  future ; and  it  is 
my  opinion  that,  as  time  goes  on,  there  will  be 
a continually  growing  sense  of  the  common  in- 
terests which  unite  us,  and  also,  perhaps,  which 
is  equally  important,  of  the  common  dangers 
which  threaten  us.  At  the  same  time  I would 
be  the  last  to  suggest  that  we  should  do  any- 
thing which  could  by  any  possibility  be  consid- 
ered premature.  We  have  had,  within  the  last 
few  years,  a most  splendid  evidence  of  the 
results  of  a voluntary  union  without  any  formal 
obligations,  in  the  great  crisis  of  the  war  through 
which  we  have  now  happily  passed.  The  action 
of  the  self-governing  Colonies  in  the  time  of 
danger  of  the  motherland  has  produced  here  a 
deep  and  a lasting  impression.  . . . I feel,  there- 
fore, in  view  of  this  it  would  be  a fatal  mistake 
to  transform  the  spontaneous  enthusiasm  which 
has  been  so  readily  shown  throughout  the  Em- 
pire into  anything  in  the  nature  of  an  obligation 
which  might  be  at  this  time  unwillingly  assumed 
or  only  formally  accepted.  The  link  which 
unites  us,  almost  invisible  as  it  is  sentimental 
in  its  character,  is  one  which  we  would  gladly 
strengthen,  but  at  the  same  time  it  has  proved 
itself  to  be  so  strong  that  certainly  we  would 
not  wish  to  substitute  for  it  a chain  which  might 
be  galling  in  its  incidence.  And,  therefore, 
upon  this  point  of  the  political  relations  between 
the  Colonies  and  ourselves.  His  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment, while  they  would  welcome  any  ap- 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1902 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1902 


proacli  which  might  be  made  to  a more  definite 
and  a closer  union,  feel  that  it  is  not  for  them 
to  press  this  upon  you.  The  demand,  if  it 
comes,  and  when  it  comes,  must  come  from  the 
Colonies.  If  it  comes  it  will  be  enthusiastically 
received  in  this  country. 

“And  in  this  connection  I would  venture  to 
refer  to  an  expression  in  an  eloquent  speech  of 
my  right  honorable  friend,  the  Premier  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  — an  expression  which  has 
called  forth  much  appreciation  in  this  country, 
although  I believe  that  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  has 
himself  in  subsequent  speeches  explained  that 
it  was  not  quite  correctly  understood.  But  the 
expression  was,  ‘ If  you  want  our  aid  call  us  to 
your  councils.’  Gentlemen,  we  do  want  your 
aid.  We  do  require  your  assistance  in  the 
administration  of  the  vast  Empire,  which  is 
yours  as  well  as  ours.  The  weary  Titan  stag- 
gers under  the  too  vast  orb  of  its  fate.  We 
have  borne  the  burden  for  many  years.  We 
think  it  is  time  our  children  should  assist  us  to 
support  it,  and  whenever  you  make  the  request 
to  us,  be  very  sure  that  we  shall  hasten  gladly 
to  call  you  to  our  councils.  If  you  are  prepared 
at  any  time  to  take  any  share,  any  proportionate 
share,  in  the  burdens  of  the  Empire,  we  are  pre- 
pared to  meet  you  with  any  proposal  for  giving 
to  you  a corresponding  voice  in  the  policy  of  the 
Empire.  And  the  object,  if  I may  point  out  to 
you,  may  be  achieved  in  various  ways.  Sug- 
gestions have  been  made  that  representation 
should  be  given  to  the  Colonies  in  either,  or  in 
both,  Houses  of  Parliament.  There  is  no  ob- 
jection in  principle  to  any  such  proposal.  If  it 
comes  to  us,  it  is  a proposal  which  His  Majes- 
ty’s Government  would  certainly  feel  justified 
in  favourably  considering,  but  I have  always  felt 
myself  that  the  most  practical  form  in  which  we 
could  achieve  our  object  would  be  the  establish- 
ment or  the  creation  of  a real  council  of  the  Em- 
pire, to  which  all  questions  of  Imperial  interest 
might  be  referred,  and  if  it  were  desired  to  pro- 
ceed gradually,  as  probably  would  be  our  course 
— we  are  all  accustomed  to  the  slow  ways  in 
which  our  Constitutions  have  been  worked  out  — 
if  it  be  desired  to  proceed  gradually,  the  Council 
might  in  the  first  instance  be  merely  an  advisory 
council.  But,  although  that  would  be  a prelim- 
inary step,  it  is  clear  that  the  object  would  not 
be  completely  secured  until  there  had  been  con- 
ferred upon  such  a Council  executive  functions, 
and  perhaps  also  legislative  powers,  and  it  is  for 
you  to  say,  gentlemen,  whether  you  think  the 
time  has  come  when  any  progress  whatever  can 
be  made  in  this  direction.” 

Turning  naturally  from  this  to  the  subject  of 
imperial  defence,  Mr.  Chamberlain  gave  the  sub- 
stance of  a paper  which  would  be  submitted  to 
the  Conference,  exhibiting  comparatively  the 
naval  and  military  expenditure  of  the  United 
Kingdom  and  of  the  different  self-governing 
colonies.  The  cost  of  the  armaments  of  the 
United  Kingdom  had  increased  enormously  since 
1897,  and  “that  increase,”  he  said,  “is  not  en- 
tirely due  to  our  initiative,  but  it  is  forced  upon 
us  by  the  action  of  other  Powers  who  have  made 
great  advances,  especially  in  connection  with 
the  Navy,  which  we  have  found  it  to  be  our 
duty  and  necessity  to  equal.  But  the  net  result 
is  extraordinary.  At  the  present  moment  the 
estimates  for  the  present  year  for  naval  and  mili- 
tary expenditure  in  the  United  Kingdom  — not 


including  the  extraordinary  war  expenses,  but 
the  normal  estimates  — involve  an  expenditure 
per  head  of  the  population  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  29s.  3 d.  per  annum.  In  Canada  the  same 
items  involve  an  expenditure  of  only  2s.  per 
head  of  the  population,  about  one-fifteenth  of 
that  incurred  by  the  United  Kingdom.  In  New 
South  Wales  — I have  not  the  figures  for  the 
Commonwealth  as  a whole,  but  I am  giving 
those  as  illustrations — and  I find  that  in  New 
South  Wales  the  expenditure  is  3s.  5 d. ; in  Vic- 
toria, 3s.  3d.  ; in  New  Zealand,  3s.  4 d. ; and  in 
the  Cape  and  Natal,  I think  it  is  between  2s.  and 
3s.  Now,  no  one,  I think,  will  pretend  that  that 
is  a fair  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  Empire. 
No  one  will  believe  that  the  United  Kingdom 
can,  for  all  time,  make  this  inordinate  sacrifice. 
...  I think,  therefore,  you  will  agree  with  me 
that  it  is  not  unreasonable  for  us  to  call  your 
serious  attention  to  a state  of  things  which  can- 
not be  permanent.  We  hope  that  we  are  not 
likely  to  make  upon  you  any  demand  that  would 
seem  to  you  to  be  excessive.  We  know  per- 
fectly well  your  difficulties,  as  you  probably  are 
acquainted  with  ours.” 

The  speaker  passed  next  to  the  question  of 
commercial  relations  between  the  mother  land 
and  its  colonies.  “Two  salient  facts”  he  set 
with  emphasis  before  his  colonial  audience. 
“The  first  is  this.  That  if  we  chose  — that  is 
to  say,  if  those  whom  we  represent  chose  — the 
Empire  might  be  self-sustaining.  It  is  so  wide ; 
its  products  are  so  various;  its  climates  so  dif- 
ferent, that  there  is  absolutely  nothing  which 
is  necessary  to  our  existence,  hardly  anything 
which  is  desirable  as  a luxury,  which  can  not 
be  produced  within  the  borders  of  the  Empire 
itself.  And  the  second  salient  fact  is  that  the 
Empire  at  the  present  time,  and  especially  the 
United  Kingdom  — which  is  the  great  market 
of  the  world — derives  the  greater  part  of  its 
necessaries  from  foreign  countries,  and  that  it 
exports  the  largest  part  of  its  available  produce 
• — surplus  produce  — also  to  foreign  countries. 
This  trade  might  be  the  trade,  the  inter-imperial 
trade,  of  the  Empire.  It  is  at  the  present  time, 
as  I say,  a trade  largely  between  the  Empire 
and  foreign  countries.  Now,  I confess,  that  to 
my  mind  that  is  not  a satisfactory  state  of 
things,  and  I hope  that  you  will  agree  with  me 
that  everything  which  can  possibly  tend  to  in- 
crease the  interchange  of  products  between  the 
different  parts  of  the  Empire  is  deserving  of  our 
cordial  encouragement.  What  we  desire,  what 
His  Majesty’s  Government  has  publicly  stated 
to  be  the  object  for  which  they  would  most 
gladly  strive,  is  a free  interchange.  If  you  are 
unabie  to  accept  that  as  a principle,  then  I ask 
you  how  far  can  you  approach  to  it?  If  a free 
interchange  between  the  different  parts  of  the 
Empire  could  be  secured  it  would  then  be  a 
matter  for  separate  consideration  altogether  what 
should  be  the  attitude  of  the  Empire  as  a whole 
or  of  its  several  parts  towards  foreign  na- 
tions ? . . . 

“Three  proposals  have  been  made  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  present  Conference,  on  the  ini- 
tiative of  New  Zealand.  The  first  and  the  most 
important  one  is  that  a preferential  tariff  should 
be  arranged  in  favour  of  British  goods  which 
are  now  taxable  in  the  respective  Colonies  and 
in  the  United  Kingdom.  And  although  no  pro- 
posal comes  to  us  from  Canada,  I am,  of  course, 

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BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


aware  that  similar  questions  have  been  recently 
specially  discussed  very  actively  and  very  in- 
telligently in  the  Dominion,  and  that  a strong 
opinion  prevails  there  that  the  time  is  ripe  for 
something  of  this  kind.” 

Thereupon  Mr.  Chamberlain  examined  the  re- 
sults of  the  Canadian  preferential  tariff,  show- 
ing that  England  derived  very  little  commercial 
benefit  from  it,  and  continued:  “ I think  the  very 
valuable  experience,  somewhat  disappointing 
and  discouraging  as  I have  already  pointed  out, 
but  the  very  valuable  experience  which  we  have 
derived  from  the  history  of  the  Canadian  tariff, 
shows  that  while  we  may  most  readily  and  most 
gratefully  accept  from  you  any  preference  which 
you  may  be  willing  voluntarily  to  accord  to  us, 
we  cannot  bargain  with  you  for  it;  we  cannot 
pay  for  it  unless  you  go  much  further  and  en- 
able us  to  enter  your  home  market  on  terms  of 
greater  equality.” 

On  the  subject  of  imperial  defence,  the  result 
of  the  Conference  was  an  agreement  from  Aus- 
tralia and  New  Zealand  to  increase  their  contri- 
bution towards  an  improved  Australasian  squad- 
ron and  the  establishment  of  a branch  of  the 
Royal  Naval  Reserve  to  £200,000  a year  for  the 
former  and  £40,000  for  the  latter;  an  agreement 
from  Cape  Colony  and  Natal  to  contribute  £50,- 
000  and  £35,000  per  annum  respectively  toward 
the  general  maintenance  of  the  Navy,  and  a 
pledge  from  Newfoundland  of  £3000  per  an- 
num toward  a branch  of  the  Royal  Naval  Re- 
serve. From  Canada  no  agreement  was  reported. 
In  a “Memorandum  by  the  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty”  of  interviews  held  with  the  several 
Premiers  it  is  said:  “Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  in- 
formed me  that  His  Majesty’s  Government  of 
the  Dominion  of  Canada  are  contemplating  the 
establishment  of  a local  Naval  force  in  the  waters 
of  Canada,  but  that  they  were  not  able  to  make 
any  offer  of  assistance  analogous  to  those  enu- 
merated above.” 

Concerning  preferential  trade,  the  following 
resolutions  were  adopted : 

“1.  That  this  Conference  recognises  that  the 
principle  of  preferential  trade  between  the  United 
Kingdom  and  His  Majesty’s  Dominions  beyond 
the  seas  would  stimulate  and  facilitate  mutual 
commercial  intercourse,  and  would,  by  promot- 
ing the  development  of  the  resources  and  indus- 
tries of  the  several  parts,  strengthen  the  Empire. 

“2.  That  this  Conference  recognises  that,  in 
the  present  circumstances  of  the  Colonies,  it  is 
not  practicable  to  adopt  a general  system  of  Free 
Trade  as  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the 
British  Dominions  beyond  the  seas. 

“ 3.  That  with  a view,  however,  to  promoting 
the  increase  of  trade  within  the  Empire,  it  is  de- 
sirable that  those  Colonies  which  have  not  already 
adopted  such  a policy  should,  as  far  as  their  cir- 
cumstances permit,  give  substantial  preferential 
treatment  to  the  products  and  manufactures  of 
the  United  Kingdom. 

“ 4.  That  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Colonies 
respectfully  urge  on  His  Majesty’s  Government 
the  expediency  of  granting  in  the  United  King- 
dom preferential  treatment  to  the  products  and 
manufactures  of  the  Colonies  either  by  exemp- 
tion from  or  reduction  of  duties  now  or  hereafter 
imposed. 

1 ‘ 5.  That  the  Prime  Ministers  present  at  the 
Conference  undertake  to  submit  to  their  respec- 
tive Governments  at  the  earliest  opportunity  the 


principle  of  the  resolution  and  to  request  them 
to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary  to 
give  effect  to  it.” 

The  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Colonies  also  stated 
the  extent  to  which  they  were  prepared  to  re- 
commend to  their  several  Parliaments  a preferen- 
tial treatment  of  British  goods : The  Premier  of 
Canada  would  propose  to  continue  the  existing 
preference  of  33£  per  cent.,  and  an  additional 
preference  on  lists  of  selected  articles  — ( a ) by 
further  reducing  the  duties  in  favor  of  the  United 
Kingdom  ; (b)  by  raising  the  duties  against  for- 
eign imports  ; (c)  by  imposing  duties  on  certain 
foreign  imports  now  on  the  free  list.  In  New 
Zealand  the  recommendation  would  be  of  a gen- 
eral preference  by  10  per  cent.,  or  an  equivalent 
in  respect  of  lists  of  selected  articles  on  the  lines 
proposed  by  Canada.  At  the  Cape  and  Natal  a 
preference  of  25  per  cent,  would  be  advised,  or 
its  equivalent  given  by  increasing  duties  on  for- 
eign imports.  The  recommendation  in  Austra- 
lia would  be  of  a preferential  treatment  not  yet 
defined. 

A resolution  was  adopted  favoring  future 
Conferences  at  intervals  not  exceeding  four 
years.  Other  resolutions  recommended  that  a 
preference  be  given  to  products  of  the  Empire 
in  all  Government  contracts,  Imperial  or  Colo- 
nial ; that  the  privileges  of  coastwise  trade  within 
the  Empire  be  refused  to  countries  in  which  the 
corresponding  trade  is  confined  to  ships  of  their 
own  nationality ; that  a mutual  protection  of 
patents  within  the  Empire  be  devised ; that  the 
principle  of  cheap  postage  between  the  different 
parts  of  the  Empire  on  all  newspapers  and  pe- 
riodicals published  therein  be  adopted  ; that  the 
metric  system  of  weights  and  measures  be 
adopted  throughout  the  Empire.  These  were 
the  mainly  important  conclusions  derived  from 
the  Conference,  and  it  was  difficult  to  regard 
them  as  quite  satisfactory. 

A.  D.  1903. — Mr.  Chamberlain’s  declara- 
tion for  preferential  trade  with  the  Colonies. 

— Its  political  effects  in  Great  Britain.  — His 
resignation  from  the  Cabinet.  — Disclosures 
of  the  correspondence.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1903  (May-Sept.). 

A.  D.  1907.  — Conference  of  Imperial  and 
Colonial  Ministers  at  London.  — Formulation 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  Conference,  to  be 
known  as  the  Imperial  Conference.  — Discus- 
sion of  preferential  trade,  imperial  defence, 
and  other  subjects.  — Resolutions  adopted. 

— According  to  the  resolution  adopted  by  the 
Colonial  Conference  of  1902,  the  next  Conference 
should  have  been  held  in  1906,  but  by  agree- 
ment of  all  parties  it  was  deferred  until  the  fol- 
lowing year.  In  the  interval,  a protracted  corre- 
spondence occurred  between  the  Colonial  Office 
and  the  Governments  of  the  several  States  feder- 
ated in  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia,  each  of 
which  claimed  representation  in  the  Conference 
by  its  own  Ministers,  and  protested  against  the 
sufficiency  of  the  representation  that  would  be 
given  to  it  by  the  General  Government  of  the 
Commonwealth.  The  “State  Rights”  doctrine 
received  no  encouragement,  however,  and  only 
the  Premier  of  the  Commonwealth,  Mr.  Deakin, 
and  one  of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  took 
part  in  the  Conference,  which  held  its  first  meet- 
ing in  London  on  the  15th  of  April  and  its  final 
one  on  the  14th  of  May. 

At  the  first  meeting  there  were  present,  as 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


representatives  of  the  Imperial  Government,  the 
Prime  Minister,  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman, 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  the  Earl 
of  Elgin,  in  the  Chair,  and  several  other  Members 
of  the  Cabinet  and  officials  of  the  Administration. 
The  Premiers  of  the  self-governing  colonies,  ex- 
cepting Sir  Robert  Bond,  of  Newfoundland,  who 
arrived  a few  days  later,  were  all  in  attendance,  — 
namely,  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  of  Canada,  the  Hon. 
Alfred  Deakin,  of  Australia,  the  Honorable  Sir 
J.  G.  Ward,  of  New  Zealand,  Dr.  L.  S.  Jameson, 
•of  Cape  Colony,  the  Honorable  F.  R.  Moor,  of 
Natal,  and  General  Louis  Botha,  of  the  Transvaal. 
The  Conference  was  first  addressed  by  the  Prime 
Minister,  and  responses  to  his  remarks  were  made 
by  the  several  colonial  premiers.  It  was  then 
agreed  that  the  constitution  of  the  Conference 
and  the  question  of  military  defence  should  be 
the  subjects  first  considered.  Before  ending  this 
preliminary  sitting  it  was  decided,  as  one  ruling 
■on  the  constitution  of  the  Conference,  that  any 
Ministers  accompanying  their  Prime  Ministers, 
should  be  at  liberty  to  attend  its  meetings. 

At  the  second  session  of  the  Conference  resolu- 
tions brought  forward  by  the  Governments  of 
Australia  and  New  Zealand,  proposing  to  give 
the  character  of  an  Imperial  Council  to  the  Con- 
ference, and  a resolution  from  the  Government 
of  Cape  Colony  on  the  subject  of  Imperial  De- 
fence, together  with  a draft  resolution  concern- 
ing the  constitution  of  the  Conference  which 
the  Chairman,  Lord  Elgin,  submitted,  were  dis- 
cussed, without  action  taken.  The  discussion 
was  continued  at  the  third  and  fourth  meetings, 
and  the  resolution  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies,  being  amended  in  some 
particulars,  was  adopted  at  the  end,  as  follows: 

“ That  it  will  be  to  the  advantage  of  the  Em- 
pire if  a Conference  to  be  called  the  Imperial 
Conference  is  held  every  four  years  at  which 
questions  of  common  interest  may  be  discussed 
and  considered  as  between  His  Majesty’s  Govern- 
ment and  his  Governments  of  the  self-governing 
Dominions  beyond  the  seas.  The  Prime  Minister 
of  the  United  Kingdom  will  be  ex  officio  President, 
and  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  self-governing 
Dominions  ex  officio  members  of  the  Conference. 
The  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  will  be  an 
ex  officio  member  of  the  Conference  and  will  take 
the  chair  in  the  absence  of  the  President.  He  will 
arrange  for  such  Imperial  Conferences  after  com- 
munication with  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  re- 
spective Dominions. 

‘ ‘ Such  other  Ministers  as  the  respective  Govern- 
ments may  appoint  will  also  be  members  of  the 
Conference — it  being  understood  that,  except 
by  special  permission  of  the  Conference,  each  dis- 
cussion will  be  conducted  by  not  more  than  two 
representatives  from  each  Government,  and  that 
each  Government  will  have  only  one  vote. 

“ That  it  is  desirable  to  establish  a system  by 
which  the  several  Governments  represented  shall 
be  kept  informed  during  the  periods  between  the 
Conferences  in  regard  to  matters  which  have 
been  or  may  be  subjects  for  discussion,  by  means 
of  a permanent  secretarial  staff  charged  under 
the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies  with  the  duty  of  obtaining  information 
for  the  use  of  the  Conference,  of  attending  to  its 
resolutions,  and  of  conducting  correspondence  on 
matters  relating  to  its  affairs. 

“That  upon  matters  of  importance  requiring 
consultation  between  two  or  more  Governments 


which  cannot  conveniently  be  postponed  until 
the  next  Conference,  or  involving  subjects  of  a 
minor  character  or  such  as  call  for  detailed  con- 
sideration, subsidiary  conferences  should  be  held 
between  representatives  of  the  Governments  con- 
cerned specially  chosen  for  the  purpose.” 

On  the  subject  of  Imperial  Defence,  which 
was  then  taken  up,  and  in  the  discussion  of  which 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  War  took  part,  the 
following  resolutions  were  approved  : 

“ That  the  Colonies  be  authorized  to  refer  to 
the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  through  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  advice  any  local  questions 
in  regard  to  which  expert  assistance  is  deemed 
desirable. 

“That  whenever  so  desired,  a representative 
of  the  colony  which  may  wish  for  advice  should 
be  summoned  to  attend  as  a member  of  the  Com- 
mittee during  the  discussion  of  the  questions 
raised. 

‘ ‘ That  this  Conference  welcomes  and  cordially 
approves  the  exposition  of  general  principles  em- 
bodied in  the  statement  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  War,  and,  without  wishing  to  commit  any 
of  the  Governments  represented,  recognizes  and 
affirms  the  need  of  developing  for  the  service  of 
the  Empire  a General  Staff,  selected  from  the 
forces  of  the  Empire  as  a whole,  which  shall  study 
military  science  in  all  its  branches,  shall  collect 
and  disseminate  to  the  various  Governments  mili 
tary  information  and  intelligence,  shall  under- 
take the  preparation  of  schemes  of  defence  on  a 
common  principle,  and  without  in  the  least  in- 
terfering in  questions  connected  with  command 
and  administration,  shall  at  the  request  of  the 
respective  Governments  advise  as  to  the  train- 
ing, education,  and  war  organization  of  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  Crown  in  every  part  of  the 
Empire.” 

At  subsequent  meetings  the  following  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  or  accepted: 

On  the  subject  of  Emigration  : “ That  it  is  de- 
sirable to  encourage  British  emigrants  to  proceed 
to  British  colonies  rather  than  foreign  countries. 
That  the  Imperial  Government  be  requested  to 
cooperate  with  any  colonies  desiring  immigrants 
in  assisting  suitable  persons  to  emigrate.” 

On  the  subject  of  Judicial  Appeals:  The  Con- 
ference “agreed  to  the  following  finding:  The 
resolution  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia, 
‘ That  it  is  desirable  to  establish  an  Imperial 
Court  of  Appeal,’  was  submitted  and  fully  dis- 
cussed. 

“The  resolution  submitted  by  the  Government 
of  Cape  Colony  was  accepted,  amended  as  fol- 
lows: ‘This  Conference,  recognizing  the  impor- 
tance to  all  parts  of  the  Empire  of  the  appellate 
jurisdiction  of  His  Majesty  the  King  in  Council, 
desires  to  place  upon  record  its  opinion  — 
“‘(1)  That  in  the  interests  of  His  Majesty’s 
subjects  beyond  the  seas  it  is  expedient  that  the 
practice  and  procedure  of  the  Right  Honourable 
the  Lords  of  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  be  definitely  laid  down  in  the  form  of  a 
code  of  rules  and  regulations. 

“ ‘ (2)  That  in  the  codification  of  the  rules  re- 
gard should  be  had  to  the  necessity  for  the 
removal  of  anachronisms  and  anomalies,  the 
possibility  of  the  curtailment  of  expense,  and 
the  desirability  of  the  establishment  of  coursps 
of  procedure  which  would  miuimize  delays. 

“‘(3)  That,  with  a view  to  the  extension  of 
uniform  rights  of  appeal  to  all  colonial  subjects 

54 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


of  His  Majesty,  the  various  Orders  in  Council, 
instructions  to  Governors,  charters  of  justice, 
ordinances  and  proclamations  upon  the  subject 
of  the  appellate  jurisdiction  of  the  Sovereign 
should  be  taken  into  consideration  for  the  pur- 
pose of  determining  the  desirability  of  equaliz- 
ing the  conditions  which  gave  right  of  appeal  to 
His  Majesty. 

“‘(4)  That  much  uncertainty,  expense,  and 
delay  would  be  avoided  if  some  portion  of  His 
Majesty’s  prerogative  to  grant  special  leave  to 
appeal  in  cases  where  there  exists  no  right  of 
appeal  were  exercised  under  definite  rules  and 
restrictions.’ 

“ The  following  resolutions,  presented  to  the 
Conference  by  General  Botha  and  supported  by 
the  representatives  of  Cape  Colony  and  Natal, 
were  accepted: 

“ ‘ (1)  That  when  a Court  of  Appeal  has  been 
established  for  any  group  of  colonies  geographi- 
cally connected,  whether  federated  or  not,  to 
which  appeals  lie  from  the  decisions  of  the  Su- 
preme Courts  of  such  colonies,  it  shall  be  com- 
petent for  the  Legislature  of  each  such  colony  to 
abolish  any  existing  right  of  appeal  from  its  Su- 
preme Court  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council. 

“ ‘(2)  That  the  decisions  of  such  Court  of  Ap- 
peal shall  be  final,  but  leave  to  appeal  from  such 
decisions  may  be  granted  by  the  said  Court  in 
certain  cases  prescribed  by  the  statute  under 
which  it  is  established. 

“ ‘ (3)  That  the  right  of  any  person  to  apply 
to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council 
for  leave  to  appeal  to  it  from  the  decision  of  such 
Appeal  Court  shall  not  be  curtailed.’  ” 

And  now,  at  last,  on  the  30th  of  April,  the 
Conference  came  to  the  discussion  of  the  question 
which  had  been  dominant  in  all  minds  from  the 
first,  — the  question  of  preferential  trade.  Es- 
sentially it  was  a settled  question  already, — 
settled,  that  is,  by  the  voters  of  the  United  King- 
dom a year  and  a half  before,  when  they  took  the 
administration  of  their  Government  away  from 
the  party  which  had  approved  the  fiscal  proposals 
of  Mr.  Chamberlain.  The  commercial  negotia- 
tion of  the  colonies  now  was  with  a Ministry 
that  stood  pledged  against  the  preferential  tariff 
arrangements  they  desired.  On  their  side  they 
had  committed  their  fortunes  to  the  stimulant 
working  of  protective  tariffs,  against  which  the 
judgment  and  experience  of  England  was  still 
firm.  The  preferential  tariffs  which  preferential 
trade  involved  were  in  the  line  of  their  policy, 
but  directly  antagonistic  to  hers.  How  impos- 
sible this  made  an  arrangement  of  reciprocity  on 
that  line  was  intimated  gently  by  the  Prime 
Minister  when  he  spoke  to  the  Conference  at  its 
first  sitting,  but  set  forth  later  in  plain  words  by 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Mr.  Asquith, 
and  by  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Mr. 
David  Lloyd-George.  “If  the  Colonies,”  said 
Mr.  Asquith,  “thought  it  their  duty  to  foster 
industries  by  protective  tariffs  their  action  would 
not  evoke  remonstrance  or  even  criticism  from 
him.  He  noted  that  various  self-governing 
Colonies  gave  preference  to  the  Mother  Country, 
but  it  was  a fact  that  these  preferential  tariffs 
did  not  admit  the  manufactures  of  the  Mother 
Country  to  compete  on  equal  terms  with  the 
local  product.  Doubtless  the  Colonies  held  this 
to.be  vital  to  their  interests,  and  in  the  same  way 
His  Majesty’s  Government  held  that  free  trade 


was  vital  in  the  interests  of  the  United  Kingdom 
Reference  had  been  made  to  the  fact  that  Cobden 
advocated  free  trade  here  as  a part  of  a universal 
system  of  free  trade,  but  the  official  author  of  the 
policy,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  defended  it  on  the  ground 
of  its  necessity  to  this  country  alone.  His  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  held  that  it  was  more  neces- 
sary now  than  it  was  in  his  day.  He  pointed  out 
the  position  now  existing.  We  had  a population 
of  44,000,000  bearing  the  whole  weight  of  an 
enormous  debt  largely  contracted  in  building  up 
the  Empire,  and  of  the  cost  of  Imperial  diplomacy 
and  Imperial  defence.  That  population  was  de- 
pendent for  food  and  raw  materials  on  external 
sources  of  supply.  This  is  the  essential  point  for 
consideration.  He  asked  how  the  supremacy  of 
Great  Britain  was  maintained.  He  thought  it 
must  be  attributed  to  our  special  productive 
activity,  to  the  profits  which  we  obtain  from 
keeping  the  biggest  open  market  in  the  world, 
and  to  the  enormous  earnings  of  our  shipping. 
All  these  were  based  in  the  long  run  on  keeping 
our  food  and  our  raw  materials  on  the  same  basis 
and  as  nearly  as  possible  at  the  same  price.  Free 
trade  was  no  shibboleth,  but  a principle  main- 
tained because  it  was  a matter  of  vital  national 
interest.  He  drew  attention  to  the  tariff  reform 
campaign,  and  observed  that,  after  the  fullest 
examination  and  discussion,  the  people  of  Eng- 
land had  declared  in  favour  of  free  trade  by  a 
majority  of  unexampled  size.  As  spokesman  for 
the  people,  His  Majesty’s  Government  could  not 
accept  any  infringement  of  that  policy,  even  by 
way  of  such  an  experiment  as  Dr.  Jameson  had 
suggested.  It  was  necessary  to  state  that  fact 
fully  and  frankly  at  the  outset.  . . . 

“ For  these  reasons  His  Majesty’s  Government, 
speaking  for  the  people  of  this  country,  could 
not  accept  the  principle  of  preferential  trade  by 
way  of  tariff  preference.  He  thought,  however, 
that  the  discussion  had  thrown  light  on  other 
methods  by  which  inter-imperial  trade  relations 
might  be  improved.  Reference  had  been  made 
to  the  improvement  of  means  of  communication, 
especially  steamer  services,  to  the  increase  in  the 
number  of  commercial  agents  in  the  Colonies,  to 
the  desirability  of  removing  or  reducing  the 
Suez  Canal  dues,  and  of  establishing  mail  com- 
munication with  the  Australasian  Colonies  via 
Canada.  All  these  were  matters  on  which  His 
Majesty’s  Government  would  be  fully  ready  to 
consider  and  cooperate  with  any  practical  pro- 
posals, and  he  said  this  the  more  earnestly  as  he 
felt  that  in  the  performance  of  his  duty  it  had 
been  necessary  for  him  to  enunciate  a general 
policy  which  was  not  in  accord  with  the  views  of 
the  Colonial  representatives.” 

Mr.  Lloyd-George  was  equally  plain  spoken. 
“He  had  hoped,” he  said,  “it  might  have  been 
possible  for  those  present,  acknowledging  the 
limitations  imposed  on  them  by  the  convictions 
they  respectively  held  on  fiscal  issues,  to  see 
whether  it  might  not  be  possible  to  find  other 
means  of  attaining  the  object  in  view.  The 
Colonies  regard  a tax  on  our  foods  as  necessary 
both  for  raising  revenue  and  also  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  own  industries.  Mr.  Deakin 
acknowledged  that  the  late  election  in  Australia 
was  fought  on  the  issue  of  protection  and  prefer- 
ence. It  was  open  for  the  representatives  of  the 
Imperial  Government  to  have  ignored  the  man- 
date given  to  Mr.  Deakin  and  to  have  en- 
deavoured to  commit  their  colleagues  here  to  a 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1907 


policy  of  free  trade  within  the  Empire,  to  which 
those  colleagues  would  not  assent  without  being 
false  to  the  trust  reposed  in  them  by  their  own 
people.  Sir  William  Lyne  the  other  day  had 
urged  the  commercial  union  of  the  whole  Empire, 
quoting  the  consolidation  of  the  United  King- 
dom, the  United  States,  and  the  Federation  of 
South  Africa  and  Australia.  In  these  cases  all 
tolls  and  tariffs  were  removed. 

“ Had  a free-trade  resolution  been  pressed  by 
His  Majesty’s  Government  and  refused,  it  might 
have  been  said  by  the  Press  that  the  Colonies 
had  refused  to  listen  to  the  appeal  of  the  Mother 
Country  to  be  put  on  equal  terms  with  her  chil- 
dren, and  later  that  the  door  had  been  slammed 
in  the  old  mother’s  face  by  her  ungrateful  pro- 
geny. His  Majesty’s  Government  had  not  taken 
this  course,  recognizing  the  unfairness  of  ignor- 
ing local  conditions  and  exigencies.  They  were 
not  here  to  attempt  to  manoeuvre  each  other  into 
false  positions,  but  to  discharge  the  practical 
business  of  the  Empire.  They  were  in  perfect 
accord  as  to  the  objects  they  could  strive  to  pro- 
mote. His  Majesty’s  Government  were  in  fa- 
vour of  any  scheme  for  the  development  of  inter- 
imperial  trade  which  did  not  inflict  sacrifices  on 
any  individual  community  so  as  to  create  a sense 
of  grievance  deep  enough  to  introduce  the  ele- 
ments of  discontent  and  discord,  and  thus  impair 
the  true  unity  of  the  Empire.  . . . 

“ He  agreed  that  this  federation  of  free  com- 
monwealths is  worth  making  some  sacrifice  for. 
He  differed  only  on  ways  and  means.  He  was 
convinced  that  to  tax  the  food  of  our  people  is 
to  cast  an  undue  share  of  sacrifice  on  the  poorest 
part  of  the  population,  and  that  a tax  on  raw 
material  would  fetter  us  in  the  severe  struggle 
with  our  foreign  competitors.  This,  therefore, 
was  a sacrifice  which  would  weaken  our  power 
to  make  further  sacrifices,  and  we  ought  not  to 
be  called  upon  to  make  it.  In  Mr.  Deakin’s  re- 
solution the  Government  were  asked  to  do  what 
no  protectionist  country  in  the  world  would 
do  — viz. , to  tax  necessaries  of  either  life  or  live- 
lihood which  we  cannot  produce  ourselves,  and 
of  which  the  Colonies  cannot  supply  us  with  a 
sufficiency  for  many  years. 

“ He  wished  to  acknowledge  the  considerable 
advantage  conferred  upon  the  British  manufac- 
turer by  the  preference  recently  given  to  him  in 
colonial  markets.  The  Canadian  tariff  had  pro- 
duced a satisfactory  effect  on  our  export  trade, 
and  apparently  had  also  benefited  Canada,  for 
our  purchases  from  Canada  had  also  increased. 
The  South  African  and  New  Zealand  tariffs  had 
not  yet  been  put  to, the  test  by  much  actual 
experience,  but  would  no  doubt  have  a similarly 
happy  result.  The  same  applied  to  Australia, 
and  Great  Britain  felt  grateful,  not  merely  for 
the  actual  concessions,  but  for  the  spirit  of  com- 
radeship and  affection  which  inspired  the  policy. 
But  it  was  said,  ‘What  are  you  prepared  to  do 
in  return  ? ’ His  first  answer  was  that  Great 
Britain  was  the  best  customer  the  Colonies  have 
got  for  their  products.  To  illustrate  this  he  gave 
the  following  figures:  In  1905,  the  last  year  for 
which  the  information  was  available,  the  exports 
from  the  self-governing  Colonies  to  all  foreign 
countries  only  amounted  to  40 £ millions,  while 
the  exports  to  the  United  Kingdom  amounted 
to  65J  millions,  exclusive  of  bullion  and  specie 
(21f  millions).” 

The  outcome  of  the  discussion  was  a simple 


reaffirmation  of  the  five  resolutions  on  the  sub- 
ject that  were  adopted  at  the  Conference  of  1902, 
and  which  will  be  found  in  the  report  of  that 
Conference,  preceding  this.  Before  putting  those 
resolutions  to  vote  Lord  Elgin  stated  that  His 
Majesty’s  Government  could  not  assent  to  them 
so  far  as  they  implied  that  it  is  necessary  or  ex- 
pedient to  alter  the  fiscal  system  of  the  United 
Kingdom.  They  were  agreed  to,  subject  to  that 
reservation.  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  who  moved 
their  readoption,  said  in  doing  so:  “ Free  trade 
within  the  Empire  had  been  suggested,  just  as 
there  was  free  trade  within  the  boundaries  of  the 
United  States,  Germany,  and  France.  For  the 
British  Empire  this  was  impossible  for  two  rea- 
sons— the  United  Kingdom  was  not  prepared  to 
limit  free  trade  to  the  Empire,  and  the  Colonies 
were  not  prepared  to  accept  free  trade  even 
within  its  boundaries.  In  Canada  the  policy  of 
free  trade  within  the  Empire  was  impracticable, 
as  it  was  necessary  for  her  to  have  Customs 
duties  as  a main  source  of  revenue.  Canada  had 
given  the  British  preference  deliberately,  and 
had  no  cause  to  regret  it ; she  had  from  time 
to  time  increased  it,  and  in  the  last  tariff  had 
maintained  it  generally  at  the  increased  amount 
of  33£  per  cent.  Canadian  opinion  had  been 
almost  unanimous  in  favour  of  preference,  for 
Canada  felt  that  she  would  as  a result  of  the  pre- 
ference sell  more  to  Great  Britain  and  buy  more 
from  her.  Mr.  Asquith  had  not  given  Canada 
all  the  credit  to  which  he  thought  she  was  en- 
titled in  making  a comparison  which  showed  no 
great  advantage  to  British  goods.  He  dwelt  on 
the  effect  of  the  proximity  of  a nation  like  the 
United  States,  of  their  own  stock,  enormous  in 
numbers,  and  most  enterprising  in  trade;  it  was 
not  a matter  for  surprise  that  their  trade  with 
that  country  had  increased.  But,  so  far  as  they 
could,  they  had  done  everything  to  keep  trade 
within  the  Empire.  They  had  built  canals  and  rail- 
ways from  east  to  west  of  Canada,  and  they  had 
taken  care  to  assist  the  principle  of  mutual  trade 
so  far  as  legislation  could  do  it.  . . . He  explained 
that  in  the  recent  revision  of  the  Canadian  tariff 
they  had  adopted  anew  principle  in  providing  an 
intermediate  tariff  for  negotiation.  They  were 
prepared  to  negotiate  with  nations  like  France 
or  Italy  on  the  basis  of  that  tariff,  but  their  lower 
preference  tariff  remained  reserved  for  the  British 
Empire.” 

Other  resolutions  adopted  or  accepted  during 
the  last  two  sessions  of  the  Conference  were  as 
follows: 

“ That  it  is  desirable  that  the  attention  of  the 
Governments  of  the  Colonies  and  the  United 
Kingdom  should  be  called  to  the  present  state  of 
the  navigation  laws  in  the  Empire,  and  in  other 
countries,  and  to  the  advisability  of  refusing  the 
privileges  of  coastwise  trade,  including  trade  be 
tween  the  Mother  Country  and  its  Colonics  and 
possessions,  and  between  one  colony  or  possession 
and  another,  to  countries  in  which  the  correspond- 
ing trade  is  confined  to  ships  of  their  own  nation- 
ality, and  also  to  the  laws  affecting  shipping,  with 
a view  of  seeing  whether  any  other  steps  should 
be  taken  to  promote  Imperial  trade  in  British  ves- 
sels.” (This  was  voted  by  the  representatives  of 
the  Colonies  only,  “His  Majesty’s  Government 
dissenting.”) 

“That  it  is  desirable  that  His  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment, after  full  consultation  with  the  Colonies, 
should  endeavour  to  provide  for  such  uniformity 

56 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1909 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1909 


as  may  be  practicable  in  the  granting  and  pro- 
tection of  trade  marks  and  patents.” 

“ That  it  is  desirable,  so  far  as  circumstances 
permit,  to  secure  greater  uniformity  in  the  trade 
statistics  of  the  Empire,  and  that  the  Note  pre- 
pared on  this  subject  by  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment be  commended  to  the  consideration  of  the 
various  Governments  represented  at  this  Con- 
ference.” 

“ That  it  is  desirable,  so  far  as  circumstances 

Eermit,  to  secure  greater  uniformity  in  Company 
aws  of  the  Empire,  and  that  the  memorandum 
and  analysis  prepared  on  this  subject  by  the 
Imperial  Government  be  commended  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  various  Governments  repre- 
sented at  this  Conference.” 

“That,  in  view  of  the  social  and  political  ad- 
vantages and  the  material  commercial  advan- 
tages to  accrue  from  a system  of  international 
penny  postage,  this  Conference  recommends  to 
His  Majesty’s  Government  the  advisability,  if 
and  when  a suitable  opportunity  occurs,  of  ap- 
proaching the  Governments  of  other  States, 
members  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  in  order 
to  obtain  further  reductions  of  postage  rates, 
with  a view  to  a more  general  and  if  possible  a 
universal  adoption  of  the  penny  rate.” 

“ That,  with  a view  to  attain  uniformity  so  far 
as  practicable,  an  inquiry  should  be  held  to  con- 
sider further  the  question  of  naturalization,  and 
in  particular  to  consider  how  far,  and  under  what 
conditions,  naturalization  in  one  part  of  His 
Majesty’s  dominions  should  be  effective  in  other 
parts  of  those  dominions,  a subsidiary  confer- 
ence to  be  held,  if  necessary,  under  the  terms 
of  the  resolution  adopted  by  this  Conference  on 
April  20  last.” 

“That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Conference  the 
interests  of  the  Empire  demand  that  in  so  far  as 
practicable  its  different  portions  should  be  con- 
nected by  the  best  possible  means  of  mail  com- 
munication, travel,  and  transportation  ; That  to 
this  end  it  is  advisable  that  Great  Britain  should 
be  connected  with  Canada,  and  through  Canada 
with  Australia  and  New  Zealand  by  the  best 
service  available  within  reasonable  cost;  That 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  above  project 
into  effect  such  financial  support  as  may  be  ne- 
cessary should  be  contributed  by  Great  Britain, 
Canada,  Australia,  and  New  Zealand  in  equitable 
proportions.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  total  of  its  prospective 
Military  Strength  when  present  Imperial 
plans  are  carried  out.  — In  a speech  made  in 
March,  1909,  Mr.  Haldane,  Minister  for  War, 
summed  up  the  total  of  defensive  military 
strength  which  the  Empire  might  count  on 
when  recent  plans  for  Imperial  defence  are 
carried  out.  He  said:  “With  the  divisions  be- 
tween the  Cape  and  Malta  and  those  which  Lord 
Kitchener  had  in  India,  the  Regular  Army  had 
for  overseas  work  16  divisions,  equivalent  to 
eight  army  corps,  which  was  larger  than  any 
other  nation  had  for  overseas  work,  the  reason 
being  that  we,  unlike  others,  were  responsible 
for  12  million  square  miles  and  400  millions  of 
human  beings.  The  second  line,  what  one 
might  call  the  local  line  of  home  defence,  con- 
sisted of  the  14  divisions  of  the  Territorial  Army. 
Supposing  Canada,  the  population  of  which  was 
very  rapidly  increasing,  were  to  build  on  the 
foundations  laid  at  the  Conference,  by  the  new 
proposals  which  Canada  had  accepted  she  might 


easily  add  five  or  six  Territorial  divisions  of  her 
own.  Those  would  be  for  her  own  defence,  but 
they  knew  that  in  1899,  when  a supreme  emer- 
gency arose,  she  did  not  scruple  to  send  forth 
her  strength  to  help  the  Mother  Country.  In 
Australia  there  was  a remarkable  movement  for 
the  organization  of  the  forces  of  the  Crown, 
which  might  easily  produce  five  Australian 
Territorial  divisions.  New  Zealand  might  pro- 
duce another  division,  and  South  Africa  could 
rapidly  produce  four  or  five.  ...  If  they  could 
add  to  the  14  second  line  divisions  at  home  16 
for  the  second  line  Army  of  the  Empire  there 
would  be  30  divisions  altogether,  aud  these, 
added  to  the  16  Regular  first  line  divisions  for 
use  overseas,  would  give  us  an  army  for  war 
conceivably  and  practicably  of  46  divisions, 
equivalent  to  23  army  corps.  The  army  of 
Germany  had  23  army  corps,  and  no  other  army 
in  the  world  had  an  organization  so  great.  He 
was  speaking  of  possibilities.” 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — The  Imperial  Press 
Conference  in  England.  — Among  the  many 
endeavors  of  late  years  in  England  to  draw 
the  distant  peoples  of  the  great  British  Empire 
into  closer  relations  with  its  sovereign  Mother 
Country,  and  into  the  feeling  of  stronger  ties 
of  unity  among  themselves  and  with  her,  none 
seems  to  have  been  wiser  or  more  surely  of 
effect  than  that  which  brought  about  the  Im- 
perial Press  Conference  of  June,  1909.  It  assem- 
bled sixty  representatives  of  the  Newspaper 
Press  of  every  part  of  the  Empire  and  of  every 
shade  of  political  opinion.  It  entertained  them 
delightfully  and  impressively  for  three  weeks. 
It  made  all  England  and  its  colonies  aud  depend- 
encies listen  to  their  discussion  of  many  ques- 
tions, all  bearing  on  the  fundamental  desire  to 
make  the  most  and  best  that  can  be  made  of  the 
great  political  organism  which  extends  its  law 
to  every  continent  and  its  influence  to  all  the 
world.  It  brought  before  them  its  most  distin- 
guished and  eloquent  men  to  address  them  at 
meetings  and  feasts.  It  assembled  at  Spithead 
its  stupendous  central  fleet  of  battleships,  to 
pass  it  in  review  before  them.  It  filled  their 
minds  with  an  undoubtedly  new  realization  of 
what  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  — the  sovereign,  the  seat,  the  center  of 
greatness  in  their  Empire  — is  to  it ; and  they 
went  back  to  Canada,  to  Australia,  to  South 
Africa,  to  New  Zealand,  even  to  India,  to  propa- 
gate that  realization  in  other  minds. 

A Western  Australian  editor,  speaking  at  one 
of  the  banquets  of  the  Conference,  referred  to 
this  result,  saying:  “The  influence  that  had 
been  brought  to  bear  upon  the  overseas  dele- 
gates could  not  fail  to  have  very  great  effects 
upon  their  writings  in  the  future.  Coming  as 
they  did  from  isolated  parts  of  the  Empire,  it 
was  an  agreeable  surprise  to  them  to  find  that 
they  had  all  been  thinking  Imperially,  and 
thinking  in  much  the  same  way.  While  the 
spirit  of  nationalism  was  growing  up  very 
strongly,  they  felt  that  the  spirit  of  nationalism 
was  in  no  way  out  of  harmony  with  the  true 
spirit  of  Imperialism ; and  it  had  been  a revela- 
tion to  the  delegates  to  find  the  unanimity  that 
existed,  not  only  among  the  English-speaking 
people  of  the  Empire,  but  among  those  who 
came  from  different  races.  They  had  been 
helped  to  strengthen  that  feeling  of  Imperial 
unity  in  the  certain  hope  that  eventually  the 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1909 


BRITISH  EMPIRE,  1909 


highest  ideals  of  the  best  form  of  Imperialism 
would  be  realized.  That  form  of  Imperialism 
was  not  associated  with  a policy  of  aggrandise- 
ment, but  was  associated  with  the  policy  that 
would  tend  to  promote  the  peace  of  the  world, 
and  the  prosperity  and  the  betterment  of  hu- 
manity generally.” 

A writer  in  The  Times,  reviewing  the  Confer- 
ence after  it  closed,  quoted  the  above  and  added: 
“The  speaker  just  quoted  travelled  for  seven 
days  across  Australia  before  he  reached  the 
capital  of  the  State  where  he  joined  his  fellow- 
delegates  from  the  Commonwealth.  The  Aus- 
tralian party,  when  once  it  had  left  Sydney, 
was  three  weeks  on  the  ocean  before  it  reached 
the  Pacific  coast  of  Canada.  A Canadian  dele- 
gate, speaking  at  a banquet  in  Glasgow,  de- 
clared that  when  at  home  he  was  as  remote 
from  one  of  his  Canadian  colleagues  as  Egypt  is 
from  London,  and  as  remote  from  another,  in 
the  opposite  direction,  as  London  is  from  Russia. 
It  might  have  been  supposed  that  distances  like 
those  just  indicated  would  have  had  the  effect 
of  causing  some  estrangement  between  men  so 
widely  separated ; but  the  contrary  proved  to  be 
the  case.  The  Australians,  following  the  All- 
Red  route,  which  was  defined  as  the  official 
route,  were  greeted  on  their  arrival  on  Cana- 
dian soil  with  an  enthusiasm  which  both  sur- 
prised and  touched  them.  Wherever  they  went 
they  found  themselves  among  friends,  anxious 
and  eager  to  exchange  views  and  ideas  on  all 
sorts  of  subjects  affecting  the  common  interests 
of  the  two  peoples.  They  were  banqueted  by 
many  representative  men,  from  the  Governor- 
General  downwards,  and,  having  been  welcomed 
with  the  utmost  heartiness  at  Victoria  on  the 
Pacific  coast,  were  given  a not  less  hearty  ‘ God- 
speed ’ from  Quebec  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

“Among  the  indirect  results  of  the  Confer- 
ence must  be  mentioned  the  knowledge  gained 
from  such  experiences.  When  in  Canada  the 
Australians  were  able  to  see  how  far  their 
own  trade  interests  were  identical  with  those  of 
the  people  among  whom  they  had  come,  how 
the  Canadians  are  facing  the  same  problems 
both  of  politics  and  material  development,  of 
commerce  and  agriculture.  And  when,  the 
feastings  over,  they  found  themselves  on  board 
the  steamer  with  their  Canadian  fellow-dele- 
gates, a community  of  interests  was  at  once 
established,  and  lasting  friendships  were  formed. 

“ Similarly,  when  the  delegates  had  all  assem- 
bled in  England  there  arose  a spirit  of  comrade- 
ship which  subsisted  without  a jarring  note  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Conference  to  the  end.  Nor 
must  it  be  forgotten  that  the  men  who  formed 
part  of  this  company  of  editors  and  writers  of 
the  overseas  Press  were  not  wholly  of  British 
race.  From  Canada  came  representatives  of  the 
French-Canadians,  from  South  Africa  some  of 
Boer  and  Dutch  extraction,  from  India  one  dele- 
gate at  least  of  Indian  blood.  The  welding  to- 
gether of  all  these  men  in  a spirit  of  loyalty  to 
the  Empire  in  which  they  as  well  as  we  have  a 
share  has  been  one  of  the  most  significant  fea- 
tures of  the  Conference.” 

The  practical  object  for  which  the  Press  Con- 
ference strove  most  earnestly  was  a cheapening 
of  telegraphic  communication,  by  cable  or  wire- 
less, between  the  distant  parts  of  the  Empire,  to 
the  end  that  there  may  be  an  ampler  publica- 
tion of  news  from  each  division  of  it  in  every 


other.  It  received  strong  assurances  of  cooper- 
ation from  the  Imperial  Government  in  its  efforts 
to  accomplish  this  end.  To  a deputation  which 
waited  on  him,  the  Premier,  Mr.  Asquith,  said: 
“Your  Conference,  if  I may  venture  to  say  so, 
has  very  wisely  appointed  a standing  committee 
to  deal  with  that  matter.  The  Post  Office  and 
other  Government  departments  concerned  will 
be  anxious  to  assist  and  to  keep  themselves  in 
touch  with  this  committee  by  information  and 
intercommunication  and  in  all  other  ways  that 
may  be  practicable.  I think  it  will  be  the  solid 
and  substantial  result  of  your  deliberations  on 
this  very  great  Imperial  necessity  that  in  regard 
to  the  development  of  electric  communication 
between  different  parts  of  the  Empire  we  shall 
now  have  on  the  side  of  the  Press  a body  for- 
mally organized  and  constantly  existing  with 
which  we  can  enter  into  necessary  communica- 
tion, and  by  mutual  discussion  and  reference, 
having  regard  to  the  vaiious  considerations  to 
which  I have  already  adverted,  we  may  acceler- 
ate the  developments  of  what  we  all  agree  to  be 
one  of  the  first  requisites  of  an  Empire  such  as 
ours  — a cheap,  a certain,  a constant,  a con- 
venient, and  a universally  accessible  system  of 
electric  communication.” 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Aug.). — Imperial  Defence 
Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Preparations  for:  Military  and  Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Congress  of  Empire 
Chambers  of  Commerce.  — A Congress  of 
Chambers  of  Commerce,  representing  all  parts 
of  the  Empire,  which  was  assembled  at  Sydney, 
New  South  Wales,  on  the  14th  of  September, 
1909,  gave  much  of  its  discussion  to  the  proposi- 
tion that  the  several  parts  of  the  Empire  should 
afford  preferential  treatment  to  each  other  in 
their  several  markets,  on  a basis  of  reciprocity, 
and  adopted  resolutions  to  the  effect  that  the  Con- 
gress “ urges  upon  the  Governments  of  the  Em- 
pire that  they  should  treat  this  matter  as  of 
present  practical  importance,  and  that  the  or- 
ganizations represented  at  this  Congress  pledge 
themselves  to  press  their  respective  Govern- 
ments to  take  such  action  at  the  next  Imperial 
Conference  as  will  give  effect  to  the  principle 
advocated  in  this  resolution.”  This  was  carried 
on  individual  voting,  by  81  votes  to  31.  On 
voting  by  chambers,  the  resolution  was  passed 
with  60  for,  8 against,  and  11  neutral. 

Among  the  other  resolutions  of  the  Congress 
were  the  following:  “ That  this  Congress  urges 
upon  his  Majesty’s  Government  and  upon  the 
Governments  of  the  Colonies  the  appointment 
of  an  Advisory  Imperial  Council  to  consider 
questions  of  Imperial  interest,  especially  those 
tending  to  promote  trade  between  the  various 
parts  of  the  Empire.” 

“ That  the  settlement  in  adequate  volume  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  the  British  Dominions 
is  deserving  of  the  constant  solicitude  of  the 
Home  and  Colonial  Governments,  who  are 
hereby  urged  to  consider  what  further  or  better 
steps  than  those  at  present  existing  should  be 
taken  to  elaborate  a general  State-aided  scheme 
at  reduced  rates  to  encourage  emigration  of  suit- 
able settlers  under  well-considered  conditions.” 
“This  Congress  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  desir- 
able to  complete  the  Imperial  route  between 
the  Motherland,  Canada,  Australia  and  New  Zea- 
land by  State-owned  electric  communication 
across  Canada  to  Great  Britain  and  that  the 

58 


BRITISH  EMPIRE 


BUFFALO 


postal  departments  of  the  various  Governments  I combined  scheme  of  substantial  reductions  in 
of  the  Empire  should  be  requested  to  frame  a | telegraphic  rates.” 


BRITISH  GUIANA:  A.  D.  1904.  — Set- 
tlement of  Brazilian  boundary  dispute.  See 
(In  this  vol.)  Brazil:  A.  D.  11)04. 

BRITISH  SOUTH  AFRICA.  See  South 
Africa 

BROWNSVILLE  AFFAIR,  The.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1906  (Aug.). 

BRYAN,  William  Jennings:  Suggestion 
at  the  Peace  Congress  in  New  York.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D. 
1907. 

Nominated  for  President  of  the  United 
States.  See  United  States:  A.  D.  1908(April- 
Nov.). 

BROTHERHOODS  OF  LOCOMOTIVE 
FIREMEN  and  of  Railway  Trainmen.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States. 

BRUSSELS:  A.  D.  1902-1907.  — Sugar 
Bounty  Conference  and  Convention,  1902, 
and  Additional  Act,  1907.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Sugar  Bounty  Conference. 

BRYCE,  James:  Chief  Secretary  for  Ire- 
land. See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

BUBONIC  PLAGUE.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Public  Health. 

BUCHANAN,  William  I.:  Delegate  to 
Second  and  Third  International  Conferences 
of  American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics. 

Diplomatic  Service  in  Venezuela.  See  Ven- 
ezuela: A.  D.  1907-1909. 

Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Sec- 
ond Peace  Conference.  See  War,  The  Re- 
volt against:  A.  D.  1907. 

Death,  October  16,  1909. 

BUCHNER,  Eduard.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

BUCKS  STOVE  COMPANY  CASE.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BUDGET  OF  1909,  The  British.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

BUFFALO:  A.  D.  1901. — The  Pan-Amer- 
ican Exposition.  — Assassination  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley.  — Vice-President  Roosevelt 
becomes  President  of  the  United  States.  — 
In  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  which  went  to  press 
in  the  spring  of  1901,  an  account  was  given  of 
the  plan  and  preparations  made  for  the  Pan- 
American  Exposition  at  Buffalo,  then  just  at 
the  point  of  being  opened,  on  the  1st  of  May. 
The  following  characterization  of  the  Exposi- 
tion by  a visitor  is  sufficient  to  add  what  was 
then  said  of  it : 

“ They  have  staged  electricity  at  Buffalo  this 
summer,  and  they  call  it  the  Pan-American  Ex- 
position. It  took  a rectangle  of  350  acres  for 
the  stage,  and  over  810,000,000  for  the  settings. 
The  result,  baldly  stated,  is  the  most  glorious 
night  scene  the  world  has  ever  had  the  fortune 
to  witness.  The  staging  of  Niagara  is  the  one 
unforgettable  thing  about  the  affair.  The  Pan- 
American  is,  however,  much  more  than  this.  . . . 

“ It  may  be  well  to  say  that  the  original  gen- 
eric scheme  for  the  Exposition,  that  of  joining 
the  three  Americas  in  a unified  attempt  to  show 
one  another  their  trade  resources,  seems  to  be  in 
results  far  less  prominent  than  was  hoped  at 


first.  For  one  reason  or  another,  — I have  heard 
European  influences  in  South  America  given  as 
a chief  cause,  — the  Latin  Americas  did  not  co- 
operate as  was  expected.  The  great  trade  idea 
upon  which  the  Pan-American  was  originally 
based  gradually  faded,  and  gave  place  to  the 
idea  of  an  electrical  beatification  — for  which 
the  spectator  will  perhaps  be  thankful.  There 
are  exhibits,  to  be  sure,  from  most  of  the  South 
American  countries,  but  the  United  States  oc- 
cupies industrially  foreground,  background,  and 
middle  distance.  The  other  countries  fill  in  the 
odd  corners.  The  ardent  patriot  will  see  no  lack 
of  proportion  in  this  ; and  as  there  is  a hint  of 
Mexico  and  the  Argentine,  and  very  creditable 
exhibits  by  Chile  and  Honduras,  we  have  enough 
of  the  sister  continent  to  justify  the  name.  Most 
of  the  southern  republics  are  represented  in  one 
way  or  another.  It  is  hard,  however,  to  ex- 
plain the  insufficiency  of  Canada’s  exhibit.  It 
is  upon  much  too  small  a scale  to  do  credit  to 
her  great  resources.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
when  the  other  countries  realized  the  importance 
and  beauty  of  the  Pan-American,  they  set  about 
vigorously  to  retrieve  themselves. 

“So  the  staging  of  electricity  was  undertaken. 
There  was  Buffalo  to  start  with,  and  Buffalo  is 
backed  in  the  great  race  of  American  cities  by 
the  power  of  Niagara  and  the  commerce  of  the 
Lakes.  It  is  delightfully  accessible  and  pleas- 
ing. Here  was  the  psychological  place.  It  was 
also  the  psychological  moment, — a period  of 
general  prosperity,  a time  when  America  had 
set  about  her  great  task  of  making  commercial 
vassals  of  the  Old  World  countries.  The  psy- 
chological idea  came  with  electricity,  and  under 
this  happy  triad  of  influences  conspiring  for 
success  the  work  was  begun. 

“The  managers  took  a big  rectangle  of  un- 
used land  to  the  north  of  a beautiful  park,  and 
welded  with  it  the  most  attractive  portion  of 
that  park  for  their  groundwork.  Then  they 
charted  an  effect.  They  put  millions  into  an 
attempt  to  please,  and  did  more,  for  they  have 
both  pleased  and  startled, — an  effect  peculiarly 
delightful  to  Americans.”  — E.  R.  White,  Aspects 
of  the  Pan-American  Exposition  ( Atlantic 
Monthly , July,  1901). 

The  Pan-American  Exposition  may  be  said  to 
have  been  paralyzed  in  the  first  week  of  its  fifth 
month  by  the  awful  tragedy  of  the  wanton  mur- 
der of  President  McKinley,  while  it  entertained 
him  as  its  guest.  Mr.  McKinley,  with  Mrs.  Mc- 
Kinley, had  arrived  in  Buffalo  on  the  4th  of 
September,  for  a long  planned  visit  to  the  Expo- 
sition, and  had  accepted  the  hospitality  of  its 
President,  Mr.  John  G.  Milburn.  On  the  after- 
noon of  the  6th  he  held  a public  reception  in  the 
Temple  of  Music,  on  the  Exposition  grounds, 
and  it  was  there  that  the  brutal  assassin  found 
his  opportunity  for  the  deed.  The  following 
graphic  narrative  of  the  tragedy  is  from  the  pen 
of  Mr.  Walter  Wellman  in  the  American  Review 
of  Reviews: 

“Usually  a secret-service  agent  is  stationed 
by  the  President’s  side  when  he  receives  the 
public,  but  on  this  occasion  President  Milburn 
stood  at  the  President’s  left.  Secretary  Cor- 
telyou  was  at  his  right,  and  a little  to  the  rear. 
Opposite  the  President  was  Secret-Service  Officer 


59 


BUFFALO 


BUFFALO 


Ireland.  Eight  or  ten  feet  away  was  Officer 
Foster.  When  all  was  ready,  the  line  of  people 
was  permitted  to  move,  each  one  pausing  to 
shake  the  hand  of  the  President.  He  beamed 
upon  them  all  in  his  courtly  way.  When  one 
stranger  timidly  permitted  himself  to  be  pushed 
along  without  a greeting,  the  President  called 
out,  smilingly,  ‘Hold  on,  there;  give  me  your 
hand.’  Mr.  McKinley  would  never  permit  any 
one  to  go  past  him  without  a handshake.  He 
was  particularly  gracious  to  the  children  and  to 
timid  women.  Here,  as  we  have  often  seen  him 
in  Washington  and  elsewhere,  he  patted  little 
girls  or  boys  on  the  head  or  cheek  and  smiled  at 
them  in  his  sweet  way.  A woman  and  a little 
girl  had  j ust  passed,  and  were  looking  back  at 
the  President,  proud  of  the  gracious  manner  in 
which  he  had  greeted  them.  Next  came  a tall, 
powerful  negro  — Parker.  After  Parker,  a 
slight,  boyish  figure,  a face  bearing  marks  of 
foreign  descent,  a smooth,  youthful  face,  with 
nothing  sinister  to  be  detected  in  it.  No  one 
had  suspected  this  innocent-looking  boy  of  a 
murderous  purpose.  He  had  his  right  hand 
bound  up  in  a handkerchief,  and  this  had  been 
noticed  by  both  of  the  secret-service  men  as  well 
as  by  others.  But  the  appearance  in  a recep- 
tion line  of  men  with  wounded  and  bandaged 
hands  is  not  uncommon.  In  fact,  one  had 
already  passed  along  the  line.  Many  men  carried 
handkerchiefs  in  their  hands,  for  the  day  was 
warm. 

‘ ‘ So  this  youth  approached.  He  was  met  with 
a smile.  The  President  held  out  his  hand ; but 
it  was  not  grasped.  Supporting  his  bandaged 
right  hand  with  his  left,  the  assassin  fired  two  bul- 
lets at  the  President.  The  first  passed  through 
the  stomach  and  lodged  in  the  back.  The  sec- 
ond, it  is  believed,  struck  a button  on  the  Presi- 
dent’s waistcoat  and  glanced  therefrom,  making 
an  abrasion  upon  the  sternum.  The  interval 
between  the  two  shots  was  so  short  as  to  be 
scarcely  measurable.  As  the  second  shot  rang 
out,  Detective  Foster  sprang  forward  and  inter- 
cepted the  hand  of  the  assassin,  who  was  en- 
deavoring to  Area  third  bullet  into  his  victim. 
The  President  did  not  fall.  He  was  at  once  sup- 
ported by  Mr.  Milburn,  by  Detective  Geary,  and 
by  Secretary  Cortelyou.  Before  turning,  he  raised 
himself  on  tiptoe  and  cast  upon  the  miserable 
wretch  before  him,  who  was  at  that  moment 
in  the  clutches  of  a number  of  men,  alook  which 
none  who  saw  it  can  ever  forget.  It  appeared 
to  say,  ‘You  miserable,  why  should  you  shoot 
me  ? What  have  I done  to  you  ? ’ It  was  the 
indignation  of  a gentleman,  of  a great  soul,  when 
attacked  by  a ruffian.  A few  drops  of  blood 
spurted  out  and  fell  on  the  President’s  waist- 
coat. At  once  the  wounded  man  was  led  to  a 
chair,  into  which  he  sank.  His  collar  was  re- 
moved and  his  shirt  opened  at  the  front.  Those 
about  him  fanned  him  with  their  hats.  Secre- 
tary Cortelyou  bent  over  his  chief,  and  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley whispered,  ‘ Cortelyou,  be  careful.  Tell 
Mrs.  McKinley  gently.’ 

“ A struggle  ensued  immediately  between  the 
aasassin  and  those  about  him.  Detective  Foster 
not  only  intercepted  the  arm  of  the  murderer, 
and  prevented  the  firing  of  a third  shot  from  the 
revolver  concealed  in  the  handkerchief,  but  he 
planted  a blow  square  upon  the  assassin’s  face. 
Even  after  he  fell,  Czolgosz  endeavored  to  twist 
about  and  fire  again  at  the  President.  Mr.  Fos- 


ter threw  himself  upon  the  wretch.  Parker,  the 
colored  man,  struck  him  almost  at  the  same  in- 
stant that  Foster  did.  Indeed,  a half-dozen  men 
were  trying  to  beat  and  strike  the  murderer,  and 
they  were  so  thick  about  him  that  they  struck 
one  another  in  their  excitement.  A private  of 
the  artillery  corps  at  one  moment  had  a bayonet- 
sword  at  the  neck  of  Czolgosz,  and  would  have 
driven  it  home  had  not  Detective  Ireland  held 
his  arm  and  begged  him  not  to  shed  blood  there 
before  the  President.  Just  then  the  President 
raised  his  eyes,  saw  what  was  going  on,  and 
with  a slight  motion  of  his  right  hand  toward  his 
assailant,  exclaimed:  ‘ Let  no  one  hurt  him.’” 

As  soon  as  possible,  the  wounded  President 
was  removed  to  the  Exposition  Hospital,  and  sur- 
geons were  quickly  in  attendance.  The  medical 
director  of  the  Exposition,  Dr.  Roswell  Park, 
President  of  the  American  Society  of  Surgeons, 
chanced  to  be  absent,  at  Niagara  Falls,  where 
he  was  performing  an  operation  at  the  time. 
The  necessary  operation  upon  the  President  was 
performed  by  Dr.  Matthew  D.  Mann,  assisted  by 
Dr.  Herman  Mynter,  Dr.  Eugene  Wasdin,  of  the 
Marine  Hospital  service,  and  others.  The  one 
fatal  bullet  of  the  two  that  were  fired  was  found 
to  have  passed  through  both  walls  of  the  stom- 
ach, and  its  further  progress  was  not  traced. 
Dr.  Park  arrived  on  the  scene  before  the  opera- 
tion was  finished  and  took  part  in  the  subsequent 
consultations. 

From  the  hospital  Mr.  McKinley  was  removed 
to  Mr.  Milburn’s  house,  where  Mrs.  McKinley, 
being  an  invalid,  had  remained  that  day.  There 
he  received  all  possible  care  during  the  eight 
days  in  which  the  nation  hoped  against  hope 
that  he  might  be  saved  Dr.  Charles  McBurney 
was  called  from  New  York  to  join  the  attend- 
ing physicians  and  surgeons,  and  approved  all 
that  had  been  done.  For  a week  there  seemed 
good  ground  for  believing  that  the  sound  consti- 
tution of  the  President  would  defeat  the  assas- 
sin’s attempt ; but  on  Friday  the  13th  the  signs 
underwent  a rapid  change,  and  at  fifteen  minutes 
past  two  o’clock  of  the  morning  of  Saturday  he 
breathed  his  last. 

Vice-President  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  was 
then  at  a camp  in  the  Adirondacks,  was  sum- 
moned at  once,  and  arrived  in  the  city  that  after- 
noon. At  the  house  of  Mr.  Ansley  Wilcox 
(whose  guest  he  became),  in  the  presence  of  the 
members  of  the  late  President’s  cabinet  and  of 
a few  friends  and  newpaper  correspondents,  he 
took  the  oath  of  office  as  President,  administered 
by  Judge  Hazel,  of  the  United  States  District 
Court.  Before  taking  the  oath  he  said:  “ I wish 
to  say  that  it  shall  be  my  aim  to  continue,  abso- 
lutely unbroken,  the  policies  of  President  Mc- 
Kinley for  the  peace,  the  prosperity,  and  the 
honor  of  our  beloved  country.” 

The  assassin,  who  called  himself  Nieman  at 
first,  was  identified  as  Leon  Czolgosz,  a Pole, 
having  reputable  parents  at  Cleveland,  Ohio.  He 
had  come  under  anarchist  influences  and  been 
taught  to  believe  that  all  heads  of  government 
were  enemies  of  the  people  and  ought  to  be 
slain.  There  was  no  other  motive  discoverable 
for  his  crime.  He  was  arraigned  in  the  County 
Court,  before  Justice  Emory,  on  the  17th  of  Sep- 
tember, three  days  after  his  victim’s  death,  and, 
having  no  counsel,  two  former  Justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  Loran  L.  Lewis  and 
Robert  C.  Titus,  consented  to  be  assigned  for 


BUFFALO 


CALIFORNIA 


his  defence.  Ou  the  23d  he  was  tried  in  the  Su- 
preme Court,  Justice  Truman  C.  White  presid- 
ing, the  only  defence  possible  being  that  on  the 
question  of  sanity,  and  his  guilt  was  pronounced 
by  the  verdict  of  the  jury.  On  the  26th  he  was 
sentenced  to  be  executed,  in  the  State  Prison 
at  Auburn,  within  the  week  beginning  October 
28. 

See,  also,  under  United  States:  A.  D.  1901 
(Sept.). 

BU  HAMARA,  the  Mahdi.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1903-1904,  and  1909. 

BULGARIA.  See  Balkan  and  Dandbian 
States. 

BULOW,  Bernhard,  Count  von:  Chancel- 
lor of  the  German  Empire:  Action  on  the 
Morocco  question.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

On  German  Navy-building.  See  War,  The 
Preparations  for:  Naval. 

Defeat  in  the  Reichstag  on  attempted  finan- 
cial reform.  — His  resignation.  See  Germany  : 
A.  D.  1908-1909. 

BUREAU  OF  THE  AMERICAN  RE- 
PUBLICS, International.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics. 

BUREAU  OF  MUNICIPAL  RE- 
SEARCH. See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment : New  York  City. 

BURGER,  Schalk  W.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 


BURLEY  TOBACCO  SOCIETY.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Kentucky:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

BURNS,  John:  President  of  the  Local 
Government  Board.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1905-1906,  1905-1909,  and  1909. 

BURNS,  William  j.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mu- 
nicipal Government:  San  Francisco. 

BURTON,  Joseph  R.:  United  States  Sen- 
ator. — Convicted  of  having  received  $2500  from 
a fraudulent  concern,  which  had  been  debarred 
from  using  the  United  States  mails,  in  return 
for  his  efforts  to  have  embargo  removed ; sen- 
tenced to  a fine  of  $2500  and  nine  months  im- 
prisonment, May,  1909. 

BUTLER,  Charles  Henry:  Technical 

delegate  to  the  Second  Peace  Conference. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

BUTLER,  Edward:  Political  “ Boss  ” of 
St.  Louis,  as  seen  in  the  confessions  of 
Charles  F.  Kelly.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal 
Government. 

BUTLER,  Nicholas  Murray:  President 
of  Columbia  University.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

Arrangement  of  professorial  interchanges 
with  German  universities.  See  Education  : 
International  Interchanges. 

BUXTON,  Sidney  C.:  Postmaster-General 
(British).  See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D. 
1905-1906. 


c. 


CACERES,  Ramon.  See  (in  this  vol.)  San 
Domingo  : A.  D.  1904-1907. 

CADETS,  Russian.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

CAJAL,  Ramon  y.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

CALABRIA:  Destructive  earthquake  in 
1905.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes. 

CALAMITIES,  Recent  extraordinary. 

See  Earthquakes,  Famines,  Fire,  Floods, 
Volcanic  Eruptions. 

CALIFORNIA:  A.  D.  1900-1909. — 
Growth.  — Industries.  — Products.  — Rail- 
way facilities,  etc.  — “Within  the  past  decade 
numerous  events  have  tended  to  direct  the  atten- 
tion of  the  United  States  and  of  the  world  to  the 
importance  of  the  Pacific  ocean  and  the  lands 
bordering  upon  it,  as  the  field  of  great  activities 
in  the  near  future.  The  Spanish-American  war, 
and  particularly  the  voyage  of  the  battleship 
Oregon  around  South  America  hastened  the 
movement  for  an  inter-oceanic  canal.  The  de- 
velopment of  the  Alaskan  gold  fields  gave  a 
great  impetus  to  shipping  and  trade  in  staple  sup- 
plies in  Pacific  coast  cities.  The  war  between 
Russia  and  Japan  revealed  the  maritime  en- 
terprise and  established  the  naval  prestige  of 
Japan. 

“Since  the  earliest  days  of  American  occupa- 
tion California  has  been  steadily  filling  up  with 
people.  These  later  movements  in  Pacific  coast 
history,  together  with  the  steady  development 
of  natural  resources,  have  greatly  accelerated 
the  advance  in  population,  especially  in  cities 
as  the  centers  of  industrial  and  commercial  ac- 
tivity. The  census  of  1900  showed  a total  pop- 
ulation of  1,485,053.  At  the  beginning  of  1909 
the  number  is  estimated  by  the  State  Board  of 


Trade  at  2,564,363.  The  growth  of  cities  in  the 
same  period  is  shown  by  the  following  instances, 
— the  first  figure  being  the  population  by  the 
census  of  1900,  the  second  the  State  Board  of 
Trade  estimate  for  1909.  *• 


1900. 

1909. 

Alameda  .... 

. . . 16,464 

25,000 

Berkeley  .... 

. . . 13,214 

40,000 

Fresno 

. . . 12,470 

32,000 

Los  Angeles  . . . 

. . . 102,479 

305,000 

Oakland  .... 

. . . 66,960 

200,000 

Sacramento  . . . 

. . . 29,282 

55,000 

San  Francisco  . 

. . . 342,782 

500,000 

San  Jose  .... 

. . . 21,500 

45,000 

Stockton  .... 

. . . 17,506 

25,000 

“Two  features  characterize  the  recent  devel- 
opment of  California  agriculture,  — the  increased 
value  of  the  products,  and  a greater  variety  of 
crops.  Originally  wheat  was  the  staple  crop, 
but  now  sugar  beets,  hops,  beans,  alfalfa,  and 
garden  seeds  must  be  added  to  the  common  ce- 
reals to  make  the  list  of  staples.  In  1908  the 
wheat  crop  was  valued  at  $18,894,961,  and  the 
barley  at  $26,841,394. 

“ Orchards  and  vineyards  furnish  one  of  the 
best  records  of  advancing  wealth.  Shipments 
out  of  the  state  by  rail  and  by  sea  are  given  by 
the  State  Board  of  Trade  as  follows : 


1898. 

1908. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Green  Deciduous  Fruits  . 

. 69,732 

161,224 

Citrus  Fruits 

. 180,658 

399,094 

Dried  Fruits 

. 76,662 

133,846 

Raisins 

. 47,796 

29,601 

Nuts 

. 5,815 

10,887 

Canned  Fruits  .... 

. 52,219 

85,135 

CALIFORNIA 


CALIFORNIA 


“About  ninety  per  cent  of  all  the  citrus  fruits 
go  from  the  southern  part  of  the  State  (south  of 
Tehachapi  mountains)  and  substantially  all  the 
fresh  deciduous  fruits  go  from  the  northern  and 
central  portions,  Sacramento  being  one  of  the 
largest  shipping  points.  Nearly  all  the  dried 
fruits,  raisins,  canned  fruits,  wine  and  brandy, 
go  from  the  northern  and  central  portions.  Most 
of  the  walnuts  are  grown  in  the  south,  and  most 
of  the  almonds  in  the  northern  and  central  parts 
of  the  state.  Olives  are  grown  in  about  equal 
quantities,  north  and  south.  General  farming, 
including  stock  raising,  is  much  more  widely 
pursued  north  of  Tehachapi  than  south,  and  the 
same  is  true  of  the  mining  industry.  The  prin- 
cipal forests  of  the  state  are  in  the  Sierra  region 
and  in  the  Coast  Range  Mountains  north  of  So- 
noma county. 

“ Formerly  wool  was  an  important  product  of 
California.  The  industry  reached  its  maximum 
about  thirty  years  ago,  — the  wool  clip  of  1876 
amounting  to  56,550,973  pounds.  Since  that 
date  the  wool  product  steadily  declined  till  1906, 
when  the  total  amount  was  24,000,000  pounds. 
Since  1906  the  decline  has  been  swift,  as  shown 
by  the  total  of  15,000,000  pounds  for  1908. 

“In  the  production  of  the  precious  metals  the 
record  of  California  is  very  steady  in  recent 
years,  — the  gold  output  for  1900  being  valued 
at  $15,863,355,  and  for  1907  at  $16,727,928.  On 
the  other  hand  the  oil  industry  shows  a marvel- 
ous advance.  The  output  of  petroleum  from 
California  oil  wells  was  4,000,000  barrels  in  1900, 
and  48,300,758  barrels  in  1908.  Since  1906  the 
oil  product  of  California  has  amounted  to  over 
twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  total  production  of 
the  United  States.  California  petroleum  now 
exceeds  in  value  the  output  of  her  gold  mines. 

“ For  a long  time  the  high  cost  of  fuel  retarded 
the  growth  of  manufactures  in  California.  Re- 
cently, however,  the  production  of  fuel  oil  and 
the  introduction  of  electrical  power  developed 
from  the  water  power  in  the  streams  of  the  Sierras 
have  given  a great  impetus  to  manufacturing 
industries.  The  use  of  electricity  is  certain  to 
be  greatly  increased  in  the  near  future  and  for 
this  reason  the  people  of  California  are  tremen- 
ously  interested  in  the  policy  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment in  the  preservation  of  the  mountain 
streams  and  in  the  disposition  of  water-power 
sites.  The  value  of  the  products  of  manufactur- 
ing enterprises  in  the  state  for  1908  is  estimated 
at  about  $500,000,000,  of  which  the  sum  of  $175,- 
000,000  is  credited  to  San  Francisco,  $62,000,000 
to  Los  Angeles,  $52,000,000,  to  Oakland,  with 
Sacramento,  San  Jose,  Stockton  and  Fresno  fol- 
lowing in  the  order  of  naming. 

“California  is  a state  of  magnificent  dimen- 
sions and  it  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  size  of 
the  state  to  find  that  in  1907,  with  but  two  per 
cent,  of  the  total  population  of  the  United  States 
she  had  three  per  cent,  of  the  total  railway  mile- 
age of  the  country.  New  construction  was  al- 
most entirely  suspended  in  1908,  but  has  been 
resumed  in  1909.  The  most  important  new  road 
is  the  Western  Pacific  which  enters  the  state  by 
the  Beckwith  Pass  to  the  north  of  the  line  of  the 
Central  Pacific  route,  from  Sacramento  to  Ogden, 
and  with  the  advantage  of  crossing  the  Sierras  at 
2000  feet  less  elevation.  It  reaches  the  Sacra- 
mento Valley  by  the  canyon  of  the  Feather  River 
and  opens  up  a large  area  of  rich  country  to 
railway  communication.  It  will  be  completed 


through  to  San  Francisco  in  1910,  and  will  be  the 
fifth  trans  continental  line  terminating  on  San 
Francisco  Bay. 

“ Another  great  work  of  railway  construction 
in  progress  in  1909  is  the  rebuilding  upon  an  im- 
proved grade  of  the  Central  Pacific  road  through 
the  Sierras.  The  extreme  elevation  of  the  pre- 
sent road  at  the  summit  of  the  range  (7000  feet) 
is  to  be  diminished  by  a lengthy  tunnel.  Other 
work  of  construction  soon  to  be  brought  to  com- 
pletion is  the  extension  of  the  Northwestern 
Pacific,  a coast  road  north  from  San  Francisco 
Bay  to  Eureka  on  Humboldt  Bay,  and  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Ocean  Shore  Railway  south  along  the 
coast  to  Santa  Cruz. 

“ The  records  of  the  State  Railroad  Commis- 
sion show  in  1909  a total  mileage  in  the  state  of 
6744.54  miles. 

“The  lines  operated  by  the  principal  com- 


panies measure  up  as  follows: 

MILES. 

Southern  Pacific  System 3,582 

Santa  Fe  System 978 

Northwestern  Pacific 404 

San  Pedro,  Los  Angeles  and  Salt  Lake  . 341 

Western  Pacific 237 

Yosemite  Valley  Railroad 79 


“Suburban  electric  railways  have  reached  a 
high  stage  of  development  and  utility  in  South- 
ern California,  in  the  Santa  Clara  Valley,  con- 
necting numerous  cities  and  towms  in  the  vicinity 
of  San  Francisco  Bay,  and  in  the  Sacramento 
Valley.  The  increase  of  electric  power  by  the 
further  utilization  of  the  water  power  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada  streams  will  certainly  bring  about 
in  the  near  future  a great  extension  of  electri- 
cal transportation  for  freighting  as  well  as  in 
passenger  traffic.” — Frederick  H.  Clark,  Head, 
of  History  Dept.,  Lowell  High  School,  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

A.  D.  1900-1909.  — Constitutional  changes. 

— “ Amendments  to  the  state  constitution  origi- 
nate with  the  legislature,  and  are  placed  before 
the  voters  of  the  state  at  the  biennial  state  elec- 
tions. Dissatisfaction  with  parts  of  the  state 
constitution  is  manifested  by  an  increasing  num- 
ber of  proposed  amendments.  So  long  as  pro- 
perty interests  are  not  antagonized,  the  voters 
show  a willingness  to  make  changes  by  ratifying 
a large  majority  of  the  amendments  proposed. 
Among  the  important  subjects  upon  which 
amendments  have  been  adopted  within  the  past 
ten  years  are  the  following  : authorization  of 
legislation  for  the  control  of  primary  elections ; 
providing  for  the  use  of  voting  machines;  the 
establishment  of  a system  of  state  highways  ; 
increasing  the  salaries  of  judges  and  of  state 
executive  officers  ; changing  the  pay  of  members 
of  the  legislature  from  $8.00  per  diem  for  a 
period  not  to  exceed  60  days  to  the  sum  of  $1000 
for  the  regular  session ; authorizing  the  legisla- 
ture to  provide  a state  tax  for  the  support  of 
high  schools;  permitting  exemption  from  taxa- 
tion of  various  forms  of  property,  such  as  build- 
ings used  exclusively  for  religious  purposes  and 
the  endowments  of  the  Leland  Stanford  Junior 
University,  the  California  School  of  Mechanical 
Arts,  and  the  Cogswell  Polyteclinical  College, 

— also  personal  property  at  the  will  of  the  owner  ' 
to  the  amount  of  $100;  eight  hours  made  a legal 
day’s  work  on  all  public  work  throughout  the 
state  ; authorization  for  the  depositing  of  public 


CALIFORNIA 


CANADA 


funds  in  banks.  An  important  change  in  the 
state  judiciary  was  made  in  1904  by  the  creation 
of  district  courts  of  appeal  for  the  relief  of  the 
congested  condition  of  the  business  of  the  State 
Supreme  Court.  Thestate  was  divided  into  three 
judicial  districts,  in  each  of  which  was  estab- 
lished a court  of  appeal  consisting  of  three  judges 
elected  from  within  the  district  for  a term  of 
twelve  years. 

“ A plan  for  the  reorganization  of  the  revenue 
system  of  the  state  was  placed  before  the  voters 
in  1908,  but  failed  of  adoption.  The  proposed 
amendment  was  the  outcome  of  a movement  that 
began  in  1905  with  the  appointment  of  a special 
commission  on  taxation.  This  commission  em- 
ployed expert  assistance  and  made  a thorough 
study  of  the  subject  of  public  revenues.  Its 
work  was  placed  before  the  next  meeting  of  the 
legislature  from  which  came  the  proposed  amend- 
ment. Its  central  object  was  to  discover  new 
sources  of  revenue  for  the  state  treasury,  leaving 
the  direct  property  tax  for  the  maintenance  of 


local  government  alone.”  — Frederick  II.  Clark, 
Head  of  History  Hep't.,  LoweU,  High  School,  San 
Francisco. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Anti-Japanese  agita- 
tion. See  (inthisvol.)  Race  Prohlems:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1906.  — The  earthquake  of  April  18.  — 
Destruction  at  San  Francisco  by  fire  follow- 
ing the  shock.  — Cause  of  the  occurrence. 
See  San  Francisco  : A.  D.  1906. 

CALIPHATE,  The  Mohammedan  : The 
Turkish  Sultan’s  title  disputed.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1905. 

CAMPBELL,  H.  W.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention  : Agriculture. 

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN,  Sir  Hen- 
ry : Prime  Minister  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

Address  at  Colonial  Conference.  See  Brit- 
ish Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

Death,  April  22,  1908. 


CANADA. 


A.  D.  1896-1909.  — The  interchange  of  peo- 
ple between  Canada  and  the  United  States. 
— The  “ American  Invasion.”  — Rapid  settle- 
ment of  the  Canadian  Northwest.  — Immi- 
gration in  the  last  decade.  — “Nature  is 
healing  the  schism  of  the  race  by  her  own  slow 
but  efficacious  methods.  Hundreds  of  families 
of  the  United  Empire  stock  have  gone  back  to 
the  United  States,  in  some  instances  to  the  very 
place  of  their  origin.  Upwards  of  a million 
native  Canadians  are  now  living  in  the  States, 
the  great  majority  as  naturalised  Americans  ; 
whilst  American  farmers,  attracted  by  cheap 
land  and  good  laws,  are  entering  the  Canadian 
North-West  at  the  rate  of  50,000  a year.  The 
exodus,  as  migration  across  the  line  is  called,  is 
a heavy  drain  on  Canada;  like  an  ancient  con- 
queror, it  sweeps  away  the  flower  of  both  sexes, 
leaving  the  unfittest  to  survive.  During  the  last 
30  years  we  have  spent  $10,000,000  on  immigra- 
tion work  in  Europe,  yet  our  population  has  not 
held  its  natural  increase,  has  not,  that  is,  grown 
as  fast  as  the  population  of  an  old  and  over- 
crowded country  like  England.  The  Canadian 
lad  thinks  no  more  of  transferring  himself  to 
Buffalo  or  Chicago  than  a Scotch  youth  of  going 
up  to  London,  perhaps  not  so  much.  On  the 
other  hand,  American  tourists,  ‘drummers,’  lec- 
turers, sportsmen  and  investors  come  and  go  in 
Canada  precisely  as  if  this  were  a State  of  the 
Union.  When  we  produce  a champion  athlete, 
a clever  journalist  or  eloquent  divine,  they  annex 
him  and  advertise  him  next  day  as  a Yankee. 
Marrying  and  giving  in  marriage  is  going  on 
without  the  slightest  regard  for  the  doctrines  of 
the  Loyalists.  There  are  said  to  be  200  college 
professors  of  Canadian  birth  in  the  United  States. 
I am  acquainted  with  some  of  them,  and  in  their 
opinion,  whatever  it  may  be  worth,  Canada  can 
best  serve  herself  by  becoming  politically  inde 
pendent,  and  could  best  serve  England  by  join- 
ing the  American  Union,  where  her  presence  and 
vote  would  offset  the  Anglophobia  latent  or  active 
in  other  elements. 

“ The  influence  of  the  Canadian- Americans,  to 
say  nothing  of  that  of  the  Americans  proper,  is 


visible  on  every  side  in  English  Canada ; they 
are  constantly  visiting  the  old  home,  in  many 
cases  paying  the  interest  of  the  mortgage  on  it. 
The  French  Canadians  in  New  England  have 
taught  those  in  Quebec  that  the  priest  has  no 
business  to  interfere  unduly  in  elections,  or  to 
make  war  on  Liberalism ; that  the  Press  ought 
to  be  free,  and  theState,  not  the  Church,  supreme 
within  the  sphere  she  defines  as  her  own.  Every 
day  the  French  Canadian  papers  publish  columns 
of  correspondence  from  the  French  settlements 
in  the  factory  towns  across  the  line,  but  of 
British  affairs  editors  and  readers  know  little, 
and,  apparently,  care  less.  I mention  this  not  to 
sneer  at  the  French  Canadian  Press,  but  to  show 
those  Englishmen  who  urge  us  to  cultivate  the 
Imperialist  spirit  how  difficult  it  would  be  for 
Mrs.  Partington  to  keep  out  the  Atlantic. 

“In  English  Canada,  our  newspapers  supply 
us  with  British  news  filtered  through  American 
channels ; we  read  American  books,  are  interested 
in  American  politics,  frequent  their  watering- 
places  and  race  tracks,  imitate  their  tariffs,  play 
baseball  and  poker,  live  under  local  institutions 
fashioned  after  theirs,  think  like  them,  speak  like 
them,  eat  like  them,  dress  like  them  ; when  we 
visit  England,  we  find  ourselves  taken  for  them 
and  treated  well  in  consequence,  better  than  if 
we  confessed  ourselves  Colonials.”  — E.  Farrer, 
Canada  and  the  new  Imperialism  ( Contemporary 
Review,  Dec.,  1903). 

‘ ‘ Some  ten  years  since  there  began  to  trickle 
into  the  vast  wastes  of  the  West  the  tiny  rivulet 
of  immigration  which  has  now  become  a great 
stream.  Many  influences  have  gone  toward  widen- 
ing this  current  of  immigration,  but  the  initial 
impulse  which  set  it  in  motion  came  from  the 
courage  of  one  man.  In  1896  Clifford  Sifton,  a 
young  man,  thirty-five  years  of  age,  who  had  al- 
ready played  a considerable  rule  in  the  politics 
of  Manitoba,  became  Minister  of  the  Interior  in 
the  Dominion  Government.  He  was  equipped 
with  a genius  for  organization,  an  almost  un- 
equaled capacity  for  persistent  hard  work,  and, 
above  all,  a faith  in  the  West  which  knew  neither 
wavering  nor  questioning.  He  threw  himself 


CANADA,  1896-1909 


CANADA,  1896-1909 


with  immense  energy  into  the  task  of  advertis- 
ing the  Canadian  West  to  the  world  and  induc- 
ing immigration.  His  conception  of  the  problem 
and  its  solution  was  Napoleonic ; for  he  saw 
what  others  could  not  see  and  even  scouted  as 
absurd,  that  the  people  who  could  be  induced 
most  easily  to  lead  the  procession  into  the  vacant 
prairies  lived  in  the  adjoining  States  of  the  Amer- 
ican Union.  A new  generation  had  grown  up  in 
these  States  on  the  farms  secured  as  free  grants 
by  their  fathers  in  the  ’ 70's,  and  he  saw  that 
when  they  looked  for  lands  for  themselves  there 
would  be  none  available  at  all  comparable  with 
those  of  Western  Canada.  Therefore,  he  argued, 
to  acquaint  them  with  the  opportunities  and 
possibilities  of  the  new  land  to  the  north  would 
be  to  insure  snch  a migration  as  he  desired,  and 
if  the  stream  once  began  flowing  it  would  widen 
by  its  own  velocity.  This  was  the  great  idea 
which,  given  effect  to  by  an  organization  called 
into  being  by  first-class  executive  talent,  operating 
with  limitless  resources,  broke  forever  the  great 
silence  of  the  prairies  and  made  them  the  Mecca 
of  the  world’s  landless  folk. 

“ There  had  been  for  years  Canadian  immigra- 
tion agencies  at  various  places  in  the  United 
States,  but  they  had  been  administered  in  a spirit 
of  perfunctory  hopelessness.  These  offices  were 
reorganized ; new  ones  opened ; tens  of  thousands 
of  dollars  were  expended  in  advertising  and  in  the 
distribution  of  printed  literature  ; enterprising 
drummers  were  sent  abroad  throughout  the  W est- 
ern  States  to  preach  up  the  opportunities  of  West- 
ern Canada ; representative  farmers  were  induced 
to  take  trips  through  the  Canadian  West,  all  ex- 
penses paid  by  the  government,  — in  fact,  every- 
thing that  trained  business  talent  could  suggest 
was  done. 

“ The  result  ? In  the  first  year  of  the  new  order 
of  things  2412  Americans  came  to  Canada,  and 
thereafter  the  number  mounted  yearly.  By  1899 
the  figures  had  reached  11,945;  1901,  17,987; 
1902,  26,388;  1903,  49,473;  1904,  45,171;  1905, 
43,652;  1906,  57,919.  During  the  ten  years  end- 
ing June  30,  1906,  no  less  than  272,609  persons 
left  the  United  States  to  become  residents  of 
Western  Canada.  These  people  came  from  all 
parts  of  the  United  States.  The  government  home- 
stead records  for  1906  show  applications  from 
persons  coming  from  every  State  and  Territory 
of  the  United  States,  including  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  Alaska.  North  Dakota  led  in  the 
applications,  with  Minnesota  a close  second ; then 
came  Iowa,  Michigan,  Washington,  Wisconsin, 
Illinois,  tapering  to  two  from  Alabama  and  one 
from  Georgia.  . . . 

“It  has  given  Canada  over  a quarter  of  a mil- 
lion of  settlers  with  the  highest  average  of  effi- 
ciency. They,  almost  without  exception,  have 
sufficient  capital  to  make  a good  start,  a most 
important  consideration  in  a new  country  where 
money  is  scarce  and  dear.  Akin  to  the  Canadians 
in  race,  language,  political  and  social  customs, 
they  become  a part  of  the  community  just  as 
naturally  as  one  stream  flows  into  another  at  the 
same  level.  These  settlers  have  also  brought  with 
them  fifty  years’  experience-in  prairie  farming, 
and  by  their  example  have  enormously  affected 
agricultural  methods.  . . . 

“ More  important,  however,  was  the  advertise- 
ment which  the  ‘ American  invasion’  gave  West- 
ern Canada.  It  was  precisely  what  the  country 
needed  — indeed  there  could  have  been  no  sub- 


stitute for  it  in  effectiveness.  The  Eastern  Cana- 
dian was  rather  out  of  conceit  with  his  own  West ; 
and  if  a migratory  instinct  drove  him  onward  he 
went  to  the  United  States.  In  Great  Britain  West- 
ern Canada  could  get  no  hearing  at  all,  — her 
emigrants  went  to  Australia,  the  United  States, 
New  Zealand,  or  even  to  alien  lands  in  preference 
to  Canada.  It  is  doubtful  whether  any  possible 
exertions  by  the  Government  could  have  turned 
the  attention  of  these  people  to  Canada  had  not 
the  influx  of  Americans  to  the  prairies,  loudly 
announced  by  all  controllable  agencies  of  public- 
ity, challenged  their  attention  and  pricked  their 
national  pride.  Once  the  fact  was  driven  into 
their  consciousness  they  began  to  hold  that  if 
Western  Canada  was  good  enough  for  ‘ Yankees’ 
it  was  good  enough  for  them.  British  newspapers 
in  particular  showed  a belated  but  very  real  in- 
terest. 

“ The  result  has  been  a heavily  increasing  im- 
migration from  the  British  Isles,  until  it  now  ex- 
ceeds by  many  thousands  every  year  the  arrivals 
from  the  United  States.  For  the  ten-year  period 
specified  above  there  were  311,747  immigrants 
from  Great  Britain,  compared  with  272,609  from 
the  United  States;  with  248,250  from  ‘ other  coun- 
tries,’ chiefly  continental  Europe.  The  Scandina- 
vian, Teutonic,  and  Slavic  peoples  are  all  strongly 
represented  in  Western  Canada.  The  most  nu- 
merous non-British  people  are  the  Ruthenians, 
or  little  Russians.  In  addition  there  is  a large 
yearly  influx  of  Canadian  settlers  from  the  older 
provinces,  of  whom  there  is  no  record  excepting 
in  the  homestead  applications.  These  figures 
showed  that  out  of  41,869  applications  for  home- 
steads last  year  27  per  cent,  were  Canadians,  29 
per  cent.  Americans,  20  per  cent,  from  the  Brit- 
ish Isles,  while  the  remaining  24  per  cent,  com- 
prised persons  of  eighteen  different  nationalities. 
These  statistics  show  that  Western  Canada  is 
overwhelmingly  English-speaking.-” — John  W. 
Dafoe,  Western  Canada : Its  Resources  and  Pos- 
sibilities (American  Review  of  Reviews,  June, 
1907). 

Writing  from  Toronto,  June  24,1909,  the  regu- 
lar Correspondent  of  the  London  Times  took  the 
subject  of  Canadian  immigration,  especially  that 
from  the  United  States,  for  extended  treatment. 
Part  of  his  remarks  were  as  follows : 

“ So  long  as  the  American  States  had  free,  fer- 
tile lands,  it  was  natural  that  population  should 
flow  into  the  Republic.  America,  in  the  mind  of 
Europe,  was  the  land  of  promise  and  the  home 
of  freedom,  and  the  United  States  was  America. 
Canada  was  but  a fringe  of  inhospitable  British 
territory,  where  the  spring  came  late  and  sum- 
mer was  brief,  and  winter  was  long  and  stern. 
The  first  great  impulse  to  settlement  came  with 
the  construction  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway, 
but  an  even  more  material  factor  in  Canadian 
development  was  the  comparative  exhaustion  of 
the  free  land  of  the  Western  States  and  the  in- 
creasing reputation  of  the  Canadian  West  as  a 
wheat-growing  country.  If  the  20th  century  be- 
longs to  Canada,  as  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  has  said, 
it  is  primarily  because  the  American  Republic 
has  become  a far  less  formidable  competitor  for 
British  and  European  immigration,  and  because 
thousands  of  American  farmers  have  discovered 
that  they  can  sell  their  improved  farms  at  good 
prices  and  secure  lands  of  equal  value  in  Canada 
for  themselves  and  their  sons  with  a very  small 
investment  of  capital. 


64 


CANADA,  1896-1909 


CANADA,  1903 


“The  total  immigration  since  1901  isestimated 
at  1,200,000.  In  that  year  it  was  49,149.  It  rose 
in  1902  to  67,379.  Thence  there  was  a steady  in- 
crease until  1907,  when  the  figures  were  262,469. 
In  1908  the  total  immigration  was  between  140, 
000  and  142,000,  and  for  this  year  the  estimate 
is  200,000.  British  immigrants  began  to  come 
in  considerable  volume  in  1901,  when  there  were 
17,269  arrivals.  The  best  year  was  1907,  when  the 
number  reported  was  120,182,  as  compared  witli 
83,975  from  the  Continent  of  Europe  and  58,312 
from  the  United  States.  The  decline  in  1908  was 
chiefly  in  British  and  European  immigration. 
Between  50,000  and  55,000  came  from  across  the 
border,  which  was  a greater  number  than  came 
from  either  Britain  or  Europe.  This  year  it  is 
estimated  that  70,000  Americans  will  come  into 
the  country.  They  will  take  up  between  20,000 
and  25,000  homesteads,  and  as  it  is  considered 
that  they  bring  property  to  the  average  value 
of  $1,000  each  this  would  give  a total  new  cap- 
ital of  $70,000,000.  In  1907,  the  year  in  which 
we  had  our  greatest  volume  of  immigration, 
there  were  178,500  British  and  Americans  as  com- 
pared with  84,000  from  the  Continent  of  Europe. 
For  the  last  year  there  were  100,000  British  and 
Americans  and  not  a third  as  many  from  Eu- 
rope. 

“ It  is  apparent  that,  even  with  the  best  busi- 
ness management  the  Empire  can  apply  to  the 
direction  of  its  population,  the  American  immi- 
gration to  Canada  will  continue  to  exceed  that 
from  Great  Britain.  One  of  the  most  careful  and 
soberminded  of  our  public  men  with  whom  I 
talked  a few  days  ago,  a man  who  knows  the 
West  and  for  years  has  had  intimate  official  know- 
ledge of  the  movements  of  population  on  botli 
sides  of  the  border,  believes  that  in  the  next  ten 
or  twelve  years  five  millions  of  Americans  will 
come  into  Canada.  Upon  this  I pronounce  no 
opinion,  save  to  agree  that  the  overflow  from  the 
United  States  is  bound  to  increase  in  volume. 
Naturally  there  are  those  amongst  us  who  regard 
‘the  American  invasion’  with  uneasiness,  and 
fear  the  ultimate  effect  upon  our  institutions  and 
upon  the  relation  of  Canada  to  the  Empire.  In 
this  connexion  I can  only  say  that  for  some 
years  I have  been  at  pains  to  consult  men  from 
all  parts  of  the  West  who  should  know  the  mind 
of  these  American  settlers  and  their  general  dis- 
position towards  the  social  and  political  institu- 
tions of  the  country,  and  as  yet  I have  not  found 
a single  Western  Canadian  to  express  apprehen- 
sion. They  all  agree  that,  while  the  Americans 
have  a natural  affection  for  ‘ Old  Glory  ’ and  as 
yet  may  confuse  the  Fourth  with  the  First  of 
July,  they  pay  ready  allegiance  to  the  flag  under 
which  they  have  come  to  live,  and  very  generally 
agree  that  the  impartial  and  inflexible  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  Canada  is  in  itself  sufficient 
reason  for  the  permanence  of  the  British  alle- 
giance and  an  honest  loyalty  to  Canadian  institu- 
tions. What  may  be  hidden  in  the  womb  of  the 
future,  when  many  of  these  Americans  sit  in  the 
Legislatures  and  in  the  Federal  Parliament,  and 
become  powerful  in  moulding  public  policy,  we 
cannot  know,  but  at  least  it  is  seldom  that  the 
seeds  of  revolution  thrive  amongst  a prosperous 
agricultural  population. 

“ But  it  is  to  one  particular  phase  of  the  move- 
ment of  population  that  I desire  chiefly  to  call 
attention.  The  migration  to  the  West  has  had  a 
marked  effect  on  the  older  Canadian  provinces. 


Many  farms  in  the  long  settled  districts  have  been 
almost  deserted.  The  old  remain ; the  young  have 
gone.  The  only  compensation  is  that  the  sons 
prosper  in  the  West.” 

According  to  a despatch  from  Ottawa  in  Sep- 
tember, 1909,  “the  annual  Immigration  Report 
states  that  the  total  arrivals  in  Canada  during  the 
last  fiscal  year  were  146,908.  For  the  first  time 
in  Canadian  history  immigrants  from  the  United 
States  exceeded  those  from  the  United  Kingdom ; 
the  figures  are  respectively  59,832  and  52,901. 
The  total  immigration  during  the  13  years  which 
the  present  Government  has  been  in  office  was 
1,366,658.  American  immigrants  in  that  period 
have  brought  to  Canada  £12,000,000  in  cash  and 
effects.  Immigration  from  France  and  Belgium 
declined  last  year  and  Japanese  immigration  fell 
off  by  7,106.  Only  six  Hindus  entered  Canada, 
compared  with  2,623  in  the  previous  year ; 3,803 
immigrants  were  rejected  at  ocean  ports, of  whom 
1,748  were  deported.  The  total  deportations 
since  1902,  when  the  system  was  first  inaugurated, 
were  3,149,  of  whom  2,607  were  English.” 

Two  months  later  it  was  reported  from  Ottawa 
that  during  the  first  six  months  of  1909  “home- 
stead entries  were  made  by  27,296  bona  fide  set- 
tlers, representing  free  grants  of  Dominion  lands 
of  4,367,360  acres.  This  is  an  increase  of  939  en- 
tries and  of  150,200  acres  as  compared  with  the 
corresponding  period  of  1908.  In  September  the 
total  number  of  homestead  entries  was  2,902  ; of 
these  926  were  American, 325  English,  109  Scotch, 
54  Irish,  336  Canadians  from  Ontario,  and  83 
Canadians  from  Quebec.” 

Previously,  in  August,  it  had  been  stated  that 
“German  capitalists  have  interested  Toronto 
men  in  a big  plan  to  colonize  the  lands  of  Alberta 
and  Saskatchewan  on  a time-payment  system. 
The  scheme  includes  advances  to  settlers  for  the 
purchase  of  implements  and  for  help  in  house 
building.  The  expectation  is  that  20,000  Ger- 
mans will  avail  themselves  of  the  scheme.” 

A.  D.  1898-1903.  — German  retaliation  for 
the  tariff  discrimination  in  favor  of  British 
goods.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Tariffs. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — The  Census  of  the  Do- 
minion. — New  apportionment  of  parliament- 
ary representation.  — The  census  of  the  Do- 
minion, taken  in  1901,  showed  a total  population 
of  5,370,000,  of  which  Ontario  contained  2,182,  - 
947;  Quebec,  1,648,898;  Nova  Scotia,  459,574; 
New  Brunswick,  331,120;  Manitoba,  254,947; 
British  Columbia,  177,272 ; Prince  Edward  Is- 
land, 103,259  ; The  Northwest  Territories,  Yukon 
included,  211,649. 

The  new  distribution  of  parliamentary  repre- 
sentation, determined  this  year,  gave  the  House  of 
Commons  a total  membership  of  214,  apportioned 
as  follows;  Quebec  65  (as  guaranteed  by  the 
Confederation  Act) ; Ontario  86  ; Nova  Scotia  18  ; 
New  Brunswick  13 ; Manitoba  10 ; British  Co- 
lumbia 7 ; Northwest  Territories  10;  Prince  Ed- 
ward Island  4;  the  Yukon  1.  The  basis  was 
one  representative  for  each  2500  people.  On- 
tario lost  6 seats,  Nova  Scotia  2,  New  Bruns- 
wick and  Prince  Edward  Island  1 each  ; all  the 
other  provinces  gained,  British  Columbia  to  the 
extent  of  7 seats,  the  Northwest  Territories  4, 
and  Manitoba  3. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Colonial  Conference  at  Lon- 
don. See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Discovery  of  the  cobalt  sil- 
ver mines  in  Ontario.  — Ore  bodies  carrying 

65 


CANADA,  1903 


CANADA,  1903-1905 


values  in  silver,  cobalt,  nickel,  and  arsenic  were 
discovered  in  1903,  during  the  building  of  the 
Temiskaming  and  North  Ontario  Railway  near 
the  town  of  Haileybury,  at  a distance  of  about 
103  miles  from  North  Bay.  The  railway  line 
ran  over  the  most  important  vein  that  has  been 
found,  and  signs  of  the  latter  were  noticed  in  the 
spring  of  the  year  named.  Prospecting  was  be- 

un  in  the  fall  with  quick  results  of  important 

iscovery,  and  the  rapid  attraction  of  a large 
mining  population  to  what  has  become  famous 
as  the  Cobalt  District.  The  production  of  sil- 
ver in  the  district  increased  from  $111,887  in 
1904  to  89,500,000  in  1908.  The  ores  are  said 
to  be  unique  among  those  of  North  America. 
— lOt A Annual  Report  of  Ontario  Bureau  of 
Mines. 

A.  D.  1903  (May).  — Adoption  of  “ Empire 
Day”  in  Great  Britain.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England  : A.  D.  1903  (May). 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Settlement  of  the  Alas- 
kan boundary  question.  See  Alaska:  A.  D. 
1903. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Measures  to  establish 
sovereignty  over  land  and  sea  of  Hudson  Bay 
region.  — ‘‘The  agreement  by  Britain  and 
America  to  arbitrate  at  The  Hague  the  New- 
foundland Fishery  Question  will  probably  pave 
the  way  for  a similar  solution  of  another  en- 
tanglement, as  threatening  and  complicated  as 
that  respecting  the  Alaskan  Boundary,  appar- 
ently now  imminent  between  Canada  and  the 
United  States  over  the  sovereignty  of  Hudson 
Bay.  This  has  a special  relation  to  the  New- 
foundland problem,  being  also  based  on  the 
treaty  of  1818.  The  Canadian  Government  in 
August,  1903,  despatched  the  Newfoundland 
sealing  steamer  ‘ Neptune’  (one  of  the  type  of 
wood-built  ships  suited  for  the  work)  to  the  re- 
gion, with  an  official  expedition  whose  three-fold 
object  was : (1)  to  reassert  British  sovereignty 
over  all  the  land  and  seas  there  ; (2)  to  expel  or 
subject  to  Canadian  authority  the  United  States 
whalers  who  fish  there,  illegally,  it  is  held  ; and 
(3)  to  secure  further  data  tending  to  determine 
the  navigability  of  the  waters  for  an  ocean  grain 
route  and  justify  subsidising  or  discouraging 
the  construction  of  railways  from  the  north-west 
to  the  shores  of  Hudson  Bay. 

“ In  the  summer  of  1904,  in  anticipation  of  the 
‘Neptune’s’  return,  the  Canadian  Government 
purchased  from  Germany  the  Antarctic  explor- 
ing steamer  ‘Gauss,’  re-named  her  the  ‘Arctic,’ 
and  sent  her  to  Hudson  Bay  as  an  official  cruiser, 
she  conveying  also  Major  Moodie,  of  the  North- 
West  Mounted  Police,  who  was  commissioned 
as  ‘ Governor  of  Hudson  Bay  ’ and  was  accom- 
panied by  a body  of  that  famous  force,  to  assist 
him  in  the  administration  of  this  extensive  pro- 
vince, they  tobuild  posts  there  and  establish  them- 
selves at  the  most  important  points.  . . . The 
undisguised  purpose  of  the  Dominion  is  to  take 
all  possible  steps  to  prevent  the  United  States 
from  securing  any  advantage,  territorial  or  diplo 
matic,  which  would  enable  her  to  put  forward 
pretensions  such  as  have  been  advanced  by  her 
with  respect  to  the  Alaskan  Boundary. 

“ The  similarity  of  this  question  to  that  of  the 
Alaskan  Boundary  is  quite  striking.  Geograph- 
ically, the  Hudson  Bay  region  is  to  the  North- 
eastern portion  of  the  continent  what  Alaska  is 
to  the  North- western.  In  the  variety  and  value 
of  natural  resources  both  have  much  in  common. 


The  development  of  the  Hudson  Bay  region, 
while  not  as  advanced  as  that  of  Alaska,  seems 
destined  to  be  much  accelerated  in  the  near  fu- 
ture in  every  department  of  industrial  endeav- 
our. The  United  States  whalers,  voyaging  from 
New  Bedford  into  Hudson  Bay,  and  from  San 
Francisco  into  Alaskan  seas,  penetrate  to  the 
very  confines  of  the  Arctic  zone  itself.  To  pro- 
ceed against  them  now,  after  their  having  en- 
joyed for  over  seventy  years  an  unrestricted  ac- 
cess to  Hudson  Bay,  whether  entitled  thereto  or 
not,  is  a step  which  may  provoke  a repetition  of 
the  difficulties  which  were  recently  experienced 
over  the  Alaskan  Boundary.  . . . 

“ [Canada]  contends  that  from  the  entrance  to 
Hudson  Strait,  which  she  says  is  in  a line  drawn 
from  Cape  Chidley,  the  northern  projection  of 
Labrador,  to  Resolution  Island,  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  Baffin  Land,  all  the  waters  and  lands 
to  the  west,  including  the  numerous  islands  of 
Arctic  America,  are  her  exclusive  possession. 
She  bases  this  contention  on  the  following 
grounds: — 

‘‘1.  Discovery  (the  waters,  coastline  and  hin- 
terland having  been  discovered  and  charted  by 
British  explorers). 

‘‘2.  Occupation  (the  region  having  been  occu- 
pied only  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company). 

“3.  Treaty  cession  (the  British  rights  to  the 
region  having  beeu  admitted  by  the  French  in 
1713). 

“4.  Acquiescence  (the  United  States  having 
acknowledged  the  Hudson  Bay  Company’s  rights 
in  1818). 

‘‘5.  Purchase  (Canada  having  bought  out  the 
Company  iu  1870). 

“ But  Americans  are  indisposed  to  acquiesce 
in  any  such  conclusion  as  regards  the  waters  of 
the  Bay.  They  contend  that  the  British  had 
originally  no  rights  beyond  the  three-mile  limit, 
that  the  French  in  i713  could  cede  them  no 
more,  and  that  the  American  concurrence  in  1818 
could  apply  only  to  the  same  territorial  waters. 
In  other  words,  they  question  the  right  of  the 
British  Monarch  to  grant  such  a Charter  as  he 
did,  and  it  may  be  observed  here  that  the  same 
point  has  frequently  been  made  in  England  also 
iu  the  past  by  opponents  of  the  Company  and 
by  legal  critics.”  — P.  T.  McGrath,  The  Hudson 
Bay  Dispute  ( Fortnightly  Review,  Jan.,  1908). 

A.  D.  1903-1905.  — Attitude  of  the  Cana- 
dian Manufacturers’  Association  toward 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  on  the 
Tariff  question. — ‘‘The  attitude  of  the  Cana- 
dian Manufacturers’  Association  toward  both 
the  United  States  and  Britain  has  been  very  fre- 
quently misrepresented  by  opponents  of  tariff 
reform  in  Canada  and  England.  . . . The  views 
of  the  Association  were  clearly  set  forth  in  the 
recommendations  made  by  the  Tariff  Committee 
at  the  annual  meeting  in  September,  1903,  and 
adopted  by  the  Association  after  full  discussion. 
The  attendance  was  very  large,  and  the  meeting 
was  practically  unanimous,  only  one  member 
dissenting.  The  resolutions  were  as  follows  : 

‘‘‘(1)  That  we  reaffirm  the  tariff  resolution 
passed  at  the  last  annual  meeting  in  Halifax, 
as  follows:  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of 
this  Association,  the  changed  conditions  which 
now  obtain  in  Canada  demand  the  immediate 
and  thorough  revision  of  the  tariff,  upon  lines 
which  will  more  effectually  transfer  to  the  work- 
shops of  our  Dominion  the  manufacture  of 


CANADA,  1903-1909 


CANADA,  1905 


many  of  the  goods  which  we  now  import  from 
other  countries  ; that,  in  any  such  revision,  the 
interests  of  all  sections  of  the  community, 
whether  of  agriculture,  mining,  fishing,  or  man- 
ufacturing, should  be  fully  considered,  with  a 
view,  not  only  to  the  preservation,  but  to  the 
further  development,  of  all  these  great  natural 
industries;  that,  while  such  a tariff  should  pri- 
marily be  framed  for  Canadian  interests,  it 
should  nevertheless  give  a substantial  prefer- 
ence to  the  Mother  Country,  and  also  to  any 
other  part  of  the  British  Empire  with  which 
reciprocal  preferential  trade  can  be  arranged, 
recognizing  always  that  under  any  conditions 
the  minimum  tariff  must  afford  adequate  protec- 
tion to  all  Canadian  producers.  (2)  That,  except 
in  very  special  cases,  we  are  opposed  to  the 
granting  of  bounties  in  Canada  as  a substitute 
for  a policy  of  reasonable  and  permanent  protec- 
tion. (3)  That  we  are  strongly  opposed  to  any 
reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United  States  affect- 
ing the  manufacturing  industries  of  Canada. 
(4)  W e recommend  that  the  Dominion  Govern- 
ment establish  in  Canada  a permanent  tariff 
commission  of  experts,  who  shall  have  constant 
supervision  of  tariff  policy  and  changes,  and 
shall  follow  closely  the  workings  of  the  Canadian 
tariff  with  a view  to  making  such  recommenda- 
tions to  the  Government  as  will  best  conserve 
and  advance  the  interests  of  the  Dominion.’ 

“These  resolutions  were  reaffirmed  at  the  an- 
nual conventions  in  1904  and  1905,  meeting  with 
no  opposition.”  — Watson  Griffin,  Canadian 
Manufacturers'  Tariff  Campaign  (North  Amer- 
ican Review,  Aug.,  1906). 

A.  D.  1903-1909.  — New  transcontinental 
railway  project.  — The  Grand  Trunk  Pa- 
cific. — “ Theprojectfor  anew  transcontinental 
railway  made  the  year  1903  industrially  signifi- 
cant. The  scheme  when  finally  presented  to 
Parliament  by  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  on  July 
31st,  provided  for  the  building  of  a new  line 
from  Moncton,  New  Brunswick,  through  Quebec 
to  Winnipeg  and  the  Pacific  Coast  at  a terminus 
then  not  fixed,  but  now  known  to  be  Prince 
Rupert.  The  road  is  to  be  divided  into  two 
parts’;  the  Eastern  from  Moncton  to  Winnipeg, 
which  is  to  be  built  by  the  Government,  and  the 
Western  from  Winnipeg  to  Prince  Rupert,  to  be 
built  by  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway  Com- 
pany. Provision  was  made  for  • a lease  of  the 
Eastern  section  by  the  company  and  its  purchase 
after  fifty  years.  This  company  is  practically 
the  same  as  the  Grand  Trunk  Railway  Company. 
Sir  Wilfrid  estimated  the  cost  at  $13,000, 000. 
There  were  provisions  for  Government  assist- 
ance in  the  guaranteeing  of  the  bonds  of  the 
new  company.”  — F.  B.  Tracy,  Tercentenary 
History  of  Canada,  v.  3,  p.  1034  ( Macmillan 
Co.,  N.  Y.,  1908). 

At  the  half  yearly  meeting  of  the  Grand 
Trunk  Company  in  London,  Oct.  21,  1909,  the 
President,  Sir  C.  Rivers  Wilson,  who  had  re- 
cently returned  from  Canada,  spoke  of  the  pre- 
sent state  and  prospects  of  the  transcontinental 
line,  partly  as  follows:  “They  were,  he  re 
marked,  under  an  obligation  to  complete  their 
road  through  to  Prince  Rupert  by  December  1, 
1911,  but,  owing  to  the  want  of  labour,  he  feared 
there  was  very  little  chance  of  their  succeeding 
in  doing  so.  . . . They  had  built  through  to 
Winnipeg  on  the  one  hand  and  to  Lake  Superior 
on  the  other,  but  there  remained  an  unfortunate 


link  of  245  miles  to  complete  their  junction 
with  Lake  Superior.  . . . After  what  had  hap- 
pened he  was  very  chary  of  making  any  predic- 
tion, but  he  should  think  that,  after  all  that  had 
taken  place,  and  after  the  great  pressure  which 
was  now  being  put  on  the  contractors,  the  road 
would  be  finished  by  next  summer.  Their  great 
object,  of  course,  was  to  link  up  the  west  with 
their  eastern  system.  That  would  be  done 
during  the  summer  by  the  road  coming  down  to 
Lake  Superior,  which  would  enable  them  to 
communicate  by  water  with  their  Georgian  Bay 
port,  and  during  the  winter,  when  navigation 
was  closed,  by  way  of  land  north  of  Lake  Su- 
perior by  the  line  the  Government  was  to  build 
to  a place  called  Cochrane,  about  540  miles  dis- 
tant, where  they  would  obtain  communication 
with  North  Bay  and  put  themselves  in  contact 
with  their  own  Ontario  road.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — General  Election.  — Continu- 
ance of  the  Laurier  Ministry.  — The  Earl  of 
Minto  succeeded  as  Governor-General  by 
Earl  Grey.  — The  general  election  in  1904  re- 
sulted in  a parliamentary  majority  of  64  for  the 
Liberals,  thus  firmly  reseating  the  Laurier  Minis- 
try. The  Conservatives  carried  Ontario,  but  were 
beaten  heavily  in  the  Maritime  Provinces,  in 
Quebec,  and  in  the  West.  The  general  prosperity 
of  the  country  gave  a backing  to  the  Liberals 
which  no  political  criticism  could  overcome. 

The  Earl  of  Minto  was  succeeded  as  Governor- 
General,  in  1904,  by  Earl  Grey,  grandson  of  the 
Earl  Grey  who,  as  Prime  Minister  of  England  in 
1832,  carried  through  the  first  Reform  of  Parlia- 
ment, extinguishing  the  “rotten  boroughs,” 
transferring  political  power  from  the  land-own- 
ing aristocracy  to  the  middle  class  of  English 
people,  and  beginning  the  democratizing  of  gov- 
ernment, :which  two  later  reforms  have  made 
nearly  complete.  “ There  can  be  no  doubt,” 
said  a Canadian  correspondent  of  one  of  the  Lon- 
don journals  lately,  “that  the  present  Governor- 
General  is  more  widely  popular  in  Canada  than 
any  of  his  predecessors  in  that  high  office  were, 
or  could  have  been.  Happy  in  his  personality, 
happier  still  in  his  opportunities,  he  is  known 
and  liked  by  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  Canadians 
in  every  part  of  the  country  ; whereas  more  than 
one  of  those  who  have  represented  the  Sovereign 
there  since  the  creation  of  the  Canadian  Confed- 
eracy were  regarded  as  august  functionaries 
forming  the  ‘ dignified  part  ’ of  the  constitutional 
mechanism  (to  use  Bagehot’s  phrase),  and  as 
sedulously  avoiding  close  contact  with  the  peo- 
ple at  large.” 

Within  the  past  year  it  has  been  announced 
officially  from  Ottawa  that  Lord  Grey  will  fill 
out  his  full  period  of  six  years  in  the  office  of 
Governor-General,  expiring  in  December,  1910. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Creation  of  the  Board  of  Rail- 
way Commissioners.  — Its  large  regulative 
powers.  See  (in  thisvol.)  Railways:  Canada. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Race  problems.  — Re- 
striction of  Chinese  Immigration.  — Labor 
hostility.  — Riotous  attacks  on  Japanese, 
Chinese,  and  Hindu  laborers.  See  Race  Prob 
lems:  Canada. 

A.  D.  1905.  — New  Provinces  created. — 
Alberta  and  Saskatchewan.  — Revival  of  the 
Separate  School  controversy.  — The  compro- 
mise settlement.  — By  Bills  brought  into  the  Do- 
minion Parliament  by  the  Premier,  Sir  Wilfrid 
Laurier,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1905,  and  sub- 


CANADA,  1905 


CANADA,  1906-1907 


sequently  passed,  the  four  Northwest  Territories 
ceded  to  the  Dominion  by  Great  Britain  in  1870 
(see,  in  Volume  IV.  of  this  work,  Northwest 
Territories  of  Canada),  were  reorganized  as 
two  provinces,  and  admitted  to  membership  in 
the  Canadian  Federal  Union,  bearing  the  names  of 
Alberta  and  Saskatchewan,  with  Edmonton  for 
the  capital  of  the  former  and  Regina  for  the  lat- 
ter. Saskatchewan  includes  the  territories  of 
Saskatchewan,  Assiniboia,  and  one-half  of  Atha- 
basca, and  Alberta  the  territory  of  Alberta  and 
the  remainder  of  Athabasca.  The  entire  area  of 
the  two  provinces  is  550,345  square  miles,  and  it 
extends  from  Manitoba  west  to  the  110th  meri- 
dian, and  from  the  United  States  boundary  to  60 
north  latitude.  The  population  of  each  province 
was  reckoned  at  250,000,  and  was  rapidly  in- 
creasing. The  Dominion  Government  retains 
control  of  the  public  lands.  Each  of  the  new 
provinces  received  at  the  beginning  five  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Dominion  House  of  Commons 
and  four  in  the  Senate.  A single  Legislative 
Chamber  of  twenty-five  members  was  provided 
for  each ; each  has  a Lieutenant-Governor,  with 
a Cabinet  of  responsible  Ministers.  The  Dominion 
Treasury  contributes  $250,000  yearly  to  the  rev- 
enue of  each. 

A provision  in  these  bills  for  conceding  sepa- 
rate schools  to  religious  minorities  revived  the 
controversy  which  raged  in  Canada  for  many 
years,  after  the  Province  of  Manitoba,  in  1890, 
had  abolished  denominational  schools  and  estab 
lished  a free,  compulsory,  unsectarian  school 
system  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1890-1896,  and  A.  D,  1898  (Jan 
uary).  The  Government  was  forced  to  amend 
the  provision,  devising  a compromise  which  can- 
not be  said  to  have  satisfied  either  party  to  the 
dispute,  but  which  saved  the  Government  from 
a probable  defeat.  This  affords  a half  hour  of 
religious  teaching,  by  denominational  teachers, 
at  the  end  of  school  hours,  the  denominational 
character  of  the  instruction  determined  by  the 
majority  in  attendance,  and  its  reception  to  be 
optional.  As  explained  at  the  time  by  a writer 
in  The  Outlook,  the  working  of  the  system  is  as 
follows.  “ The  half-hour  is  the  only  noteworthy 
feature  of  the  separate  schools.  They  are  liable 
for  no  other  school  taxation  than  that  which  is 
Decessary  to  support  those  schools.  In  all  other 
respects,  in  every  detail  of  government  control 
and  oversight,  they  are  exactly  like  the  schools 
of  the  majority.  From  nine  o’clock  in  the  morn- 
ing until  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  the  order 
of  lessons  is  the  same  for  all  ; so  are  the  text- 
books, the  standards  of  efficiency,  and  the  quali- 
fications of  the  teachers.  There  cannot  be  any  con- 
trol of  the  school  by  any  clerical  or  sectarian  body. 
There  cannot  be  any  sectarian  teaching  between 
nine  o’clock  in  the  morning  and  three  o’clock  in 
the  afternoon.  The  Normal  schools  of  the  new 
provinces  will  give  a uniform  normal  training 
for  all  teachers,  and  there  will  be  uniform  cur- 
ricula and  courses  of  study  for  all  schools  of 
the  same  grade.  There  will  be  complete  and 
absolute  control  of  all  schools  as  to  their  govern 
ment  and  conduct  by  the  central  school  authority 
created  by  the  new  provincial  Legislature.  The 
distribution  of  the  legislative  grant  to  all  schools 
will  be  according  to  educational  efficiency,  a wise 
provision  which  did  not  apply  to  separate  schools 
of  the  old  type.  To  recapitulate,  all  the  schools 
are  alike,  except  that  where  the  trustees  are 


Protestant  there  is  Protestant  religious  teaching 
from  half-past  three  to  four,  and  where  the 
trustees  are  Roman  Catholic  there  is  Roman  Cath- 
olic teaching  during  the  half-hour.  That  is  the 
only  distinction,  and  neither  Protestant  nor  Ro- 
man Catholic  children,  when  they  are  in  the  mi- 
nority, need  remain  to  hear  any  religious  teaching 
against  their  parents’  wishes.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Dominion  Forest  Reserves 
Act.  See  (in  thisvol.)  Conservation  of  Natu- 
ral Resources. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Passage  of  the  “ Lord’s  Day 
Act.”  See  Sunday  Observance. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Prisons  and  Reformatory 
Act.  See  Children,  under  the  Law  : As 
Offenders. 

A.  D.  1906  (May). — Departure  of  the  last 
British  garrison.  — On  the  1st  of  May,  1906, 
the  last  British  garrison  in  the  Dominion  was 
withdrawn  from  Esquimault,  in  British  Colum- 
bia, under  an  arrangement  which  leaves  the  Ca- 
nadian Government  in  undivided  control  of  all 
military  posts. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Political  experiments  in 
Ontario.  — Broadening  the  functions  of  gov- 
ernment. — The  Canadians  of  their  Middle  W est, 
who  used  to  be  the  most  conservative  of  Britons, 
have  manifested  lately  a new  spirit,  wafted,  per- 
haps, from  adventuresome  New  Zealand,  and  are 
trying  governmental  experiments  that  would 
stagger  Oklahoma, — trying  them,  too,  with  what 
looks  like  success. 

For  the  development  of  the  rich  cobalt  and 
silver  mining  region  on  its  eastern  border,  and 
for  the  encouragement  of  colonization  farther 
northward  on  the  same  border,  the  Ontario  Gov- 
ernment has  not  hesitated  to  construct  and  own 
and  operate  officially  an  important  line  of  rail- 
way, the  Temiskaming  and  Northern  Ontario, 
which  is  reported  to  have  been  profitable  from 
the  start.  The  road  may  possibly  be  extended  to 
James  Bay,  the  southward  projection  of  Hudson 
Bay. 

The  progressive  government  of  Ontario  has 
also  undertaken  to  work  for  its  own  benefit  the 
mines  in  a large  lately  opened  block  of  the  Co- 
balt mining  territory,  covering  about  100  square 
miles.  In  somewhat  the  same  line  of  economic 
policy,  it  determined  in  1906  to  control  the  de- 
velopment and  transmission  of  electric  power  at 
and  from  Niagara  Falls,  and  accomplished  its 
purpose  by  a contract  with  the  Ontario  Power 
Company,  which  secures  power  to  municipalities 
in  Ontario  at  an  extremely  reasonable  rate. 

This  adventurous  policy  in  economic  directions 
is  less  surprising,  however,  than  an  absolutely 
novel  experiment  in  the  officializing  of  political 
parties,  asagenciesinrepresentative  government, 
which  has  been  put  on  trial  in  Ontario  during 
two  parliamentary  sessions.  For  the  first  time 
in  constitutional  history,  the  opposition  leader 
in  a legislature  has  been  made  a recognized 
functionary  and  salaried  by  the  Government  to 
the  extent  of  $7,000  a year.  Theoretically,  the 
importance  of  an  effectively  critical  opposition 
to  the  majority  party  in  a legislature  is  always 
acknowledged.  Is  there  not  good  sense,  then, 
theoretically  at  least,  in  a policy  of  government 
which  aims  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  that  criti- 
cism and  give  it  a responsible  character,  in  the 
mode  which  the  Ontarians  are  trying  ? 

After  between  two  and  three  years  trial  of  this 
last  named  experiment,  with  a salaried  leader  of 

68 


CANADA,  1007-1909 


CANADA,  1908 


the  Opposition,  the  Toronto  correspondent  of  the 
London  Times  wrote,  in  June,  1909,  to  that  paper 
as  follows:  “ This  is  an  experiment  in  Parlia- 
mentary government  which  has  not  been  at- 
tempted elsewhere.  It  has  both  advantages  and 
disadvantages.  There  are  few  men  of  wealth  or 
leisure  in  Canadian  public  life,  and  generally  a 
private  party  fund  has  been  provided  for  the 
support  of  the  leader  of  the  Opposition.  The 
charge  was  commonly  made  that  as  this  fund  was 
likely  to  be  provided  by  the  few  wealthy  men  of 
the  party  they  would  exact  compensation  in  the 
form  of  official  appointment  or  legislative  favour 
when  the  Opposition  leader  became  the  head  of 
the  Government.  It  was  decided,  therefore,  to 
give  a salary,  equal  to  the  emoluments  of  a 
Minister  of  the  Crown,  to  the  leader  of  the  Oppo- 
sition. Mr.  Borden  [leader  of  the  Opposition  in 
Ontario  for  some  time  past]  sanctioned  this  legis- 
lation and  accepted  the  remuneration  provided. 
It  was  argued  that  he  thus  became  a pensioner 
on  the  Government,  and  that  a servile  considera- 
tion for  his  salary  would  affect  his  independence 
and  restrain  his  criticism  of  the  paymasters  on 
the  Treasury  benches.  Mr.  Borden,  while  dis- 
posed more  than  once  to  relinquish  the  salary, 
felt  that  this  criticism  was  unjust,  and,  knowing 
the  grave  financial  distresses  which  some  of  his 
predecessors  had  experienced,  waited  patiently 
for  the  attack  to  exhaust  itself  and  for  opportu- 
nity to  prove  that  he  was  not  a dependent  of 
the  Treasury.  At  length  his  course  seems  to 
be  justified,  and  the  appropriation  of  a salary 
for  the  leader  of  the  Opposition  seems  likely 
to  become  a settled  feature  of  the  Canadian 
Parliamentary  system.  The  real  test  will  come, 
however,  if  the  system  of  Parliamentary  groups 
should  ever  replace  the  established  two-party 
system  in  Canada.  But  for  the  time  the  experi- 
ment has  been  justified,  and  under  the  conditions 
which  so  often  obtain  in  Canada  it  may  even  be 
said  that  the  official  salary  enhances  the  inde- 
pendence and  dignity  of  the  Opposition  leader 
in  Parliament.” 

A.  D.  1906-1908.  — The  Canada  Temper- 
ance Act.  See  Alcohol  Problem  : Canada. 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  founding  of  Macdonald 
College.  See  Education  : Canada  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907  (March). — The  “Industrial 
Disputes  Investigation  Act,”  to  aid  in  the 
prevention  and  settlement  of  Strikes  and 
Lockouts.  See  Labor  Organization  : Canada: 
A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1907  (April-May). — Imperial  Confer- 
ence at  London.  See  British  E.mpire  : A.  D. 
1907. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Convention  respecting 
commercial  relations  with  France  and  its 
amendment.  — A Convention  which  greatly 
liberalized  the  tariff  regulations  affecting  trade 
between  Canada  and  France  was  concluded  be- 
tween the  British  and  French  Governments  and 
signed  at  Paris  on  the  19th  of  September,  1907. 
It  gave  “ the  benefit  of  the  minimum  tariff  and 
of  the  lowest  rates  of  customs  duty  applicable  to 
like  products  of  other  foreign  origin,”  recipro- 
cally, in  each  country  to  certain  enumerated 
products  of  the  other  ; with  mutual  pledges  that 
every  reduction  granted  by  either  to  any  foreign 
country  should  apply  to  similar  products  of  the 
other. 

In  January,  1909,  an  amended  Convention  was 
negotiated  which  liberalized  still  further  this 


commercial  agreement,  enlarging  the  schedules 
of  favored  products,  especially  the  agricultural 
schedules,  giving  important  advantages  to  Can- 
ada in  the  French  market.  The  amended  Con- 
vention was  ratified  in  France  on  the  13th  of 
July,  and  in  Canada  early  in  December. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Child  Labor  legislation.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Children,  under  the  Law  : As. 
Workers. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Governmental  undertaking  of 
a railway  to  Hudson  Bay.  See  Railways: 
Canada  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Convention  for  the 
preservation  and  propagation  of  Food  Fishes 
in  waters  contiguous  to  the  United  States 
and  Canada.  See  Food  Fishes. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  respecting  the 
demarcation  of  the  International  Boundary 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada.  — A 
Treaty  “ providing  for  the  more  complete  defini- 
tion and  demarcation  of  the  international  bound- 
ary between  the  United  States  and  the  Dominion 
of  Canada,”  negotiated  by  Ambassador  Bryce 
and  Secretary  Root,  appointed  Plenipotentiaries 
of  the  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  respectively,  was  signed  at  Wash- 
ington on  the  4th  of  June,  1908.  The  Treaty 
provides  for  parcelling  the  boundary  line  in  eight 
sections,  for  the  determination  in  each  of  which 
each  Government  “ shall  appoint,  without  delay, 
an  expert  geographer  or  surveyor  to  serve  as 
Commissioner.”  Its  first  article  prescribes  with 
minuteness  the  procedure  to  be  followed  and  the 
consideration  to  be  given  to  former  surveys  and 
determinations  of  the  boundary  line  “ in  the 
waters  of  Passamaquoddy  Bay  from  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Croix  River  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy.” 
The  second  article  defines  similarly  the  task  ap- 
pointed to  the  Commissioners  who  shall  deter- 
mine the  ‘‘line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the 
River  St.  Croix  from  its  mouth  in  the  Bay  of 
Fundy  to  its  source.  ” The  third  article  instructs 
the  Commissioners  who  shall  fix  the  line  from 
the  source  of  the  St.  Croix  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  fourth  deals  in  like  manner  with  the  next 
section  of  the  line,  from  “ the  point  of  its  inter- 
section with  the  St.  Lawrence  River  near  the 
forty-fifth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  deter- 
mined under  articles  I.  and  VI.  of  the  Treaty  of 
August  9,  1842,  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  and  thence  through  the  Great 
Lakes  and  communicating  waterways  to  the 
mouth  of  Pigeon  River,  at  the  western  shore  of 
Lake  Superior.”  The  fifth  pursues  the  line  from 
“ the  mouth  of  Pigeon  River  to  the  northwestern - 
most  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods.”  The 
sixth  traces  the  work  to  be  done  on  the  line  from 
that  point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  seventh  re- 
lates to  the  section  of  boundary  “along  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  from  the 
summit  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  westward  to  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Georgia,  as  defined 
in  article  I.  of  the  Treaty  of  June  15,  1846,  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  and  as 
marked  by  monuments  along  its  course,”  — for 
the  renewing  and  completing  of  which  monu- 
ments commissioners  were  appointed  by  con- 
current action  of  the  two  Governments  in  1902 
and  1903.  The  eighth  article  has  to  do  with  the 
western  terminal  section  of  the  task,  carrying 
the  boundary  line  “ from  the  forty-ninth  parallel 
of  north  latitude  along  the  middle  of  the  channel 

69 


CANADA,  1908 


CANADA,  1909 


•which  separates  Vancouver’s  Island  from  the 
mainland  and  the  Haro  Channel  and  of  Fuca’s 
Straits  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  as  defined  in  article 
I.  of  the  Treaty  of  June  15, 1846,  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  as  determined 
by  the  award  made  on  October  21,  1872,  by  the 
Emperor  of  Germany  as  arbitrator. 

In  articles  one  and  two  there  are  provisions  for 
the  arbitration  of  disagreements;  and  the  con- 
cluding article  contains  the  following  : 

“ If  a dispute  or  difference  should  arise  about 
the  location  or  demarcation  of  any  portion  of 
the  boundary  covered  by  the  provisions  of  this 
Treaty  and  an  agreement  with  respect  thereto  is 
not  reached  by  the  Commissioners  charged  herein 
with  locating  and  marking  such  portion  of  the 
line,  they  shall  make  a report  in  writing  jointly 
to  both  Governments,  or  severally  each  to  his  own 
Government,  setting  out  fully  the  questions  in 
dispute  and  the  differences  between  them,  but 
such  Commissioners  shall,  nevertheless,  proceed 
to  carry  on  and  complete  as  far  as  possible  the 
work  herein  assigned  to  them  with  respect  to  the 
remaining  portions  of  the  line. 

“ In  case  of  such  a disagreement  between  the 
Commissioners,  the  two  Governments  shall  en- 
deavor to  agree  upon  an  adjustment  of  the 
questions  in  dispute,  and  if  an  agreement  is 
reached  between  the  two  Governments  it  shall  be 
reduced  to  writing  in  the  form  of  a protocol,  and 
shall  be  communicated  to  the  said  Commission- 
ers, who  shall  proceed  to  lay  down  and  mark  the 
boundary  in  accordance  therewith,  and  as  herein 
provided,  but  without  prejudice  to  the  special 
provisions  contained  in  Articles  I and  II  regard- 
ing arbitration. 

“It  is  understood  that  under  the  foregoing 
articles  the  same  persons  will  be  appointed  to 
carry  out  the  delimitation  of  boundaries  in  the 
several  sections  aforesaid,  other  than  the  section 
covered  by  Article  IV,  unless  either  of  the  Con- 
tracting Powers  finds  it  expedient  for  some 
reason  which  it  may  think  sufficient  to  appoint 
some  other  person  to  be  Commissioner  for  any 
one  of  the  above-mentioned  sections.” 

A.  D.  1908  (July).  — Tercentenary  Cele- 
bration of  the  Founding  of  Quebec.  — The 
three  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  founding  of 
Quebec  by  Champlain  was  celebrated  at  that 
city  in  July,  1908,  with  remarkable  spirit  and 
success.  The  Government  of  the  Dominion  took 
an  active  and  important  part  in  the  preparations, 
nationalizing  the  battle-field  of  Wolfe’s  victory 
over  Montcalm,  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  and 
converting  it  into  a park,  where  the  principal 
pageants  and  ceremonies  of  the  occasion  were 
performed.  The  Imperial  Government  interested 
itself  warmly  in  the  undertaking,  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  Lord  Roberts,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and 
other  distinguished  personages  from  Great  Brit- 
ain coming  as  guests  of  the  festivity  and  to  bear  a 
part.  Living  descendants  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm 
were  also  invited  guests,  and  the  Governments 
of  France  and  the  United  States  were  officially 
represented.  Battleships  from  the  fleets  of  these 
nations  and  from  Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  Japan 
and  the  Argentine  Republic  were  brought  to  a 
friendly  concourse  in  the  harbor  of  Quebec,  for 
participation  in  the  brilliant  spectacles  of  the 
fete.  These  included  a military  representation 
of  the  armies  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  on  the 
field  where  they  fought ; a representation  of  the 
landing  of  Champlain,  from  a ship  which  dupli- 


cated the  structure  and  equipment  of  his  own, 
and  a number  of  other  historical  pageants,  all 
admirably  planned  and  executed,  and  offering  a 
rare  entertainment  to  the  many  thousands  of  vis- 
itors who  were  attracted  to  Quebec  from  all  parts 
of  the  Dominion  and  the  United  States. 

The  celebration  began  on  the  19th  of  July  and 
continued  through  two  weeks. 

A.  D.  1908  (Sept.).  — Act  to  amend  Civil 
Service  Act.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Civil  Service 
Reform:  Canada. 

A.  D.  1909.—  The  projected  Georgian  Bay 
Canal. — Present  state  of  the  project. — 

“The  scheme  for  a canal  to  give  through  trans- 
port for  ocean-going  steamers  from  Montreal  to 
the  Great  Lakes  may  now  be  said  to  have  emerged 
from  the  field  of  idealism  into  that  of  practical 
politics,  the  need  for  such  a waterway  having 
been  generally  recognized  by  Canadian  politi- 
cians. In  commercial  circles  there  is  the  strong- 
est feeling  that  the  canal  works  should  be  put 
in  hand  at  once,  and  at  the  end  of  April  last  a 
powerful  deputation  representing  20  Canadian 
Boards  of  Trade  and  54  municipalities  pressed 
this  point  of  view  upon  the  Government.  At  the 
present  time  questions  of  finance  alone  prohibit 
the  practical  adoption  of  the  enterprise.  . . . 
When  the  work  is  started,  it  will  probably  be 
found  that  the  contract  will  be  entrusted  to  pri- 
vate enterprise  under  Government  supervision. 

. . . The  present  position  of  the  negotiations 
between  the  Government  and  the  canal  company 
is  that  the  latter  corporation  having  matured  its 
scheme,  the  Government  engineers  have  made  a 
report,  and  a compromise  has  now  to  be  effected 
on  those  points  where  the  recommendations  of 
the  Government  engineers  differ  from  the  scheme 
of  construction  drawn  up  by  the  Georgian  Bay 
Canal  Company. 

‘ ‘ The  total  distance  of  the  route  planned  by 
the  canal  company  engineers  between  Georgian 
Bay  on  Lake  Huron  to  Montreal,  the  head  of 
ocean  navigation  on  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  is 
440  miles.  The  project  is  essentially  a river  and 
lake  canalization  scheme,  and  for  the  greater 
part  of  its  course  the  projected  route  follows  the 
course  of  the  French  River  and  the  Ottawa. 
River  and  its  lakes.  From  Georgian  Bay  to  the 
summit  level  it  is  proposed  to  utilize  the  middle 
channel  of  French  River  to  Lake  Nipissing. 
From  the  northern  side  of  this  lake  to  the  sum- 
mit level,  a distance  of  over  80  miles  from  Geor- 
gian Bay,  it  would  be  mainly  an  artificial  water- 
way. From  the  summit  level,  677  ft.  above  sea 
level,  there  is  a long  fall  to  Montreal,  and  the 
route  proposed  by  the  canal  company  engineers 
is  via  Trout  and  Turtle  Lakes,  the  little  Mattawa 
River  into  Talon  Lake  to  Sand  Bay,  a distance  of 

21  miles.  A canal  three  miles  long  would  carry 
the  waterway  to  the  Mattawa  River,  13  miles 
of  which  would  be  utilized,  and  a short  canal 
cut  would  give  access  to  the  Ottawa  River,  which 
would  then  be  followed  for  a distance  of  293 
miles.  Thence  the  St.  Lawrence  River  or  a 
branch  of  the  Ottawa  River,  known  as  the  Back 
River,  would  form  the  new  waterway  for  the 
last  25  miles.  The  difference  in  elevation  of  659  ft. 
between  Montreal  and  the  summit  level,  and  99  ft. 
between  the  summit  and  Georgian  Bay  would 
be  bridged  by  27  locks,  ranging  in  lift  from  5 ft. 
to  50  ft.  These  locks  would  be  designed  for  a 
length  of  940  ft.,  with  a width  of  70  ft.  and  with 

22  ft.  of  water  upon  the  lock  sills,  the  proposed 


CANADA,  1909 


CANADA,  1909 


depth  of  the  canal  being  24  ft.  The  total  length 
of  canal  cutting  for  the  route  is  estimated  at 
from  28  to  34  miles,  and  in  all  about  108  miles 
out  of  the  total  length  of  440  miles  would  require 
excavation  work  for  lock  approaches,  canals,  and 
submerged  channels. 

“The  plans  of  the  Government  engineers,  as 
embodied  in  a report  to  the  Department  Of  Public 
Works,  do  not  differ  materially  from  those  of 
the  canal  company.  The  latter  proposes  a 24ft. 
waterway,  with  22  ft.  upon  the  lock  sills;  the 
Government  plans  provide  for  a 22ft.  waterway, 
which,  it  is  poiuted  out,  would  more  than  equal 
the  conditions  as  they  exist  to-day  in  the  channels 
connecting  the  waters  of  the  Great  Lakes,  which 
govern  the  draught  of  boats  on  the  Lakes.  . . . 
The  opening  up  of  the  Great  Lakes  for  the  first 
time  to  ocean-going  traffic  would  be  an  event  of 
the  first  commercial  magnitude.  It  is  not  gener- 
ally recognized  that  the  trade  of  the  Lakes  is 
greater  than  the  coasting  trade  of  England,  of 
France,  and  of  Germany  put  together.  The 
statistical  reports  of  Lake  commerce  passing 
through  the  canals  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Michigan 
and  Ontario,  show  that  the  tonnage  passing 
through  these  canals  increased  during  1897  to 
1907  from  18,982,755  to  58,217,214. 

‘ ‘ Reference  should  also  be  made  to  the  water 
powers  which  would  be  created  by  the  present 
plans  for  the  construction  of  the  canal.  The  re- 
port of  the  Government  engineers  states  that 
nearly  1,000,000  h.  p.  could  be  secured  along  the 
Ottawa  and  French  rivers  and  it  is  estimated  that 
100,000  h.  p.  would  be  available  within  almost  a 
mile  of  the  city  of  Montreal. 

“ The  question  yet  to  be  decided  is  when  can 
the  country  afford  to  start  the  work.  Sir  Robert 
Perks,  M.  P. , who  has  been  intimately  associated 
with  the  scheme,  recently  submitted  an  offer  to 
the  Government  on  behalf  of  the  canal  company, 
who  own  the  charter,  to  provide  £5,000,000  at  a 
3 per  cent,  guarantee,  with  % per  cent,  sinking 
fund,  for  the  construction  of  the  French  River 
section  of  the  canal,  a distance  of  about  86  miles, 
and  to  build  docks  and  warehouses  at  North  Bay 
on  Lake  Nipissing.  ...  It  is  estimated  that  it 
would  take  ten  years  from  the  inception  of  the 
work  before  the  canal  would  be  open  for  naviga- 
tion, and  that  the  total  cost  would  be  about 
£20,000,000.” — Engineering  Correspondence  Lon- 
don Times , Aug.  18,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Great  Mackenzie  Basin. 
— The  Newest  Canadian  West.  — A report 
on  the  agricultural  possibilities  of  the  great 
Mackenzie  Basin,  prepared  by  a select  committee 
of  the  Dominion  Senate,  was  made  public  in  the 
summer  of  1909.  “ Basing  their  calculations 

upon  the  testimony  of  witnesses,  the  Committee 
calculate  that  some  two  million  square  miles  be- 
tween the  northern  limits  of  Saskatchewan  and 
Alberta  and  the  Arctic  Circle  can  be  used  for 
pasturage  and  for  the  cultivation  of  wheat,  barley, 
potatoes,  and  other  vegetables.  Until  a few  years 
ago  not  only  the  Mackenzie  basin  but  the  valley 
of  Peace  rivers  were  on  account  of  their  high 
latitudes  considered  to  be  unfit  for  cultivation. 
The  comparatively  mild  climate,  which,  as  the 
report  shows,  they  in  reality  enjoy,  is  said  to  be 
due  to  the  proximity  of  large  bodies  of  water 
such  as  the  Great  Slave  and  Great  Bear  lakes  and 
to  the  chinook  wind,  the  warm  current  of'  air 
that  blows  across  the  Rocky  Mountains  from  the 
Pacific.  The  shortness  of  the  sub-Arctic  sum- 


mer appears  to  be  offset  by  the  proportionate 
length  of  the  days  and  by  the  clearness  of  the 
air.  In  regard  to  the  future  of  the  district  with 
which  it  deals  the  report  points  out  that  in  1870 
the  representatives  of  the  people  of  Eastern 
Canada  were  anxious  to  obtain  in  regard  to  what 
is  now  the  prosperous  province  of  Manitoba  ex- 
actly the  same  information  as  the  Committee  has 
been  engaged  in  collecting  about  Canada’s  ‘ new- 
est west.’  ” 

A.  D.  1909. — The  opposition  in  Newfound- 
land to  union  with  the  Dominion.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Newfoundland  ; A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).— The  Waterways 
Treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  concerning  the  waters  between  the 
former  and  Canada.  — Resulting  from  the  la- 
bors of  an  International  Waterways  Commis- 
sion, appointed  four  years  before,  a Waterways 
Treaty,  having  reference  to  the  lakes  and  rivers 
that  lie  along  the  boundary  between  Canada 
and  the  United  States,  was  concluded  by  Am- 
bassador Bryce,  on  the  part  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, and  Secretary  of  State  Root,  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  in  January,  1909. 
The  Treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  in  the  closing  hours  of  the  Con- 
gressional session  which  ended  March  4,  but 
with  a proviso,  in  the  form  of  a resolution  at- 
tached. The  following  is  a summary  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Treaty  as  it  went  to  the  Senate : 

“A  preliminary  article  defines  the  Canadian 
and  American  boundary  waters. 

“ Article  I.  enacts  that  the  navigation  of  these 
waters,  including  Lake  Michigan  and  the  canals 
connecting  them,  shall  for  ever  continue  free 
and  open  for  the  purposes  of  commerce  to  the 
inhabitants  of  both  countries.  Regulations  af- 
fecting canals  in  the  territory  of  either  country 
shall  apply  equally  to  inhabitants  of  the  other 
who  may  wish  to  make  use  thereof. 

“ Article  II.  reserves  to  the  signatories  and  to 
the  State  and  provincial  Governments  exclusive 
control  over  the  use,  diversion,  &c.,  of  such 
waters  in  their  territory  as  flow  into  the  bound- 
ary waters  or  across  the  frontier.  Any  inhabitant 
of  either  country  injured  by  the  use  of  this  privi- 
lege will  be  entitled  to  the  legal  remedies  he 
would  have  if  he  were  a native  of  the  defend- 
ant country.  The  contracting  parties,  however, 
reserve  the  right  of  objection  whenever  navi 
gation  on  their  own  side  of  the  boundary  is 
imperilled  by  any  diversion  of  water  across  it. 

“ Articles  III.  and  IV.  provide  that  no  works 
shall  be  undertaken  on  either  side  of  the  line, 
if  such  works  would  be  likely  to  affect  the  level 
of  the  waters  on  the  other  side,  without  agree- 
ment between  the  contracting  parties  and  the 
sanction  of  the  Joint  Commission.  Pollution  of 
the  waters  is  also  forbidden. 

“ Article  V.,  which  relates  to  the  diversion  of 
the  waters  of  Niagara,  the  control  of  the  level 
of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  flow  of  the  Niagara  River, 
has  a clause  which  states  that  it  is  the  desire  of 
both  parties  to  accomplish  these  objects  with  the 
least  possible  injury  to  the  investments  which 
have  already  been  made  in  the  construction  of 
power  plants  on  the  United  States  side  of  the 
Niagara  River  under  grants  of  authority  from 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  on  the  Canadian 
side  of  the  river  under  licenses  authorized  by 
the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  the  Province  of 
Ontario. 


CANADA,  1909 


CANADA,  1909 


“ Article  VI.  apportions  the  uses  of  the  St. 
Mary’s  and  Milk  rivers  and  their  tributaries  in 
the  west. 

“Article  VII.  provides  for  the  creation  of  an 
International  Joint  Commission,  oonsisting  of 
three  representatives  of  Canada  and  three  of  the 
United  States. 

“Article  VIII.  provides  that  the  Commission 
shall  have  jurisdiction  over,  and  shall  decide  all 
cases  involving,  the  waterways  where,  under 
articles  III.  and  IV.,  their  approval  is  required, 
and  gives  principles  for  their  guidance.  The 
contracting  parties  are  to  have  equal  and  simi- 
lar rights.  The  uses  of  the  water  are  to  be  con- 
sidered in  the  following  order:  — First,  domestic 
and  sanitary  purposes;  secondly,  purposes  of 
navigation ; third,  purposes  of  power  and  irriga- 
tion. The  Commission  is  invested  with  some 
discretion  with  regard  to  departure  from  the 
principle  of  equal  division,  &c.  In  case  of  a tie 
vote  each  Commissioner  is  to  make  a separate 
report  to  his  Government ; whereupon  the  two 
Governments  shall  attempt  to  reach  an  agree- 
ment. 

“The  two  following  articles,  IX.  and  X.,  re 
quiring  that  all  disputes  shall  be  referred  to  the 
Commission,  stand  out  as  the  most  important 
provisions  of  the  treaty.  Article  IX.,  after  stat- 
ing that  matters  of  difference  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Commission  whenever  either  Government 
desires,  goes  on  to  authorize  the  Commission  in 
each  case  so  referred  to  examine  into  and  report 
upon  the  facts  and  circumstances  of  the  particu- 
lar questions  referred,  together  with  such  con- 
clusions and  recommendations  as  may  be  appro- 
priate, subject,  however,  to  any  restrictions  or 
exceptions  which  may  be  imposed  with  respect 
thereto  by  the  terms  of  reference.  Such  reports 
of  the  Commission  are  in  no  way  to  have  the 
character  of  an  arbitral  award.  The  Commis- 
sion shall  make  joint  report  to  both  Govern- 
ments in  all  cases  wherein  all  or  a majority  of 
the  Commissioners  agree,  and  in  case  of  dis- 
agreement the  minority  may  make  joint  report 
to  both  Governments,  or  separate  reports  to 
their  respective  Governments.  In  case  the  Com- 
mission is  evenly  divided  upon  any  question 
referred  to  it,  separate  reports  shall  be  made  by 
the  Commissioners,  one  on  each  side  to  their 
own  Government. 

“Article  X.  extends  the  powers  of  the  Com- 
mission by  providing  that  other  matters  of  dif- 
ference affecting  the  rights  of  either  country 
may  be  referred  to  the  Commission.  In  each 
case  so  referred  the  Commission  is  authorized 
to  examine  into  and  report  upon  the  facts  and 
circumstances  of  the  particular  questions  and 
matters  referred,  together  with  such  conclusions 
and  recommendations  as  may  be  appropriate, 
subject,  however,  to  any  restrictions  or  excep- 
tions which  may  be  imposed  with  respect  thereto 
by  the  terms  of  reference.  A majority  of  the 
Commission  shall  have  power  to  render  a de- 
cision or  finding  upon  any  of  the  questions  or 
matters  so  referred. 

“ In  the  event  of  a failure  of  the  Commission 
to  agree  upon  the  issues  submitted  to  them  for 
decision  or  report,  the  article  requires  the  Com- 
missioners to  make  a joint  report  to  both  Gov- 
ernments, or  separate  reports  to  their  respective 
Governments,  showing  the  different  conclusions 
arrived  at  with  regard  to  matters  or  questions 
so  referred,  which  shall  thereupon  be  submitted 


for  decision  by  the  high  contracting  parties  to 
an  umpire  chosen  in  accordance  with  procedure 
prescribed  in  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  para- 
graphs of  Article  XLV.  of  The  Hague  Conven- 
tion for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international 
disputes,  dated  October  18,  1907.  Such  umpire, 
the  article  concludes,  shall  have  power  to  render 
a final  decision  on  matters  whereon  the  Commis- 
sion have  failed  to  agree.” 

The  resolution  attached  to  the  Treaty  by  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  related  to  the  use 
of  waters  flowing  at  the  rapids  of  St.  Mary’s 
River  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  and  was  introduced 
by  Senator  Smith  of  Michigan.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

' ‘ Resolved  — As  part  of  this  ratification,  the 
United  States  approves  this  treaty,  with  the 
understanding  that  nothing  in  the  treaty  shall 
be  construed  as  affecting  or  changing  any  ex- 
isting territorial  or  riparian  right  in  the  water, 
or  the  rights  of  owners  of  lands  under  water,  on 
either  side  of  the  international  boundary,  at  the 
rapids  of  St.  Mary’s  River  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie, 
in  the  use  of  waters  flowing  over  such  lands, 
subject  to  the  requirements  of  navigation  in  the 
boundary  waters  and  of  the  navigation  of  canals, 
and  without  prejudice  to  the  existing  right  of 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  each  to  use  the 
waters  of  St.  Mary’s  River  within  its  own  terri- 
tory ; and  that  this  interpretation  will  be  men- 
tioned in  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  as  con- 
veying the  true  meaning  of  the  treaty,  and  will 
in  effect  form  part  of  the  treaty.” 

This  stipulation  was  objectionable  to  Canada, 
and  the  consent  of  the  Dominion  Government 
to  a ratification  of  the  Treaty  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain  was  withheld.  It  has  been  under- 
stood, however,  that  the  objection  will  be  sub- 
stantially removed  if  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  acquires  possession  of  the  lands 
and  riparian  property  concerned,  which  was 
provided  for  by  an  Act  of  Congress  passed  in 
March.  The  necessary  proceedings  will  con- 
sume some  time. 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.). — The  institution  of  a 
Department  of  External  Affairs. — An  Asso- 
ciated Press  despatch  from  Ottawa,  on  the  18th 
of  February,  1909,  made  known  that  “the 
Canadian  Government  has  announced  its  inten- 
tion of  creating  a portfolio  of  external  affairs. 
Heretofore  all  of  the  foreign  business  of  Canada 
has  been  carried  on  through  the  channel  of  the 
British  colonial  and  foreign  office.  Even  after 
the  external  affairs  branch  is  created  by  Can- 
ada this  will  be  the  principal  avenue  for  such 
business.  That  method  is  cumbersome.  In  the 
case  of  negotiations  with  the  United  States, 
papers  have  to  cross  the  Atlantic  twice  in  pass- 
ing from  Washington  to  Ottawa,  being  sent  first 
to  the  colonial  office  and  then  back  to  Canada. 
The  process  has  been  much  criticised  and  both 
the  prime  minister  and  the  opposition  leader 
have  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  a modifica- 
tion. The  creation  of  the  external  department 
is  regarded  as  the  first  step.  The  most  radical 
proposal  is  the  intimation  that  in  negotiations 
with  the  United  States  there  will  hereafter  be  di- 
rect communication  between  Washington  and 
Canada,  through  the  medium  of  the  British  Am- 
bassador.” 

In  the  British  Parliament,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  the  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  Asquith,  replied 
to  a question  on  the  subject,  as  follows:  “ It  is 


CANADA,  1909-1910 


CARNEGIE  IIERO  FUNDS 


understood  that  the  Canadian  Government  pro- 
pose to  establish  a Department  of  External  Af- 
fairs. This  department  is  merely  intended  — 
like  the  corresponding  department  of  the  Com 
wealth  Government  — to  conduct  correspond- 
ence with  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies, 
and  his  Majesty’s  Ambassador  at  Washington, 
and  with  thie  several  departments  of  the  Cana- 
dian Government.  At  present  delay  occurs  in 
dealing  with  the  correspondence,  as  there  is  no 
department  to  conduct  the  work.  No  sugges- 
tion has  been  made  by  the  Canadian  Government 
for  the  increase  of  their  powers  in  dealing  with 
external  affairs.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Participation  in  a 
North  American  Conference  on  the  Con- 
servation of  Natural  Resources.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources: 
North  America. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Statistics  of  the 
Budget  speech.  - — • Revenue.  — T rade.  — No 
increase  of  taxation.  — The  following  was 
reported  in  a despatch  from  Ottawa,  April  20, 
1909:  “Notwithstanding  the  financial  strin- 

gency of  the  past  year,  which  reduced  the  rev 
enue  of  Canada  by  $11,500,000,  Mr.  Fielding, 
Minister  of  Finance,  in  his  Budget  speech  to- 
day made  the  gratifying  announcement  that 
there  was  a surplus  of  $1,500,000  for  the  year 
ended  March  31.  The  increase  in  the  net  debt 
was  $46,029,000,  of  which  $32,000,000  was  for 
the  National  Transcontinental  Railway  and  the 
Quebec  Bridge.  The  total  trade  of  the  country 
during  the  past  year  was  $553,737,000,  a decrease 
of  $97,000,000,  principally  in  imports.  The  esti- 
mated expenditures  for  the  current  year  were 
$80,078,624.  In  the  judgment  of  the  Government 
there  was  no  necessity  for  increased  taxation, 
but  the  situation  should  be  met  by  a substantial 
reduction  in  expenditures.” 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Important  ruling  by 
the  Railway  Commission  affecting  American 


Railways.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Aug.).  — Imperial  Defence 
Conference. — Its  agreements.  See  War, 
The  Preparations  for  : Military  and 

Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (Aug.).  — Meeting  of  the  British 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science. 

See  Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Physi- 
cal. 

A.  D.  1909  (Aug.).  — Proposed  union  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces. — A Press  despatch 
of  August  19,  from  Ottawa,  reported  : “At  a 
conference  of  the  Boards  of  Trade  of  the  Mari- 
time Provinces  at  Charlottetown  a resolution 
was  adopted  in  favour  of  the  union  of  the  Mari- 
time Provinces.  The  Governments  of  Nova 
Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Prince  Edward 
Island  were  asked  to  appoint  a committee  to 
draft  terms  of  union.  The  general  opinion  is 
that  only  union  can  avert  the  overwhelming  in- 
fluence of  the  West  in  future.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.).  — Convention  relating  to 
obstructions  in  the  St.  John  River. — “Com 
missioners  have  been  appointed  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  to  act  jointly  with  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  Canada  in  examining  into  the 
question  of  obstructions  in  the  St.  John  River, 
between  Maine  and  New  Brunswick,  and  to 
make  recommendations  for  the  regulation  of  the 
uses  thereof,  and  are  now  engaged  in  this  work.” 
— Message  of  the  President  of  the  V.  S.  to 
Congress,  Dec.  6,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — As  affected  by  the  new 
tariff  of  the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Tariffs:  United  States. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Anti-Trust  Bill  in  the  Domin- 
ion Parliament.  See  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial, &c. : Canada. 

A.  D.  1910  (Jan.).  — Announcement  of  naval 
programme.  See  War,  The  Preparations 
for:  Naval. 


CANADA  STEEL  CORPORATION. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c. : Canada  : A.  D.  1909. 

CANADIAN  PACIFIC  RAILWAY 
STRIKE,  1908.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization  : Canada  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

CANAL  ZONE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Panama 
Canal. 

CANALS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Panama, 
Georgian  Bay,  and  (for  Barge  Canal)  New 
York  State  : A.  D.  1898-1909. 

CAMPANILE  OF  ST.  MARK’S,  at 

Venice.  — Its  fall.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Venice: 
A.  D.  1902. 

CANBERRA,  or  Yass- Canberra. — 
Chosen  site  of  the  Capital  of  Australia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

CANCER  RESEARCH.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Public  Health. 

CANDAMO,  President  Manuel.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Peru. 

CAPE  COLONY.  See  SouTn  Africa. 
CAPITALISTIC  COMBINATIONS.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  ; 
also  Railways:  United  States. 

CAPUCHINS:  Forbidden  to  teach  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D. 
1903. 

CARDUCCI,  Giosue.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 


CARLOS  L,  King  of  Portugal.  — His  as- 
sassination. See  (in  this  vol.)  Portugal:  A. 
D.  1906-1909. 

CARMEN  SYLVA:  Queen  of  Roumania. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States:  Roumania:  A.  D.  1866-1906. 

CARNEGIE,  Andrew:  Gift  to  Scottish 
universities  and  students.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  Scotland:  A.  D.  1901. 

Gift  of  a building  at  Washington  for  the 
Bureau  of  the  American  Republics.  See 
American  Republics,  International  Bu- 
reau of. 

Gift  of  a court  house  and  library  for 
the  Permanent  Court  of  .Arbitration  at  The 
Hague.  See  War,  The  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1903. 

At  Peace  Congress  in  New  York.  See 

War,  TnE  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1907. 

CARNEGIE  FOUNDATION,  for  the 
advancement  of  teaching.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  United  States:  A.  D.  1905- 
1908. 

CARNEGIE  HERO.  FUNDS.—  April  15, 
1904,  a letter  from  Andrew  Carnegie  was  made 
public  announcing  that  he  had  set  apart  a fund 
of  §5,000,000  to  be  known  as  “The  Hero  Fund.” 
In  this  letter  Mr.  Carnegie  said:  “ We  live  in  an 
heroic  age.  Not  seldom  are  we  thrilled  by  deeds 
of  heroism  where  men  or  women  are  injured  or 

73 


CARNEGIE  HERO  FUNDS 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


lose  their  lives  in  attempting  to  preserve  or  rescue 
their  fellows  ; such  are  the  heroes  of  civilization. 
The  heroes  of  barbarism  maimed  or  killed.  I have 
long  felt  that  the  heroes  and  those  dependent 
upon  them  should  be  freed  from  pecuniary  cares 
resulting  from  their  heroism  and  as  a fund  for 
this  purpose  I have  transferred  to  a commission 
$5,000,000  of  collateral  5 per  cent  bonds  of  the 
United  States  Steel  Corporation.”  Only  such  as 
follow  peaceful  vocations  on  sea  or  land  in  the 
United  States  or  Canada  are  eligible  to  receive 
money  or  medals  for  heroic  deeds.  The  commis- 
sion which  has  charge  of  the  fund  has  its  head- 
quarters in  Pittsburg,  Pa.  A similiar  fund  in 
Great  Britain  was  created  soon  afterward  by  Mr. 
Carnegie,  and  in  May,  1909,  he  placed,  for  the 
same  purpose,  $1,000,000  of  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States  Steel  Corporation  in  the  hands  of 
trustees  in  France,  under  the  sanction  of  the 
French  Government. 

CARNEGIE  INSTITUTE,  The,  at 
Pittsburg:  Its  enlargement  and  re-dedica- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1907. 

CARNEGIE  INSTITUTION  OF 
WASHINGTON.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention  : Ca,rnegie  Institution. 

CARTAGO,  Costa  Rica:  Institution  of  the 
Central  American  Court  of  Justice.  — Gift  of 
a building  by  Mr.  Carnegie.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Central  America:  A.  D.  1908. 

CARTELS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations, 
Industrial  (in  Germany). 

CASABLANCA:  Bombardment  by  French 
and  Spanish  fleets.  — The  Casablanca  inci- 


dent. See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco  : A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

CASEMENT,  Roger:  British  consul  in  the 
Congo  State.  — His  reports.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Congo  State  : A.  D.  1903-1905. 

CASTRO,  CIPRIANO:  President  of 

Venezuela.  See  in  this  vol.)  Venezuela,  also 
Colombia:  1898-1902. 

CASTRO,  Luciano  de.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

CATALONIA:  A.  D.  1902.  — Disorders. 
— See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain  : A.  D.  1905-1906,  and 
1907-1909. 

CATHOLIC  DISABILITIES,  in  Eng- 
land : Majority  vote  in  Commons  for  remov- 
ing. See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1909(May). 

CATHOLIC  PEOPLE’S  PARTY.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1904. 

CATSKILL  AQUEDUCT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

CATTLE  DRIVING.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Ireland:  A.  D.  1902-1908. 

CAUCASUS,  The:  Conflict  of  Tartars 
and  Armenians.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D. 
1905  (Feb.-Nov.). 

CENSORSHIP.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia: 
A.  D.  1909. 

CENSUS  BILL,  President  Roosevelt’s 
veto  of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Civil  Service 
Reform  : United  States. 

CENSUS  BUREAU,  Creation  of  a perma- 
nent. See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D. 
1902  (March). 

CENTER,  or  Centrum  Party.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1906-1907. 


CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Participation  of  all  the 
states  in  the  Second  and  Third  International 
Conferences  of  American  republics.  — Their 
signature  of  an  obligatory  arbitration  con- 
vention. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Treaty  of  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion and  obligatory  peace  between  the  five 
republics.  See  War,  The  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Honduras:  Revolution,  es- 
tablishing General  Bonilla  in  the  Presidency. 

— In  the  spring  of  1903  a rising  in  Honduras 
against  the  Government  was  reported  to  be  in 
progress,  under  General  Bonilla.  Early  in  March 
the  situation  was  stated  by  the  American  con- 
sular agent  at  Amapala  as  follows  : 

“ A great  part  of  the  members  of  the  Congress 
that  was  in  session  in  Tegucigalpa,  amongst  them 
the  President  of  the  Congress,  fled  from  the 
capital  to  the  frontier  of  Salvador  the  30tli  of 
January,  so  that  Congress  was  de  facto  dissolved 
on  that  date.  It  seems  that  the  council  of  min- 
isters formed  a new  Congress  out  of  the  remain- 
ing deputies  and  the  substitutes  of  the  fugitives. 
The  new  Congress  proclaimed  Dr.  Juan  Angel 
Arias  president,  and  Gen.  Maximo  B.  Rosales 
vice-president  of  the  Republic.  The  new  Gov- 
ernment was  recognized  by  Nicaragua,  but  I do 
not  know  if  it  was  recognized  by  the  other  Cen- 
tral American  Republics.  In  the  meantime  Gen- 
eral Bonilla  has  gone  ahead  with  his  military 
operations  against  the  new  government.  His 
forces  have  taken  the  fortified  towns  of  Ocote- 


peque,  Santa  Rosa,  and  Gracias,  near  the  frontier 
of  Nicaragua.  On  the  22d  of  February  General 
Bonilla  wTas  attacked  in  El  Aceituno  by  General 
Sierra,  the  ex-president,  who  was  completely  de- 
feated and  escaped  with  several  hundred  men, 
the  remainder  of  his  troops,  to  the  fortified  town 
of  Nacaome,  where  he  still  is.  General  Bonilla 
has  now  an  army  of  about  4,500  men.” 

In  despatches  of  the  15th  and  24th  of  April, 
Minister  Combs,  who  represented  the  United 
States  in  transactions  with  both  Guatemala  and 
Honduras,  advised  the  State  Department  that 
General  Bonilla  was  in  possession  of  Tegucigalpa ; 
that  ex-President  Arias  was  a prisoner  ; that 
peace  was  restored,  and  that  Bonilla  should  be 
recognized  as  President.  Accordingly  the  recog- 
nition was  given. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Nicaragua,  Honduras,  Salva- 
dor, and  Guatemala:  Peace  Conference. — A 

despatch,  August  31,  1904,  from  the  American 
Minister  at  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica,  to  the  State 
Department  at  Washington,  was  as  follows:  ‘‘I 
have  the  honor  to  advise  that  on  the  21st  instant, 
at  Corinto,  Nicaragua,  the  Presidents  of  Nica- 
ragua, Honduras,  and  El  Salvador,  and  a special 
delegate  representing  the  President  of  Guate- 
mala, held  a conference  ostensibly  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  peace  of  Central  America. 

. . . The  parties  holding  the  conference  have 
issued  a lengthy  manifesto,  which  indicates  no- 
thing of  interest  to  our  Government  except  that 
the  four  governments  represented  are  controlled 
by  parties  who  will  aid  each  other  hv  military 

74 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


force,  if  necessary,  in  maintaining  the  status  quo, 
and  that  the  peace  of  Central  America  is  thus 
reasonably  assured  by  making  revolutionary 
efforts  more  difficult  and  less  liable  to  achieve 
success.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Nicaragua  and  Honduras: 
Agreement  to  arbitrate  boundary  dispute.  — 

In  October,  1904,  the  United  States  Government 
was  informed  that  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  had 
agreed  to  submit  a boundary  dispute  to  the  King 
of  Spain. 

A.  D.  1905. — Nicaragua  : Treaty  with  Great 
Britain  concerning  the  Mosquito  Territory. 

— The  following  treaty  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Republic  of  Nicaragua  was  signed  at 
Managua,  Nicaragua,  April  19,  1905: 

Article  I.  The  High  Contracting  Parties 
agree  that  the  Treaty  of  Managua  of  January  28, 
1860,  is  and  shall  remain  abrogated. 

Article  II.  His  Britannic  Majesty  agrees  to 
recognize  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  Nicaragua 
over  the  territory  that  constituted  the  former 
Mosquito  Reserve,  as  defined  in  the  aforesaid 
Treaty  of  Managua. 

Article  III.  In  consideration  of  the  fact  that 
the  Mosquito  Indians  were  at  one  time  under  the 
protection  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  view  of  the 
interest  that  His  Majesty’s  Government  and  the 
Nicaraguan  Government  take  in  their  welfare, 
the  Niearaguan  Government  agree  to  grant  them 
the  following  concessions:  — 

(a)  The  Government  will  submit  to  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  a law  exempting,  for  fifty  years 
from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  this  Treaty, 
all  the  Mosquito  Indians  and  the  Creoles  born 
before  the  year  1894,  from  military  service,  and 
from  all  direct  taxation  on  their  persons,  property, 
possessions,  animals,  and  means  of  subsistence. 

(b)  The  Government  will  allow  the  Indians  to 
live  in  their  villages  enjoying  the  concessions 
granted  by  this  Convention,  and  following  their 
own  customs,  in  so  far  as  they  are  not  opposed 
to  the  laws  of  the  country  and  to  public  morality. 

( c ) The  Nicaraguan  Government  will  concede 
a further  period  of  two  years  for  them  to  legalize 
their  rights  to  the  property  acquired  in  conform- 
ity with  the  Regulations  in  force  before  1894  in 
the  Reserve.  The  Government  will  make  no 
charge  to  the  said  inhabitants  either  for  the  lands 
or  the  measurement  thereof,  or  for  the  grant  of 
title-deeds.  For  this  purpose  the  title-deeds  in 
the  possession  of  the  said  Indians  and  Creoles  be- 
fore 1894  will  be  renewed  in  conformity  with  the 
laws,  and,  in  cases  where  no  such  title-deeds 
exist,  the  Government  will  give  to  each  family, 
at  their  place  of  residence,  eight  manzanas  of 
land,  if  the  members  of  the  family  do  not  exceed 
four  in  number,  and  two  manzanas  for  each  per- 
son if  the  family  exceeds  that  number. 

(d)  Public  pasture  lands  will  be  reserved  for 
the  use  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  each  Indian  village. 

(e)  In  the  event  of  any  Mosquito  Indians  or 
Creoles  proving  that  the  lands  which  they  held 
in  conformity  with  the  Regulations  in  force  be- 
fore 1894  have  been  claimed  by  and  allotted  to 
other  persons,  the  Government  will  indemnify 
them  by  the  grant  of  suitable  public  lands  of 
approximate  value  as  near  as  possible  to  their 
present  residences. 

Article  IV.  The  ex-Chief  of  the  Mosquito 
Indians,  Robert  Henry  Clarence,  will  be  per- 
mitted by  the  Nicaraguan  Government  to  reside 


in  the  Republic  of  Nicaragua  and  to  enjoy  full 
protection  so  long  as  he  does  not  transgress  the 
laws,  and  provided  his  acts  do  not  tend  to  incite 
the  Indians  against  Nicaragua. 

Article  V.  The  Mosquito  Indians,  and  other 
inhabitants  of  the  former  Reserve,  will  enjoy  the 
same  rights  as  are  secured  by  the  laws  of  Nica- 
ragua to  other  N icaraguan  citizens. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Honduras,  Guatemala,  and 
Salvador:  War,  ended  by  mediation  of  the 
United  States  and  Mexico.  — Neither  the  Con- 
vention of  Peace  and  Compulsory  Arbitration 
signed  at  Corinto  in  1902  by  the  presidents  of  all 
five  of  the  Central  American  republics,  nor  the 
peace  agreement  between  four  of  them  two  years 
later,  sufficed  to  prevent  an  outbreak  of  war  in 
1906  which  involved  the  three  states  of  Honduras, 
Guatemala,  and  Salvador.  President  Roosevelt, 
in  his  annual  Message  to  Congress  that  year,  re- 
ferred to  the  war  as  having  arisen  from  “ trouble 
which  had  existed  for  some  time  ” ; but  does 
not  indicate  the  nature  of  the  “trouble”  ; nor  is 
any  light  thrown  on  it  in  a long  diplomatic  cor- 
respondence between  the  parties  to  it  and  the 
governments  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 
which  appears  in  the  American  report  of  Foreign 
Relations  for  1906.  Probably  nobody  outside  of 
the  belligerents  ever  learned  definitely  why  they 
felt  called  upon  to  fight,  or  what  they  had  to 
settle  when  peace  was  made. 

Seemingly  Honduras  was  the  aggressor;  but 
the  affair  seems  hardly  worth  the  trouble  of  any 
deep  investigation.  Its  chief  importance  is  in 
the  successful  mediation  that  was  undertaken 
jointly  by  the  governments  of  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  of  which  President  Roosevelt  made 
report  in  the  Message  referred  to  above : 

“The  thoroughly  good  understanding  which 
exists  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,” 
said  the  President,  “enabled  this  Government 
and  that  of  Mexico  to  unite  in  effective  mediation 
between  the  warring  Republics ; which  mediation 
resulted,  not  without  long-continued  and  patient 
effort,  in  bringing  about  a meeting  of  the  re- 
presentatives of  the  hostile  powers  on  board  a 
United  States  warship  as  neutral  territory,  and 
peace  was  there  concluded  ; a peace  which  re- 
sulted in  the  saving  of  thousands  of  lives  and  in 
the  prevention  of  an  incalculable  amount  of  mis- 
ery and  the  destruction  of  property  and  of  the 
means  of  livelihood.  The  Rio  Conference  passed 
the  following  resolution  in  reference  to  this 
action : 

“ ‘ That  the  Third  International  American  Con- 
ference shall  address  to  the  Presidents  of  the 
United  States  of  America  and  of  the  United  States 
of  Mexico  a note  in  which  the  conference  which 
is  being  held  at  Rio  expresses  its  satisfaction 
at  the  happy  results  of  their  mediation  for  the 
celebration  of  peace  between  the  Republics  of 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Salvador.’ 

“This  affords  an  excellent  example  of  one  way 
in  which  the  influence  of  the  United  States  can 
properly  be  exercised  for  the  benefit  of  the 
peoples  of  the  Western  Hemisphere;  that  is,  by 
action  taken  in  concert  with  other  American  re- 
publics and  therefore  free  from  those  suspicions 
and  prejudices  which  might  attach  if  the  action 
were  taken  by  one  alone.” 

The  resulting  “ General  Treaty  of  Peace  and 
Amity,  Commerce,  etc.,  between  the  Republics 
of  Costa  Rica,  Salvador,  Guatemala,  and  Hondu- 
ras,” signed  September  25,  1906,  involved  solemn 

75 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


engagements  in  its  first  four  articles,  as  fol- 
lows: 

‘ ‘ Aiiticlk  1 . There  shall  be  perpetual  peace  and 
a frank;  loyal,  and  sincere  friendship  among  the 
Republics  of  Costa  Rica,  Salvador,  Guatemala, 
and  Honduras,  each  and  every  one  of  the  afore- 
said Governments  being  in  duty  bound  to  con- 
sider as  one  of  their  principal  obligations  the 
maintenance  of  such  peace  and  the  preservation 
of  such  friendship,  by  endeavoring  to  contribute 
every  means  to  procure  the  desired  end,  and  to 
remove,  as  far  as  lies  in  their  power,  any  ob- 
stacles, whatever  their  nature,  which  might  pre- 
vent it.  In  order  to  secure  such  ends  they  shall 
always  unite  when  the  importance  of  the  case 
demands  it,  to  foster  their  moral,  intellectual,  and 
industrial  progress,  thus  making  their  interests 
one  and  the  same,  as  it  becomes  sister  countries. 

“Article  2.  In  the  event,  which  is  not  to  be 
expected,  that  any  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
should  fail  to  comply  with  or  cause  any  devia- 
tion from  any  of  the  subjects  agreed  to  in  the 
present  treaty,  such  event,  as  well  as  any  partic- 
ular difficulty  which  may  arise  between  them, 
shall  necessarily  be  settled  by  the  civilized  means 
of  arbitration. 

“ Article  3.  The  Governments  of  Salvador, 
Guatemala,  and  Honduras,  in  conformity  with 
the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  executed  on  board 
the  Marblehead , hereby  appoint  as  umpires,  Their 
Excellencies  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States 
of  America  and  of  the  United  Mexican  States,  to 
whom  all  particular  difficulties  arising  among 
said  Governments  shall  be  submitted  for  arbitra- 
tion. 

“ For  the  purpose  of  agreeing  on  the  manner  to 
effect  such  arbitration,  the  above-mentioned  Re- 
publics shall  accredit,  at  the  latest  within  three 
months  from  this  date,  their  respective  legations 
near  the  Governments  of  the  United  States  of 
America  and  Mexico,  and  in  the  meanwhile 
arbitration  shall  be  ruled  according  to  the  stipu- 
lations of  the  treaty  of  compulsory  arbitration 
concluded  in  Mexico  on  the  29th  of  January,  1902. 

“ Article  4.  Guatemala  not  having  subscribed 
to  the  Corinto  convention  of  January  20,  1902, 
Costa  Rica,  Salvador,  and  Honduras  do  hereby 
respectively  declare,  that  said  Corinto  conven- 
tion is  to  continue  in  force,  and  that  any  particu- 
lar difference  which  may  arise  among  them  shall 
be  settled  in  conformity  with  the  aforesaid  con- 
vention and  with  the  regulations  established  by 
the  Central  American  court  of  arbitration  on  the 
9th  of  October  of  that  year.  ” 

Notwithstanding  these  grave  pledges  to  each 
other,  three  of  the  parties  to  this  treaty  were  at 
war  the  next  year. 

A.  D.  1907. — Nicaragua,  Honduras,  and 
Salvador:  War. — Mexican  and  American 
Mediation.  — The  Washington  Peace  Con- 
ference.— General  Treaty  of  Peace  and 
Amity.  — Central  American  Court  of  Justice. 
— In  February,  1907,  a fresh  outbreak  of  Cen- 
tral American  war  occurred,  originally  between 
Nicaragua  and  Honduras,  but  involving  Salva- 
dor, presently,  in  alliance  with  Honduras.  The 
arbitration  convention  of  1904  had  not  accom- 
plished a specific  settlement  of  the  boundary 
disputes  between  Honduras  and  Nicaragua,  and 
President  Zelaya,  of  the  latter  republic,  accused 
the  former  of  encroachments.  Mexico  and  the 
United  States  had  endeavored  to  pacify  the  dis- 
putants before  hostilities  began,  but  without 


success.  The  quarrel  was  fought  out,  and  a 
complete  victory  won  by  Nicaragua,  whose 
forces  captured  the  Honduran  capital  and  drove 
President  Bonilla  from  the  country.  A provi- 
sional government  was  established  in  Honduras 
and  terms  of  peace  arranged,  April  24th.  Then 
the  good  offices  of  President  Roosevelt  and  Pre- 
sident Diaz  were  employed  again,  with  the  re- 
sult which  the  former  communicated  to  Congress 
in  his  Message  of  December  3,  1907,  as  follows  : 
“ The  effort  to  compose  this  new  difficulty 
has  resulted  in  the  acceptance  of  the  joint  sug- 
gestion of  the  Presidents  of  Mexico  and  of  the 
United  States  for  a general  peace  conference 
between  all  the  countries  of  Central  America. 
On  the  17th  day  of  September  last  a protocol 
was  signed  between  the  representatives  of  the 
five  Central  American  countries  accredited  to 
this  Government  agreeing  upon  a conference 
to  be  held  in  the  City  of  Washington  1 in  order  to 
devise  the  means  of  preserving  the  good  rela- 
tions among  said  Republics  and  bringing  about 
permanent  peace  in  those  countries.’  The  pro- 
tocol includes  the  expression  of  a wish  that  the 
Presidents  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico 
should  appoint  ‘representatives  to  lend  their 
good  and  impartial  offices  in  a purely  friendly 
way  toward  the  realization  of  the  objects  of  the 
conference.’  The  conference  is  now  in  session 
and  will  have  our  best  wishes  and,  where  it  is 
practicable,  our  friendly  assistance.” 

The  first  regular  session  of  the  Conference  was 
held  on  the  14th  of  November,  the  place  of 
meeting  being  the  building  of  the  International 
Bureau  of  the  American  Republics.  In  addition 
to  the  delegates  present  from  the  States  of  Costa 
Rica,  Salvador,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Nica- 
ragua. the  Republic  of  Mexico  designated  Senor 
Don  Enrique  C.  Creel,  Ambassador  Extraordi- 
nary and  Plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States, 
and  the  United  States  designated  Hon.  William 
I.  Buchanan,  as  representatives  from  Mexico 
and  the  United  States  at  the  conference.  The 
Hon.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States,  was  present,  also,  at  the  first  session,  over 
which  he  presided  until  the  organization  of  the 
Conference  had  been  effected.  His  opening  ad- 
dress to  the  Conference  included  these  wise  and 
impressive  remarks : 

“We  cannot  fail,  gentlemen,  to  be  admon- 
ished by  the  many  failures  which  have  been 
made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  estab- 
lish agreement  among  themselves  which  would 
be  lasting,  that  the  task  you  have  before  you  is 
no  easy  one.  The  trial  has  often  been  made 
and  the  agreements  which  have  been  elaborated, 
signed,  ratified,  seem  to  have  been  written  in 
water.  Yet  I cannot  resist  the  impression  that 
we  have  at  last  come  to  the  threshold  of  a hap- 
pier day  for  Central  America. 

“ It  would  ill  become  me  to  attempt  to  propose 
or  suggest  the  steps  which  you  should  take,  but 
I will  venture  to  observe  that  the  all-important 
thing  for  you  to  accomplish  is  that  while  you 
enter  into  agreements  which  will,  I am  sure,  be 
framed  in  consonance  with  the  most  peaceful 
aspirations  and  the  most  rigid  sense  of  justice, 
you  shall  devise  also  some  practical  methods 
under  which  it  will  be  possible  to  secure  the 
performance  of  those  agreements.  The  mere 
declaration  of  general  principles,  the  mere  agree- 
ment upon  lines  of  policy  and  of  conduct  are 
of  little  value  unless  there  be  practical  and  defi- 

76 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


nite  methods  provided  by  which  the  responsi- 
bility for  failing  to  keep  the  agreement  may  be 
fixed  upon  some  definite  person, 'and  the  public 
sentiment  of  Central  America  brought  to  bear  to 
prevent  the  violation.  The  declaration  that  a 
man  is  entitled  to  his  liberty  would  be  of  little 
value  with  us  in  this  country  were  it  not  for 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  that  makes  it  the  duty 
of  a specific  judge,  when  applied  to,  to  inquire 
into  the  cause  of  liis  detention,  and  set  him  at 
liberty  if  he  is  unjustly  detained.  The  provi- 
sion which  declares  that  a man  should  not  be  de- 
prived of  his  property  without  due  process  of 
law  would  be  of  little  value  were  it  not  for  the 
practical  provision  which  imposes  on  specific 
officers  the  duty  of  nullifying  every  attempt  to 
take  away  a man’s  property  without  due  pro- 
cess of  law. 

“ To  find  practical  definite  methods  by  which 
you  shall  make  it  somebody’s  duty  to  see  that 
the  great  principles  you  declare  are  not  violated, 
by  which  if  an  attempt  be  made  to  violate  them 
the  responsibility  may  be  fixed  upon  the  guilty 
individual  — those,  in  my  judgment,  are  the 
problems  to  which  you  should  specifically  and 
most  earnestly  address  yourselves.” 

The  address  of  Secretary  Root  was  followed 
by  one  of  excellent  counsel  from  the  Mexican 
Ambassador,  and  a reply  to  both  was  made,  on 
behalf  of  the  Conference,  by  Senor  Don  Luis 
Anderson,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Costa 
Rica.  The  Conference  then  elected  its  officers, 
choosing  Minister  Anderson  for  its  President,  and 
procceeded  to  the  transaction  of  business. 

Fourteen  sessions  were  held  between  Novem- 
ber 14  and  December  20,  resulting  from  which 
eight  conventions  were  agreed  to  and  signed  on 
the  latter  date.  These  conventions  are:  General 
Treaty  of  Peace  and  Amity  ; Additional  Con- 
vention to  the  General  Treaty  ; Establishing  a 
Central  American  Court  of  Justice;  Extradi- 
tion; On  Future  Conferences  (Monetary);  On 
Communications;  Establishing  an  International 
Central  American  Bureau ; and  Establishing  a 
Pedagogical  Institute. 

The  essential  provisions  of  the  General  Treaty 
of  Peace  and  Amity  are  in  the  following  articles : 

“Article  I.  The  Republics  of  Central 
America  consider  as  one  of  their  first  duties  in 
their  mutual  relations,  the  maintenance  of  peace; 
and  they  bind  themselves  to  always  preserve  the 
most  complete  harmony,  and  decide  every  differ- 
ence or  difficulty  that  may  arise  amongst  them, 
of  whatsoever  nature  it  may  be,  by  means  of  the 
Central  American  Court  of  Justice,  created  by 
the  Convention  which  they  have  concluded  for 
that  purpose  on  this  date.” 

“ Article  III.  Bearing  in  mind  the  central 
geographical  position  of  Honduras  and  the  fa- 
cilities which  this  circumstance  has  afforded  in 
order  that  its  territory  should  have  been  most 
often  the  theatre  of  Central  American  conflicts, 
Honduras  declares  from  now  on  its  absolute  neu- 
trality in  any  event  of  conflict  amongst  the  other 
Republics  ; and  the  latter,  in  their  turn,  pro- 
vided such  neutrality  be  observed,  bind  them- 
selves to  respect  it  and  in  no  case  to  violate  the 
Honduranean  territory. 

“Article  IV.  Bearing  in  mind  the  advan- 
tages which  must  be  gained  from  the  creation 
of  Central  American  institutions  for  the  devel- 
opment of  their  most  vital  interests,  besides  the 
Pedagogical  Institute  and  the  International  Cen- 


tral American  Bureau  which  have  been  estab- 
lished according  to  the  Conventions  celebrated 
to  that  end  by  this  Conference,  the  creation  of  a 
practical  Agricultural  School  in  the  Republic 
of  Salvador,  one  of  Mines  and  Mechanics  in  that 
of  Honduras,  and  another  of  Arts  and  Trades 
in  that  of  Nicaragua,  is  especially  recommended 
to  the  Governments. 

“ Article  V.  In  order  to  cultivate  the  rela- 
tions between  the  States,  the  contracting  parties 
obligate  themselves  each  to  accredit  to  the 
others  a permanent  Legation. 

“Article  VI.  The  citizens  of  one  of  the 
contracting  parties,  residing  in  the  territory  of 
any  of  the  others,  shall  enjoy  the  same  civil 
rights  as  nationals,  and  shall  be  considered  as  cit- 
izens in  the  country  of  their  residence  if  they 
fulfill  the  conditions  which  the  respective  con- 
stituent laws  provide.  Those  that  are  not  nat- 
uralized shall  be  exempt  from  obligatory  military 
service,  either  by  sea  or  land,  and  from  every 
forced  loan  or  military  requirement,  and  they 
shall  not  be  obliged  on  any  account  to  make 
more  contributions  or  ordinary  or  extraordinary 
imposts  than  those  which  nationals  pay.” 

“ Article  X.  The  Governments  of  the  con- 
tracting Republics  bind  themselves  to  respect 
the  inviolability  of  the  right  of  asylum  aboard 
the  merchant  vessels  of  whatsoever  nationality 
anchored  in  their  ports.  Therefore,  only  per- 
sons accused  of  common  crimes  and  by  order  of 
the  competent  judge,  after  due  legal  procedure, 
can  be  taken  from  them.  Those  prosecuted  on 
account  of  political  crimes  or  common  crimes  in 
connection  with  political  ones,  can  only  be  taken 
therefrom  in  case  they  have  embarked  in  a port 
of  the  State  which  claims  them,  whilst  they  may 
remain  in  its  jurisdictional  waters,  and  after  the 
requirements  hereinbefore  exacted  in  the  case  of 
common  crime  have  been  fulfilled.” 

“ Article  XIV.  Public  instruments  executed 
in  one  of  the  contracting  Republics  shall  be  valid 
in  the  others,  provided  they  shall  have  been 
properly  authenticated  and  in  their  execution  the 
laws  of  the  Republic  whence  they  proceed  shall 
have  been  observed.” 

“ Article  XVI.  Desiring  to  prevent  one  of  the 
most  frequent  causes  of  disturbances  in  the  Re- 
publics, the  contracting  Governments  shall  not 
permit  the  head  men  or  principal  chiefs  of  politi- 
cal emigrations,  nor  agents  thereof,  to  reside  in 
the  departments  fronting  on  the  countries  whose 
peace  they  might  disturb. 

“Those  who  may  have  been  actually  estab- 
lished in  a permanent  manner  in  a frontier  de- 
partment shall  be  able  to  remain  in  the  place  of 
their  residence  under  the  immediate  surveillance 
of  the  Governments  affording  them  an  asylum, 
but  from  the  moment  when  they  become  a men- 
ace to  public  order  they  shall  be  included  in  the 
rule  of  the  preceding  paragraph. 

“ Article  XVII.  Every  person,  no  matter 
what  his  nationality,  who,  within  the  territory 
of  one  of  the  contracting  parties,  shall  initiate  or 
foster  revolutionary  movements  against  any  of 
the  others,  shall  be  immediately  brought  to  the 
capital  of  the  Republic,  where  he  shall  be  sub- 
mitted to  trial  according  to  law.” 

‘ ‘ Article  XIX.  The  present  Treaty  shall 
remain  in  force  for  the  term  of  ten  years  counted 
from  the  day  of  the  exchange  of  ratifications. 
Nevertheless,  if  one  year  before  the  expiration 
of  said  term,  none  of  the  contracting  parties  shall 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


have  given  special  notice  to  the  others  concerning 
its  intention  to  terminate  it,  it  shall  remain  in 
force  until  one  year  after  such  notification  may 
have  been  made.” 

The  “Additional  Convention  to  the  General 
Treaty  ” is  in  three  articles,  as  follows  : 

“Article  I.  The  Governments  of  the  High 
Contracting  Parties  shall  not  recognize  any  other 
Government  which  may  come  into  power  in  any 
of  the  five  Republics  as  a consequence  of  a coup 
d’Etat,  or  of  a revolution  against  the  recognized 
Government,  so  long  as  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  freely  elected,  have  not  constitution- 
ally reorganized  the  country. 

“Article  II.  No  Government  of  Central 
America  shall  in  case  of  civil  war  intervene  in 
favor  of  or  against  the  Government  of  the  coun- 
try where  the  struggle  may  take  place. 

“ Article  III.  The  Governments  of  Central 
America,  in  the  first  place,  are  recommended  to 
endeavor  to  procure  by  the  means  at  their  com- 
mand a constitutional  reform  in  the  sense  of  pro- 
hibiting the  reblection  of  the  President  of  a Re- 
public, where  such  prohibition  does  not  exist, 
in  the  second  place  to  adopt  all  measures  neces- 
sary to  effect  a complete  guarantee  of  the  prin- 
ciple of  alternation  in  power.” 

The  “Convention  for  the  Establishment  of  a 
Central  American  Court  of  Justice”  contains 
thirty-eight  articles,  with  a “ Provisional  Arti- 
cle” and  an  “Annexed  Article ” appended.  The 
more  important  provisions  are  in  the  follow- 
ing: 

“Article  I.  The  High  Contracting  Parties 
agree  by  the  present  Convention  to  constitute 
and  maintain  a permanent  tribunal  which  shall 
be  called  the  ‘ Central  American  Court  of  Justice,’ 
to  which  they  bind  themselves  to  submit  all 
controversies  or  questions  which  may  arise  among 
them,  of  whatsoever  nature  and  no  matter  what 
their  origin  may  be,  in  case  the  respective  Depart- 
ments of  Foreign  Affairs  should  not  have  been 
able  to  reach  an  understanding. 

‘ ‘ Article  II.  This  Court  shall  also  take  cog- 
nizance of  the  questions  which  individuals  of 
one  Central  American  country  may  raise  against 
any  of  the  other  contracting  Governments,  be- 
cause of  the  violation  of  Treaties  or  Conventions, 
and  other  cases  of  an  international  character  ; no 
matter  whether  his  own  Government  supports 
said  claim  or  not ; and  provided  that  the  remedies 
which  the  laws  of  the  respective  country  provide 
against  such  violation  shall  have  been  exhausted 
and  that  a denial  of  justice  shall  be  shown. 

“Article  III.  It  shall  also  take  cognizance 
of  the  cases  which  by  common  accord  contract- 
ing Governments  may  submit  to  it,  no  matter 
whether  they  arise  between  two  or  more  of  them 
or  between  one  of  said  Governments  and  indi- 
viduals.* 

‘ ‘ Article  IV.  The  Court  may  likewise  take 
cognizance  of  the  international  questions  which 
by  special  agreement  any  one  of  the  Central 
American  Governments  and  a foreign  Govern- 
ment may  have  determined  to  submit  to  it. 

“ Article  V.  The  Central  American  Court  of 

* After  signing  the  treaties  an  omission  was  discovered 
in  this  Article.  An  additional  protocol  was  thereupon 
signed  by  all  the  delegates  adding  to  this  Article,  and 
to  be  considered  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Convention, 
the  following  words : 

“ It  shall  also  have  jurisdiction  over  cases  arising  be- 
tween any  of  the  contracting  Governments  and  indi- 
viduals, when  by  common  accord  they  may  have  been 
submitted  to  it. 


Justice  shall  sit  at  the  City  of  Cartago  in  the 
Republic  of  Costa  Rica,  but  it  shall  be  author- 
ized to  transfer  its  residence  to  another  point  in 
Central  America  when  it  may  deem  it  proper  to 
do  so  for  reasons  of  health,  of  guaranteeing  the 
exercise  of  its  functions,  or  of  the  personal 
security  of  its  members. 

‘ ‘ Article  YI.  The  Central  American  Court 
of  Justice  shall  consist  of  five  Justices  named, 
one  from  each  Republic  and  selected  from  among 
the  jurists  who  possess  the  qualifications  which 
the  laws  of  each  country  may  exact  for  the  ex- 
ercise of  high  judicial  functions,  and  enjoy  the 
highest  consideration,  not  only  because  of  their 
moral  character  but  also  on  account  of  their  pro- 
fessional ability.  The  vacancies  shall  be  filled 
by  substitute  Justices,  named  at  the  same  time 
and  in  the  same  manner  as  the  regular  ones  and 
who  shall  unite  the  same  qualifications  as  the 
former.  The  attendance  of  the  five  Justices  who 
constitute  the  Tribunal  is  indispensable  in  order 
to  have  a legal  quorum  in  the  judgments  of  the 
Court. 

“Article  YII.  The  legislative  power  of  each 
one  of  the  five  contracting  Republics  shall  name 
one  regular  and  two  substitutes  as  their  respec- 
tive Justices.  The  salary  of  each  Justice  shall 
be  eight  thousand  dollars,  gold,  per  annum, 
which  shall  be  paid  by  the  Treasury  of  the 
Court.  The  salary  of  the  Justice  of  the  place 
where  the  Court  resides  shall  be  designated  by 
the  respective  Government.  Besides,  each  State 
shall  contribute  two  thousand  dollars,  gold,  an- 
nually for  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  ex- 
penses of  the  Tribunal.  The  Governments  of 
the  contracting  Republics  bind  themselves  to 
include  their  respective  contributions  in  their 
budgets  of  expenses  and  to  remit  quarterly  in 
advance  to  the  Treasury  of  the  Court  the  propor- 
tion which  corresponds  to  them  on  account  of 
such  expenditures.” 

‘ ‘ Article  XIII.  The  Central  American  Court 
of  Justice  represents  the  national  conscience  of 
Central  America,  wherefore  the  Justices  who 
compose  the  Tribunal  shall  not  consider  them- 
selves prohibited  from  the  exercise  of  their  func- 
tions because  of  the  interest  which  the  Repub- 
lics, whence  they  derive  their  appointment,  may 
have  in  any  case  or  question.  With  regard  to 
implications  and  challenges,  the  rules  of  pro- 
cedure which  the  Court  may  fix  shall  make 
proper  provision.” 

“ Article  XXII.  The  Court  is  authorized  to 
determine  its  jurisdiction,  interpreting  the 
Treaties  and  Conventions  germane  to  the  matter 
in  dispute,  applying  the  principles  of  interna- 
tional law. 

“Article  XXIII.  Every  final  or  interlocu- 
tory decision  shall  be  rendered  in  accordance 
with  the  agreement  of  at  least  three  of  the  J ustices 
of  the  Court.  In  case  of  disagreement,  one  of  the 
substitute  Justices  shall  be  chosen  by  lot,  and  if 
still  a majority  of  three  be  not  obtained  other 
Justices  shall  continue  to  be  chosen  by  lot  until 
three  votes  in  the  same  sense  shall  have  been 
obtained. 

“ Article  XXI Y.  The  decisions  must  be  in 
writing  and  shall  contain  a statement  of  the 
reasons  upon  which  they  are  based.  They  must 
be  signed  by  all  the  Justices  of  the  Court  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary.  Once  they  have 
been  published  they  cannot  be  altered  on  any 
account ; but,  at  the  request  of  any  of  the  parties,. 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 


the  Tribunal  may  decide  the  interpretation  which 
must  be  given  to  its  judgment. 

‘ ‘ Article  XXV.  The  judgments  of  the  Court 
shall  be  communicated  to  the  five  Governments 
of  the  Contracting  Republics.  The  interested 
parties  solemnly  bind  themselves  to  submit  to 
said  judgment ; and  they  all  agree  to  lend  every 
moral  support  that  may  be  necessary  in  order 
that  they  may  be  properly  fulfilled,  in  this  man- 
ner constituting  a real  and  positive  guarantee  of 
respect  for  this  Convention  and  for  the  Central 
American  Court  of  Justice.” 

“ Article  XXVII.  The  High  Contracting 
Parties  solemnly  declare  that  for  no  motive  nor 
in  any  case  will  they  consider  the  present  Con- 
vention as  lapsed  ; and  that,  therefore,  they  will 
consider  it  as  being  always  in  force  during  the 
term  of  ten  years  counted  from  last  ratification. 
In  the  event  that  the  political  entity  of  one  or 
more  of  the  Contracting  Republics  is  changed  or 
altered,  the  attributes  of  the  Central  American 
Court  of  Justice  created  by  this  Convention  shall 
be  suspended  ipso  facto ; and  a conference  to 
adjust  the  constitution  of  said  Court  and  the 
new  order  of  things  shall  be  forthwith  convoked 
by  the  respective  Governments ; in  case  they  do 
not  unanimously  agree  the  present  Convention 
shall  be  considered  as  rescinded.” 

“ Provisionary  Article.  As  a recommenda- 
tion of  the  five  Delegations  an  Article  is  annexed 
which  contains  an  amplification  of  the  Central 
American  Court  of  Justice,  in  order  that  the 
Legislatures  that  may  deem  it  proper  may  see 
fit  to  include  it  upon  ratifying  this  Convention.” 
“ Annexed  Article.  The  Central  American 
Court  of  Justice  shall  also  have  jurisdiction  over 
the  conflicts  which  may  arise  between  the  Legis- 
lative, Executive  and  Judicial  Powers,  and  when 
as  a matter  of  fact  the  judicial  decisions  and  con- 
gressional resolutions  are  not  respected.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Inauguration  of  the  Central 
American  Court  of  Justice.  — Gift  of  a build- 
ing for  its  use  by  Mr.  Carnegie.  — The  Central 
American  Court  of  Justice,  contemplated  in  the 
treaty  of  1907,  quoted  above,  was  formally  in- 
stituted, at  Cartago,  Costa  Rica,  with  appropriate 
ceremony,  in  the  last  week  of  May,  1908.  The 
Hon.  William  I.  Buchanan,  in  attendance  as 
Commissioner  from  the  United  States,  added  in- 
terest to  the  occasion  by  announcing  the  proffer 
of  a gift  of  8100,000  by  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie, 
for  the  erection  of  a building  to  be  dedicated  to 
the  exclusive  use  of  the  Court. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Financial  undertakings  in 
New  York.  — Honduras, Costa  Rica,  and  Gua- 
temala. — In  the  summer  of  1909  various  finan- 
cial undertakings  by  great  banking  houses  in 
New  Y ork  were  announced,  involving  some  hand- 
ling of  the  debts  of  Honduras,  Costa  Rica,  and 
Guatemala.  It  was  thought  that  these  operations 
were  in  line  with  efforts  of  the  State  Department 
at  Washington  and  the  Bureau  of  American  Re- 
publics to  bring  about  the  establishment  of  a 
chain  of  American  banking  houses  in  the  Latin- 
American  countries,  for  the  advancement  of 
American  trade  and  the  promotion  of  more  in- 
timate Pan-American  relations. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Nicaragua.  — Establishment 
of  a colony  of  Sioux  Indians  from  the  United 
States.  — A dispatch  to  the  Press  from  Boston, 
November  17,  1909,  made  the  following  state- 
ment: “ To  save  the  remnant  of  the  Sioux  tribe 
of  Indians  from  extinction  by  consumption  and 


other  diseases,  a colony  of  the  Indians  will  be 
established  in  Nicaragua  early  in  the  new  year. 
Chief  Little  Bison,  a full-blooded  Sioux,  sailed 
from  Boston  on  the  steamship  Esparta  to-day  for 
Nicaragua,  where  he  will  receive  the  deeds  to 
16,000  acres  of  land  granted  by  the  Nicaraguan 
government  for  the  establishment  of  the  colony. 
The  project  is  supported  financially  by  F.  S. 
Dellenbaugh,  head  of  the  American  Geographi- 
cal Society,  and  several  wealthy  New  York 
people.  The  emigration  of  the  Indians  is  expected 
to  begin  in  January.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — President  Zelaya  a menace  to 
peace.  — His  conduct  trying  the  patience  of 
the  United  States.  — In  the  early  spring  of 
1909  the  disturbing  attitude  and  conduct  of  the 
Nicaraguan  President,  Zelaya,  not  only  towards 
his  near  neighbors  of  Salvador  and  Honduras, 
but  also  in  the  relations  of  his  Government  with 
that  of  the  United  States,  had  caused  the  latter 
to  enter  again  into  consultation  with  the  Mexican 
Government,  as  to  joint  action  to  preserve  peace. 

For  some  years  the  United  States  had  been  try- 
ing to  bring  about  the  settlement  of  a claim 
against  the  Nicaraguan  Government  preferred  by 
an  American  company.  This  Emery  claim,  as  it 
was  known,  arose  in  connection  with  a conces- 
sion granted  in  1898  for  cutting  and  exporting 
mahogany.  The  concession  provided  that  any  dif- 
ferences which  should  arise  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  company  should  be  arbitrated  by 
a tribunal  of  three  members,  one  to  be  selected 
by  the  Government,  one  by  the  company,  and  the 
third  by  these  two  arbitrators.  In  1903  an  accusa- 
tion of  smuggling  was  brought  against  the  com- 
pany, and  the  questions  raised  were  submitted 
to  the  stipulated  tribunal.  This  decided  that,  in- 
asmuch as  the  company  had  paid  taxes  to  the 
Government  three  years  in  advance,  amounting 
to  830,000,  the  concession  could  not  be  annulled, 
as  President  Zelaya  wished  to  have  done.  Never- 
theless Zelaya  declared  it  annulled,  and  caused 
proceedings  to  be  instituted  for  stopping  the 
company’s  exportations.  This  led  the  American 
Government  to  interpose.  Under  instructions 
from  Washington,  its  Minister  at  Managua,  Mr. 
Merry,  addressed  the  following  note  to  the  Nica- 
raguan Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  December 
15,  1906  : “ I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  I 
have  received  instructions  from  my  Government 
to  make  an  urgent  and  firm  request  that  your 
Excellency’s  Government  will  settle  the  Emery 
company  controversy  by  an  international  arbitra- 
tion, and  that  until  a decision  has  been  given 
thereby,  your  Excellency’s  Government  will  re- 
store to  the  Emery  company  all  its  property,  dis- 
missing all  legal  prosecutions  in  the  case,  and 
permitting  the  company  to  resume  its  work  under 
its  concession,  as  if  no  controversy  had  arisen.” 

This  communication  secured  a promise  of  the 
desired  international  arbitration,  and  the  stop- 
ping meantime  of  proceedings  of  interference 
with  the  company’s  business.  But  when  the  pro- 
tocol of  arbitration  was  to  be  drawn  the  Nicara- 
guan Government  refused  to  have  any  question 
of  damages  to  the  company  included.  On  this 
contention  the  settlement  was  blocked  for  more 
than  two  years,  and  the  patience  of  the  Washing- 
ton Government  was  about  worn  out.  In  just 
what  wrappings  of  diplomatic  language  it  made 
that  fact  apparent  has  not  yet  been  disclosed  to 
the  public;  but  evidently  the  understanding  of 
Sefior  Zelaya  was  duly  penetrated.  On  the  26th 


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CENTRAL  AMERICA 


of  May  last  (1909)  his  representative  at  Washing- 
ton signed  a protocol  which  provided  that  the 
questions  at  issue  between  the  Government  of 
Nicaragua  and  the  Emery  Company  should  be 
submitted  to  arbitration,  unless  the  parties  could 
make  their  own  settlement  within  four  months. 

This,  however,  did  not  end  troubles  with  Nic- 
aragua,— or,  rather,  with  its  presidental  dicta- 
tor. Revolutionary  attempts  in  the  republic  to 
unseat  him  gave  rise  to  new  offenses  on  his  part 
against  the  United  States,  which  President  Taft, 
in  his  Message  to  Congress,  December  6,  1909, 
recounted  as  follows: 

“Since  the  Washington  conventions  of  1907 
were  communicated  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States  as  a consulting  and  advising  party, 
this  government  has  been  almost  continuously 
called  upon  by  one  or  another,  and  in  turn  by  all 
of  the  five  Central  American  republics,  to  exert 
itself  for  the  maintenance  of  the  conventions. 
Nearly  every  complaint  has  been  against  the 
Zelaya  government  of  Nicaragua,  which  has 
kept  Central  America  in  constant  tension  or  tur- 
moil. The  responses  made  to  the  representations 
of  Central  American  republics,  as  due  from  the 
United  States  on  account  of  its  relation  to  the 
Washington  conventions,  have  been  at  all  times 
conservative  and  have  avoided,  so  far  as  possible, 
any  semblance  of  interference,  although  it  is  very 
apparent  that  the  considerations  of  geographic 
proximity  to  the  Canal  Zone  and  of  the  very  sub- 
stantial American  interests  in  Central  America 
give  to  the  United  States  a special  position  in  the 
zone  of  these  republics  and  the  Caribbean  Sea. 

‘ ‘ I need  not  rehearse  here  the  patient  efforts  of 
this  government  to  promote  peace  and  welfare 
among  these  republics,  efforts  which  are  fully 
appreciated  by  the  majority  of  them  who  are 
loyal  to  their  true  interests.  It  would  be  no  less 
unnecessary  to  rehearse  here  the  sad  tale  of  un- 
speakable barbarities  and  oppression  alleged  to 
have  been  committed  by  the  Zelaya  government. 
Recently  two  Americans  were  put  to  death  by 
order  of  President  Zelaya  himself.  They  were 
officers  in  the  organized  forces  of  a revolution 
which  had  continued  many  weeks  and  was  in 
control  of  about  half  of  the  republic,  and  as  such, 
according  to  the  modern  enlightened  practice  of 
civilized  nations,  they  were  entitled  to  be  dealt 
with  as  prisoners  of  war. 

“ At  the  date  when  this  message  is  printed 
this  government  has  terminated  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  the  Zelaya  government,  for  reasons 
made  public  in  a communication  to  the  former 
Nicaraguau  charge  d’affaires,  and  is  intending  to 
take  such  future  steps  as  may  be  found  most 
consistent  with  its  dignity,  its  duty  to  American 
interests,  and  its  moral  obligations  to  Central 
America  and  to  civilization.  It  may  be  neces- 
sary for  me  to  bring  this  subject  to  the  attention 
of  the  Congress  in  a special  message.” 

Some  days  previous  to  the  date  of  the  Presi- 
dent’s Message,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Knox,  had  addressed  a letter  of  extreme  severity 
to  the  Nicaraguan  Charge  d’Affaires  at  Washing- 
ton, Mr.  Rodriguez,  reviewing  the  conduct  of 
the  Nicaraguan  Government,  and  saying:  “In 
these  circumstances  the  President  no  longer 
feels  for  the  government  of  President  Zelaya 
that  respectand  confidence  which  would  make  it 
appropriate  hereafter  to  maintain  with  it  regu- 


lar diplomatic  relations,  implying  the  will  and 
the  ability  to  respect  and  assure  what  is  due 
from  one  State  to  another.”  The  conclusion  of 
the  letter  was  as  follows:  “To  insure  the  future 
protection  of  legitimate  American  interests,  in 
consideration  of  the  interests  of  the  majority  of 
the  Central  American  republics,  and  in  the  hope 
of  making  more  effective  the  friendly  offices  ex- 
erted under  the  Washington  conventions,  the 
government  of  the  United  States  reserves  for 
further  consideration  at  the  proper  time  the 
question  of  stipulating  also  that  the  constitu- 
tional government  of  Nicaragua  obligate  itself 
by  convention  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  govern- 
ments concerned  as  a guarantee  for  its  future 
loyal  support  of  the  Washington  conventions 
and  their  peaceful  and  progressive  aims. 

‘ ' From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  apparent  to  you 
that  your  office  of  charge  d’affaires  is  at  an  end. 
I have  the  honor  to  enclose  your  passports  for 
use  in  case  you  desire  to  leave  tins  country. 
I would  add  at  the  same  time  that,  although 
your  diplomatic  quality  is  terminated,  I shall 
be  happy  to  receive  you  as  I shall  be  happy 
to  receive  the  representative  of  the  revolution, 
each  as  the  unofficial  channel  of  communi- 
cation between  the  government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  de  facto  authorities  to  whom  I 
look  for  the  protection  of  American  interests 
pending  the  establisment  in  Nicaragua  of  a 
government  with  which  the  United  States  can 
maintain  diplomatic  relations.” 

President  Zelaya  at  once  protested  against  this 
arraignment,  telegraphing  to  Secretary  Knox 
that  his  sources  of  information  had  been  preju- 
diced, and  asking  that  the  United  States  send 
a commission  of  investigation,  proposing  to  re- 
sign if  his  administration  was  shown  to  be  detri- 
mental to  Nicaragua.  Receiving  no  reply,  he 
resigned  the  presidency  of  Nicaragua  on  the  16th 
of  December,  announcing  the  fact  by  cable  to 
President  Taft  in  these  words:  “To  avoid 

harm  to  my  country,  and  desiring  that  it  shall 
renew  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States, 
I have  to-day  sent  my  resignation  to  Congress. 
As  my  opponents  consider  my  presence  a dis- 
turbing factor,  I propose  to  show  my  good  faith 
by  leaving  Nicaragua.  I stand  ready  to  account 
for  my  acts.”  « 

The  vacant  presidential  office  was  filled  by 
the  Congress  of  Nicaragua,  which  elected  Dr. 
Madriz,  the  choice  having  been  dictated,  it  was 
believed,  by  Zelaya.  The  revolutionists  with 
whom  Zelaya  had  been  contending  since  Octo- 
ber, and  who  had,  on  their  part,  elected  and 
proclaimed  their  leader,  General  Juan  Estrada, 
Provisional  President  of  Nicaragua,  refused  to 
recognize  this  Congressional  election,  and  con- 
tinued, against  the  government  of  Madriz,  the 
revolt  they  had  organized  against  Zelaya,  deter- 
mined to  secure  for  Estrada  the  power  to  order 
a presidential  election  by  the  people. 

On  Christmas  Eve  Zelaya  left  Nicaragua  for 
Mexico,  being  conveyed  by  a Mexican  gunboat 
from  Corinto  to  Salina  Cruz.  A few  weeks  later 
he  migrated  to  Europe  and  is  understood  to  have 
taken  up  his  residence  in  Belgium. 

The  revolt  led  by  General  Estrada  is  still  in 
progress  at  the  time  this  writing  goes  into  print 
(early  in  March,  1910),  but  the  latest  reports  do 
not  warrant  expectations  of  its  success. 


80 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


CHICAGO 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 

See,  also,  American  Republics. 

CENTRAL  BANK  QUESTION.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1909-1910. 

CENTRO  CATOLICO.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1907. 

CHAFFEE,  Major-General  Adna  R. : 
Military  Governor  of  the  Philippines.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1901. 

CHAFIN,  Eugene  W.:  Nominated  for 

President  of  the  United  States.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (April-Nov.). 

CHAMBERLAIN,  Austen:  Postmaster- 
General  in  the  English  Ministry.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1902  (July). 

CHAMBERLAIN,  Joseph  : Address  at 
opening  of  Colonial  Conference  of  1902.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  British  Empire. 

On  a State-rights  question  in  Australia. 
See  Australia  : A.  D.  1902. 

Declaration  for  Preferential  Trade  with 
the  Colonies.  — His  resignation  from  the 
Cabinet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D. 
1903  (May-Sept.). 

Visit  to  South  Africa. — ■ Views  on  the 
Labor  question.  See  South  Africa  : A.  D. 
1903-1904. 

CHAMPLAIN  TERCENTENARY 
CELEBRATION.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New 
York  State  : A.  D.  1909. 

CHANG  CHIH-TUNG:  Measures  as  vice- 
roy to  check  the  use  of  opium.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

CHANTABUN  : Restored  to  Siam.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Siam  : A.  D.  1902. 

CHANUTE,  Octave.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Aero- 
nautics. 

CHARITIES.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty, 
Problems  of  ; Social  Betterment  ; and  Chil- 
dren, under  the  Law. 

CHARLES  I.,  King  of  Roumania.  — What 
he  has  done  for  his  kingdom.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Balkan  and  Danubian  States:  Roumania. 

CHARLES,  Prince,  of  Denmark:  Election 
to  the  Norwegian  Throne.  — Assumes  the 
name  of  Haakon  VII.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nor- 
way : A.  D.  1902-1905. 

CHARLESTON  : A.  D.  1901.  — The 
“South  Carolina  and  Interstate  and  West 
Indian  Exposition.”  — Under  this  name,  a very 
beautiful  and  successful  exhibit  of  the  progress 
of  Southern  industry  and  art,  and  of  the  possi- 
bilities of  West  Indian  and  Spanish- American 
trade,  was  opened  at  Charleston  on  the  1st  of 
December,  1901.  The  site  of  the  exposition  was 
a tract  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  ground, 
only  two  and  a half  miles  from  the  business 
section  of  the  city,  embracing  the  famous  old 
Lowndes  estate,  with  its  historic  mansion,  which 
the  present  owner  permitted  to  be  used  as  the 
Women’s  Building  of  the  occasion.  Fine  taste 
and  a high  public  spirit  entered  into  the  making 
of  this  very  interesting  Fair. 

CHARTREUX  MONKS.  See  (in this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1904  (June-July). 

CHEMULPHO.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July)  and  (Feb. -Aug.). 

CHICAGO : A.  D.  1896-1909.  — Institution 
and  work  of  the  Municipal  Voters’  League. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Government  : 
Chicago. 


A.  D.  1899.  — Institution  of  the  first  Juve- 
nile Court.  See  Children,  under  tiie  Law  : 
As  Offenders. 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  burning  of  the  Iroquois 
Theater.  — Chicago  has  now  two  of  the  most 
painful  memories  of  fire  that  are  in  the  past  of 
any  city.  The  second  was  added  on  the  afternoon 
of  December  30,  1903,  when  588  people  perished 
in  the  burning  of  the  Iroquois  Theater.  The 
audience  was  made  up  principally  of  women  and 
children,  many  of  whom  belonged  to  prominent 
families.  The  whole  city  was  plunged  in  grief, 
and  the  whole  world  shared  in  the  sorrow  and 
manifested  its  sympathy.  The  theater  was  a new 
one,  and  was  regarded  as  the  best  of  any  in  the 
city  in  its  method  of  construction.  But  inquiry 
soon  proved  that  it  was  defective  in  its  provi- 
sions for  safety.  Further  examination,  moreover, 
showed  a similar  condition  in  other  places  of 
assembly,  with  the  result  that  all  the  theaters, 
with  many  churches  and  halls  in  Chicago,  were 
closed  by  order  of  the  mayor,  pending  their  com- 
pliance with  certain  provisions  of  the  law. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Strike  of  the  Teamsters’ 
Union.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : United  States:  A.  D.  1905  (April- 
July). 

A.  D.  1905-1908.  — Struggle  for  a better 
charter.  See  Municipal  Government. 

A.  D.  1906. — Packing-House  Investiga- 
tion. See  Public  Health  : Pure  Food  Laws  : 
United  States. 

A.  D.  1907.  — National  Conference  on 
Trusts.  See  Combinations,  Industrial: 
United  States  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Population,  and  race  mix- 
ture. — The  City  Statistician  of  Chicago,  in  his 
manual  for  1909,  gives  the  number  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  city  as  2,572,835,  of  whom 
699,554  are  Americans  or  persons  whose  parents 
are  not  foreign  born.  The  Germans  rank  second, 
with  a population  of  563,708;  the  Irish  third, 
with  a population  of  240,560.  Next  come  the 
Poles,  with  173,409;  the  Swedes,  with  143,307; 
the  Russians,  with  123,238;  the  Bohemians,  with 
116,549.  Thirty  other  foreign  countries  given 
are  all  below  the  100,000  mark.  The  Chinese 
population  is  given  as  1,801,  the  Japanese  as  257. 
The  Albanians  are  the  lowest,  with  a population 
of  39. 

A.  D.  1909.  — “ The  Chicago  Plan.”  — Sys- 
tematizing the  future  development.  — “Early 
in  1906  the  Merchants’Club,  comprising  a group  of 
the  younger  business  and  professional  men  of  the 
city,  arranged  for  the  preparation  of  a complete 
project  for  the  future  development  of  Chicago. 
The  next  year  the  Merchants’  Club  was  merged 
with  the  Commercial  Club  under  the  name  of  the 
latter  organization,  and  the  city-planning  work 
was  continued  under  the  auspices  of  that  body.” 
The  resulting  ‘ ‘ Plan  of  Chicago  ” was  reported 
in  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1909.  “ The  report 
represents  about  thirty  months’  work  by  men 
whose  thoughts  for  years  have  dwelt  upon  the 
subject  of  city  building  and  beautification.  The 
work  was  in  charge  of  Daniel  H.  Burnham,  chief 
architect  and  director  of  works  of  the  World’s 
Columbian  Exposition  of  1893,  who  gave  his 
services  to  his  city  without  compensation  for  the 
purpose  of  this  report.  Even  so,  the  expense  of 
preparing  and  publishing  the  report  has  approx- 
imated $75,000,  all  raised  by  voluntary  subscrip- 
tions from  the  business  men  of  Chicago.”  — 

81 


CHICAGO 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


George  C.  Sikes,  The  New  Chicago  ( The  Outlook, 
Aug.  28,  1909). 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — The  Second  National 
Peace  Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Wak,  The 
Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1909. 

CHICAGO,  MILWAUKEE  AND  ST. 


PAUL  TRANSCONTINENTAL  LINE. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909. 

CHI-KUAN-SHAN,  Fort,  Capture  of.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (May- 
Jan.). 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW. 


As  Dependents: 

England:  The  Poor  Law  Children.  — The 

following  is  from  a speech  in  Parliament  June 
17,  1909,  by  Mr.  John  Burns,  President  of  the 
Local  Government  Board,  which  administers 
the  Poor  Laws  and  the  Public  Health  Laws: 
“In  England  and  Wales  there  were  235,000 
children  supported  by  the  rates  either  inside  or 
outside  Poor  Law  institutions,  and  of  these 
70,000  were  in  cottage  homes,  barrack  schools, 
scattered  homes,  and  similar  institutions.  The 
cost  per  child  maintained  in  cottage  homes 
varied  from  12s.  9d.  to  25s.  2d.  per  week,  and  in 
scattered  homes  from  8s.  6d.  to  11s.  2d.  At  this 
moment  the  number  of  children  in  workhouse 
schools,  which  in  1870  was  29,000,  was  only  from 
500  to  600 ; 19,000  of  the  Poor  Law  children  were 
being  educated  in  elementary  schools  outside.  . . . 
With  regard  to  sick  children  he  was  delighted  to 
hear  the  almost  unanimous  chorus  of  appeal  that 
the  Local  Government  Board  should  do  a great 
deal  by  administration.  They  had,  in  fact,  trans- 
ferred 1,000  out  of  the  2,500  sick  children  from 
the  London  workhouses  and  infirmaries  to  an  in- 
stitution on  the  healthy  and  breezy  downs  of 
Surrey  at  Carshalton,  where  they  could  be  better 
treated,  and  where  they  would  recover  much 
more  quickly  than  in  any  of  the  workhouses  and 
infirmaries  in  London.  If  he  could  find  more 
buildings  or  institutions  available  he  would  trans- 
fer more  children.  He  should  not  rest  until  all 
the  sick  children  throughout  the  country  were 
transferred  from  workhouses  and  infirmaries  to 
institutions  in  the  country  where  they  would  re- 
cover health  more  rapidly.” 

United  States:  Proposed  Federal  Child 
Bureau.  — Transmitting  to  Congress,  on  the  5th 
of  February,  1909,  the  proceedings  of  a confer- 
ence held  at  Washington  on  the  care  of  depend- 
ent children,  President  Roosevelt  accompanied 
it  with  a message,  in  which  he  urged  the  estab- 
lishment of  a Bureau  in  one  of  the  Departments 
of  the  Federal  Government,  to  centralize  atten- 
tion to  the  subject;  with  the  enactment  of  such 
legislation  as  will  bring  the  laws  and  practices 
in  regard  to  the  care  of  dependent  children  in  all 
Federal  territory  into  harmony,  and  certain  legis- 
lation in  behalf  of  dependent  children  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  The  President  maintained 
that  such  legislation  is  important  not  only  for 
the  welfare  of  the  children  immediately  con- 
cerned, but  “ as  setting  an  example  of  a high 
standard  of  child  protection  by  the  National  Gov- 
ernment to  the  several  States  of  the  Union,  which 
should  be  able  to  look  to  the  nation  for  leader- 
ship in  such  matters.” 

Statistics  showing  the  large  number  of  de- 
pendent children  in  the  country  were  presented 
by  Mr.  Roosevelt.  “Each  of  these  children,  he 
said,  represents  either  a potential  addition  to  the 
productive  capacity  and  the  enlightened  citizen- 
ship of  the  nation,  or,  if  allowed  to  suffer  from 


neglect,  a potential  addition  to  the  destructive 
forces  of  the  community.  The  ranks  of  criminals 
and  other  enemies  of  society  are  recruited  in  an 
altogether  undue  proportion  from  children  bereft 
of  their  natural  homes  and  left  without  sufficient 
care.  The  interests  of  the  nation  are  involved 
in  the  welfare  of  this  army  of  children  no  less 
than  in  our  great  material  affairs.” 

In  urging  a Children’s  Bureau,  one  of  whose 
duties  will  be  to  investigate  and  report  upon  all 
matters  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  children  and 
child  life,  the  President  pointed  out  that  “the  Na- 
tional Government  is  the  only  agency  which  can 
effectively  conduct  such  general  inquiries  as  are 
needed  for  the  benefit  of  all  our  citizens.” 

As  Dependents  and  as  Offenders: 

England:  The  Children  Act  of  1908.  — In- 
fant Life  Protection.  — Reformatory  and  In- 
dustrial Schools. —Treatment  of  Youthful 
Criminals. — No  death-sentence  for  them. — 
Special  “Places  of  Detention.”  — Juvenile 
Courts.  — An  act  entitled  The  Children  Act, 
passed  by  the  Parliament  of  the  United  King- 
dom in  December,  1908,  and  which  came  into 
effect  April  1,  1909,  has  such  importance  that  it 
has  been  described  as  “The  Children’s  Charter.” 
According  to  its  full  title  it  is  “ An  Act  to  con- 
solidate and  amend  the  Law  relating  to  the  Pro- 
tection of  Children  and  Young  Persons,  Re- 
formatory and  Industrial  Schools  and  Juvenile 
Offenders,  and  otherwise  to  amend  the  Law 
with  respect  to  Children  and  Young  Persons.” 
It  gathers  into  one  great  enactment  nearly  every- 
thing in  which  the  guardianship  of  Law  can  be 
specially  extended  to  them,  except  the  matters 
of  education  and  child  labor,  which  are  subjects 
of  distinct,  legislation.  It  repeals  wholly  twenty- 
one  previous  enactments  and  amends  more  or 
less  seventeen  more.  It  contains  134  sections 
and  fills  a so-called  Parliamentary  “White 
Book”  of  93  pages. 

As  used  in  the  Act,  the  word  “child”  means 
a person  under  14  years;  the  expression  “young 
person”  means  one  above  that  age,  but  under 
sixteen. 

The  Act  is  divided  into  six  parts,  which  are 
concerned  with  the  following  main  subjects:  — 
(1)  Infant  Life  Protection.  (2)  The  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children  and  Young  Persons. 
(3)  Juvenile  Smoking.  (4)  Reformatory  and 
Industrial  Schools.  (5)  Juvenile  Offenders.  (6) 
Miscellaneous  and  General. 

The  provisions  for  “infant  life  protection” 
have  to  do  mainly  with  the  supervision  of 
“baby-farming.”  Foster  parents  are  forbidden 
to  insure  the  life  of  a nurse-child  and  insurance 
companies  are  forbidden  to  accept  any  such 
insurance. 

Juvenile  smoking  is  dealt  with  very  drasti- 
cally, the  penalties  for  selling  cigarettes  or  the 
material  for  making  them  to  persons  under  six- 
teen years  of  age  being  sharp,  and  both  police- 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


men  and  park-keepers  in  uniform  being  em- 
powered to  take  such  materials  from  the  persons 
of  Juvenile  smokers. 

The  part  of  the  Act  which  relates  to  reforma- 
tory and  industrial  schools  enables  the  Courts 
to  deal  effectively  with  youthful  offenders  with- 
out subjecting  them  to  the  prison  taint.  Boys 
or  girls  between  the  ages  of  12  and  1G  who  are 
convicted  of  offences  punishable  in  the  case  of 
adults  with  penal  servitude  or  imprisonment 
may  be  sent  to  a certified  reformatory  school. 
In  certain  defined  cases,  children  may  be  taken 
from  depraved  or  drunken  parents  and  consigned 
to  a certified  industrial  school.  In  these  cases 
the  child  may  be  brought  before  the  Court  by 
any  person  in  order  that  the  provisions  of  the 
Act  may  be  set  in  force.  Parents  who  are  un- 
able to  control  their  children  may  themselves 
take  advantage  of  the  Act,  and  in  these  cases 
the  Court  may  place  the  children  under  the 
supervision  of  a probation  officer  instead  of 
sending  them  to  an  industrial  school.  In  all  cases 
of  children  who  are  liable  to  be  consigned  to  an 
industrial  school,  there  is  given  to  the  Courts 
the  alternative  power  of  committing  them  to 
the  care  of  relatives  or  other  fit  persons  with  or 
without  the  supervision  of  the  probation  officer. 

The  most  important  part  of  the  Act,  perhaps, 
is  that  relating  to  juvenile  offenders.  It  allows 
no  young  person  under  sixteen  years  of  age  to 
be  sentenced  to  death.  “Sentence  of  death,” 
says  this  Law,  “ shall  not  be  pronounced  on  or 
recorded  against  a child  or  young  person,  but  in 
lieu  thereof  the  Court  shall  sentence  the  child  or 
young  person  to  be  detained  during  his  Maj  esty’s 
pleasure.” 

In  future,  also,  no  child  may  be  sentenced  to 
imprisonment  or  penal  servitude  for  any  offence, 
or  committed  to  prison  in  default  of  payment  of 
a fine,  damages,  or  costs.  No  young  person  may 
be  sentenced  to  penal  servitude  for  any  offence, 
nor  may  he  be  sentenced  to  imprisonment  or 
committed  to  prison  in  default  of  payment  of  a 
fine  or  costs,  unless  the  Court  certifies  that  he  is 
of  so  unruly  a character  or  so  depraved  that  it 
is  not  desirable  to  send  him  to  a “ place  of  de- 
tention” provided  under  the  Act.  These  pro- 
visions relating  to  the  substitution  of  “deten- 
tion ” for  imprisonment  did  not  come  into  force 
until  January  1,  1910. 

This  part  of  the  Act  makes  elaborate  arrange- 
ments for  the  treatment  of  youthful  criminals, 
both  before  and  after  trial.  Special  “ places  of 
detention  ” are  to  be  opened  in  all  petty  sessional 
divisions.  Here  children  will  be  placed  on  arrest 
(if  for  some  special  reason  they  cannot  be  re- 
leased on  a recognizance),  or  after  being  re- 
manded or  committed  for  trial.  Here  they  may 
be  kept  in  custody  instead  of  being  lodged  in 
gaol  if  they  are  sentenced  to  terms  of  imprison- 
ment of  less  than  one  month.  Persons  under  16 
years  of  age  must  also  be  tried  in  special  “ju- 
venile Courts,”  unless  they  are  charged  jointly 
with  adult  offenders.  A “juvenile  Court” 
must  sit  “either  in  a different  building  or  room 
from  that  in  which  the  ordinary  sittings  of  the 
Court  are  held,  or  on  different  days  or  at  differ- 
ent times  from  those  at  which  the  ordinary  sit- 
tings are  held.”  Only  the  Court  officials,  those 
directly  interested  in  the  case,  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Press  may  be  admitted  to  these 
Courts,  unless  the  special  leave  of  the  magistrate 
is  obtained.  Every  effort  is  to  be  made,  both  be- 


fore and  after  trial,  to  prevent  the  association  of 
children  with  adult  criminals.  Finally,  parents 
and  guardians  are  to  be  required  to  attend  the 
hearing  of  charges  against  their  children  or 
wards,  and  may  be  ordered  to  pay  any  fines, 
damages,  or  costs  imposed. 

The  miscellaneous  provisions  of  the  Act  in- 
clude a number  of  importance,  to  prevent  the 
giving  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  children,  to 
exclude  them  from  drinking  places,  to  safe- 
guard them  at  entertainments,  and  to  make  the 
Act  applicable  to  Scotland  and  Ireland. 

As  Offenders: 

Canadian  provision  for  Separate  Deten- 
tion, Reformatory  Imprisonment,  etc. — The 

Canadian  Prisons  and  Reformatory  Act  of  1906 
provides  that  — “Young  persons  apparently 
under  the  age  of  sixteen  years  who  are,  — ( a ) 
arrested  upon  any  warrant ; or,  ( b ) committed  to 
custody  at  any  stage  of  a preliminary  inquiry 
into  a charge  for  an  indictable  offence ; or,  (c) 
committed  to  custody  at  any  stage  of  a trial, 
either  for  an  indictable  offence  or  for  an  offence 
punishable  on  summary  conviction  ; or,  ( d ) com- 
mitted to  custody  after  such  trial,  but  before 
imprisonment  under  sentence;  shall  be  kept  in 
custody  separate  from  older  persons  charged  with 
criminal  offences  and  separate  from  all  persons 
undergoing  sentences  of  imprisonment,  and  shall 
not  be  confined  in  the  lock-ups  or  police  stations 
with  older  persons  charged  with  criminal  of- 
fences or  with  ordinary  criminals.” 

Other  sections  of  the  Act  confer  discretionary 
authority  on  courts  and  magistrates  to  sentence 
convicted  offenders  whose  age  does  not  exceed 
sixteen  years,  and  whose  offence  is  punishable 
by  imprisonment,  to  reformatory  prisons,  for 
not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  five  years  ; also, 
in  certain  cases,  to  commit  such  offenders  to  a 
certified  industrial  school,  from  which  they  may 
sometimes  be  permitted  to  be  taken  for  appren- 
ticeship to  any  respectable  and  trustworthy  per- 
son. 

The  George  Junior  Republic.  — Much  atten- 
tion has  been  turned  from  many  directions,  within 
the  last  few  years,  upon  the  reformatory  experi- 
ment which  bears  the  name  of  The  George  Jun- 
ior Republic.  From  an  ordinary  undertaking  to 
give  a few  summer  weeks  of  country  fresh  air 
to  a group  of  neglected,  roughly-bred  boys,  out 
of  the  slums  of  the  City  of  New  York,  it  has 
grown  into  a unique  institution,  which  remolds 
character  and  refashions  life  for  hundreds  of  the 
young  of  both  sexes,  who  had  been  given  wrong 
startings  in  the  world  by  the  circumstances  into 
which  they  were  born.  It  has  done  this  by  the 
simple  method  of  organizing  them  into  a self- 
governing  community,  — a republic  in  which 
they  are  citizens,  invested  with  all  the  responsi- 
bilities, duties,  and  cares  that  go  with  republican 
citizenship  in  its  larger  spheres.  They  make  and 
administer  its  laws,  conduct  its  pubiic  business 
and  its  politics,  manage  its  institutions,  generate 
and  have  experience  of  its  public  opinion.  The 
moral  and  social  influence  of  this  training  has 
now  been  proved  by  more  than  a decade  of  suc- 
cess. 

This  remarkable  organization  was  not  framed 
up  by  its  architect,  Mr.  William  R.  George,  on 
the  lines  of  a preconceived  theory,  but  took  its 
shape  slowly  from  suggestions  of  experience  as 
they  came.  He  began  in  1890  to  take  companies 
of  boys  of  the  hoodlum  class  from  New  York 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


City  to  bis  place  of  summer  residence,  at  Free- 
ville,  a few  miles  from  Ithaca  and  not  far  from 
Auburn,  N.  Y.  He  found  it  bard  to  rule  them, 
and  no  satisfactory  corrections  of  wrong-doing 
and  bad  behavior  could  be  devised.  Physically 
they  were  bettered  by  their  summer  outings, 
but  he  could  not  see  much  gain  in  other  ways. 
This  continued  for  some  seasons  before  his  ex- 
periments with  them  began.  The  first  to  be  ap- 
plied was  a rule  that  such  articles  of  clothing 
and  the  like  as  had  formerly  been  given  to  the 
boys  must  be  paid  for  in  work.  At  the  outset 
they  resented  the  idea ; but  before  the  summer 
was  over  they  were  all  cheerfully  at  work,  and 
the  tone  of  the  party  was  much  improved.  In  the 
next  year  culprits,  who  robbed  orchards  and 
committed  other  misdemeanors,  were  arraigned 
before  the  whole  community,  for  a hearing  and 
a public  verdict  as  to  their  guilt.  Hard  labor  at 
stone-breaking  and  the  building  of  a road  now 
became  the  penalty  for  wrong-doing,  and,  pre- 
sently, there  was  a boy  constable  to  see  that  they 
did  their  work. 

So,  step  by  step,  from  year  to  year,  the  fabric 
of  self-government  and  self-supporting  indus- 
try was  constructed,  until  the  Junior  Republic 
emerged,  with  its  President  and  other  executive 
officers,  its  representative  legislature,  its  courts, 
its  police,  its  own  monetary  system  and  bank, — 
a political  and  industrial  commonwealth  of  boys 
and  girls  (for  both  sexes  have  been  included), 
taken  out  of  a derelict  class  for  treatment  by  this 
simple  innoculation  with  social  responsibilities. 
Writing  of  the  George  Junior  Republic  in  1908, 
Dr.  Lyman  Abbott  said:  “ It  now  has  as  a terri- 
tory a hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  owned  by 
the  Board  of  Trustees,  and  the  practical  use  of  a 
hundred  and  fifty  more  belonging  to  Mr.  George 
and  some  other  friends  of  the  Republic  who  have 
made  their  home  here  because  such  residence 
affords  them  an  opportunity  to  give  guidance 
and  inspiration  to  the  boys  and  girls.  The  citi- 
zens, i.  e.  the  boys  and  girls  in  the  Republic, 
number  upwards  of  a hundred  and  fifty.  They 
are  in  some  cases  signed  over  to  the  Republic  by 
the  parents,  in  other  cases  practically  committed 
on  suspended  sentences  by  the  courts.  They  are 
extraordinarily  free  within  the  territory,  but  are 
not  free  to  leave  it.  Laundry,  baking,  carpentry, 
and  printing  are  the  principal  trades  indoors; 
road-making  and  land  improvement  the  principal 
industries  out-of-doors.  There  are  two  jails,  one 
for  the  boys,  one  for  the  girls;  a library,  a school- 
house,  a chapel,  bank,  and  a well-organized 
banking  and  currency  system.  There  is  a court, 
and  there  is  a judge,  who  is  elected  every  year  by 
the  citizens.  From  this  court  an  appeal  lies  in 
certain  cases  to  a Supreme  Court  chosen  by  the 
boys  from  the  Board  of  Trustees,  but  this  court 
only  passes  on  the  regularity  of  the  proceedings 
in  the  court  below,  that  is,  on  what  might  be  re- 
garded as  equivalent  to  constitutional  and  juris- 
dictional questions.  There  are  a President,  a Vice- 
President,  a Secretary  of  State,  and  a Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  all  of  whom  are  elected  annually ; 
the  three  latter  officers  constituting  the  Police 
Commissioners,  the  Board  of  Health,  and  the 
President’s  Cabinet.  There  are  both  a girl  and  a 
boy  District  Attorney,  who  are  appointed  by  the 
President,  and  certain  police  officers  and  prison 
keepers.  All  citizens  of  the  Republic,  both  hoys 
and  girls,  over  fourteen  years  of  age,  are  voters ; 
no  one  can  remain  a citizen  after  twenty -one. 


The  legislature  has  been  abolished  by  the  citizens 
themselves,  and  all  laws  are  made  in  town  meet- 
ing, which  is  held  once  a month.  . . . 

“The  Republic  has  been  in  existence  long 
enough  to  give  the  experiment  a fair  trial,  and 
the  results  justify  the  expectations  of  its  friends. 
In  round  numbers,  about  five  hundred  have  gone 
out  from  the  Republic  into  life,  most  of  them 
taken  from  the  class  of  boys  and  girls  whose  en- 
vironment was  fruitful  of  crime  and  whose  ten- 
dency was  toward  a criminal  career.  Of  these 
five  hundred  two  or  three  are  known  to  have  re- 
turned to  crime,  and  five  or  six  have  disappeared 
entirely.  But  of  these  eight  or  ten  failures  not  one 
was  in  the  Republic  more  than  a few  months  — 
not  long  enough  to  get  the  benefit  of  the  training. 
The  other  four  hundred  and  ninety  are  known  to 
be  earning  an  honest  livelihood  by  honorable 
labor;  and  of  these  four  hundred  and  ninety, 
twenty  have  either  graduated  from  college,  are 
now  in  college,  or  are  just  preparing  to  enter 
college.  At  this  writing  two  new  Republics  are 
about  being  organized,  one  in  Georgia  and  one  in 
California,  and  a movement  is  on  foot  for  the 
organization  of  a National  Association.  ” 

Borne  months  later  than  the  above  account  of 
the  Junior  Republic  there  were  reported  to  be 
kindred  organizations  modelled  upon  it  in  Con- 
necticut and  Maryland,  with  movements  to  the 
same  end  in  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and 
New  Jersey,  as  well  as  in  some  countries  abroad. 
Mr.  Thomas  M.  Osborne,  of  Auburn,  who  has 
been  from  an  early  day  the  chief  supporter  of 
Mr.  George  in  his  work,  said  recently  in  a pub- 
lished letter:  “ I believe  that  the  success  of  the 
Junior  Republic  idea,  as  we  have  worked  it  out 
during  the  last  fourteen  years,  is  no  longer  de- 
pendent upon  Mr.  George,  its  originator,  or 
upon  any  one  man.  Its  established  principles 
will  now  live  on  into  the  far  future,  and  work 
the  sure  righting  of  thousands  of  youngsters 
gone  wrong  in  every  section  of  the  greater  re- 
public.” 

But  it  may  work  much  more  than  “ the  sure 
righting  of  thousands  of  youngsters  gone 
wrong.”  It  may,  if  its  working  widens  and 
roots  itself  among  the  institutions  of  the  future, 
as  it  seems  likely  to  do,  have  a very  potent  and 
positive  political  influence  in  the  world.  If 
men  and  women  representative  of  a class  that  is 
now  troublesome  to  democracy,  politically  as 
well  as  otherwise,  should  by  and  by  be  brought 
in  large  numbers  yearly  from  graduation  in  the 
Young  Republic  training  schools  of  imitative 
citizenship,  to  be  joined  with  their  elders  in 
larger  spheres  of  more  entire  self-government, 
are  they  not  likely  to  introduce  a profounder 
change  in  the  operation  of  republican  institu- 
tions than  can  now  be  foreseen  ? 

Juvenile  Courts.  — Their  origin  and  devel- 
opment. — A collection  of  reportson  “Children’s 
Courts  in  the  United  States,”  prepared  for  the 
International  Prison  Commission  and  edited  by 
Mr.  Samuel  J.  Barrows,  Commissioner  for  the 
United  States,  was  published  in  1904  as  House 
Document  No.  701  of  the  58th  Congress,  2d  Ses- 
sion. The  following  account  of  the  origin  of 
the  now  widely  established  Juvenile  Courts  of 
America  and  Europe,  and  of  their  development 
in  the  United  States  during  the  first  four  years 
of  their  existence,  is  derived  from  those  reports. 

Commissioner  Barrows  opens  his  introduction 
to  the  collected  reports  with  the  following  re- 

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marks:  “ If  the  question  be  asked,  ' What  is  the 
most  notable  development  in  judicial  principles 
and  methods  in  the  United  States  within  the  last 
live  years?’  the  answer  may  unhesitatingly  be, 
‘The  introduction  and  establishment  of  juvenile 
courts.’  Never  perhaps  has  any  judicial  reform 
made  such  rapid  progress.  Beginning  in  Chicago 
in  1899,  this  institution  has  sprung  up  in  city 
after  city  and  State  after  State  until  it  is  now 
established  in  eight  States  and  eleven  large  cities. 
This  progress  has  been  made  not  merely  by 
changes  in  procedure  or  legal  technique,  nor  by 
the  introduction  of  a new  method  ; it  is  most  of 
all  by  the  introduction  of  a new  spirit  and  a new 
aim.  ...  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  ju- 
venile court  is  only  a smaller  court  for  smaller 
offenders  or  simply  a court  holding  separate 
sessions  for  such  offenders ; it  represents  an  al- 
together different  principle.  The  juvenile  court 
is  a life-saving  institute  in  society. 

“It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  child-sav- 
ing methods,  institutions,  and  organizations  have 
long  flourished  in  the  United  States.  The  North- 
ern States  have  regarded  juvenile  reformatories 
as  a part  of  their  correctional  equipment,  and 
the  courts  have  served  as  vestibules  for  such  in- 
stitutions ; but  they  have  only  been  incidentally 
a part  of  the  process.  We  have  not  before  real- 
ized what  the  court  might  be  and  do  before  re- 
sorting to  institutions.  The  children’s  court 
still  maintains  relations  with  the  reform  school, 
but  it  represents  in  itself  active  and  vital  forces 
and  invokes  a whole  range  of  influence  and  mo- 
tives which  are  personal  and  formative.  It  ap- 
peals to  the  reform  school  not  as  the  first,  but 
only  as  the  last  resort.  The  juvenile  court  has 
discovered  that  the  child  is  a child,  and,  as 
Judge  Hurley  says,  ‘ The  child  should  be  treated 
as  a child.  Instead  of  reformation,  the  thought 
and  idea  in  the  judge’s  mind  should  always  be 
formation.  No  child  should  be  punished  for  the 
purpose  of  making  an  example  of  him.’  . . . 

“ The  methods  of  children’s  courts,  or  juvenile 
courts,  as  they  are  termed  in  some  States,  differ 
in  different  places.  In  some  States  the  judge  is 
detailed  from  some  other  court ; in  some  courts 
but  one  judge  is  assigned  to  this  work.  In  New 
York  several  judges  from  the  court  of  special 
sessions  act  successively  in  turn  as  judges  of  the 
children’s  court.  In  Maryland  and  Indiana  the 
judges  of  the  children’s  courts  exercise  this 
function  only,  and  it  is  claimed  that  it  is  better 
than  the  method  of  rotation,  since  the  judge 
who  confines  himself  to  juvenile  court  cases  be- 
comes a specialist  in  this  work.  In  Colorado  J udge 
Lindsey  is  not  only  judge  of  the  juvenile  court, 
but  also  of  the  county  court.  He  finds  advan- 
tage in  the  fact  that  in  his  first  capacity  he  can 
protect  the  child,  while  as  judge  of  the  county 
court  he  can  also  sentence  the  guardian  or  parent 
who  is  responsible  for  the  child’s  delinquency. 

“ An  essential  feature  of  every  juvenile  court 
is  the  probation  system  and  probation  officers. 
Their  duty  is  to  investigate  the  case  before  trial, 
and,  if  the  child  is  placed  on  probation,  to  exer- 
cise watchcare  over  them  until  the  period  of 
probation  is  closed.  It  is  in  this  way  that  the 
parental  care  of  the  State  is  exerted.” 

The  City  of  Chicago  and  the  Legislature  of 
Illinois  have  the  honors  of  the  origination  of 
the  Children’s  Court  as  a distinct  creation  of  law. 
The  Visitation  and  Aid  Society  of  Chicago  had 
been  laboring  since  1891  to  secure  various  mea- 


sures of  advanced  legislation  bearing  on  child- 
saving, without  much  success,  until,  as  related 
in  a report  by  Mr.  Hurley,  of  that  Society,  the 
Bar  Association  of  Chicago  took  the  matter  in 
hand,  in  1899,  and  appointed  a committee  to  press 
it.  This  committee  drafted  the  first  juvenile  court 
law  ever  planned  distinctly  to  that  end  and  se- 
cured its  enactment  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State.  The  law  went  into  force  on  the  1st  of 
July,  1899.  The  Court  was  soon  opened,  and 
Judge  Tuthill,  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Illinois, 
who  presided  in  it  from  the  first,  has  stated  the 
principles  of  its  constitution  and  action  in  these 
following  words : 

“The  basic  principle  of  the  law  is  this  : That 
no  child  under  16  years  of  age  shall  be  considered 
or  be  treated  as  a criminal ; that  a child  under 
that  age  shall  not  be  arrested,  indicted,  convicted, 
imprisoned,  or  punished  as  a criminal.  It  of 
course  recognizes  the  fact  that  such  children 
may  do  acts  which  in  an  older  person  would  be 
crimes  and  be  properly  punishable  by  the  State 
therefor,  but  it  provides  that  a child  under  the 
age  mentioned  shall  not  be  branded  in  the  open- 
ing years  of  its  life  with  an  indelible  stain  of 
criminality,  or  be  brought,  even  temporarily, 
into  the  companionship  of  men  and  women  whose 
lives  are  low,  vicious,  and  criminal. 

“The  law  divides  children  into  two  classes,  the 
‘ dependent  ’ and  the  ‘ delinquent.  ’ A dependent 
child,  in  the  language  of  the  law,  is  a child  — 
‘ who  for  any  reason  is  destitute  or  homeless  or 
abandoned,  or  has  not  proper  parental  care  or 
guardianship,  or  who  habitually  begs  or  receives 
alms,  or  who  is  found  living  in  any  house  of  ill 
fame  or  with  any  vicious  or  disreputable  person, 
or  whose  home,  by  reason  of  neglect,  cruelty, 
or  depravity  on  the  part  of  the  parents,  guardian, 
or  other  person  in  whose  care  it  may  be,  is  an 
unfit  place  for  such  a child.’  A ‘ delinquent  child  ’ 
is  defined  to  be — ‘ any  child  under  the  age  of  16 
who  violates  any  law  of  this  State  or  any  city  or 
village  ordinance,  or  who  is  incorrigible,  or  who 
knowingly  associates  with  thieves,  vicious,  or 
immoral  persons,  or  who  is  growing  up  in  idle- 
ness or  crime,  or  who  knowingly  frequents  a 
house  of  ill  fame,  or  who  knowingly  patronizes 
any  policy  shop  or  place  where  any  gaming  de- 
vice is  or  shall  be  operated.’ 

“The  law  places  its  enforcement  upon  the 
judges  of  the  circuit  court,  who  are  required  to 
select  one  of  their  number  to  perform  these 
duties  as  a part  of  the  judicial  work  of  such 
judge.  . . . The  circuit  court  is  a court  of  orig- 
inal and  unlimited  jurisdiction,  the  highest  in 
the  State,  and  the  duty  of  holding  the  juvenile 
court  was  placed  in  the  circuit  court  (which  for 
convenience  is  designated  the  ‘ juvenile  court  ’)  as 
an  indication  by  the  legislature  of  the  importance 
to  the  State  of  the  work  to  be  done. 

“The  case  of  each  child  brought  into  court, 
whether  dependent  or  delinquent,  becomes  of 
record,  and  every  step  taken  in  the  case  is  shown 
upon  the  court  record.” 

Interest  in  the  Illinois  Law  was  awakened 
quickly  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  re- 
quests for  copies  of  it,  says  Mr.  Hurley  in  his 
historical  sketch,  “began  to  pour  in  from  all 
directions.  These  requests  were  promptly  an- 
swered and  copies  of  the  Juvenile  Court  Record, 
published  by  the  Visitation  and  Aid  Society, 
containing  the  necessary  information,  were  sent 
to  applicants.  Agitation  began  in  other  States 

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CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


for  a law  similar  to  the  one  passed  in  Illinois, 
and  those  who  helped  to  form  the  Illinois  law 
were  invited  to  visit  other  States  to  explain  the 
measure  and  the  method  of  administering  the  law 
in  Cook  County. 

“The  Illinois  law  proved  so  satisfactory  that 
many  judges  throughout  the  country,  not  wish- 
ing to  await  the  action  of  a legislature,  estab- 
lished branches  in  their  several  courts  for  children 
cases  only,  and  in  the  treatment  of  the  cases  ap- 
plied the  probate  and  chancery  powers  of  the 
court.  This  was  the  case  especially  in  Denver, 
Colorado,  where  Judge  Ben  D.  Lindsey  had  a 
complete  and  well-equipped  juvenile  court  and 
probation  system  before  the  legislature  took  any 
action  whatever.  A like  court  was  subsequently 
adopted  in  Indianapolis  by  George  W.  Stubbs. 
The  two  latter  courts  were  carried  on  practically 
in  the  same  way  that  they  have  been  since  laws 
were  adopted  by  these  States.  In  most  of  the 
States  the  probation  officers  are  volunteers.” 

Judge  Lindsey,  of  Denver,  has  won  celebrity 
among  the  presiding  magistrates  of  the  Juvenile 
Courts  by  the  kindly  shrewdness  of  the  methods 
by  which  he  has  won  the  confidence,  the  admira- 
tion and  devotion  of  the  boys  and  girls  of  his 
city,  within  the  classes  with  which  he  has  to 
deal.  The  scene  which  his  court-room  presents 
on  the  appointed  days  when  the  delinquents  on 
probation  come  in  a body  to  report  to  him  and 
to  be  talked  to  by  him  has  been  often  described, 
and  it  seems  to  exemplify  a kind  of  influence  that 
would  go  farther  than  any  other  in  resistance  to 
the  vitiating  conditions  which  surround  masses 
of  the  young  in  all  cities.  Judge  Lindsey’s  ex- 
tended report  of  his  work  and  experience  in  the 
Denver  Juvenile  Court,  published  in  the  collec- 
tion referred  to  above,  is  a paper  of  remarkable 
interest. 

As  stated  already,  the  Juvenile  Court  is  now 
an  established  institution  in  nearly  every  part  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  many  countries  abroad. 
It  was  established  in  Great  Britain  by  the  not- 
able “ Children  Act  ” of  1908  (see  above),  and  was 
instituted  that  year  in  several  of  the  German 
cities.  A Press  despatch  from  Berlin,  March 
15,  1909,  reported  the  opening  of  a congress  in 
that  city,  under  the  auspices  of  the  German  As- 
sociation for  the  Care  of  the  Young,  which  aims 
at  the  extension  of  this  important  reform.  “ The 
labors  of  the  society,”  says  the  despatch,  “ seem 
to  have  been  stimulated  by  the  passing  of  the 
English  Children  Act  of  1908,  a German  transla- 
tion of  which  has  been  distributed  to  members 
of  the  congress.  The  movement  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  special  Courts  for  juvenile  offenders 
was  taken  up  in  Germany  later  than  in  some 
other  countries,  but  has  recently  made  rapid 
progress.  The  first  children’s  Courts  were  estab- 
lished on  January  1,  1908,  at  Cologne,  Stuttgart, 
and  Breslau,  and  there  are  now  26  such  Courts 
in  Prussia.  Official  statistics,  however,  indicate 
that  in  recent  years  the  total  number  of  juvenile 
offenders  in  Germany  has  grown  about  three 
times  as  fast  as  the  total  number  of  offenders  of 
all  ages.  During  1906,  55,211  persons  under  the 
age  of  18  were  sentenced,  as  compared  with 
51,232  in  1905  and  49,993  in  1904.” 

At  the  meeting  of  the  International  Prison 
Commission,  at  Lausanne,  Switzerland,  in  1907, 
it  was  significant  of  the  deep  interest  which  the 
children’s  court  has  awakened  in  Europe  that 
nineteen  societies  in  France,  including  the  Acad- 


emy of  Moral  and  Political  Sciences,  the  General 
Society  of  Prisons,  and  the  faculties  of  law  of 
Paris,  Lille,  and  Montpellier,  and  several  of  the 
most  prominent  tribunals  in  France,  asked  to 
have  the  whole  subject  of  the  organization  of 
children’s  courts  elucidated  and  discussed.  A 
similar  interest  was  shown  in  Switzerland  and 
Germany. 

In  an  extended  letter  to  the  London  Times, 
published  August  19,  1909,  Miss  Florence  Dav- 
enport-Hill traced  the  origin  of  children’s  courts 
to  Massachusetts,  and  gave  the  following  account 
of  their  introduction  from  that  source  of  sug- 
gestion into  Australia,  and  thence,  to  some  ex- 
tent, into  Great  Britain.  Miss  Davenport-Hill’s 
statements  on  the  subject  are,  in  part,  as  follows  : 
“ Although  we  hear  little  now  from  our  earliest 
exemplar,  Massachusetts  — possibly  because  she 
has,  I believe,  cleared  away  the  class  to  be  dealt 
with  — it  is  desirable  to  remember  it  was  she 
who  evolved  the  then  new  principle  of  absolute 
separation  of  child  from  adult,  and  devised  its 
potent  supporter,  the  probation  system  — a sys- 
tem affording  watchful  and  kindly  help  to  strong 
and  maybe  wilful  weaklings.  Thus  did  Massa- 
chusetts become  a noble  example,  making  the 
way  plain  for  her  successors.  Mr.  Joseph  Sturge, 
attracted  early  in  the  eighties  by  reports  of  the 
‘ plan,’  visited  Boston  to  investigate  its  meth- 
ods. He  describes  in  a pithy  narrative  subse- 
quently published  how  his  highest  expectations 
were  fulfilled  ; and  it  is  interesting  to  learn  from 
his  pen  that  ‘ the  probation  system  by  which 
juvenile  offenders  are  saved  from  imprisonment 
has  been  so  successful,  economically  and  morally, 
that  the  city  of  Boston  now  employs  a probation 
agent  to  deal  with  suitable  adult  cases  in  a cor- 
responding manner.’ 

“A  copy  of  Mr.  Sturge’s  narrative  reached, 
by  good  fortune,  the  Chief  Justice  of  South 
Australia,  then  presiding  at  a Royal  Commission 
of  inquiry  concerning  adult  and  juvenile  de- 
pendents on  the  State.  He  recognized,  and  in 
his  forthcoming  report  expounded,  the  value  of 
the  Massachusetts  plan  in  its  application  to  chil- 
dren. The  result  was  the  creation  by  the  South 
Australian  Government  of  a department,  entitled 
the  State  Children’s  Council,  consisting  of  12 
ladies  and  gentlemen  nominated  by  the  State  as 
honorary  members,  to  deal  with  erring  and  neg- 
lected children  on  the  lines  of  that  plan.  . . . 

“ Nineteen  years  ago  the  Children’s  Court  was 
opened  in  Adelaide,  and  in  October,  1903,  thanks, 
Sir,  to  your  sympathetic  courtesy,  the  repro- 
duction in  The  Times  of  a letter  describing  it  in 
the  Melbourne  Argus  from  Miss  Alice  Henry 
made  known  among  us  its  scope,  methods,  and 
success.  Gradually  Benches  of  Magistrates  in 
various  parts  of  Great  Britain  and  of  Ireland 
who  led  the  way  tried  the  experiment,  which 
was  then  discovered  to  be  already  existing 
among  us  here  and  there,  and  in  a more  or  less 
developed  form,  as  at  Greenwich,  Hull,  &c.” 

As  Workers  : 

Canada : Child  Labor  Legislation.  — 

“There  is  not  in  any  province  a comprehensive 
act  dealing  with  the  subject  of  child  labor  as  a 
whole,  and  even  in  Ontario,  which  has  its  Facto- 
ries Act,  its  Shops  Act,  its  Mines  Act,  its  Munici- 
pal Act,  its  Truancy  Act  — all  bearing  on  the 
matter  more  or  less  directly  — it  is  still  possible 
for  young  children  to  be  kept  at  work  by  their 
parents  for  mercilessly  long  hours  under  sweat- 

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CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


shop  conditions.  Prince  Edward  Island,  Sas- 
katchewan, and  Alberta  have  neither  Shops  nor 
Factories  Acts.  Ontario,  Nova  Scotia,  Mani- 
toba, and  British  Columbia  have  both  ; Quebec 
and  New  Brunswick  have  Factories  Acts,  and 
six  of  the  provinces  have  Mines  Acts.  The  sev- 
eral Factories  Acts  resemble  one  another  closely. 
In  general,  they  prohibit  the  employment  of  girls 
under  eighteen  and  boys  under  sixteen  in  facto- 
ries where  the  work  is  dangerous  or  unhealthy ; 
forbid  the  employment  of  children  under  four- 
teen in  any  manufacturing  establishment  (except 
canning  factories)  in  three  provinces ; limit  the 
hours  of  labor  for  women  and  children  to  ten 
hours  a day  and  sixty  hours  a week  ; and  specify 
the  amount  of  overtime  permissible  for  these 
classes  of  workers.  The  Shops  Acts,  upon  the 
whole,  allow  greater  latitude  to  the  employers  of 
children  ; thus  the  hours  of  labor  are  longer  and 
the  conditions  often  not  less  injurious  than  those 
in  factories.  Except  in  Ontario,  no  age  limit  is  set 
under  which  a child  may  not  begin  work  in  a 
shop.  Again  by  the  Mines  Acts  of  British  Colum- 
bia, children  of  twelve  may  be  employed  above 
ground,  and  by  those  of  Saskatchewan  and  Nova 
Scotia  boys  of  twelve  may  work  under  ground. 
The  enforcement  of  the  laws  restricting  child 
labor  has,  from  various  causes,  proved  some- 
what inadequate.  For  instance,  Nova  Scotia 
has  had  a Factories  Act  since  1901,  but  no  in- 
spector of  factories  till  the  present  year  ; while 
Ontario,  with  a Truancy  Act  that,  if  enforced, 
would  prevent  many  children  from  engaging  in 
unsuitable  labor,  has  vested  the  appointment  of 
truancy  officers  in  the  municipalities,  and  these, 
in  many  instances,  have  neglected  to  make  ap- 
pointments.” — The  Outlook , Nov.  14,  1908. 

Recent  changes  in  child  labor  laws  in  Canada 
are  as  follows : 

In  Ontario  the  Factories  Act  limits  the  work- 
ing time  of  boys  under  sixteen  to  ten  hours,  for- 
bids the  employment  of  children  under  twelve 
within  doors,  and  restricts  the  privileges  ex- 
tended to  canning  factories.  The  Shops  Act  is 
amended  by  raising  the  age  limit  from  ten  to 
twelve  years.  Manitoba  forbids  the  employ- 
ment of  minors  as  bartenders.  Alberta  has  raised 
the  age  limit  of  children  employed  in  mines  from 
twelve  to  sixteen  years.  British  Columbia  pro- 
hibits the  employment  of  boys  under  fourteen  and 
girls  under  fifteen  except  in  the  canning  of  fish. 

England  : The  Employment  of  Children 
Act,  1903.  — An  Act  “ to  make  Better  Provision 
for  Regulating  the  Employment  of  Children” 
became  law  in  August,  1903.  Most  of  the  respon- 
sibility for  a proper  protective  regulation  of  child 
labor  was  imposed  by  this  enactment  on  the 
local  authorities  of  the  Kingdom.  Among  its 
provisions  were  the  following  : 

“1.  Any  local  authority  may  make  byelaws  — 

(i)  prescribing  for  all  children,  or  for  boys  and 
girls  separately,  and  with  respect  to  all  occupa- 
tions or  to  any  specified  occupation,  — (a)  the 
age  below  which  employment  is  illegal ; and  (b) 
the  hours  between  which  employment  is  illegal; 
and  (c)  the  number  of  daily  and  weekly  hours  be- 
yond which  employment  is  illegal:  (ii)  prohibit- 
ing absolutely  or  permitting,  subject  to  condi- 
tions, the  employment  of  children  in  any  specified 
occupation. 

“2.  Any  local  authority  may  make  byelaws 
with  respect  to  street  trading  by  persons  under 
the  age  of  sixteen.  . . . 


“3. — (1)  A child  shall  not  be  employed  be- 
tween the  hours  of  nine  in  the  evening  and  six 
in  the  morning  : Provided  that  any  local  author- 
ity may,  by  byelaw,  vary  these  hours  either 
generally  or  for  any  specified  occupation. 

(2)  A child  under  the  age  of  eleven  years  shall 
not  be  employed  in  street  trading. 

(3)  No  child  who  is  employed  half-time  under 
the  Factory  and  Workshop  Act,  1901,  shall  be 
employed  in  any  other  occupation. 

(4)  A child  shall  not  be  employed  to  lift,  carry, 
or  move  anything  so  heavy  as  to  be  likely  to 
cause  injury  to  the  child. 

(5)  A child  shall  not  be  employed  in  any  oc- 
cupation likely  to  be  injurious  to  his  life,  limb, 
health  or  education,  regard  being  had  to  his  phy- 
sical condition.  . . . 

“4.  — (1)  A byelaw  made  under  this  Act  shall 
not  have  any  effect  until  confirmed  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  shall  not  be  so  confirmed 
until  at  least  thirty  days  after  the  local  authority 
have  published  it  in  such  manner  as  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  may  by  general  or  special  order 
direct.  . . . 

“13.  In  this  Act  — The  expression  ‘child’ 
means  a person  under  the  age  of  fourteen  years  : 
“The  expression  ‘ guardian,’  used  in  reference 
to  a child,  includes  any  person  who  is  liable  to 
maintain  or  has  the  actual  custody  of  the  child  : 
“ The  expression  ‘ employ’  and  ‘ employment,’ 
used  in  reference  to  a child,  include  employment 
in  any  labour  exercised  by  way  of  trade  or  for 
the  purposes  of  gain,  whether  the  gain  be  to  the 
child  or  to  any  other  person  : . . . 

“The  expression  ‘street  trading’  includes  the 
hawking  of  newspapers,  matches,  flowers,  and 
other  articles,  playing,  singing,  or  performing 
for  profit,  shoe-blacking,  and  any  other  like  oc- 
cupation carried  on  in  streets  or  public  places.” 
Germany  ; Child  Labor  Legislation  and 
its  operation.  — The  Reichstag,  in  1903,  passed 
a new  law  for  the  protection  of  children,  concern- 
ing the  operation  of  which  a well  known  English 
student  of  social  conditions  in  Germany  wrote  as 
follows  in  1908 : 

“Several  significant  facts  may  be  noted  in  re- 
lation to  the  protection  of  childhood  in  Germany. 
The  legal  age  of  admission  to  full  employment 
in  factories  and  workshops  is  fourteen  years, 
though  on  the  production  of  efficiency  certificates 
children  may  be  employed  for  not  more  than  six 
hours  daily  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  yet  of  the 
5,607,657  industrial  workers  subject  to  inspection 
in  1905  only  10,245,  or  under  0.2  per  cent.,  were 
below  fourteen  years,  and  in  some  States  there 
were  none.  To  show  the  progress  which  has 
been  made  in  this  respect  it  may  be  stated  that  in 
1875  10  per  cent.  (88,000  out  of  a total  of  880,500) 
of  the  factory  workers  were  between  twelve  and 
fourteen  years  of  age.  ...  At  the  same  time 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  a serious  exhaus- 
tion of  juvenile  strength  takes  place  in  the  unreg- 
ulated home  industries  of  Germany.  Further, 
from  the  age  of  six  the  child  of  the  people  attends 
the  primary  school  for  seven  or  eight  years,  and 
in  many  cases  he  is  required  to  attend  a contin- 
uation school  several  years  longer.  In  most  of 
the  large  towns  the  scholar  from  first  to  last  re- 
ceives free  systematic  medical  care  at  the  hands 
of  the  school  doctors.  It  begins  with  a thorough 
examination  on  admission,  and  the  health  record 
thus  opened  is  continued  throughout  the  whole 
period  of  school  life,  so  that  the  child  is  under 

87 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


constant  medical  supervision  until  it  reaches  the 
working  age.  Many  towns  have  gone  further, 
and  have  established  dental  surgeries,  and  at- 
tached eye  and  ear  specialists  to  the  primary 
schools.” — W.  H.  Dawson,  The  Evolution  of 
Modern  Germany,  p.  327  ( Unwin,  London  ; Scrib- 
ner’s, N.  Y.  ). 

United  States:  Child  Labor  Laws  of  the 
several  States  in  1908,  and  as  amended  since. 

— The  requirements  of  an  effective  child  labor 
law  are  set  forth  in  Pamphlet  No.  60  of  the  Na- 
tional Child  Labor  Committee  as  resting  “pri- 
marily upon  certain  definite  prohibitions,  among 
which  are  the  following : Labor  is  prohibited 
(1)  for  all  children  under  the  age  of  fourteen 
years;  labor  is  prohibited  (2)  for  all  children 
under  sixteen  years  of  age  who  do  not  measure 
sixty  inches  and  weigh  eighty  pounds ; labor  is 
prohibited  (3)  for  all  children  under  sixteen  years 
of  age  who  cannot  read  fluently  and  write  legibly 
simple  sentences  in  the  English  language;  labor  is 
prohibited  (4)  for  all  children  under  the  age  of  six- 
teen years,  between  the  hours  of  7 p.  m.  and  7 
a.  M.  or  longer  than  eight  hours  in  any  twenty- 
four  hours,  or  longer  than  forty -eight  hours  in 
any  week;  labor  is  prohibited  (5)  for  all  children 
under  the  age  of  sixteen  years  in  occupations 
dangerous  to  life,  limb,  health  or  morals.”  Fur- 
ther prescriptions  of  the  Committee  relate  to  the 
regulations  and  agencies  of  authority  requisite 
to  an  effective  enforcement  of  the  Law. 

In  Bulletin  No.  62  of  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of 
Labor  published  in  January,  1906,  there  is  pub- 
lished a compilation  of  the  laws  relating  to  child 
labor  in  each  State  of  the  Union,  as  amended  and 
in  force  at  the  close  of  the  year  1905.  An  ex- 
amination of  them  shows  that  the  proposed 
standard  had  not  then  been  measured  up  to  in 
any  State,  or  approached  even  nearly  by  more 
than  a few.  In  not  one  had  the  law  prescribed 
a test  by  weight  or  measure  of  the  bodily  de- 
velopment of  a child  that  should  mark  Nature’s 
consent  to  his  employment  in  any  kind  of  work. 

Thirteen  States,  namely,  California,  Connecti- 
cut, Delaware,  Indiana,  Kansas,  Minnesota, 
New  Jersey,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Ten- 
nessee, West  Virginia,  and  Wisconsin,  prohibited 
in  general  terms  the  employment  of  children 
under  fourteen  years  in  mechanical,  manufactur- 
ing or  mercantile  establishments,  or  to  that  ap- 
parent effect.  New  York  did  the  same,  with  the 
proviso  that  children  over  twelve  might  have  em- 
ployment during  school  vacation  times.  Rhode 
Island,  likewise,  excepted  the  vacation  time  for 
children  under  fourteen.  The  State  of  Washing- 
ton allowed  certain  judges  to  make  exemptions 
from  a similar  prohibition,  for  the  needed  sup- 
port of  helpless  parents.  Maine,  Michigan,  New 
Hampshire,  North  Dakota,  Texas,  Vermont, 
Virginia,  West  Virginia,  and  Wisconsin  fixed 
the  age  under  which  no  child  may  be  employed 
in  wage-earning  labor  at  twelve.  Louisiana 
appointed  it  at  twelve  for  a boy  and  fourteen 
for  a girl.  Colorado  placed  it  at  twelve  for  labor 
in  mines  only.  Florida  raised  it  to  fifteen,  but 
only  as  prohibitory  without  consent  of  “those 
having  legal  control”  of  the  child.  Alabama 
and  Nebraska  had  it  lowered  to  ten  years. 
South  Carolina  had  kept  it  at  ten  until  1903,  at 
eleven  until  1904,  and  at  twelve  until  May,  1905. 
In  the  Massachusetts  law  no  absolute  prohibi- 
tion of  child  labor  within  any  age  line  appeared. 

Educational  requirements,  conditioning  the 


employment  of  children,  were  in  most  of  the 
State  laws,  as  they  stood  at  the  end  of  1905,  and 
many  of  them  satisfied  the  third  rule  propounded 
by  the  National  Child  Labor  Committee,  as 
given  above. 

In  the  next  three  years  after  the  Bureau  of 
Labor’s  compilation  of  child  labor  laws,  great 
reforms  in  them  were  brought  about,  as  shown 
by  comparison  with  the  “Handbook  1908”  of 
“Child  Labor  Legislation”  compiled  by  Jose- 
phine Goldmark  for  the  National  Consumers’ 
League,  and  published  originally  as  a Supple- 
ment. to  the  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 
of  Political  and  Social  Science,  May,  1908. 
Some  statements  from  this  are  given  below  : 
“The  age  below  which  child  labor  is  pro- 
hibited varies  from  sixteen  to  ten  years.  The 
number  of  employments  prohibited  also  varies 
greatly  — from  all  employment  during  school 
hours  to  mine  work  only.  . . . Eleven  states 
prohibit  work  to  the  sixteenth  birthday  in  either 
mines  or  specific  occupations  injurious  to  health, 
or  both.  These  are,  for  mines,  New  York,  Ok- 
lahoma, Pennsylvania  (inside  anthracite  mines), 
Texas ; for  specific  occupations,  Kentucky, 
Minnesota,  Missouri,  Ohio,  Wisconsin ; for  both, 
Illinois  and  Montana.” 

The  fifteen  year  age  limit  is  prescribed  in  only 
one  State,  South  Dakota,  which  forbids  it  in 
mines,  factories,  hotels,  laundries,  theatres, 
bowling  alleys,  elevators,  messenger  service,  or 
places  where  liquors  are  sold. 

The  age  limit  of  fourteen  years  is  prescribed 
differently  in  different  States.  With  various 
qualifications,  employment  below  that  age  in  fac- 
tories, stores,  offices,  laundries,  hotels,  theatres, 
bowling  alleys,  is  prohibited  in  California,  Idaho, 
Illinois,  Iowa,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Michigan, 
Missouri,  Nebraska,  New  York,  Ohio,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Wisconsin. 

In  factories  or  stores  it  is  forbidden  in  Con- 
necticut, Massachusetts,  North  Dakota,  Oregon, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Washington. 

In  factories  it  is  not  permitted  in  Arkansas, 
Colorado,  Delaware,  Kansas,  Louisiana,  Maine, 
Minnesota,  New  Jersey,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Wis- 
consin. 

In  messenger  service  it  is  made  unlawful  in 
California,  Idaho,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
Michigan,  Missouri,  Nebraska,  New  York,  Ohio, 
Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Vermont,  Washington, 
Wisconsin. 

Children  under  this  age  are  excluded  from 
mines  in  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Idaho,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Minnesota,  Missouri, 
North  Dakota,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Tennessee,  Utah,  Washington,  Wisconsin, 
Wyoming. 

in  all  the  prohibitions  above  cited  many  and 
various  exceptions  are  allowed  in  the  laws  of 
different  States  — as  for  school-vacation  periods, 
for  children  of  widows  and  disabled  fathers, 
etc.  In  like  manner,  the  following  State  laws 
which,  on  general  principles,  forbid  all  employ- 
ment of  children  under  fourteen  years  during 
school  hours,  provide  for  numerous  and  differ- 
ent exceptional  circumstances  : California,  Col- 
orado, Connecticut,  District  of  Columbia,  Idaho, 
Illinois,  Kentucky,  Massachusetts,  Minnesota, 
Missouri,  Montana,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire, 
New  York,  North  Dakota,  Ohio,  Oregon,  South 
Dakota,  Vermont,  Washington,  West  Virginia, 
Wisconsin. 

88 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


CHILDREN,  UNDER  THE  LAW 


The  thirteen  year  age  limit  is  fixed  only  in 
North  Carolina,  'which  excepts  apprentices. 

The  twelve  year  limit  is  applied  (with  excep- 
tions for  the  vacation  months)  to  factories  or 
stores  in  California,  to  most  descriptions  of  regu- 
lar employment  in  Maryland,  and  to  factories  in 
West  Virginia.  It  is  applied  to  factories,  with 
varied  exceptions,  in  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Hampshire,  North 
Dakota,  South  Carolina,  and  Texas.  It  applies 
to  factories,  quarries,  railroads,  and  messen- 
ger service  in  Vermont,  and  to  factories,  stores, 
and  mines  in  Virginia.  To  mines  distinctly  it 
applies  in  Alabama,  Florida,  Maryland  (if  the 
twelve-year  child  is  not  wholly  illiterate),  North 
Carolina,  North  Dakota  (in  school  hours),  Penn- 
sylvania (in  bituminous  mines  only),  South 
Carolina,  Virginia,  West  Virginia  (vacation 
excepted). 

The  ten  year  old  limit  for  labor  to  be  lawful 
was  only  in  Georgia  factories,  with  exceptions 
for  the  babes  of  widows  and  disabled  fathers. 

As  to  hours  of  labor,  “six  states  limit  em- 
ployment to  9 hours  in  one  day  and  54  in  one 
week: — California,  Delaware,  Florida,  Idaho, 
Missouri,  and  New  York  (applying  to  children 
under  16  in  stores  and  as  messengers). 

“ Twenty-four  states  restrict  work  to  10  hours 
in  one  day  and  either  55,  58  or  60  hours  in  one 
week. 

“ Five  states,  Alabama,  Georgia,  North  Caro- 
lina, Pennsylvania  and  Tennessee  allow  more 
than  10  hours  work  in  one  day,”  in  the  hours  per 
week  they  permit. 

“Those  states  which  fail  to  restrict  the  hours 
of  labor  allowed  in  one  week  as  well  as  in  one  day 
invite  the  possibility  of  seven  days’  labor.  In 
Washington,  for  example,  women  and  girls  may 
not  only  work  ten  hours  at  night,  they  may  do 
this  every  night,  including  Sunday. 

“ Work  at  night  is  effectively  restricted  to  the 
16th  birthday  in  18  states.  Twelve  states  set 
an  early  closing  hour  for  children  under  16  years, 
New  York  fixing  5 p.  m.  ; Michigan,  Ohio,  Ore- 
gon and  Wisconsin  6 p.  M.,and  Alabama,  Idaho, 
Illinois,  Kentucky,  Minnesota,  Missouri  and  New 
Jersey  (in  stores)  fixing  7 p.  m.  Of  these,  the 
Ohio  law  is  the  most  comprehensive,  since  it 
includes  girls  to  the  18th  birthday.” 

“Children  have  no  positive  immunity  from 
night  work  unless  the  hours  are  explicitly  stated 
between  which  it  is  unlawful  to  employ  them. . . . 
The  District  of  Columbia,  4 territories  and  20 
states  fail  to  prohibit  work  at  night  after  a defi- 
nite closing  hour.  The  sinister  feature  of  this 
list  is  the  presence  of  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Indiana,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Maryland,  New 
Hampshire,  Tennessee  and  West  Virginia,  all  of 
them  important  manufacturing  states  having 
industries  in  which  children  are  employed.” 

Since  the  compilation  of  the  above  several 
states  have  made  important  changes  in  or  addi- 
tions to  their  child  labor  laws,  as  follows  : 

In  Kentucky  the  age  limit  is  raised  to  14  years 
during  school  terms,  children  between  14  and  16 
not  to  be  employed  without  certificate  from  school 
authorities.  The  hours  of  labor  are  limited  to  ten 
hours  a day  and  sixty  hours  a week,  and  night 
work  is  prohibited  for  children  under  16  years. 

In  Louisiana  a fourteen-year  age  limit  is  estab- 
lished, with  a 9 hour  working  day,  and  night 


work  is  prohibited  for  boys  under  16  and  girls 
under  18  years. 

Mississippi  has  established  a twelve-year  limit, 
applicants  under  sixteen  being  required  to  fur- 
nish a certificate  of  age  and  educational  advan- 
tages, and  one  from  county  health  officer  show- 
ing physical  condition.  The  time  limit  is  ten 
hours  daily,  58  hours  a week. 

“ New  Jersey  enacted  a compulsory  education 
law,  requiring  school  attendance  of  all  children 
between  the  ages  of  seven  and  seventeen,  except 
that  children  of  fifteen  who  have  completed  the 
grammar  grades  and  are  regularly  employed  may 
be  excused.  This  places  the  age  limit  for  em- 
ployment during  the  school  period  at  fifteen 
years. 

“In  New  York  a law  was  passed  transferring 
the  enforcement  of  the  mercantile  child  labor  law 
from  local  boards  of  health  in  cities  of  the  first 
class  to  the  State  Labor  Department,  and  provid- 
ing for  the  creation  of  a bureau  of  mercantile 
inspection.  This  law  became  effective  October 
1st,  1908.”  It  made  important  changes,  affect- 
ing dangerous  employments,  which  became 
effective  October  1st,  1909. 

“ In  Ohio  an  important  measure  was  passed 
limiting  the  hours  for  boys  under  sixteen  and 
girls  under  eighteen  to  eight  per  day  and  forty- 
eight  per  week.” — National  Child  Labor  Com- 
mittee ( General  Secretary’s  Annual  Report). 

An  act  to  regulate  the  employment  of  child 
labor  in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  passed  by 
Congress  on  May  28,  1908.  This  law  prescribes 
an  age  limit  of  fourteen  years,  and  prohibits  em- 
ployment during  school  hours.  Exceptions  may 
be  made  for  children  in  the  service  of  the  Senate, 
or  for  those  whose  labor  is  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  a disabled  or  widowed  parent.  Street 
trades  are  forbidden  to  boys  under  ten  and  girls 
under  sixteen  years  of  age.  The  time  limit  for 
children  under  sixteen  is  eight  hours  a day  and 
forty-eight  hours  a week. 

The  report  of  the  National  Child  Labor  Com- 
mittee, for  the  year  ending  September  80,  1909, 
gives  the  following  additional  changes  : In  South 
Carolina  a system  of  factory  inspection  was 
adopted.  The  hours  of  labor,  however,  were 
changed  from  10  to  11  hours  a day.  In  Maine 
an  educational  test  was  adopted,  and  the  hours 
reduced  from  60  to  58  per  week.  Rhode  Island 
reduced  the  hours  for  women  and  children  from 
60  to  56  per  week.  Pennsylvania  enacted  a law 
requiring  adequate  proof  of  age  of  children  seek- 
ing employment,  and  requiring  school  certificate. 

Hours  of  labor  have  been  reduced  in  the  follow- 
ing States  : Michigan  to  54  hours  a week  for  all 
women  and  for  males  under  18 ; Kansas,  Okla- 
homa, North  Dakota  to  8 hour  day  and  48  hour 
week  ; Delaware  to  9 hour  day  and  54  hour 
week  ; Maine  to  10  hour  day  and  58  hour  week 
for  boys  under  16,  and  girls  under  18;  Rhode 
Island  to  56  hour  week  for  minors  under  16  and 
all  women. 

Night  work  has  been  prohibited  in  the  follow- 
ing additional  States  : Delaware,  Kansas,  North 
Dakota,  Michigan,  Oklahoma,  California. 

Compulsory  education  laws  have  been  passed 
in  Arkansas  and  Tennessee,  and  revised  and  im- 
proved in  New  Jersey,  New  York,  and  Missouri. 

See,  also.  Labor  Protection:  Hours  of 
1 Labor. 


89 


CHILDREN 


CHINA 


CHILDREN,  Public  Playgrounds  for.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Playground  Movement. 

CHILDS,  Richard  S.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Elective  Franchise:  United  States. 

CHILE:  A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Participation 
in  Second  and  Third  International  Confer- 
ences of  American  Republics,  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Noble  Peace  Agreements  be- 
tween Chile  and  the  Argentine  Republic. — 
Treatyfor  Arbitration  of  all  Disputes.  — Lim- 
itation of  Armaments.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903. — Sale  of  war  vessels  to  Great 
Britain. — Pursuant  to  her  Convention  with 
Argentina,  for  the  reduction  of  armaments, 
Chile,  in  this  year,  sold  two  newly  built  war 
vessels  to  Great  Britain. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Installation  of  President 
Montt. — -His  prospective  difficulties. — Don 
Pedro  Montt,  elected  President  of  Chile  in  June, 
1906,  was  installed  in  office  on  the  10th  of  Sep- 
tember following  — the  anniversary  of  Chilean 
independence.  United  States  Minister  Hicks, 
reporting  the  ceremony  to  his  Government,  added 
the  following  remarks  on  the  political  situation: 
“The  new  President  takes  office  while  enjoying 
great  personal  popularity.  He  is  the  son  of  Don 
Manuel  Montt,  who  was  President  of  Chile  from 
1851  to  1862.  His  reputation  is  that  of  a calm, 
well-balanced  man,  of  unimpeachable  integrity, 
strong  and  self-reliant,  but  conciliatory  and  far- 
seeing.  He  begins  his  career  with  many  difficul- 
ties on  his  hands.  One  question  left  over  from 
the  last  administration  — that  of  the  rectorship 
of  the  university — is  already  causing  consider- 
able trouble.  Under  the  law  the  President  ap- 
points the  rector  from  three  persons  named  by 
the  doctors  of  the  university  itself.  Senor  Lete- 
lier  has  been  so  named,  but  as  he  is  said  to  be  a 
liberal  and  even  a freethinker,  the  church  party 
and  the  conservatives  generally  are  fighting 
him.  The  new  President  selected  a cabinet  last 
week  entirely  different  from  the  one  now  in 
office,  but  owing  to  the  rectorship  question  and 
some  other  things  it  failed  and  a new  one  had 
to  be  appointed  hurriedly. 

“Among  other  difficulties  to  be  met  by  the 
new  President  is  the  opposition  of  the  Senate. 
It  is  understood  that  there  is  a majority  in  that 
body  against  him,  and  it  is  liable  to  operate  un- 
favorably to  him.  Still  his  friends  have  full 
confidence  that  he  will  succeed  in  quieting  oppo- 
sition and  will  retain  the  unlimited  confidence 
of  the  people. 

“ Under  the  Chilean  constitution  much  of  the 
power  delegated  to  the  President  under  the 
American  Constitution  is  retained  by  Congress. 


That  body  really  dictates  to  the  President  the 
appointment  or  removal  of  his  cabinet  and  thus 
his  functions  are  quite  different  from  those  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Destructive  earthquake.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  EARTHquAKES : Chile. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Diplomatic  relations  with 
Peru  reestablished.  — Diplomatic  relations  with 
Peru  were  reestablished  in  1907;  but  the  old 
sore  question  between  the  two  countries,  con- 
cerning the  interpretation  of  the  peace  treaty 
of  Ancon  (1884),  relative  to  the  provinces  of 
Tacna  and  Arica,  which  Chile  took  from  Peru 
in  the  preceding  war  (see  Chile,  in  Volume 
VI.),  remains  open. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Contract  given  for  the  Arica- 
La  Paz  Railway.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
Chile-Bolivia. 

A.  D.  1909. — -Arbitration  of  the  Alsop 
Claim  of  the  United  States.  — “ Many  years  ago 
diplomatic  intervention  became  necessary  to  the 
protection  of  the  interests  in  the  American  claim 
of  Alsop  and  Company  against  the  government 
of  Chili.  The  government  of  Chili  had  frequently 
admitted  obligation  in  the  case,  and  had  pro- 
mised this  government  to  settle  it.  There  had  been 
two  abortive  attempts  to  do  so  through  arbitral 
commissions,  which  failed  through  lack  of  juris- 
diction. Now,  happily,  as  the  result  of  the  recent 
diplomatic  negotiations,  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Chili,  actuated  by  the  sincere 
desire  to  free  from  any  strain  those  cordial  and 
friendly  relations  upon  which  both  set  such 
store,  have  agreed  by  a protocol  to  submit  the 
controversy  to  definitive  settlement  by  his  Brit- 
annic Majesty,  Edward  VII.” — Message  to  Con- 
gress of  President  Taft,  Dec.,  1909. 

The  claim  referred  to  is  that  of  “the  Alsop 
Company  of  New  York  and  Connecticut  which 
advanced  large  sums  of  money  to  the  Bolivian 
government  in  exchange  for  the  right  to  valu- 
able guano  deposits  in  that  country  and  other 
concessions.  The  government  contracted  further 
to  return  a part  of  the  loan  from  the  receipts  of 
customs  at  the  port  of  Arica.  Before  her  con- 
tract could  be  fulfilled  Bolivia  lost  Arica  and 
the  adjoining  districts  to  Chili  in  war.  In  1885, 
following  representations  by  the  American  State 
Department,  Chili  agreed  to  assume  the  obliga- 
tions of  Bolivia  to  the  Alsop  Company.  She  has 
never,  however,  made  good  her  promise,  and 
the  matter  has  been  the  subject  of  diplomatic 
negotiations  ever  since.  The  claim  now  amounts 
to  more  than  §1,500,000.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Building  of  the  Transandine 
Railway  Tunnel.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
Argentina-Ciiile. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Naval  plans.  See  War, 
The  Preparations  for:  Naval:  Chilean. 


CHINA. 


A.  D.  1887-1907.  — Increase  of  Christian 
Mission  Schools.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : 
China. 

A.  D.  1900-1905. — Sudden  and  rapid  up- 
springing  of  newspapers. — “ Without  giving 
actual  statistics,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Pe- 
king, which  had  no  newspaper  up  to  the  time  of 
the  Boxer  rising  — except  a short-lived  weekly 
started  by  the  Peking  Reform  Club  and  sup- 


pressed by  the  Empress  Dowager  — has  now 
three  daily  newspapers  and  two  fortnightly  ones, 
some  of  these  being  partly  illustrated.  Tientsin 
has  at  least  three  dailies,  one  of  these,  the  ‘ Ta- 
kung  Pao’  (' The  Impartial ’),  having  the  very 
respectable  circulation  of  twenty  thousand.  The 
official  organ  which  calls  itself  the  ‘Times’  (the 
‘ Shih  Pao’),  although  not  so  widely  circulated, 
is  well  written  under  European  auspices  and  has 

90 


CHINA,  1901-1902 


CHINA,  1901-1902 


considerable  influence.  In  Shanghai  there  are 
now  sixteen  daily  papers  (price,  eight  to  ten 
cash  each),  some  of  which  have  circulations 
of  as  much  as  ten  thousand,  and  besides  these 
there  are  many  journals  published  there. 
Further  south  (at  Foochow,  Sooehow,  and  Can- 
ton), there  are  in  all  some  six  or  seven  daily 
papers,  and  at  Hong-Kong  five,  while  Kiaochow 
has  one,  which  is  supported  by  the  local  Ger- 
man government.  In  addition  to  these,  several 
papers  are  now  published  in  the  interior,  but  the 
majority,  for  various  reasons,  flourish  in  the 
treaty  ports.”  — A.  R.  Colquhoun,  The  Chinese 
Press  of  To-day  (North  American  Review,  Jan., 
1906). 

A.  D.  1900-1906.  — Progressive  tariff  and 
internal  taxation  measures  to  check  the 
consumption  of  opium.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — The  Russian  grip  on 
Manchuria.  — Coercive  negotiations  with 
China.  — Protests  from  other  Powers.  — The 
Manchurian  Treaty  of  1902  and  its  im- 
potence.— Early  in  December,  1901,  the  Ameri- 
can Minister  to  China,  Mr.  Conger,  reported  to 
Secretary  Hay,  at  Washington,  an  impending 
treaty  which  Russia  seemed  likely  to  force  on 
the  Chinese  Government,  which  would  practi- 
cally secure  to  that  aggressive  Power,  through 
a prolonged  agreement  of  China  with  the  Russo- 
Chinese  Bank,  exclusive  railway  and  mining 
concessions  in  Manchuria,  and  which  would  pro- 
tract the  Russian  evacuation  of  that  country 
through  three  years.  England  and  Japan  were 
using  all  their  influence  at  Peking  to  prevent  the 
signing  of  the  treaty,  and  Mr.  Hay  entered  a 
vigorous  protest  on  the  part  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  “animated  now,  as  here- 
tofore, by  the  sincere  desire  to  insure  to  the 
4 whole  world  full  and  fair  intercourse  with  China 
on  equal  footing.”  The  pressure  from  Russia 
on  China  was  so  potent,  however,  that  Mr. 
Conger,  on  the  29th  of  January,  1902,  reported 
to  Mr.  Hay  that  Prince  Ch’ing,  who  acted  with 
authority  from  his  Government  in  the  negotia- 
tion with  Russia,  had  informed  him  “ that  the 
latter  has  done  the  best  he  could  and  has  held 
out  as  long  as  possible,  but  that  Russian  pos- 
session of  Manchuria  has  become  intolerable, 
and  that  China  must  at  once  sign  the  conven- 
tion or  lose  everything;  that  he  has  therefore 
agreed  to  sign  the  convention  [modified  in  some 
particulars]  and  will  also  sign  the  separate 
agreement  with  the  Russo-Chinese  Bank,  which 
practically  gives  exclusive  privileges  of  indus- 
trial development  in  Manchuria.”  Nevertheless 
the  consummation  of  the  Russian  project  of  co- 
ercive diplomacy  was  delayed  until  the  8th  of 
April,  and  the  terms  of  the  treaty  then  signed 
were  considerably  moderated  from  the  original 
design.  Its  provisions  of  interest  to  others  than 
the  contracting  parties  were  as  follows  : 

“ Article  i.  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  all 
the  Russias,  desiring  to  give  a fresh  proof  of  his 
love  of  peace  and  his  sentiments  of  friendship 
for  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  China,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  first  attacks  upon  the 
peaceable  Russian  population  were  made  from 
various  points  of  Manchuria,  which  is  situated 
on  the  frontier,  consents  to  the  reestablishment 
of  the  authority  of  the  Chinese  Government  in 
the  aforesaid  province,  which  remains  an  inte- 
gral part  of  the  Empire  of  China,  and  restores  to 


the  Chinese  Government  the  right  to  exercise 
governmental  and  administrative  powers  there 
as  before  its  occupation  by  the  Russian  troops. 

“Art.  II.  In  resuming  possession  of  govern- 
mental and  administrative  powers  in  Manchuria, 
the  Chinese  Government  confirms,  as  well  in 
regard  to  the  terms  as  to  all  the  other  articles, 
the  engagement  strictly  to  observe  the  stipula- 
tions of  the  contract  concluded  with  the  Russo- 
Chinese  Bank  on  the  27th  of  August,  1896,  and 
assumes,  according  to  article  5 of  said  contract, 
the  obligation  to  protect  the  railroad  and  its  per- 
sonnel by  every  means,  and  also  pledges  itself 
to  guarantee  the  security  in  Manchuria,  of  all 
Russian  subjects  in  general  who  reside  there  and 
the  enterprises  established  by  them.  The  Rus- 
sian Government,  in  view  of  the  assumption  of 
this  obligation  by  the  Emperor  of  China,  con- 
sents on  its  part,  in  case  there  shall  be  no  agita- 
tions of  any  sort,  and  if  the  action  of  the  other 
powers  shall  offer  no  obstacle  thereto,  gradually 
to  withdraw  all  its  troops  from  Manchuria  so  as 
(a)  To  withdraw,  in  the  course  of  six  months 
from  the  signing  of  the  convention,  the  Russian 
troops  from  the  southwest  portion  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Moukden,  as  far  as  the  Liao-he  River, 
and  again  to  place  China  in  control  of  the  rail- 
ways ; (b)  To  withdraw,  in  the  course  of  the  six 
months  following,  the  Imperial  Russian  troops 
from  the  remaining  portion  of  the  province  of 
Moukden  and  the  province  of  Kirin ; and  (c)  To 
withdraw,  in  the'eourse  of  the  six  months  follow 
ing,  the  remainder  of  the  Imperial  Russian 
troops  now  in  the  province  of  Hei-lung  Kiang. 

“ Art.  III.  In  view  of  the  necessity  of  obvi- 
ating in  future  a repetition  of  the  disturbances 
of  1900,  in  which  the  Chinese  troops  quartered 
in  the  provinces  adjacent  to  Russia  took  part, 
the  Russian  Government  and  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment agree  to  order  the  Russian  military  au- 
thorities and  the  dzian-dziuns,  to  come  to  an 
understanding  for  the  purpose  of  regulating  the . 
number  and  determining  the  places  of  cantonment 
of  the  Chinese  troops  in  Manchuria  until  the 
Russian  troops  shall  have  been  withdrawn  there- 
from. The  Chinese  Government  further  pledges 
itself  not  to  organize  any  other  troops  above  the 
number  thus  agreed  upon  by  the  Russian  military 
authorities  and  the  dzian-dziuns  which  shall  be 
sufficient  to  exterminate  the  brigands  and  to 
pacify  the  country.  After  the  complete  evacu- 
ation of  the  country  by  the  Russian  troops,  the 
Chinese  Government  shall  have  the  right  to  make 
an  examination  of  the  number  of  troops  in  Man- 
churia which  are  subject  to  increase  or  diminu- 
tion, giving  timely  notice  of  such  examination 
to  the  Imperial  Government,  for  the  maintenance 
of  troops  in  the  aforesaid  province  in  superfluous 
numbers  would  manifestly  lead  to  the  increase 
of  the  Russian  military  forces  in  the  adjacent 
districts,  and  would  thus  occasion  an  increase  of 
military  expenses,  to  the  great  disadvantage  of 
both  countries.  For  police  service  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  internal  order  in  this  region  outside  of 
the  territory  ceded  to  the  Chinese  Eastern  Rail- 
way Company,  there  shall  be  formed,  near  the 
local  dzian-dziun  governors,  a police  force,  both 
on  foot  and  mounted,  composed  exclusively  of 
subjects  of  the  Emperor  of  China 

“Art.  IV.  The  Russian  Government  consents 
to  restore  to  their  owners  the  raihvay  lines  of 
Shan-hai-kwan  — Yin-kow  — Simminting.  which 
have  been  occupied  and  protected  by  the  Russian 


CHINA,  1901-1902 


CHINA,  1901-1908 


troops  since  the  end  of  the  month  of  September, 

1900.  In  consideration  of  this  the  Government 
of  the  Emperor  of  China  pledges  itself : 

“ 1.  That  in  case  it  shall  become  necessary  to 
insure  the  security  of  the  aforesaid  railway  lines 
it  will  itself  assume  that  obligation,  and  will  not 
request  any  other  power  to  undertake  or  partici- 
pate in  the  defense,  construction,  or  exploitation 
of  these  lines,  and  will  not  permit  foreign  powers 
to  occupy  the  territory  restored  by  Russia. 

“ 2.  That  the  above-mentioned  railway  lines 
shall  be  completed  and  exploited  on  the  precise 
bases  of  the  agreement  made  between  Russia 
and  England  April  16,  1899,  and  on  those  of  the 
contract  concluded  September  28,  1898,  with  a 
private  company,  relative  to  a loan  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  aforesaid  lines,  and,  moreover, 
in  observance  of  the  obligations  assumed  by  the 
company,  especially  : Not  to  take  possession  of 
the  Shan-hai  -kwan  — Y in-kow — Simmin  tin  g line 
or  to  dispose  of  it  in  any  manner  whatever. 

“3.  That  if  a continuation  of  the  railway  lines 
in  the  south  of  Manchuria,  or  the  construction 
of  branch  lines  connecting  with  them,  and  the 
construction  of  a bridge  at  Yin  Kow  or  at  the 
transfer  of  the  terminus  of  the  Shan-hai-kwan 
Railroad,  which  is  situated  there,  shall  hereafter 
be  undertaken,  it  shall  be  done  after  a previous 
understanding  between  the  Government  of  Rus- 
sia and  that  of  China.”  — Papers  relating  to  the 
Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States,  1902,  pp. 
271-281. 

During  the  next  two  years  Russia  was  accused 
from  all  sides  of  infidelity  to  the  engagements 
of  this  treaty,  and  her  conduct,  which  seemed 
especially  menacing  to  Japan,  gave  rise  to  the 
Russo-Japanese  War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1901-1904. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.- — Edicts  for  educational 
reform. — Modernizing  examinations  for  lit- 
erary and  military  degrees. — Establishing 
universities,  colleges,  and  schools.  — Sending 
students  abroad.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : 
China:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1901-1904.  — Persistent  occupation 
of  Manchuria  by  the  Russians.  — Remon- 
strances of  the  Japanese.  See  Japan:  A.  D. 
1901-1904. 

A.  D.  1901-1908.  — Settlement  of  the  in- 
demnity to  be  paid  to  fourteen  Powers  on 
account  of  the  Boxer  Rising.  — Remission  of 
part  of  it  by  the  United  States. — In  April, 

1901,  when  the  record  of  events  connected  with 
the  Boxer  rising  against  foreigners  in  China  was 
closed  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  the  Chinese 
government  had  promised  satisfaction  and  in- 
demnity to  the  fourteen  Powers  whose  subjects 
had  suffered  from  the  barbarous  attack  and 
whose  forces  had  overcome  it,  and  the  measure 
of  indemnity  to  be  paid  was  then  being  discussed. 
The  discussion  and  the  reckonings  involved  were 
prolonged  till  September.  The  final  protocol 
was  signed  Sept.  7,  but  it  was  not  until  the  30th 
of  that  month  that  the  formulated  claims  of  the 
Powers  concerned  were  accepted  by  China,  and 
the  responsibility  of  payment  assumed  by  an 
imperial  decree.  The  total  was  450,000,000  taels, 
equivalent  to  $334,000,000,  divided  between 
Austria-Hungary,  Belgium,  Denmark,  France, 
Germany,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  Japan,  Nether- 
lands, Portugal,  Russia,  Spain,  Sweden,  and  the 
United  States.  The  sum  was  not  reckoned  solely 
for  the  covering  of  losses  and  expenses,  conse- 


quent on  the  Boxer  outrages,  but  was  intended 
to  be,  in  some  degree,  a penalty  imposed  on  the 
Chinese  nation ; and  some  of  the  claimant  nations 
were  said  to  be  more  exacting  on  this  score  than 
others  were. 

The  amount  for  which  the  United  States  stipu- 
lated was  $24,440,000,  and  the  American  govern- 
ment received  an  indemnity  bond  for  that  sum. 
But  when  the  expenses  of  the  American  relief 
expedition  had  been  accurately  ascertained,  and 
all  losses  and  destruction  of  property  belonging 
to  American  claimants  had  been  settled,  it  was 
found  that  they  would  be  largely  overpaid.  It 
was  possible,  according  to  common  practice  in 
international  dealings,  to  regard  the  excess  as 
justly  punitive  ; but  a different  view  was  dictated 
by  the  wish  to  show  friendliness  to  China,  and  a 
return  of  the  overpayment  was  proposed.  Recom- 
mended by  President  Roosevelt,  the  necessary 
sanction  was  given  by  Congress,  and  on  the  11th 
of  July,  1908,  the  American  Minister  to  China 
addressed  the  following  communication  to  the 
Prince  of  Ch’ing,  President  of  the  Wai-Wu-Pu, 
or  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs,  at  Peking : 

‘ ‘ Your  Highness : 

“ It  is  with  great  satisfaction  that  I have  the 
honor  to  inform  your  Highness,  under  direction 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States, 
that  a bill  has  passed  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  authorizing  the  President  to  modify  the 
indemnity  bond  given  the  United  States  by  China 
under  the  provisions  of  Article  VI.  of  the  final 
protocol  of  September  7,  1901,  from  twenty-four 
million,  four  hundred  and  forty  thousand  dollars 
($24,440,000),  United  States  gold  currency,  to 
thirteen  million,  six  hundred  and  fifty-five  thou- 
sand, four  hundred  and  ninety-two  dollars  and 
twenty-nine  cents  ($13,655,492.29),  with  inter- 
est at  four  per  cent  (4%)  per  annum.  Of  this 
amount  two  million  dollars  ($2,000,000)  are  held 
pending  the  result  of  hearings  on  private  claims 
presented  to  the  Court  of  Claims  of  the  United 
States  within  one  year.  Any  balance  remaining 
after  such  adjudication  is  also  to  be  returned  to 
the  Chinese  Government,  in  such  manner  as  the 
Secretary  of  State  shall  decide. 

“The  President  is  further  authorized  under 
the  Bill  to  remit  to  China  the  remainder  of  the 
indemnity  as  an  act  of  friendship,  such  payments 
and  remissions  to  be  made  at  such  times  and  in 
such  a manner  as  he  may  deem  just. 

“ I am  also  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
to  request  the  Imperial  Government  kindly  to 
favor  him  with  its  views  as  to  the  time  and  man- 
ner of  the  remissions. 

“Trusting  that  your  Imperial  Highness  will 
favor  me  with  an  early  reply  to  communicate  to 
my  Government,  I avail  myself  of  this  occasion 
to  renew  to  your  Highness  the  assurance  of  my 
highest  consideration — W.  W.  Rockhill.” 

In  his  reply,  after  reciting  the  statements  con- 
veyed to  him  by  Mr.  Rockhill,  the  Prince  wrote 
(as  translated)  the  following: 

“ On  reading  this  despatch  I was  profoundly 
impressed  with  the  justice  and  great  friendliness 
of  the  American  government,  and  wish  to  ex- 
press our  sincerest  thanks. 

“ Concerning  the  time  and  manner  of  the  re- 
turn of  the  amounts  to  be  remitted  to  China,  the 
Imperial  Government  has  no  wishes  to  express  in 
the  matter.  It  relies  implicitly  on  the  friendly 
intentions  of  the  United  States  Government,  and 
is  convinced  that  it  will  adopt  such  measures 


CHINA,  1901-1908 


CHINA,  1903 


as  are  best  calculated  to  attain  the  end  it  has  in 
view. 

‘‘The  Imperial  Government,  wishing  to  give 
expression  to  the  high  value  it  places  on  the 
friendship  of  the  United  States,  finds  in  its 
present  action  a favorable  opportunity  for  doing 
so.  Mindful  of  the  desire  recently  expressed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to  promote 
the  coming  of  Chinese  students  to  the  United 
States  to  take  courses  in  the  schools  and  higher 
educational  institutions  of  the  country,  and  con- 
vinced by  the  happy  results  of  past  experience 
of  the  great  value  to  China  of  education  in 
American  schools,  the  Imperial  Government  has 
the  honor  to  state  that  it  is  its  intention  to  send 
henceforth  yearly  to  the  United  States  a consid- 
erable number  of  students  there  to  receive  their 
education.  The  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs  will 
confer  with  the  American  Minister  in  Peking 
concerning  the  elaboration  of  plans  for  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  intention  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. 

“ A necessary  despatch. 

“ Seal  of  the  Wai-Wu-Pu.” 

Simultaneously  with  the  note  from  Prince 
Ch’ing,  the  Wai-Wu-Pu  as  a body  addressed  the 
following  to  Mr.  Rockhill : 

“ To  his  Excellency  IF.  W.  Rockhill,  American 
Minister,  Peking : 

“Referring  to  the  despatch  just  sent  to  your 
Excellency  regarding  sending  students  to  Amer- 
ica, it  has  now  been  determined  that  from  the 
year  when  the  return  of  the  indemnity  begins, 
one  hundred  students  shall  be  sent  to  America 
every  year  for  four  years,  so  that  four  hundred 
students  may  be  in  America  by  the  fourth  year. 
From  the  fifth  year  and  throughout  the  period 
of  the  indemnity  payments  a minimum  of  fifty 
students  will  be  sent  each  year. 

“As  the  number  of  students  will  be  very  great, 
there  will  be  difficulty  in  making  suitable  ar- 
rangements for  them.  Therefore,  in  the  matter 
of  choosing  them,  as  well  as  in  the  matters  of 
providing  suitable  homes  for  them  in  America 
and  selecting  the  schools  which  they  are  to  enter, 
we  hope  to  have  your  advice  and  assistance.  The 
details  of  our  scheme  will  have  to  be  elaborated 
later,  but  we  take  this  occasion  to  state  the  gen- 
eral features  of  our  plan,  and  ask  you  to  inform 
the  American  Government  of  it.  We  sincerely 
hope  that  the  American  Government  will  render 
us  assistance  in  the  matter. 

“ Wishing  you  all  prosperity, 

(Signed) 

Prince  of  Ch’ing,  Yuan-Shih-k’ai, 
Na-Tung  Lien  Fang 
Liang-Tun- Yen.  ” 

The  remittance  of  somewhat  more  than  $10,- 
000,000  of  the  indemnity  did  not  involve  a re- 
payment of  that  sum  of  money  to  the  Chinese 
government,  for  the  reason  that  payments  on  the 
original  indemnity  bond  were  to  be'  in  annual  in- 
stalments, running  until  1940,  certain  revenues 
being  pledged  to  secure  them.  The  remittance 
is  effected,  accordingly,  by  a readjustment  of 
those  payments  hereafter. 

Writing  in  The  Outlook  of  this  transaction,  and 
of  the  impression  it  has  made  in  China,  Mr. 
George  Marvin,  who  has  been  for  some  time  in 
official  connection  with  the  Chinese  Government, 
says: 

“In  pledging  itself  to  the  American  educa- 
tional mission  the  Chinese  Government  has  given 


the  fullest  evidence  of  its  appreciation.  Accord- 
ing to  estimates  made  in  Peking  last  summer, 
it  was  calculated  that  by  aud  after  the  fourth 
year  of  the  proposed  educational  foundation  the 
investment  necessary  to  finance  the  Chinese 
students  in  America  would  amount  to  $500,000 
annually,  a sum  nearly  equivalent  to  the  entire 
yearly  revenue  remitted.  Already,  and  quite 
apart  from  the  scheme  proposed  in  the  note  of  the 
Wai-Wu-  Pu,  there  are  maintained  in  the  United 
States  by  Imperial  and  Provincial  funds  one 
hundred  and  fifty-five  Chinese  students,  picked 
boys  and  young  men,  sons  of  officials  and  promi- 
nent and  wealthy  merchants,  chosen  often  by 
competitive  examinations.  The  students  now  to 
be  sent  annually  by  the  Imperial  Government 
will  be  still  more  carefully  selected.  These  are 
the  men  destined  for  positions  of  responsibility 
and  influence  in  that  ‘Awakening  China’  of 
which  we  hear  so  much.”  — G.  Marvin,  in  The 
Outlook,  Nov.  14,  1908. 

A Special  Ambassador  from  China,  bearing  a 
letter  of  thanks  from  the  Emperor,  presented  it 
to  the  President  on  the  2d  of  December,  1908. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Return  to  Peking  of  the 
Emperor,  Empress-Dowager,  and  Court. — 
Receptions  to  foreign  representatives.  — 
Withdrawals  of  foreign  troops.  — Recurrence 
of  Boxer  outbreaks. — The  Emperor,  Empress 
Dowager,  and  their  suite  reentered  Peking  on  the 
7th  of  January,  1902.  On  the  22d  the  foreign  re- 
presentatives were  admitted  to  audience  with  the 
Emperor  ; on  the  28th  the  Emperor  and  Empress- 
Dowager,  together,  gave  a reception  to  the  diplo- 
matic body,  the  Empress-Dowager  being  throned 
on  a higher  seat  than  the  Emperor  ; on  the  1st 
of  February  the  Empress-Dowager  entertained 
the  ladies  of  the  foreign  legations  at  a banquet, 
where  presents  of  jewelry  were  made  to  all  the 
guests.  Sorrow  for  the  misdoings  from  which 
the  foreigners  in  China  had  suffered  was  ex- 
pressed on  all  these  occasions,  and  there  seemed 
to  be  an  earnest  desire  to'make  amends  for  them. 

Foreign  troops  were  withdrawn  from  Tien-tsin 
on  the  15th  of  August,  1902,  and  the  city  de- 
livered to  the  Chinese  Viceroy.  Many  improve- 
ments in  streets,  bridges,  and  public  grounds  had 
been  made  by  the  provisional  government  which 
the  Allies  instituted  in  1900.  Shanghai  was  evac- 
uated by  the  allied  forces  at  the  end  of  the  year 
1902. 

Some  recurrence  of  Boxer  movements  and  in- 
surrections occurred  in  different  parts  of  the 
Empire  during  1902.  Several  missionaries  and  a 
number  of  native  converts  were  murdered, 
chapels  were  burned,  and  other  outrages  com- 
mitted ; but  in  general  there  was  a restoration 
of  order  in  the  country,  and  considerable  build- 
ing of  railways  and  forwarding  of  other  enter- 
prises went  on. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Russo-Chinese  Treaty  con- 
cerning Tibet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet  : A.  D. 
1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Jan.).  — Agreement  respecting 
China  between  Great  Britain  and  Japan.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.). — Wei-hai-wei  found  to 
be  strategically  worthless  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment. See  England:  A.  D.  1902  (Feb.). 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  — The  British  opening  of 
Tibet  by  force.  See  Tibet:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903  (May-Oct.).  — Treaty  with  the 
United  States.  — Opening  of  two  ports  in 


CHINA,  1903 


CHINA,  1904-1909 


Manchuria. — Rights  and  privileges  enlarged. 

— “In  the  protocol  of  September  7,  1901,  [see, 
above,  A.  D.  1901-1908]  China  had  agreed  to  ex- 
tend the  scope  of  her  commercial  treaties  with  the 
powers.  When  the  negotiation  of  a new  treaty  was 
begun  by  Consul-General  Goodnow  at  Shanghai, 
the  United  States  demanded  that  at  least  two 
new  ports  in  Manchuria  be  opened  to  foreign 
tradekand  residence.  The  Chinese  commissioners 
declined  to  discuss  this  subject,  on  the  alleged 
ground  that  they  had  no  instructions  to  do  so. 
It  was  evident  that  there  was  secret  opposition 
somewhere,  and  on  May  7,  1903,  Mr.  Conger  re- 
ported that  it  came  from  the  Russian  charge 
d'affaires.  Later  he  secured  a written  acknow- 
ledgment from  the  Chinese  government  that  such 
was  the  case.  . . . Mr.  Hay  then  appealed  with 
the  utmost  directness  to  the  Russian  government. 

. . . On  July  14  a definite  answer  was  at  length 
received  from  Russia,  in  which  she  declared  that 
it  had  never  entered  into  her  views  to  oppose  the 
opening  of  certain  cities  in  Manchuria  to  foreign 
commerce,  but  that  this  declaration  did  not  apply 
to  Harbin,  one  of  the  cities  selected  by  the  United 
States,  which  was  situated  within  the  railway 
zone,  and  therefore  was  not  under  the  complete 
jurisdiction  of  China.  A copy  of  this  note  was 
shown  to  the  Chinese  government;  which  finally 
agreed  to  insert  in  the  treaty  on  October  8 (the 
date  on  which  Russia  had  agreed  to  completely 
withdraw  from  Manchuria)  a provision  for  the 
opening  of  two  ports.  The  United  States  agreed 
to  this  arrangement,  and  on  October  8 the  treaty 
was  signed,  and  Mukden  and  Antung  named  as 
the  open  ports.” — John  H.  Latane,  America  as 
a World  Power,  ch.  6 ( Harper  <£•  Bros.,  N.  Y., 
1907). 

The  further  scope  of  the  treaty  was  announced 
by  President  Roosevelt  in  his  Message  to  Con- 
gress, Dec.  7,  1903,  as  follows  : “It  provides  not 
only  for  the  ordinary  rights  and  privileges  of  di- 
plomatic and  consular  officers,  but  also  for  an  im- 
portant extension  of  our  commerce  by  increased 
facility  of  access  to  Chinese  ports,  and  for  the 
relief  of  trade  by  the  removal  of  some  of  the 
obstacles  which  have  embarrassed  it  in  the  past. 
The  Qliinese  Government  engages,  on  fair  and 
equitable  conditions,  which  will  probably  be 
accepted  by  the  principal  commercial  nations, 
to  abandon  the  levy  of  ‘ liken  ’ and  other  transit 
dues  throughout  the  Empire,  and  to  introduce 
other  desirable  administrative  reforms.  Larger 
facilities  are  to  be  given  to  our  citizens  who  desire 
to  carry  on  mining  enterprises  in  China.  AVe  have 
secured  for  our  missionaries  a valuable  privilege, 
the  recognition  of  their  right  to  rent  and  lease  in 
perpetuity  such  property  as  their  religious  soci- 
eties may  need  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire.” 

A.  D.  1904.  - — Railways  and  Chinese  travel 
on  them. — Unused  British  Concessions.— 
“ It  may  not  have  passed  out  of  the  public  mind 
that  in  February,  1899,  Mr.  Balfour  came  down 
to  the  House  of  Commons  and  paraded  before  it 
and  the  country  the  magnificent  triumph  Eng- 
land had  won  in  China  in  respect  of  Railway 
Concessions  [see,  in  Volume  VI.,  China:  A.  D. 
1898  (February-December.)].  They  totalled 
up  to  2,800  miles!  The  House  cheered,  the 
country  indulged  in  a fit  of  self-complacency, 
and  the  critic  who  asked  questions  was  an  igno- 
ramus or  a nuisance.  AVell,  five  years  have  gone 
by,  and  not  one  mile  of  those  railways  is  in 
existence  except  the  Chinese  Northern  State 


Railway,  which  has  passed  out  of  our  hands.  Of 
the  rest  the  two  great  trunk  lines,  one  from  Han- 
kow to  Canton,  and  the  other  in  Yunnan,  have 
been  abandoned,  while  among  those  of  shorter 
length  the  only  one  that  still  remains  in  active 
force  is  the  subject  of  this  paper.  . . . 

“ In  more  than  one  recently  published  consular 
dispatch  attention  has  been  drawn  to  the  fact 
that  the  Chinese,  backward  or  hesitating  in  the 
adoption  of  every  other  European  or  Western 
innovation,  have  shown  no  reluctance  to  avail 
themselves  of  improved  means  of  locomotion. 
The  Northern  Railway  is  used  by  several  million 
passengers  every  year;  the  sections  already  open 
of  the  German  railway  in  Shantung  and  of  the 
Belgian  in  Shansi  can  complain  of  no  lack  of 
traffic.  The  fears  of  an  earlier  period  as  to  what 
the  Chinese  would  do  with  regard  to  railways 
have  been  dissipated  by  experience.”  — D.  C. 
Boulger,  The  Shanghai- Nanking  Railway  ( Con- 
temporary Review,  June,  1904). 

A.  D.  1904. — The  Russo-Japanese  War  in 
Manchuria.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D. 
1904  (Feb. -July)  and  after. 

A.  D.  1904-1909. — The  Hankau  Sze-chuen 
Railway  Loan. — The  question  of  American 
participation.  — In  1904  the  American  Minister 
at  Peking  concluded  an  agreement  with  the 
Chinese  Government  to  the  effect  that,  when 
loans  for  the  construction  of  a projected  railway 
into  the  western  province  of  Sze-chuen,  from 
Hankau,  should  be  negotiated,  Americans  should 
have  an  opportunity  to  subscribe  to  it.  Nearly 
five  years  passed  before  arrangements  for  the  loan 
were  made,  and  then,  in  the  spring  of  1909,  it 
was  found  that  terms  had  been  concluded  with 
a group  of  British,  German,  and  French  bankers 
for  the  whole  sum  sought,  of  $27,500,000,  while 
American  capitalists  had  not  been  given  the 
promised  opportunity.  On  behalf  of  the  latter 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  intervened, 
claiming  fulfilment  of  the  agreement  of  1904. 
The  matter  was  regarded  as  being  both  politi- 
cally and  financially  important.  “A  precedent 
is  what  we  want  to  establish,”  said  Mr.  Crane, 
the  newly  appointed  Minister  to  China,  in  an 
interview  on  the  subject  at  New  York.  “The 
task  of  this  Government  to  maintain  its  position 
with  the  European  Powers  in  the  East  will  be 
less  difficult.  We  are  looking  twenty  years 
ahead.”  As  the  result  of  communications  in  July 
from  Washington  to  Peking,  in  which  President 
Taft  took  part  personally,  the  loan  arrange- 
ment was  readjusted,  and  American  capitalists 
became  participant  in  it  to  the  extent  of  one- 
fourth. 

According  to  a despatch  from  Peking,  August 
17,  the  matter  was  settled  definitely  that  day, 
on  the  following  terms:  “The  loan  to  be  in- 
creased from  $27,500,000  to  $30,000,000,  and  of 
this  latter  amount  American  bankers  to  get  one- 
quarter,  the  other  three-quarters  going  to  British, 
French,  and  German  interests.  Americans  are  to 
have  equal  opportunity  with  the  other  nations 
to  supply  material  for  both  the  Sze-chuen  and 
the  Canton  lines  and  the  branches;  they  will 
appoint  subordinate  engineers,  and  they  will 
have  also  one-half  of  all  future  loans  of  the  Sze- 
chuen  Railroad  and  its  branches  with  the  corre- 
sponding advantages.” 

Subsequently,  however,  some  difficulty  in  the 
readjustment  of  business  details  in  the  matter 
arose,  which  delayed  the  final  settlement.  The 

94 


CHINA,  1905 


CHINA,  1905-1908 


motives  of  the  American  Government  in  claiming 
a participation  in  the  enterprise  were  stated  as 
follows  by  President  Taft  in  his  Message  to 
Congress,  December  6,  1909:  “By  the  treaty  of 
1903  China  has  undertaken  the  abolition  of  likin 
with  a moderate  and  proportionate  raising  of 
the  customs  tariff  along  with  currency  reform. 
These  reforms  being  of  manifest  advantage  to 
foreign  commerce  as  well  as  to  the  interests  of 
China,  this  government  is  endeavoring  to  facili- 
tate these  measures  with  the  needful  acquiescence 
of  the  treaty  Powers.  When  it  appeared  that 
Chinese  likin  revenues  were  to  be  hypothecated 
to  foreign  bankers  in  connection  with  a great 
railway  project,  it  was  obvious  that  the  govern- 
ments whose  nationals  held  this  loan  would 
have  a certain  direct  interest  in  the  question  of 
the  carrying  out  by  China  of  the  reforms  in 
question.  Because  this  railroad  loan  represented 
a practical  and  real  application  of  the  open-door 
policy  through  cooperation  with  China  by  inter- 
ested Powers,  as  well  as  because  of  its  relations 
to  the  reforms  referred  to  above,  the  Adminis- 
tration deemed  American  participation  to  be  of 
great  national  interest.  Happily,  when  it  was  as 
a matter  of  broad  policy  urgent  that  this  oppor- 
tunity should  not  be  lost,  the  indispensable  in- 
strumentality presented  itself  when  a group  of 
American  bankers,  of  international  reputation 
and  great  resources,  agreed  at  once  to  share  in 
the  loan  upon  precisely  such  terms  as  this  gov- 
ernment should  approve.  The  chief  of  those 
terms  was  that  American  railway  material  should 
be  upon  an  exact  equality  with  that  of  the  other 
nationals  joining  in  the  loan  in  the  placing  of 
orders  for  this  whole  railroad  system.  After 
months  of  negotiation  the  equal  participation  of 
Americans  seems  at  last  assured.  It  is  gratifying 
that  Americans  will  thus  take  their  share  in  this 
extension  of  these  great  highways  of  trade,  and 
to  believe  that  such  activities  will  give  a real 
impetus  to  our  commerce,  and  will  prove  a 
practical  corollary  to  our  historic  policy  in  the 
Far  East.” 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — New  agreement  re- 
specting China  between  Great  Britain  and 
Japan.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905 
(Aug.). 

A.  D.  1905  (Dec.).  — Treaty  with  Japan  rel- 
ative to  Manchuria. — By  a treaty  with  Japan, 
concluded  December,  1905,  China  consented  to 
lease  to  Japan  the  Kwangtung  peninsula,  at  the 
southern  extremity  of  which  are  Port  Arthur 
and  Dalny,  formerly  held  by  Russia  under  lease 
from  China,  and  concede  to  Japan  the  control  of 
the  railway  on  the  peninsula  northward  as  far 
as  Changchin.  China  also  conceded  to  Japan 
the  right  to  build  a railway  from  Antung  on  the 
Yalu  River  to  Mukden,  the  ancient  capital  of 
Manchuria,  provided,  however,  that  at  the  end 
of  a certain  period  the  road  may  be  purchased 
by  China.  More  important  is  the  fact  that  China 
agreed  in  the  treaty  to  open  to  the  world’s  com- 
merce and  trade  sixteen  principal  ports  and 
cities  in  Manchuria,  including  Harbin,  or  Kliar- 
bin,  the  modern  Russian  capital  of  the  province 
and  its  most  important  railway  center. 

A.  D.  1905-1908.  — The  stir  of  new  ideas. 
— Imperial  Commission  to  study  Represent- 
ative Systems  of  Government. — Signs  of  fruit 
from  it.  — Reformative  movements.  — The 
Constitutional  Programme  set  forth  in  Au- 
gust, 1908. — Nine  years  of  approach  to  a 


Promised  Constitution.  — A significant  token 
of  the  dawning  in  China  of  a changed  state  of 
mind  respecting  the  western  world  of  Europe 
and  America,  and  its  very  different  development 
of  scientific  knowledge  and  of  social  institutions, 
was  afforded  in  the  fall  of  1905,  when  an  impe- 
rial commission,  headed  by  Prince  Tsai-Tse,  was 
sent  abroad  to  study  representative  systems  of 
government.  The  Commission  returned  in  the 
following  July,  and  in  August  a committee  of 
high  dignitaries,  with  Prince  Ch’ing  for  its  chair- 
man, was  appointed  to  consider  the  report  it  had 
submitted  on  administrative  reforms.  The  out- 
come, soon  afterwards,  was  an  imperial  edict 
which  recognized  a “lack of  confidence  between 
the  highest  and  the  lowest,  between  the  throne 
and  ministers  and  the  masses,”  and  went  so  far 
as  to  say  that  ‘ ‘ foreign  countries  become  wealthy 
and  powerful  by  granting  a constitution  to  the 
masses  and  allowing  suffrage  to  all.”  While 
intimating  that  China  must  look  forward  to  a 
similar  admission  of  the  masses  to  some  voice  in 
the  government,  the  edict  set  forth  the  prior 
need  of  many  reforms,  in  the  official  system,  in 
the  laws,  in  education,  in  the  finances,  and  in  the 
army  and  police.  To  begin  the  undertaking  of 
such  reforms,  Prince  Tsai-Tse  was  put  at  the 
head  of  a committee  for  dealing  with  the  offi- 
cial system,  and  before  the  year  closed  there 
were  several  changes  of  importance  introduced, 
tending  towards  more  simplicity  of  methods  in 
public  business  and  more  centering  of  responsi- 
bilities. Examinations  in  Western  subjects  of 
knowledge  began  to  replace  the  old  conventional 
examinations  in  classic  Chinese  literature,  as  tests 
for  admission  and  promotion  in  official  service, 
and  eagerness  was  shown  in  the  opening  of 
schools  and  colleges  that  approached  the  Euro- 
pean and  American  type.  Simultaneously  with 
these  stirrings  of  a new  consciousness  and  pur- 
pose in  China,  a great  moral  reform  was  taken  in 
hand.  This  was  no  less  than  an  attempt  to  res- 
cue the  nation  from  its  opium  curse.  Some  ac- 
count of  the  opium  edict  issued  in  September, 
1906,  will  be  found  elsewhere,  in  this  volume  — 
see  Opium  Problem. 

That  these  reformative  steps  were  actually 
taken  with  a view  to  the  ultimate  granting  of 
“a  constitution  to  the  masses  and  allowing  suf- 
frage to  all  ” was  proved  in  the  summer  of  1908, 
when  a programme  of  gradual  approach  to  con- 
stitutional government,  by  stages  which  extend 
through  the  next  nine  years,  was  promulgated 
at  Peking  on  August  27th.  According  to  West- 
ern ideas  the  document  lacks  definiteness,  but  it 
is  not  difficult  to  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  its 
intent.  There  may  be  great  wisdom  of  sincerity 
in  the  serial  planning  of  successive  measures  that 
are  to  unfold  and  introduce  a constitution  at  the 
end  of  nine  years. 

The  edict  of  August  27  was  summarized  and 
partially  translated  in  a communication  to  the 
New  York  Tribune,  as  follows  : 

“ The  preamble  alone  fills  twenty  large  pages 
and  is  written  in  an  incongruous  mixture  of  Chi- 
nese Classical  terms  and  new  Japanese  termin- 
ology invented  to  fit  Western  meanings.  The 
efforts  of  the  authors  have  been  aimed  at  con- 
veying to  the  Chinese  mind  an  understanding  of 
things  hitherto  beyond  its  comprehension.  The 
explanations  often  convey  nothing  to  the  West- 
ern mind. 

“The  subject  is  approached  in  an  almost 


CHINA,  1905-1908 


CHINA,  1905-1908 


prayerful  attitude.  The  fact  that  China  obtains 
this  constitution  ‘ by  the  imperial  will  ’ is  reiter- 
ated again  and  again.  It  is  set  forth  that  the 
imperial  government,  under  the  constitution, 
shall  not  be  criticised,  on  the  principle  that  the 
‘ sacred  majesty  of  the  sovereign  may  not  be  of- 
fended against,’ and  that  the  leaders  of  the  politi- 
cal parties  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  throne.  Full 
government  under  this  constitution  will  become 
effective  at  the  end  of  nine  years.  While  the 
proposed  system  is  called  constitutional,  it  is  far 
removed  from  Western  constitutional  govern- 
ment. 

“Broadly  speaking,  the  document  follows  the 
constitution  of  Japan.  Some  of  its  most  striking 
clauses  follow: 

“ ‘We  beg,  as  the  condition  of  the  country  is 
perilous,  and  the  hearts  of  the  people  are  uneasy 
— trouble  within  and  calamity  from  without, 
danger  threatening,  and  no  parliament  at  the 
side  to  investigate  matters — that  urgent  mea- 
sures may  be  taken  to  overcome  half-heartedness 
and  procrastination,  that  there  may  be  peace 
above  and  completion  below. 

“‘We  have  therefore  laid  down  the  general 
principles  of  the  constitution  and  the  programme 
for  the  work  of  getting  everything  in  readiness 
in  nine  years.  These  may  not  be  changed  in  the 
least  particular. 

‘ ‘ ‘ There  will  be  boundless  dai  ly  improvement. 
May  the  “ silken  sounds  ” descend  to  inform  the 
empire  and  fix  the  road  for  ten  thousand  years, 
comforting  the  hopes  of  the  myriads  who  long 
for  peace.’ 

“ Fourteen  laws  are  then  submitted,  as  follows  : 

“ 1.  The  Ta  Ch’ing  Emperor  will  rule  supreme 
over  the  Ta  Ch’ing  Empire  for  one  thousand  gen- 
erations in  succession,  and  be  honored  forever. 

“2.  Majesty  of  the  sovereign. 

“3.  Right  of  promulgating  laws. 

“4.  Convocation,  suspension,  extension  and 
dissolution  of  parliament. 

“5.  Appointment,  payment,  promotion,  deg- 
radation of  officials. 

“ 6.  Command  over  army  and  navy. 

“7.  Power  to  make  war,  peace,  treaties;  to 
receive  and  appoint  ambassadors. 

“ 8.  Martial  law. 

“ 9.  Rewards  and  pardons. 

“ 10.  Right  over  judges  and  the  administration 
of  laws. 

“11.  Injunction. 

“ 12.  Right  of  raising  funds  when  parliament 
is  not  in  session. 

“13.  Right  of  fixing  the  expenses  of  the  im- 
perial household. 

“14.  Respecting  authority  over  the  imperial 
clan. 

“ ‘We  look  to  our  Empress  Dowager  and  Em- 
peror and  see  that  they  take  the  measure  of  hea- 
ven and  earth  as  their  measure  and  the  heart  of 
the  people  as  their  heart.  The  officialsand  people 
within  the  wide  seas  are  reverently  grateful. 

“‘The  people  should  earnestly  fulfil  all  the 
duties  without  selfish  reservations,  which  would 
hinder  the  public  welfare,  and  without  rash  im- 
patience, which  would  confuse  the  regulation  ; 
not  looking  on  the  matter  as  too  easy,  so  that  the 
deliberations  become  empty  wrangling,  not  fail- 
ing to  understand  the  limitation  of  powers,  so  as 
to  make  laws  which  overstep  authority. 

“ ‘The  sovereign  has  absolute  power,  which  he 
exercises  in  constitutional  form.’ 


“ It  is  then  set  forth  that  on  the  dissolution  of 
parliament  the  people  shall  be  called  on  to  elect 
a new  parliament,  and  the  document  continues : 

“ ‘Mercy  is  from  above  ; officials,  below,  may 
not  arrogate  it  to  themselves. 

‘ ‘ ‘ Officers  and  people  who  keep  within  the  law 
will  have  freedom  of  speech,  of  the  press  and  of 
assembly.  They  shall  not  be  disturbed  without 
cause  in  their  possession  of  property,  nor  inter- 
fered with  in  their  dwellings  ; and  they  have  the 
obligation  to  pay  taxes  and  render  military  ser- 
vice and  the  duty  of  obedience  to  the  law  of  the 
land. 

“ ‘Members  of  parliament  shall  not  speak  disre- 
spectfully of  the  court  or  slander  others.  Viola- 
tion of  this  law  will  be  punished.’ 

“ The  nine  year  programme  is  as  follows  : 

‘ ‘ ‘ Thirty-fourth  year  of  Kwan  g Hsu, or  1908  — 
Local  self-government ; rules  for  reorganization 
of  finance ; fusion  of  the  Manchu  and  Chinese 
military ; revision  of  criminal  code. 

“ ‘ Thirty-fifth  year,  or  1909  — Election  of  pro- 
vincial assemblymen  ; election  to  constitutional 
commission;  local  self-government  bureaus  es- 
tablished ; census ; provincial  budgets ; deter- 
mination of  functions  of  Peking  officials ; issuing 
of  school  books. 

“ ‘Thirty-sixth  year,  or  1910  — Provincial  as- 
semblies opened  ; local  self-government  estab- 
lished ; census  reports ; tax  rate  fixed  ; organiza- 
tion of  provincial  officials ; courts  of  law  at 
provincial  capitals  and  treaty  ports  ; publishing 
criminal  code ; extension  of  schools  ; preparation 
for  organization  of  sub-prefecture;  department 
and  district  police. 

“‘Thirty-seventh  year,  or  1911  — Local  self- 
government  continued  ; public  account  ; im- 
perial budget ; rules  on  imperial  taxation  ; rules 
governing  appointments  and  salaries  of  civil 
officials ; extension  of  schools;  codes  of  municipal 
and  commercial  laws  and  civil  and  criminal  pro- 
cedure drawn  up. 

“ ‘ Thirty -eighth  year,  or  1912 — Completion  of 
general  arrangement  of  urban  self-government  ; 
census  reports  ; publication  of  taxation  laws  of 
empire ; perfection  of  arrangements  for  provincial 
and  lesser  courts  ; extension  of  schools. 

“ ‘ Thirty -ninth  year,  or  1913  — Police  registra- 
tion ; imperial  trial  budget  of  variable  expenses; 
Supreme  Court ; courts  of  law  in  prefectures, 
sub-prefectures,  departments  and  districts  ; crim- 
inal code  promulgated  ; urban  self-government 
established ; rules  for  rural  self-government ; 
rules  for  urban  police. 

“ ‘Fortieth  year,  or  1914 — Imperial  trial  budget 
of  fixed  expenses  ; publication  of  system  of  na- 
tional accounts;  rural  self-government  estab- 
lished ; rules  for  lower  courts. 

“‘Forty-first  year,  or  1915  — Imperial  house- 
hold expenses  fixed  ; organization  of  the  Banners’ 
controller’s  office  ; public  accounting  enforced  ; 
lower  courts  established  ; municipal  and  com- 
mercial laws  and  civil  and  criminal  procedure 
rules  established  ; police  system  complete. 

“ ‘Forty-second  year,  or  1910 — Promulgation 
of  full  constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  imperial 
clan ; parliamentary  rules  and  rules  for  parliamen- 
tary elections;  budget  for  consideration  of  parlia- 
ment ; reorganized  official  system  ; appointment 
of  a premier.’ 

“ The  document  concludes  with  these  words  : 

“ ‘In  the  forty-third  year  of  Kwang  Hsu,  or 
1917,  China  will  be,  by  following  this  plan,  a 


CHINA,  1905-190!) 


CHINA,  1905-1909 


parliamentary  country  like  Japan  or  Russia.”’ 
— China's  Constitution  (New  York  Tribune,  Oct. 
19,  1908). 

Prince  Ito,  the  veteran  statesman  of  Japan, 
regards  the  constitutional  experiment  in  China 
with  more  anxiety  than  hopefulness.  Speaking 
on  the  subject  in  August,  1909,  he  expressed 
doubt  of  its  success,  and  thought  failure  would 
imperil  peace  in  the  Far  East.  His  reasoning 
in  brief  was  this:  ‘‘First  — the  enormous  area 
of  the  Empire  and  the  defective  facilities  for 
communication  would  greatly  impede  the  as- 
sembling of  a Parliament,  especially  in  time  of 
emergency.  Secondly,  the  immovable  charac- 
ter of  Chinese  conservatism  forbade  a change 
even  of  the  system  of  taxation,  notwithstand- 
ing the  State’s  urgent  need  of  funds,  and  there 
was,  therefore,  still  greater  difficulty  iu  effect- 
ing the  radical  alterations  required  by  a con- 
stitutional system.  Thirdly,  the  Chinese  were 
untrained  in  local  administration,  the  institution 
of  which  was  an  essential  prelude  to  a national 
Assembly.  He  said  he  was  astonished  at  the 
silence  of  Occidental  publicists  on  this  question 
so  vital  to  the  peace  of  the  Orient.” 

A.  D.  1905-1908. — Chinese  Exclusion  Laws 
of  the  United  States.  — Boycott  of  American 
goods  in  the  Empire.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems:  United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Disputes  with  Japan. — 
The  Fa-ku-menn  Railway  and  the  Antung- 
Mukden  Railway  questions.  — Settlement  of 
the  latter  by  Japanese  ultimatum.  — It  could 
hardly  have  been  possible  for  cordially  friendly 
relations  to  be  maintained  between  China  and 
Japan,  in  the  circumstances  which  transferred 
to  the  latter  the  extensive  rights  and  privileges 
in  Southern  Manchuria,  which  Russia  had  ac- 
quired in  that  Chinese  province  by  treaty  and 
lease.  By  a protocol  of  December,  1905,  after 
the  closing  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  there 
was  an  attempt,  between  Peking  and  Tokyo,  to 
define  the  effects  of  the  Treaty  of  Portsmouth, 
especially  in  the  bearings  of  that  article  of  the 
Treaty  which  ceded  to  Japan,  ‘‘with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Government  of  China,  the  lease  of 
Port  Arthur,  of  Talien,  and  of  the  adjacent  ter- 
ritories and  territorial  waters,  as  well  as  the 
rights,  privileges  and  concessions  connected  with 
this  lease  or  forming  part  thereof,”  and  likewise, 
of  “all  the  public  works  and  property  within 
the  territory  over  which  the  above  lease  ex- 
tends”; but  misunderstandings  and  differences 
of  opinion  were  sure  to  arise.  Whether  it  has 
been  more  by  the  fault  of  Japan  than  of  China 
that  they  arose  and  increased  until,  in  the  past 
year,  they  became  a serious  estrangement,  is  a 
question  on  which  the  judgment  of  foreign  ob- 
servers is  conflicting.  The  veteran  representative 
of  the  London  Times  at  Peking,  whose  friendship 
for  the  Chinese  is  fast-fixed  by  long  residence 
among  them,  lays  the  greater  weight  of  responsi- 
bility on  Japan,  though  he  finds  a lack  of  reason- 
ableness on  both  sides.  Japan,  he  says  (writing 
July  19,  1909),  was  welcomed  in  China  with 
open  arms  after  her  victorious  war.  “ No  na- 
tion ever  had  a greater  opportunity,  and  faulty 
must  have  been  the  policy  which  in  so  short  a 
time  has  wrought  so  great  a change.  Japan  is 
now  regarded  with  a comprehensive  distrust 
that  is  most  disquieting.  Not  long  ago  more 
than  1,000  Japanese  of  different  classes  were 
employed  in  China,  in  schools  and  colleges,  in 


the  army  and  police,  in  law  and  prison  reform, 
in  agriculture  and  sericulture,  in  telephone  and 
electric  light  companies,  on  railways,  and  iu 
many  other  capacities.  At  present  there  are 
fewer  than  400,  52  of  whom  are  in  Peking,  and 
these  numbers  will  be  further  reduced  as  exist- 
ing contracts  expire.  Similar  reductions  are 
noted  in  the  number  of  Chinese  being  educated 
in  Japan.  Three  years  ago  there  were  more 
than  20,000;  last  year  there  were  more  than 
10,000.  The  number  now  is  5,125,  and  only 
yesterday  it  was  arranged  that  in  the  case  of  a 
body  of  300  Government  students  just  returned 
to  China,  only  88  would  be  sent  to  take  their 
places.” 

“ At  present  each  country,  through  its  Press, 
is  protesting  against  the  unreasonableness  of 
the  other.  Contradictory  statements  on  ques- 
tions of  fact  are  made  on  almost  every  point  at 
issue.” 

The  main  contention  has  related  to  the  pro- 
jected extension  by  China  of  a railway  to  Fa- 
ku-menn  from  the  terminus  of  an  existing  line 
at  Hsin-min-tun,  west  of  Mukden.  It  was  in  the 
agreement  of  December,  1905,  that  no  railways 
in  competition  with  the  South  Manchurian  line, 
which  Japan  took  from  Russia,  should  be  built. 
The  Japanese  assert  that  they  had  in  view  this 
very  Fa-ku-menn  extension  when  that  stipula- 
tion was  inserted.  The  Chinese  declare  that  the 
negotiation  on  their  part  had  reference  solely  to 
the  area  east  of  the  Liao  River.  Japan  made 
two  alternative  proposals  for  the  settlement  of 
this  question:  “One  that  the  Chinese  should 
build  a railway  from  Fa-ku-menn  to  the  South 
Manchurian  Railway  instead  of  to  Hsin-min-tun, 
or  that  the  Japanese  should  build  a railway  from 
the  South  Manchurian  line  to  Fa-ku-menn  and 
thence  to  the  North,  in  which  case  Japan  would 
withdraw  her  objection  to  the  Fa-ku-menn-Hsin- 
min-tun  railway,  provided  that  China  under- 
took not  to  extend  the  line  beyond  Fa-ku-menn 
without  a previous  agreement  with  Japan.” 
China  is  said  to  have  declined  discussion  of 
these  proposals,  but  offered  arbitration  of  the 
whole  matter.  Japan  objected  to  arbitration 
without  previous  discussion  of  her  new  propo- 
sals. And  so  the  dispute  seemed  deadlocked. 

Another  dispute  turned  on  the  interpretation 
of  a clause  in  the  Agreement  of  December,  1905, 
which  reads  : “ China  agrees  that  Japan  has  the 
right  to  improve  the  Antung-Mukden  Railway  so 
as  to  make  it  fit  for  the  conveyance  of  commer- 
cial and  industrial  goods  of  all  nations.”  Japan 
undertook,  as  a necessary  “improvement”  of 
the  road,  to  reconstruct  it,  with  a change  of 
gauge  to  connect  it  with  the  standard  gauge 
of  the  South  Manchuria  and  Korean  roads. 
China  denied  that  the  agreement  gave  a right 
to  reconstruction.  Several  other  questions  aris- 
ing between  the  two  peoples  have  helped  to 
raise  hard  feeling  on  both  sides ; but  these  have 
seemed  to  be  at  the  front. 

At  length  on  the  6th  of  August,  1909,  J apan 
brought  discussion  of  the  Antung-Mukden  Rail- 
way question  to  a summary  ending,  by  a note 
to  the  Chinese  Government  which  announced 
that  “the  Imperial  Government  is  now  com- 
pelled to  take  independent  action,  and  to  pro- 
ceed to  carry  out  the  necessary  work  of  recon- 
struction and  improvement  according  to  treaty 
rights.”  Before  taking  this  decisive  step,  the 
Japanese  Government  is  said  to  have  consulted 

97 


CHINA,  1906 


CHINA,  1908 


Great  Britain  and  other  powers,  and  to  have  had 
approval  of  her  action  from  London,  if  not  from 
elsewhere.  China  yielded  to  the  ultimatum, 
and  this  leading  cause  of  quarrel  between  the 
great  nations  of  the  East  was  removed  on  the 
4th  of  September  by  the  signing,  at  Mukden,  of 
a memorandum  of  agreement,  reported  in  sub- 
stance as  follows:  China  agrees,  first,  not  to 
construct  the  Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men  Railroad 
without  consulting  Japan  ; second,  that  half 
the  capital  required  to  extend  the  Kirin  Railroad 
shall  be  borrowed  in  Japan ; third,  that  Japan 
will  be  permitted  to  extend  the  Yinkow  and  im- 
prove and  modernize  the  Antung-Mukden  Rail- 
roads, to  which  China  was  bitterly  opposed ; 
fourth,  that  Japan  may  work  the  mines  in  the 
Fushun  and  Yentai  districts,  and  have  joint  ex- 
ploitation of  the  mines  reached  by  the  Antung 
and  Manchurian  Railroad  lines. 

In  the  Chientao  boundary  dispute  Japan  agrees 
to  recognize  China’s  sovereignty,  while  China 
agrees  to  open  four  trade  marts  in  the  district. 

In  a letter  to  a London  journal,  a few  days 
before  this  settlement  of  the  Antung-Mukden 
Railway  question,  Lord  Stanhope  said:  “The 
Chinese  have  surely  deeper  reasons  for  opposing 
this  scheme  than  the  mere  fact  of  reconstruc- 
tion. They  well  realize  that  this  railway,  cross- 
ing narrow  valleys,  can  have  no  commercial 
future,  but  is  virtually  a strategic  railway  to 
strengthen  the  Japanese  grip  on  Manchuria.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — A Commission  sent  to  Amer- 
ica and  Europe  for  the  study  of  political  and 
other  institutions. — The  new  spirit  astir  in 
China  was  manifested  in  the  early  months  of 
1906  by  the  sending  of  a large  Commission  of 
carefully  chosen  men  to  the  United  States  and 
Europe,  for  observations  that  would  be  helpful 
toward  reforms  in  their  own  country.  It  was 
headed  by  two  High  Commissioners  of  distinc- 
tion, Tai  Hung-chi  and  Tuan  Fang,  and  they 
were  attended  by  thirty-five  scholars  and  func- 
tionaries of  note.  They  received  much  attention 
during  their  stay  of  five  weeks  in  the  United 
States,  and  were  placed  by  the  Government  under 
the  special  charge  of  Professor  J.  W.  Jenks. 
Writing  subsequently  of  their  mission  Professor 
Jenks  said:  “The  purpose  of  the  commission  is, 
primarily,  to  make  such  a study  of  the  political 
institutions  of  the  various  countries  visited  that 
they  will  be  able,  on  their  return,  to  offer  valu- 
able suggestions  for  the  improvement  of  their 
own.  There  is  even  serious  talk  among  the  high 
officials  in  China  of  some  form  of  a constitu- 
tion. In  consequence,  the  commissioners  are 
as  eager  to  learn  regarding  the  working  of  some 
of  our  institutions  as  regarding  their  form  of 
organization.  Inasmuch  as  political  reform  nec- 
essarily involves  social  reform,  even  as  a con- 
dition precedent,  the  commission  is  devoting 
special  attention  to  the  study  of  education,  in 
universities  and  schools,  and  to  methods  of 
social  amelioration,  in  prisons  and  asylums  for 
the  insane  and  the  poor.  They,  however,  are  not 
neglecting  the  study  of  our  large  manufacturing 
plants,  and  have  clearly  in  mind,  also,  the  im- 
provement of  the  industrial  conditions  of  China. 
It  is  a matter  of  peculiar  interest  that  the  Em- 
press-Dowager charged  them  to  inquire  espe- 
cially into  the  education  of  girls  in  the  United 
States,  since  she  hoped,  on  their  return,  to  be 
able  to  found  a school  for  the  education  of  the 
daughters  of  the  princes.” 


A.  D.  1906.  — Sixty  cities  being  opened  to 
foreign  settlement.  — A memorandum  on  the 
subject  of  the  foreign  settlements  at  the  open 
ports  of  China,  prepared  by  the  Chinese  Secre- 
tary of  the  American  Legation  at  Peking,  was 
transmitted  to  the  State  Department  at  Wash- 
ington in  December,  1906.  It  conveyed  the  fol- 
lowing information:  “In  China  proper  and  in 
Manchuria  46  cities  and  towns  have  been  thrown 
open  already  to  foreign  residence  and  interna- 
tional trade.  This  does  not  include  Dalny,  in 
Manchuria,  leased  to  Japan;  Wei-hai-wei,  in 
Shantung,  leased  to  Great  Britain;  Kiaochow, 
in  Shantung,  leased  to  Germany;  Kowloon,  in 
Kuangtung,  leased  to  Great  Britain ; nor  Kuang- 
chou-wan,  in  Kuangtung,  leased  to  France.  Be- 
sides the  above,  there  are  3 cities  in  Tibet  thrown 
open  to  trade,  making  49  ports  in  the  Empire. 
In  addition  to  these  already  declared  open,  there 
are  13  cities  whose  opening  in  the  immediate 
future  is  arranged  for,  and  3 others  whose  open- 
ing depends  upon  the  acceptance  by  other 
treaty  powers  of  the  provisions  of  Article  VIII. 
of  the  last  commercial  treaty  between  China 
and  Great  Britain.  No  account  is  taken  of  the 
cities  of  Turkestan,  Mongolia,  and  the  Amur 
region,  in  which  Russian  subjects  have  for 
many  years  enjoyed  privileges  of  trade  and  con- 
sular jurisdiction.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that 
in  the  immediate  future  foreigners  will  enjoy 
the  right  of  residence  for  purposes  of  trade  at 
more  than  60  cities  of  the  Chinese  Empire.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Edict  against  the  use  of 
opium.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1906  (January).  — Chinese  students 
in  Japan.  See  Education:  China:  A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Flood  and  famine  in  the 
region  traversed  by  the  Grand  Canal. — One 
of  the  frequent  destructive  floods  in  China 
which  produce  famine  befell  the  region  that  is 
traversed  by  the  Grand  Canal  in  the  summer  of 
1906.  Heavy  rains  covered  its  vast  plains  with 
lakes  of  water,  which  drowned  out  the  crops 
throughout  an  area  estimated  at  40,000  square 
miles.  From  ten  to  fifteen  millions  of  people 
were  reduced  to  famine,  and  could  only  be  kept 
alive  until  the  harvests  of  another  year  by  the 
generosity  of  the  outside  world.  It  was  not 
vainly  appealed  to ; but  the  suffering  and  death 
in  the  afflicted  country  were  appallingly  great. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Christian  Missions.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Missions:  China. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Restriction  on  Chinese 
immigration  to  Canada.  — Labor  hostility. 
— Riotous  attacks.  — Lately  modified  regu- 
lations. See  Race  Problems:  Canada. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Expansion  of  the  Postal  Ser- 
vice.— According  to  a report  from  Peking  on 
the  working  of  the  Imperial  Chinese  Post  Office 
in  1908,  “the  operations  show  an  unprecedented 
expansion.”  The  postal  routes  cover  88,000 
miles,  of  which  68,000  are  courier  lines.  The 
number  of  post  offices  open  in  1901  was  176. 
There  were  2,803  open  in  1907,  and  3,493  in 
1908.  The  number  of  postal  articles  handled  in 
1901  was  10,000,000.  The  number  was  168,000,- 
000  in  1907,  and  252,000,000  in  1908.  The  num- 
ber of  parcels  was  127,000,  weighing  250  tons, 
in  1901;  1,920,000,  weighing  5,509  tons,  in  1907; 
and  2,445,000,  weighing  27,155  tons,  in  1908. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Administration  of  the  De- 
partment of  Education.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  CniN.\:  A.  D.  1908. 

98 


CHINA,  1908 


CHINA,  1908 


A.  D.  1908. — Chinese  students  in  the 
United  States.  See  Education:  Cuina:  A.  1). 
1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Death  of  the  Emperor, 
Kuang-hsu,  and  of  the  Empress-Dowager, 
Tze-Hsi. — Accession  of  the  child-Emperor, 
Hsuan-Tung  (Pu-Yi). — The  circumstances  of 
the  death,  almost  simultaneously,  of  the  late 
Emperor,  Kuang-hsu,  and  of  the  Dowager- 
Empress,  Tze-Hsi,  who  had  been  the  real  ruler 
of  the  Empire,  are  involved  in  considerable  ob- 
scurity. The  Emperor  is  said  to  have  died  on 
the  14th  of  November,  1908,  and  the  Empress 
on  the  following  day.  The  announcement  of 
their  decease  was  preceded  by  the  publication 
of  two  imperial  edicts,  one  of  which  made  Prince 
Chun,  of  the  royal  family,  Regent  of  the  Em- 
pire, while  the  other  named  Pu-Yi,  the  Prince’s 
son,  three  years  old,  as  the  heir  presumptive  to 
the  throne.  As  communicated  later  to  foreign 
governments,  the  Regent  was  given,  by  another 
imperial  rescript,  full  power  over  the  civil  and 
military  departments  of  government,  and  the 
entire  appointment  and  dismissal  of  officials. 
The  promised  creation  of  a Parliament  was  antic- 
ipated in  the  prescription  of  his  duties,  among 
which  were  the  following: 

“When  a Parliament  has  been  established 
the  Prince  Regent  shall  attend  the  same  in 
place  of  the  Emperor,  but  he  need  not  attend 
the  ordinary  sessions.  When  the  Constitutional 
Commission  meets,  the  Prince  Regent  shall  like- 
wise represent  the  Emperor  there. 

“The  Prince  Regent  shall  have  full  authority 
in  negotiating  treaties  and  in  appointing  repre- 
sentatives abroad. 

“ The  Prince  Regent  shall  enter  and  leave  his 
chair  at  the  Ch’ien  Ch’ing  gate.  The  yamens,  ac- 
cording to  their  duty,  shall  draw  up  and  report 
on  regulations  modelled  on  the  precedent  estab- 
lished by  Prince  Jui-Chung  regarding  the  equi- 
page, escort,  and  general  preparations  for  move- 
ments of  the  Prince  Regent  outside  the  palace. 

“ Every  year  the  Board  of  Finance  shall  trans- 
fer to  the  Department  of  the  Imperial  Household 
the  sum  of  taels  150,000  for  disbursement.  When 
the  Emperor  comes  of  age,  his  studies  being 
completed,  and  his  marriage  takes  place,  the 
official  body  shall  unite  in  asking  him  to  assume 
personal  direction  of  the  government.’’ 

On  the  21st  of  November  the  members  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  at  Peking  were  received  in  a 
body  at  the  palace,  to  present  the  condolences 
of  the  Governments  they  represent  on  the  deaths 
of  the  late  Emperor  and  Empress.  As  reported 
to  the  Associated  Press,  there  were  present  on 
the  occasion  “every  official  or  member  of  the 
imperial  family  who  recently  has  been  reported 
ill,  dead  by  his  own  hand  or  estranged  from  the 
government,  and  the  desired  impression  of  offi- 
cial stolidity  at  Pekin  which,  it  was  most  evident, 
this  occasion  was  intended  to  convey,  was  im- 
parted successfully.  This  was  the  answer  of  the 
government  to  the  rumors  of  suicides  and  deaths 
current  in  Pekin  for  the  last  week. 

“Prince  Ching,  for  the  first  time  since  the 
passing  away  of  their  majesties,  appeared  offi- 
cially as  the  head  of  the  foreign  board.  The 
heads  of  the  various  governmental  departments 
were  present,  with  the  members  of  the  imperial 
clan,  and,  in  addition,  several  thousand  minor 
officials,  all  in  white,  had  assembled  at  imperial 
command.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  functions, 


in  honor  of  the  dead,  the  diplomats  paid  homage 
to  Prince  Oliun,  the  regent.” 

On  the  2d  of  December  the  strict  mourning 
observed  at  Peking  was  suspended  briefly,  to 
permit  the  ceremonies  attending  the  ascension  of 
the  dragon  throne  by  the  child-Emperor,  Pu-Yi, 
who,  as  Emperor,  took  the  name  of  IIsuan-Tung. 
The  ceremonies,  described  to  the  Associated 
Press,  lasted  but  half  an  hour.  “The  function 
began  by  the  princes  of  the  imperial  family 
and  the  high  officials  of  the  empire  kowtowing 
to  the  memorial  tablets  of  their  late  majesties. 
After  this  they  all  kowtowed  in  turn  to  Pu-Yi : 
Pu-Yi  then  offered  a sacrifice  before  the  tablets 
of  the  Emperor  and  the  Dowager  Empress. 
After  this  he  was  relieved  of  his  dress  of  mourn- 
ing and  clad  with  much  care  in  a diminutive 
imperial  garment,  embroidered  with  the  impe- 
rial dragon.  His  nurses  performed  this  duty 
with  great  attention  and  care.  Thus  arrayed,  the 
toddling  Emperor  ascended  the  throne  amid  a 
fanfare  of  drums,  bells  and  firecrackers.  He 
made  his  way  alone  and  showed  no  need  of  the 
assistance  which  willing  hands  would  have  given 
him  had  his  little  feet  faltered.  From  the  throne 
Pu-Yi  kowtowed  to  his  stepmother,  the  Dow- 
ager Empress  Yiahonala.  He  then  received  the 
kowtows,  while  still  on  the  throne,  of  all  the 
princes  and  officials  present.  This  over,  he  de- 
scended from  the  throne  and  was  again  clad  in 
his  little  dress  of  mourning. 

“The  ceremony  took  place  in  the  throne  hall 
of  the  Forbidden  City.  The  officials  present 
were  selected  with  great  care  and  were  the 
highest  men  in  the  empire.  According  to  an  old 
established  custom,  a number  of  humble  coolies, 
men  from  the  lowest  walks  of  life,  were  brought 
into  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  Forbidden  City 
to  act  as  witnesses.  The  soldiery  played  but  an 
inconspicuous  part  in  the  proceedings.” 

Following  the  ceremony,  an  imperial  edict 
proclaiming  the  ascension  was  issued.  This 
edict  grants  amnesty  for  certain  specified  of- 
fences ; rewards  all  the  imperial  princes,  prin- 
cesses, and  dukes  ; promotes  all  officials  by  one 
degree  and  bestows  honors  on  their  parents ; 
erases  the  demerits  entered  against  minor  offi- 
cials ; advances  the  degree  of  scholars ; dismisses 
all  pending  petty  criminal  cases ; excuses  cer- 
tain liabilities,  and  grants  bounties  to  the  sol- 
diers in  the  service  of  the  empire. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.). — Decree  reaffirming 
the  Constitutional  Programme  of  the  late 
Empress  Dowager. —An  imperial  edict  re- 
affirming the  determination  of  the  new  govern- 
ment of  China  to  carry  out  in  its  entirety  the 
Constitutional  programme  laid  down  by  the  late 
Empress  Dowager  of  China  in  August,  1908, 
was  promulgated  on  the  4th  of  December.  A 
literal  translation  was  made  public  at  Washing- 
ton in  January  as  follows : 

‘ ‘ On  the  first  day  of  the  8th  moon  (August  27, 
1908),  the  late  Emperor  reverently  received  the 
excellent  decree  of  the  late  great  Empress  Dow- 
ager strictly  ordering  the  officials  and  people  of 
Peking  and  of  the  provinces  to  carry  out  com- 
pletely by  the  ninth  year  all  the  preparatory 
work,  so  that  at  the  appointed  time  the  Consti- 
tution may  be  proclaimed.  Also  proclamations 
for  the  members  of  Parliament  to  assemble,  and 
other  decrees  brightly  manifested  the  sacred  in- 
structions, and  all  between  the  seas  applauded. 
From  ourselves  down  to  the  officials  and  people 

99 


CHINA,  1909 


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high  and  low  all  must  sincerely  obey  the  excel- 
lent decree  previously  issued.  The  eighth  year 
of  HsuauT’ung  [whose  first  year  dates  from  Jan. 
22,  1909]  is  the  limit  of  time.  Let  there  be  no 
‘reabsorption  of  sweat’  in  this  matter.  Our 
hope  is  that  this  will  certainly  be  carried  out. 
Let  the  officials  of  Peking  and  the  provinces  on 
no  account  look  idly  on,  and  procrastinate,  de- 
laying the  opportune  time.  Let  patriotism  be 
shone  forth.  Exert  yourselves  that  constitutional 
government  may  be  established.  And  court  and 
‘ wilds  ’ (people)  may  have  peace  ; and  so  we  may 
Comfort  the  spirits  of  the  late  great  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  late  Emperor  in  heaven,  and 
make  firm  the  foundations  of  countless  years  of 
peaceful  government.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Progress  in  the  opium  reform. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Progress  in  technical  edu- 
cation. See  Education:  China  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909. — Existing  treaties  with  United 
States  and  existing  laws  in  the  latter  country 
relative  to  the  admission  of  Chinamen.  — The 
question  of  their  consistency  with  each  other. 
— Present  status  of  the  question.  See  Race 
Problems:  In  the  United  States. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Abrupt  dismissal  of 
Viceroy  Yuan  Shih-kai  from  his  offices. — 
Much  disturbance  of  feeling  and  apprehension 
of  a troublesome  reaction  in  Chinese  policy  was 
excited  among  the  foreign  representatives  in 
China,  on  the  2d  of  January,  1909,  by  the  sud- 
den dismissal  of  the  able  and  powerful  Viceroy 
of  Chi-li,  Yuan  Shih-kai,  from  all  his  offices.  He 
had  been  looked  upon  as  the  great  leader  of  pro- 
gress in  China,  — the  statesman  to  be  counted  on 
for  the  most  and  best  influence  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Empire  for  some  years  to  come.  He 
had  the  confidence  of  foreign  powers,  and  was 
supposed  to  have  acquired  a sure  footing  in  the 
councils  at  Peking.  Latterly,  however,  it  is 
said  to  have  become  known  in  Peking  that  “ a 
powerful  Manchu  cabal  was  working  for  his 
downfall,  led  by  Tieh-liang,  the  Minister  of  War, 
and  supported  by  the  aged  doctrinaire  and 
Chinese  ex -Viceroy,  Chang  Chih-tung,”  and  the 
stroke  which  overthrew  him  at  the  beginning  of 
the  new  year  was  ascribed  to  that  source.  “ The 
cabal  has  been  successful,”  was  the  wired  mes- 
sage of  the  Peking  correspondent  of  the  London 
Times  to  his  paper ; and  he  summarized  the 
merits  of  the  fallen  statesman  thus:  “No  man 
in  China  deserved  better  of  his  country.  He  has 
been  in  the  forefront  of  progress,  and  is  the  best 
administrator  China  has  produced  in  this  gen- 
eration. When  Governor  of  Shantung  in  1900 
his  action  in  resisting  the  Boxer  insurrection 
and  in  safeguarding  foreigners  really  saved  the 
Empire  from  disruption.  He  created  China’s 
modern  army  and  was  the  leader  of  the  modern 
educational  movement  in  China,  and  his  famous 
memorial  of  September  2,  1905,  urging  the  sum- 
mary abolition  of  the  antiquated  system  of  liter- 
ary examination  was  epoch-making.  Under  his 
Viceroyalty  the  Metropolitan  province  became 
the  most  advanced  in  the  Empire.  With  Tang 
Shao-yi  he  led  the  anti-opium  movement.  Since 
he  entered  the  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  China 
has  attained  a measure  of  respect  among  the 
Powers  which  was  unknown  before.” 

Some  weeks  after  the  blow  had  fallen,  and 
when  the  peculiarly  Oriental  manner  of  its  in- 
fliction had  been  learned,  a letter  from  Peking 


to  the  New  York  Evening  Post  told  of  it  as  fol- 
lows: “At  11  a.  m.  on  Saturday,  January  2,  the 
grand  councillors  were  summoned  by  the  regent. 
Prince  Ching  had  evidently  heard  a whisper  of 
what  was  to  come,  and  he  pleaded  illness.  The 
other  grand  councillors  answered  the  summons 
promptly,  but  when  Yuan  reached  the  door  of 
the  council  chamber  he  was  told  that  he  was  not 
wanted.  Three  grand  councillors  therefore  went 
in  and  found  the  regent  awaiting  them  with  the 
edict  dismissing  Yuan  Shih-kai  already  drawn 
up.  ‘ I want  no  discussion.  Sign  this  edict ! ’ 
said  the  regent.  Chang  Chih-tung  turned  to  re- 
ply. The  regent  repeated  his  words  impressively, 
and  the  edict  was  signed  without  further  demur. 

“ Within  the  next  hour,  while  Yuan  Shih-kai 
was  hastily  making  plans  for  his  personal 
safety,  the  news  flew  around  Peking  and  the  city 
throbbed  with  excitement.  Every  one  but  his 
immediate  councillors  was  astounded  at  Prince 
Chun’s  temerity.  Never  in  the  history  of  China 
had  such  a man  as  Yuan  been  thrown  out  of 
office  at  such  short  notice.  To  the  Western  mind, 
however,  there  was  nothing  very  harsh  in  the 
edict ; it  said  simply  : 

“‘Yuan  Shih-kai,  a member  of  the  Grand 
Council  and  president  of  the  Waiwupu,  formerly 
received  repeated  offices  and  advancement  under 
the  late  Emperor.  After  our  enthronement  we 
gave  him  great  honors,  because  we  considered 
that  his  talent  certainly  was  one  that  could  be 
made  use  of,  if  he  exerted  himself  in  the  public 
service.  Unexpectedly  Yuan  Shih-kai  has  now 
contracted  rheumatism  in  the  foot,  which  makes 
it  hard  for  him  to  walk  and  difficult  for  him  to 
attend  to  the  duties  of  his  offices.  Yuan  Sliili- 
kai,  therefore,  is  ordered  to  vacate  his  posts  and 
return  to  his  native  place  to  nurse  his  disorder. 
Thus  is  our  great  mercy  to  him  manifested.’  ” 

Yuan  Shih-kai  left  Peking  in  haste,  evidently 
in  fear  of  his  life,  and  it  was  expected  that  his 
whole  following  of  friends  and  supporters  would 
be  swept  out  of  their  offices  and  employments. 
But  no  such  result  followed,  and  credit  began  to 
be  given  to  the  assurances  of  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment that  the  dismissal  of  Y uan  meant  no  re- 
versal of  policy  or  reaction  whatever.  He  was 
distrusted,  it  was  intimated,  because  he  had  been 
disloyal  to  the  late  Emperor  in  1898,  when  the 
latter  attempted  great  reforms, — see,  in  Vol- 
ume VI.  of  this  work,  China:  A.  D.  1898  (June- 
September),  and  after.  Yuan  Shih-kai  was  then 
the  chief  agent  and  instrument  of  the  Dowager- 
Empress  in  overcoming  the  well-meaning  but 
weak  sovereign  and  annulling  his  reformative 
work.  Hence,  it  was  claimed,  the  present  Gov- 
ernment’s distrust  of  him. 

The  Ministers  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  had  ventured  some  questions  as  to  the 
significance  of  the  act,  but  their  colleagues  did 
not  join  them,  and  no  further  discussion  of  the 
matter  diplomatically  took  place. 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).— Meeting  of  the  Inter- 
national Opium  Commission  at  Shanghai.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — New  Russo-Chinese 
Agreement  concerning  the  Chinese  Eastern 
Railway. — Municipalities  on  the  Line. — The 
Kharbin  question. — The  Chinese  Eastern  Rail- 
way, so  named,  is  the  line  which  Russia,  by 
Convention  with  China  in  August,  1896,  obtained 
permission  to  construct,  from  a point  on  her 
Trans-Siberian  Railway,  through  Northern  Man- 


100 


CHINA,  1909 


CHINA,  1909 


churift,  to  Vladivostok.  Under  that  agreement 
the  Russian  authorities  claimed  a right  to  institute 
certain  organizations  of  municipal  administration 
at  Kharbin  and  other  towns  of  rising  importance 
on  the  line.  This  right  was  challenged  in  1908 
by  the  American  Consul  at  Kharbin  (sometimes 
written  Harbin),  Mr.  Fisher,  who  refused  to 
recognize  some  ordinances  of  the  Russian  ad- 
ministration, on  the  ground  that  he  was  accred- 
ited to  China,  only,  and  could  know  no  other 
sovereignty  in  Manchuria  than  the  Chinese. 
This  led  to  a new  Russo-Chinese  Agreement, 
signed  at  Peking  on  the  10th  of  May,  1909,  dis- 
tinctly authorizing  the  “organization  of  muni- 
cipalities on  the  lands”  of  the  Chinese  Eastern 
Railway.  The  “ sovereign  rights  of  China  ” are 
“not  to  be  prejudiced  in  any  way,”  says  the 
new  Agreement;  but  “municipal  bodies  are  to 
be  established  in  the  commercial  centres  of  a 
certain  importance  situated  on  the  lands  of  the 
railway.  The  inhabitants  of  these  commercial 
centres,  according  to  the  importance  of  the  lo- 
calities and  the  number  of  the  residents,  shall 
elect  delegates  by  vote,  who  shall  choose  an  Ex- 
ecutive Committee;  or  else  the  residents  them- 
selves shall  take  part  in  the  business  of  the 
municipality  and  a representative  shall  be  elected 
from  amongst  them  who  will  take  upon  himself 
to  carry  out  the  resolutions  decided  upon  by 
meeting  of  all  the  residents. 

“ No  difference  shall  be  made  on  the  lands  of 
the  railway  between  the  Chinese  population  and 
that  of  other  nationalities  ; all  residents  shall  en- 
joy the  same  rights  and  be  subject  to  the  same 
obligations. 

•“The  right  to  vote  shall  belong  to  every 
member  of  the  community  who  owns  real  estate 
of  a fixed  value  or  who  pays  a fixed  annual 
rental  and  taxes.” 

Reading  no  farther  in  the  Agreement  than 
this,  imperial  Russia  and  China  would  seem  to 
have  jointly  planted  a seed  of  democratic  muni- 
cipalities in  Manchuria;  but  that  impression  is 
destroyed  by  qualifying  provisions,  such  as  this: 

“ The  President  of  the  Chiao-She-Chu  [a  Mixed 
Russo-Chinese  Court,  formerly  created]  and  the 
director  of  the  railway,  occupying  a position 
superior  to  the  Presidents  of  the  assemblies  of 
delegates  and  of  committees,  have  a right  of 
control  and  personal  revision,  which  they  may 
exercise  whenever  they  think  fit.  . . . in  the 
event  of  decisions  by  the  assembly  of  delegates 
not  being  approved  by  the  President  of  the 
Chiao-She-Chu  or  the  director  of  the  railway, 
these  decisions  shall  be  returned  to  the  assembly 
for  further  consideration.  If  the  original  deci- 
sion is  adopted  by  a majority  of  three-quarters 
of  the  members  present,  it  becomes  binding.” 

The  effect  of  the  whole  agreement  would  un- 
doubtedly be  to  give  the  Russian  railway  officials 
supreme  authority  in  the  so-called  municipalities. 
Remonstrances  against  it  by  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  have  been  supported  by  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  and  Austria.  The  question 
remains  open  and  troublesome.  Dr.  Morrison, 
of  The  Times,  wrote  of  the  situation  in  November 
as  follows : 

“ The  situation  in  Manchuria  is  receiving  close 
attention  from  the  Legations  because  of  the  in- 
creasing difficulty  of  the  problems  created  by 
Russian  and  Japanese  claims  to  territorial  and 
administrative  jurisdiction  in  connexion  with 
their  respective  railways,  claims  which  conflict 


with  China’s  unimpaired  sovereignty  and  with 
the  treaty  rights  of  other  nations.  A tentative 
proposal  was  recently  submitted  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  Diplomatic  Body,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Wai-wu-pu  and  M.  Korostovetz, 
to  create  an  international  settlement  at  Kharbin 
on  a separate  site  adjoining  the  railway  settle- 
ment. The  proposal  was  unacceptable  to  the 
Powers  interested  because  it  implied  a funda- 
mental discrimination  in  favour  of  the  railway 
company,  leaving  it  to  exercise,  in  an  important 
trade  centre,  powers  which  are  incompatible  with 
treaties  and  which  are  not  conferred  by  its  char- 
ter. . . . 

“ The  Chinese  Government  entirely  fails  to 
avail  itself  of  its  opportunities  at  this  juncture. 
The  local  authorities  are  unable,  and  the  Peking 
Government  is  unwilling,  to  take  any  initiative. 
The  Wai-wu-pu  adheres  to  its  policy  of  shifting 
opportunism,  as  shown  by  its  proposal  to  the 
Russian  Minister  to  cancel,  in  deference  to  the 
protests  of  the  Powers,  the  agreement  with  re- 
gard to  the  Kharbin  municipal  regulations  con- 
cluded on  May  10,  a proposal  unaccompanied 
by  any  practical  alternative  whereby  political 
requirements  might  be  reconciled  with  the  un- 
deniable vested  interests  of  the  railway.  In  this 
connexion  it  is  interesting  to  note  that,  whereas 
England,  America,  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and 
Austria-Hungary  refused  an  unqualified  assent 
to  the  Kharbin  agreement,  yet  no  exception  has 
been  taken  to  the  regulations  of  the  Japanese 
railway  settlements,  although,  without  any  re- 
ference to  China,  they  confer  the  widest  powers 
on  the  Japanese  authorities,  including  the  right 
of  arbitrary  taxation  and  forcible  expulsion.” 

The  Russian  side  of  the  question  was  presented 
in  a semi-official  statement,  made  public  in  Oc- 
tober, 1909,  as  follows: 

“ The  representatives  of  certain  Powers  which 
have  trade  interests  in  China  have,  both  in  Pe- 
king and  St.  Petersburg,  expressed  doubts  as  to 
the  rights  of  authority  exercised  by  the  Kharbin 
municipality.  These  representatives  have  en- 
deavoured, in  notes  presented  to  the  Chinese 
and  Russian  Governments  on  the  matter,  and  in 
verbal  communications,  to  prove  that  certain 
paragraphs  of  the  treaty  which  was  signed  at 
Peking  on  May  10,  1909,  violated  the  extra-ter- 
ritorial rights  granted  to  their  nationals  by  treaty 
with  China,  and  further  that  some  of  the  mea- 
sures taken  by  the  Kharbin  authorities  were  op- 
posed to  the  regulations  of  the  international 
concession  which,  in  their  opinion,  has  been  re- 
cently established  at  Kharbin. 

“It  is  easy  to  demonstrate  that  such  a point 
of  view  is  based  on  a misunderstanding.  Extra- 
territorial rights,  so  far  as  they  are  secured  by 
treaty,  comprise  exclusively  the  right  of  every 
foreigner  to  be  judged  by  his  own  Consul.  They 
do  not,  however,  in  any  way  exempt  him  from 
the  obligation  to  pay  town  and  other  taxes,  or 
to  submit  to  established  regulations.  The  dif- 
ference between  the  pure  Chinese  open  ports 
where  there  are  no  foreign  concessions  and  places 
which  lie  in  the  territorial  zone  of  the  Chinese 
Eastern  Railway,  and  are  open  to  foreign  trade, 
consists  solely  in  the  fact  that  in  the  former  the 
Chinese  authorities  have  the  power  to  make  ad- 
ministration rules  at  their  own  discretion,  while 
in  places  in  the  territorial  zone  of  the  Eastern 
Railway  the  Chinese  Government  has,  by  the 
concession  agreement  signed  on  August  28, 1896, 


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CHINA,  1909 


CHINA,  1909-1910 


and  the  convention  of  May  10,  1909,  transferred 
the  rights  of  administration  to  the  Chinese  East- 
ern Railway  Company,  as  a private  concession, 
so  that  the  company  acts  as  the  agent  of  the 
Chinese  Government  in  supervising  the  adminis- 
tration of  Kharbin  and  other  places. 

“ Another  misunderstanding  lias  evidently 
given  rise  to  the  statement  that  Kharbin  has  re- 
cently been  converted  into  an  international  con- 
cession. The  contracting  parties  never  had  any 
such  intentions.  By  reason  of  legal  acts,  as  well 
as  of  traditions  and  conditions  of  a local  charac- 
ter, under  which  Kharbin  originated,  it  is  clear 
that  this  is  a special  kind  of  concession,  which 
is  distinguished  from  other  concessions  by  its 
exceptionally  liberal  and  exceedingly  hospitable 
regulations  in  regard  to  foreigners.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Naval  plans.  See  (in 
this  vo1.)War,The  Preparations  for:  Naval: 
Chinese. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Opening  of  the  Peking- 
Kalgan  Line  of  Railway.  — A purely  Chinese 
undertaking.  See  Railways  : China. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).- — Death  of  Chang  Chih- 
Tung. — Chang  Chih-Tung,  Grand  Councillor 
of  the  Empire  of  China,  died  on  the  4th  of 
October,  1909,  and  Tai  Hung-tze,  President  of 
the  Board  of  Justice,  was  appointed  his  succes- 
sor in  office. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). — Election  and 
opening  of  Provincial  Assemblies.  — Begin- 
nings of  the  institution  of  Constitutional  and 
Representative  Government.  — The  following, 
from  the  Peking  reports  to  The  Times , London, 
narrates  the  actual  beginning  of  the  series  of  pro- 
ceedings planned  and  promised  for  the  gradual 
institution  of  representative  constitutional  gov- 
ernment. The  first  isof  the  date  of  Oct.  14, 1909: 

“ To-day  marks  an  era  in  the  establishment  of 
constitutional  government  in  China.  In  obedi- 
ence to  the  Imperial  decrees  of  October  19, 1907, 
and  of  July  22, 1908,  ordering  the  establishment, 
within  one  year  of  the  latter  date,  in  each  of  the 
22  provinces  of  China  proper  and  in  Manchuria 
and  the  New  Dominion  of  provincial  deliberative 
assemblies,  elections  have  been  in  progress  for 
some  time  past,  and  the  assemblies  meet  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  regulations  for  the  first  time 
to-day,  the  first  day  of  the  ninth  moon.  . . . 

“The  elections  have  taken  place  according  to 
the  regulations,  and  halls  have  been  erected  for 
the  assemblies  to  sit  wherever  a Viceroy  or  a 
Governor  has  his  seat.  The  number  of  members 
varies  from  140  in  Chih  li,  114  in  Che-kiang,  to  30 
each  in  Kirin,  Lehlun-chiang,  and  Hsin-kiang. 
The  incomplete  returns  which  have  been  pub- 
lished show  nearly  1,000  voters  for  each  repre- 
sentative. 

“ For  weeks  past  reports  have  been  coming  in 
from  provincial  authorities  asking  for  instruc- 
tions and  information  concerning  this  new  de- 
parture. An  edict  issued  last  night  renews  the 
Imperial  admonitions  to  members  of  the  assem- 
blies as  to  their  deliberations,  and  to  Viceroys  and 
Governors  as  to  their  supervision  of  the  delibera- 
tions, and  exhorts  all  to  display  a loyal  patriotism 
so  that  the  country  may  attain  strength  and  pros- 
perity. The  event  may  be  one  of  great  histori- 
cal importance.” 

The  next  was  sent  from  Peking  on  the  6th  of 
the  following  November : 

“ Already,  in  the  opening  debates  of  these  Pro- 
vincial Assemblies,  one  apprehends  the  coming 


chaos,  one  hears  the  first  whispering  of  the  ap- 
proaching storm.  Peking,  panoplied  in  igno- 
rance and  petrified  in  medieval  statecraft,  trifles 
with  Demos  at  its  doors,  evidently  hoping  that 
the  Assemblies  will  consume  their  own  smoke, 
and  that  the  Mandarin  may  be  preserved  by  the 
time-honoured  device  of  holding  the  balance 
between  contending  classes.  But  the  spirits 
which  the  Vermilion  Pencil  has  called  from  the 
Celestial  deep,  though  elected  with  all  possible 
precautions  of  ‘silkcoated’  franchise,  and  under 
the  close  direction  of  Viceroys  and  Governors, 
show  signs  of  scant  respect  for  the  Central  Gov- 
ernment and  of  little  sympathy  for  its  difficulties. 
Already,  within  a fortnight  of  their  birth,  many 
of  the  Assemblies  have  passed  resolutions  de- 
nouncing several  of  the  Government’s  pet  pro- 
posals— e.  g.,  the  opium  monopoly,  the  stamp 
tax,  and  the  foreign  loan  for  the  Hankau-Canton 
and  Hankau-Szechuan  Railways.  In  the  case 
of  the  stamp  tax,  15  provinces  have  expressed 
the  opinion,  and  have  induced  the  local  officials 
in  many  cases  to  endorse  it,  that  the  proposed 
levy  is  impracticable,  so  that,  in  the  words  of  the 
native  Press,  1 its  imposition  is  deferred  and  the 
Ministry  of  Finance  is  at  its  wi  ts’  end.  ’ Concern  - 
ing  the  vexed  question  of  the  railway  loan,  the 
Hupei  Assembly  is  reported  to  have  endorsed, 
without  a dissentient,  their  chairman’s  declara- 
tion that  the  Government’s  scheme  should  be  re- 
sisted ‘to  the  death.’ 

‘ ‘ The  spirit  which  animates  these  Assemblies 
is  evidently  very  similar  to  that  which  speaks 
through  the  vernacular  Press;  iconoclastic,  pa- 
triotic— in  the  sense  that  it  denounces  every- 
thing foreign  — but  lacking,  so  far,  in  intelli- 
gent leadership  and  constructive  policy.  Their 
attitude  towards  the  Central  Government  is  gen- 
erally one  of  scarcely  veiled  contempt.  I can- 
not illustrate  better  its  general  tendency  than  in 
the  words  of  a native  journalist  who,  in  a recent 
criticism  of  the  Grand  Council,  congratulated 
these  rulers  of  China  on  their  remarkable  lon- 
gevity, but  observed  that  ‘ there  is  little  hope 
of  longevity  for  an  Empire  that  is  governed  by 
such  incompetent  survivals.’” 

A few  weeks  later,  after  the  forty  days’  session 
of  the  new  Provincial  Assemblies  had  ended,  this 
writer  had  changed  his  view.  Writing  on  the  22d 
of  December,  he  said : “ A study  of  the  reports  of 
the  proceedings  so  far  available  of  the  first  session 
of  the  Provincial  Assemblies  supports  the  con- 
tention that  the  Throne  has  been  justified  in 
granting  the  subjects  of  the  Empire  a limited 
right  of  speech  through  their  chosen  represent- 
atives. The  programmes  of  debate  have  been 
strictly  in  accordance  with  the  Imperial  edict, 
and  the  proceedings  have  been  marked  with  dig- 
nity and  decorum.  The  net  result  justifies  the 
declaration  made  by  a high  authority,  who  has 
been  given  special  opportunity  of  forming  a 
judgment,  that  the  ‘ members  have  fulfilled  their 
appointed  task  of  working  in  harmony  with  the 
executive  authorities  in  the  interests  of  their  re- 
spective provinces.’  ” 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — Proposal  of  the  United 
States  for  the  neutralization  of  Manchurian 
Railways. — Proposed  Chinchow  Aigun  Rail- 
way. — Late  in  December,  1909,  the  United 
States  Government  submitted  to  that  of  China, 
and  to  the  interested  Powers,  a proposition  which 
contemplated  the  neutralization  of  the  railways 
in  Manchuria,  now  partly  under  Russian  and 


102 


CHINA,  1909-1910 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


partly  under  Japanese  control,  and  which  looked, 
also,  to  an  international  undertaking  of  the  con- 
struction of  a Chinehow-Aiguu  line,  to  tap  the 
Russian  Trans-Siberian  road  at  Tsitshar.  In  a 
published  statement  subsequently,  the  American 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Knox,  explained  that 
his  Government,  during  the  recent  railway  loan 
negotiations,  had  pointed  out  to  the  interested 
Rowers  that  the  greatest  danger  to  the  policy  of 
the  open  door  in  China  and  the  development  of 
her  foreign  trade  arose  from  disagreements 
among  the  great  Western  nations,  and  had  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  nothing  would  afford  so 
impressive  an  object-lesson  to  China  and  the 
world  as  the  spectacle  of  the  four  great  capitalist 
nations  — Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  and 
the  United  States  — standing  together  forequal- 
ity of  commercial  opportunity.  The  American 
Government  believed  that  one  of  the  most  effect- 
ive steps  to  this  end  in  order  to  secure  for  China 
the  enjoyment  of  all  political  rights  in  Manchu- 
ria and  to  promote  the  normal  development  of 
the  Eastern  provinces  was  to  take  the  Manchurian 
railroads  out  of  Eastern  politics  and  to  place 
them  under  an  economic  and  impartial  adminis- 
tration by  vesting  in  China  herself  the  ownership 
of  the  railways.  Such  a policy  would  require 
the  cooperation,  not  only  of  China,  but  of  Russia 
and  Japan,  both  of  whom  it  .would  enable  to 
shift  their  onerous  responsibilities  in  connexion 
with  those  railways  on  to  the  shoulders  of  the 
combined  Powers,  including  themselves,  and 
would  effect  a complete  commercial  neutraliza- 
tion of  Manchuria. 

The  proposal  of  a neutralization  of  the  exist- 
ing Manchurian  railways  was  not  received  with 
favor  in  either  Japan  or  Russia,  and  the  other 
Powers  concerned  have  manifested  a disposition 


CHINA  EMERGENCY  APPEAL  COM- 
MITTEE. See  (in  this  vol.)  Education: 
China:  A.  D.  1909. 

CHINCHOW-AIGUN  RAILWAY,  Pro- 
posed. See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  I).  1909- 
1910. 

CHINESE  HIGHBINDER  ASSOCIA- 
TIONS: Their  dangerous  character.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  San  Francisco:  A.  D.  1902. 

CHINESE  IMMIGRATION:  The  Re- 
sistance to  it  in  America,  Australia,  and 
South  Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Prob- 
lems. 

CH’ING,  Prince  of.  See  (in this  vol.)  China: 
A.  D.  1901-1908. 

CHOATE,  Joseph  H. : Commissioner 
Plenipotentiary  to  the  Second  Peace  Con- 
ference. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1907. 

CHRISTENSEN,  Jens  Christian.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Denmark:  A.  D.  1901,  and  1905-1909. 

CHRISTIAN  IX.,  King  of  Denmark: 
Death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark:  A.  D. 
1906. 

CHRISTIAN  MISSIONS.  See  Missions, 
Christian. 

CHUN,  Prince:  Regent  of  China.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1908  (Nov.). 

CHURCH  OF  SCOTLAND:  Act  of  Par- 
liament authorizing  change  of  the  Formula 
of  Subscription  required  from  its  ministers. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Scotland:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

CHURCH,  Roman  Catholic.  See  Papacy. 

CHURCH  AND  STATE:  The  French 


to  defer  to  the  view  taken  by  those  two  Govern- 
ments, which  are  most  immediately  touched  by 
it.  The  position  of  the  Japanese  Government  on 
the  question  was  stated  publicly  in  an  address 
to  the  Diet  on  the  27tli  of  January  by  Baron 
Komura,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  who  said: 

“The  United  States  government  recently  pro- 
posed a plan  regarding  the  neutralization  of  Man- 
churian railways.  The  Imperial  government,  in 
view  of  the  important  Japanese  interests  in- 
volved, and  considering  that  the  proposal  came 
from  a friendly  Power  with  which  the  empire 
was  on  terms  of  close  intimacy,  submitted  the 
question  tojthe  most  careful  examination.  While 
determined  to  adhere  scrupulously  to  the  policy 
of  the  open  door  and  equal  opportunity,  it  should 
be  recognized  that  the  realization  of  the  proposed 
plan  would  involve  radical  changes  in  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  in  Manchuria  which  were  e^ab- 
lished  by  the  treaties  of  Portsmouth  and  Peking. 
The  change  must  be  attended  by  serious  conse- 
quences. In  the  region  affected  by  the  South 
Manchurian  Railway  numerous  undertakings 
have  been  promoted  in  the  belief  that  the  rail- 
way would  remain  in  our  possession.  As  a con- 
sequence, the  Imperial  government,  with  regret, 
was  obliged  to  announce  its  inability  to  consent 
to  the  proposal.  I trust  that  the  United  States 
will  appreciate  our  position  and  that  the  other 
Powers  will  equally  recognize  the  justice  of 
Japan’s  attitude.” 

The  Russian  Government  is  understood  to 
have  taken  substantially  the  same  ground,  on 
the  general  question  of  a neutralization  of  Man- 
churian railways.  There  and  elsewhere,  however, 
there  is  said  to  be  a readiness  to  consider  the  in- 
cidental proposition  of  an  internationally  financed 
Chinchow-Aigun  road. 


Separation  Law  and  its  execution.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906,  1906,  and 
1907 ; also,  Papacy. 

Russia:  Emancipation  of  the  Church  urged 
by  M.  Witte.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D. 
1905  (April-Aug.). 

CHURCH  SCHOOL  CONTROVER- 
SIES. See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1903; 
England:  A.  D.  1902,  and  1906;  Canada:  A.  D. 
1905. 

CHURCHILL,  Winston  L.:  Under  Sec- 
retary for  the  Colonies.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

President  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1908  (April). 

To  the  British  Suffragettes.  See  Elective 
Franchise:  Woman  Suffrage. 

On  the  Budget  of  1909  and  the  House  of 
Lords.  See  England:  A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

CITIZENSHIP,  American:  Principles  of 
Naturalization  defined. — The  New  Law. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Naturalization. 

CITY  GOVERNMENT.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government. 

CITY  PLANNING.  See  Social  Better- 
ment; also,  Chicago:  A.  D.  1909. 

CIVIC  FEDERATION,  The  National. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Social  Betterment:  United 
States;  also,  National  Civic  Federation. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM:  Canada: 
A.  D.  1908. — Introduction  of  Competitive 
Examinations  and  the  Merit  System  of  ap- 
pointment and  promotion. —An  “Act  to 
Amend  the  Civil  Service  Act,”  which  came  into 


103 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


force  September  1,  1908,  divides  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice of  the  Dominion  into  the  Inside  Service  and 
the  Outside  Service,  the  former  embracing  “that 
part  of  the  public  service  in  or  under  the  several 
departments  of  the  Executive  Government  of 
Canada  and  in  the  offices  of  the  Auditor  General, 
the  Clerk  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  the  Gov- 
ernor-General’s Secretary,  employed  at  the  City 
of  Ottawa,  or  at  the  Experimental  Farm  Station 
or  the  Dominion  Astronomical  Observatory  near 
Ottawa.”  The  employes  of  this  Inside  Service 
are  required  to  be  classified  according  to  their 
salaries,  in  three  divisions,  and  all  appointments 
to  positions  in  it  are  (except  as  otherwise  pro- 
vided in  the  Act)  to  “ be  by  competitive  exami- 
nation, which  shall  be  of  such  a nature  as  will 
determine  the  qualifications  of  candidates  for 
the  particular  positions  to  which  they  are  to  be 
appointed,  and  shall  be  held  by  the  Commission 
from  time  to  time  in  accordance  with  the  regu- 
lations made  by  it  and  approved  by  the  Gov- 
ernor in  Council.” 

For  the  administration  of  the  Act  a Civil  Ser- 
vice Commission  is  created,  consisting  of  two 
members  appointed  by  the  Governor  in  Council, 
who  are  to  have  no  other  office  or  employment, 
and  who  may  employ  necessary  assistance  for 
the  examinations  they  conduct.  The  following 
are  provisions  of  the  Act: 

“No  person  shall  be  admitted  to  such  an  ex- 
amination unless  he  is  a natural-born  or  natural- 
ized British  subject,  and  has  been  a resident  of 
Canada  for  at  least  three  years,  and  is,  at  the 
time  of  the  examination,  of  the  full  age  of 
eighteen  years  and  not  more  than  thirty-five 
years,  and  presents  the  required  certificates  as 
to  health,  character  and  habits. 

“Before  holding  any  such  examination  the 
Commission  shall  require  each  head  of  a depart- 
ment to  furnish  it  with  the  number  of  additional 
permanent  officers  or  clerks  likely  to  be  required 
in  his  department  within  the  next  six  months. 

“On  this  basis,  and  having  regard  also  to  the 
requirement  of  the  several  departments  for  tem- 
porary services,  a computation  shall  be  made 
by  the  Commission  of  the  number  of  competitors 
to  be  selected  at  the  next  ensuing  examination. 

“ If  there  remain  from  a previous  examination 
successful  competitors  who  have  not  received 
appointments,  their  number  shall  be  deducted 
in  making  the  computation,  and  their  names,  in 
the  order  of  merit,  shall  be  placed  at  [the  top  of 
the  list]  to  be  prepared  in  accordance  with  sec- 
tion 17  of  this  Act. 

‘ ‘ Thereupon  due  notice  of  the  examination 
shall  be  given  by  the  Commission,  stating  the 
character  and  number  of  the  positions  to  be 
competed  for. 

“ Immediately  after  the  examination  the  Com- 
mission shall  make  out  a list  of  the  successful 
competitors  thereat  for  each  position,  in  the 
order  of  merit,  up  to  the  number  computed  in 
accordance  with  Section  15. 

“From  the  said  list  the  Commission,  on  the 
application  of  the  deputy  head,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  head,  of  any  department,  shall 
supply  the  required  clerks,  whether  for  perma- 
nent or  temporary  duty.  . . . 

“ The  selections  shall  be,  so  far  as  practicable, 
in  the  order  of  the  names  on  the  list,  but  the 
Commission  may  select  any  person  who  in  his 
examination  shows  special  qualifications  for  any 
particular  subject.  . . . 


“The  cause  of  the  rejection  shall  be  reported 
by  the  deputy  head  to  the  Commission,  who 
shall  thereupon  select  another  person  to  take 
the  place  of  the  one  rejected,  and  decide  whether 
the  latter  shall  be  struck  off  the  list  or  allowed 
a trial  in  another  department. 

“After  a person  so  selected  has  served  a pro- 
bationary term  of  six  months,  [he  shall  be 
deemed]  to  be  permanently  accepted  for  the 
service.  . . . 

“The  head  of  the  department,  on  the  report 
in  writing  of  the  deputy  head,  may,  at  any  time 
after  two  months  from  the  date  of  assignment, 
and  before  the  expiration  of  six  months,  reject 
any  person  assigned  to  his  department.  . . . 

“Promotion,  other  than  from  the  third  to  the 
second  division,  shall  be  made  for  merit  by  the 
Governor  in  Council  upon  the  recommendation 
of  the  head  of  the  department,  based  on  the 
report  in  writing  of  the  deputy  head  and  accom- 
panied by  a certificate  of  qualification  by  the 
Commission  to  be  given  with  or  without  exami- 
nation, as  is  determined  by  the  regulations  of 
the  Commission. 

“Except  as  herein  otherwise  provided,  vacan- 
cies in  the  first  division  shall  be  filled  by  promo- 
tions from  the  second  division.” 

Regulations  prepared  by  the  Civil  Service 
Commission  appointed  under  the  Act  require 
fees,  ranging  from  $2  to  $10  to  be  paid  by  the 
candidates  for  examination. 

United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1909.  — Pro- 
gress of  reform  under  President  Roosevelt. 
— At  the  close  of  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt,  the  journal  published  by  the 
National  Civil  Service  Reform  League,  entitled 
Good  Government,  bore  the  following  testimony 
to  the  fidelity  with  which  the  principles  of  the 
reform  had  been  upheld  and  promoted  by  the 
retiring  executive: 

“ One  of  the  first  acts  of  President  Roosevelt 
was  the  reorganization  of  the  civil  service  com- 
mission, which,  under  the  administration  of 
President  McKinley,  had  become  lax  and  in- 
effective. Since  then  the  enforcement  of  the 
law  and  rules  by  the  commission  has  been  sin- 
cere, vigorous  and  impartial.  Particularly  strict 
has  been  the  enforcement  of  the  prohibition 
against  political  assessments.  Twice  in  the 
midst  of  political  campaigns  has  the  President 
ordered  the  removal  of  prominent  officials  for 
levying  assessments  on  their  subordinates. 

“ During  his  administration  President  Roose- 
velt has  extended  the  scope  of  competition  to 
many  new  and  important  offices.  Notable 
among  these  extensions  have  been  the  restora- 
tion of  the  field  service  of  the  War  Department 
(withdrawn  by  President  McKinley)  and  the 
classification  of  the  rural  free  delivery  service 
(now  numbering  some  40,000),  the  forestry  ser- 
vice, deputy  collectors  of  internal  revenue,  dep- 
uty collectors  of  customs,  deputy  naval  officers, 
and  cashiers  and  finance  clerks  in  post  offices. 
Prevented  by  the  civil  service  law  from  ‘ classi- 
fying ’ unskilled  laborers,  President  Roosevelt, 
under  general  executive  authority,  has  pre- 
scribed a system  of  examination  for  laborers  in 
Washington  and  the  principal  cities.  By  execu- 
tive order  of  June  27,  1906,  he  provided  a system 
of  examination  and  promotion  for  the  consular 
service  which  has  done  away  with  the  more  fla- 
grant evils  of  that  service.  His  latest  and  most 
striking  extension  has  been  the  classification  of 


104 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


over  15,000  fourth-class  postmasters,  thereby 
taking  them  out  of  politics. 

“ He  has  prohibited  the  participation  of  com- 
petitive officials  in  politics  further  than  to  vote 
as  they  please  and  to  express  privately  their  opin- 
ions, and  has  made  this  prohibition  effective  by 
incorporating  it  in  the  civil  service  rules,  thus 
giving  to  the  commission  the  power  to  investi- 
gate. He  has  by  vetoing  the  Crumpacker  census 
bill  defeated  the  attempt  by  Congress  to  obtain 
as  spoils  some  4,000  clerkships  for  the  next 
census. 

“ This  is  a brief  record  of  President  Roosevelt’s 
service  to  civil  service  reform  during  his  admin- 
istration. In  considering  the  criticisms  of  his 
course  which  have  been  made  from  time  to  time 
by  the  League  and  the  press,  this  service  should 
be  kept  in  mind  and  carefully  weighed.  For  in- 
stance, against  this  record  of  constant  advance- 
ment, the  suspension  of  the  rules  in  individual 
cases — in  all  about  370  — although  in  our  opin- 
ion arbitrary  and  dangerous  as  precedents,  are 
of  comparatively  minor  importance.  A few 
have  been  made  for  political  reasons  ; the  far 
greater  number,  however,  were  acts  of  charity 
or  personal  impulse,  and  President  Roosevelt 
himself  realized  the  danger  in  this  practice  and 
took  steps  to  curtail  it. 

“ In  passing  on  the  justice  of  the  other  criti- 
cisms of  President  Roosevelt’s  course  regarding 
the  civil  service  one  should  keep  in  mind  the 
distinction  which  he  has  so  sharply  drawn  be- 
tween the  classified  and  the  unclassified  service. 
This  is  clearly  set  forth  in  a reply  to  a letter 
from  the  civil  service  commission  calling  his 
attention  to  the  omission  from  the  postal  regula- 
tions of  President  Cleveland’s  ‘ pernicious  ac- 
tivity ’ order,  and  quoting  a passage  from  the 
11th  report  of  the  commission.  President  Roose- 
velt said : ‘ I personally  drew  the  paragraph 
which  you  quote.  The  paragraph  was  drawn 
with  a view  to  making  a sharp  line  between  the 
activity  allowed  to  public  servants  within  the 
classified  service  and  those  without  the  classi- 
fied service  — the  latter  under  our  system  are  as 
a rule  chosen  largely  with  reference  to  political 
considerations,  and  as  a rule  are,  and  expect  to 
be,  changed  with  the  change  of  parties.  ...  It 
seemed  to  me  at  the  time,  and  I still  think,  that 
the  line  thus  drawn  was  wise  and  proper.’ 

“ In  considering  such  appointments  to  posi- 
tions in  the  unclassified  service  as  that  of  James 
C.  Clarkson  as  surveyor  of  the  Port  of  New 
York  for  instance,  a just  analysis  must  take  into 
account  these  frankly  expressed  views.  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  drew  a line  between  the  clas- 
sified and  unclassified  service,  and  as  to  the 
latter  recognized  and  availed  himself  to  some 
extent  of  existing  conditions.  He  believed  that 
so  long  as  positions  remained  in  the  unclassified 
service  it  was  impractical  to  eliminate  political 
considerations  and  that  any  attempt  to  do  so  led 
to  hypocrisy.  His  remedy  was  to  place  the  po- 
sitions in  the  classified  service,  wherever  practi- 
cable. And  he  has  extended  the  line  of  the 
classified  service  higher  than  ever  before.  The 
League  does  not  believe  this  theory  is  ideal, 
but  in  carrying  it  out  the  President  has  certainly 
not  set  the  reform  back.  Criticism  based  only 
on  the  fact  that  one  who  has  rendered  great  ser- 
vice to  a cause  has  not  accomplished  all  that  its 
ardent  supporters  wish  to  accomplish  can  be 
properly  set  down  as  captious. 


“In  performing  its  duty  to  the  public,  the 
League  has  at  various  times  during  his  admin- 
istration frankly  criticised  certain  acts  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt,  which  in  its  opinion  were  not  in 
line  with  the  best  interests  of  the  service.  But 
this  does  not  prevent  us  from  recognizing  that 
during  his  entire  administration  President  Roose- 
velt has  been  loyal  to  the  reform  with  which 
he  has  been  so  prominently  identified.  We  do  not 
believe  that  any  act  of  his  was  intended  to  in- 
jure the  reform.  Wherever  he  has  thought  it 
practicable  to  extend  the  reform  he  has  done  so. 
A President  less  devoted  to  the  reform  would 
not  have  been  criticised  for  what  President 
Roosevelt  has  failed  to  do.” — Good  Government , 
March,  1909. 

The  following  exhibit  of  the  whole  progress 
in  civil  service  reform,  from  its  beginning  to  the 
end  of  1908,  was  made  in  the  annual  report  of 
the  Council  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Re- 
form League,  presented  at  the  meeting  of  the 
League,  on  the  17th  of  December  in  that  year: 
“ The  whole  United  States  civil  service,  in  1883, 
consisted  of  110,000  persons,  and  of  these  14,000 
were  put  under  the  civil  service  law.  Now  the 
federal  civil  service  has  grown  to  352,000  posi- 
tions, and,  including  the  last  extension,  those  un- 
der the  competitive  system  have  increased  from 
14,000  to  about  222,000.  Not  only  in  numbers 
but  in  proportion  to  the  total  has  the  competitive 
service  increased  from  12  7-10%  in  1883  to  63% 
now.” 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Extension  of  classifica- 
tion to  the  Rural  Free  Delivery  Service. — 
Order  concerning  unclassified  laborers.  — 

“ During  the  year  ended  June  30  [1903],  25,566 
persons  were  appointed  through  competitive  ex- 
aminations under  the  civil-service  rules.  This 
was  12,672  more  than  during  the  preceding  year, 
and  40  per  cent  of  those  who  passed  the  exami- 
nations. This  abnormal  growth  was  largely  oc- 
casioned by  the  extension  of  classification  to  the 
rural  free-delivery  service  and  the  appointment 
last  year  of  over  9,000  rural  carriers.  A revision 
of  the  civil-service  rules  took  effect  on  April  15 
last,  which  has  greatly  improved  their  operation. 

. . . Executive  orders  of  July  3,  1902  ; March 
26,  1903,  and  July  8,  1903,  require  that  appoint- 
ments of  all  unclassified  laborers,  both  in  the 
Departments  at  Washington  and  in  the  field  ser- 
vice, shall  be  made  with  the  assistance  of  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission,  under 
a system  of  registration  to  test  the  relative  fit- 
ness of  applicants  for  appointment  or  employ- 
ment. This  system  is  competitive,  and  is  open 
to  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  qualified  in 
respect  to  age,  physical  ability,  moral  character, 
industry,  and  adaptability  for  manual  labor  : ex- 
cept that  in  case  of  veterans  of  the  civil  war  the 
element  of  age  is  omitted.  This  system  of  ap- 
pointment is  distinct  from  the  classified  service 
and  does  not  classify  positions  of  mere  laborer 
under  the  civil-service  act  and  rules.  Regulations 
in  aid  thereof  have  been  put  in  operation  in  sev- 
eral of  the  Departments  and  are  being  gradually 
extended  in  other  parts  of  the  service.  The  re- 
sults have  been  very  satisfactory,  as  extrava- 
gance has  been  checked  by  decreasing  the  num- 
ber of  unnecessary  positions  and  by  increasing 
the  efficiency  of  the  employees  remaining.”  — 
President’ s Message,  Dec.  7,  1903. 

A.  D.  1906. — Excellent  legislation  in  Penn- 
sylvania. See  (in  this  vol.)  Pennsylvania. 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


A.  D.  1906-1909.  — The  Reform  of  the  Con- 
sular Service.  — A great  and  greatly  needed 
reformation  of  the  consular  service  of  the  United 
States  was  begun  in  1906,  by  the  passage  of  an 
Act  of  Congress,  approved  April  5,  which  pro- 
vided for  the  reorganization  of  the  service,  pri- 
marily by  the  classifying  and  grading  of  the 
consuls-general  and  the  consuls,  and  the  fixing 
of  salaries  in  each  class.  Consuls-general  were 
placed  by  the  Act  in  seven  classes,  with  salaries 
as  follows : 

Class  one,  twelve  thousand  dollars.  — London, 
Paris. 

Class  two,  eight  thousand  dollars. — Berlin, 
Habana,  Hongkong,  Hamburg,  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
Shanghai. 

Class  three,  six  thousand  dollars.  — Calcutta, 
Cape  Town,  Constantinople,  Mexico  City,  Mont- 
real, Ottawa,  Vienna,  Yokohama. 

Class  four,  five  thousand  five  hundred  dollars. 

— Antwerp,  Barcelona,  Brussels,  Canton,  Frank- 
fort, Marseilles,  Melbourne,  Panama,  Saint  Pe- 
tersburg, Seoul,  Tientsin. 

Class  five,  four  thousand  five  hundred  dollars. 

— Auckland,  Beirut,  Buenos  Ayres,  Callao, 
Chefoo,  Coburg,  Dresden,  Guayaquil,  Halifax, 
Hankau,  Mukden,  Munich,  Niuchwang,  Rome, 
Rotterdam,  Saint  Gall,  Singapore. 

Class  six,  three  thousand  five  hundred  dollars. 

— Adis  Ababa,  Bogota,  Budapest,  Guatemala, 
Lisbon,  Monterey,  San  Salvador,  Stockholm, 
Tangier. 

Class  seven,  three  thousand  dollars. — Athens, 
Christiania,  Copenhagen. 

Consuls  were  divided  among  nine  classes,  re- 
ceiving salaries  that  range  from  $8000  in  the 
first  class  and  $6000  in  the  second,  down  to  $2000 
in  the  ninth.  The  first  and  second  classes  hold 
but  one  incumbent  each,  at  Liverpool  and  Man- 
chester, respectively.  There  are  eight  places 
in  the  third  class,  twelve  in  the  fourth,  and  then 
the  numbers  mount  rapidly,  up  to  the  sixty-nine 
included  in  the  ninth  class. 

All  fees  allowed  to  be  collected  for  services 
rendered  in  connection  with  the  duties  of  the 
consular  office  (which  the  President  may  pre- 
scribe) are  directed  by  the  Act  to  be  accounted 
for  thereafter  and  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States.  All  consular  officers  whose  sala- 
ries exceed  $1000  are  forbidden  to  be  interested 
in  or  to  transact  any  business  as  a merchant, 
factor,  broker,  or  other  trader,  or  a clerk  or  other 
agent  of  one,  or  to  practice  as  a lawyer  for  com- 
pensation, or  to  be  interested  in  the  fees  or 
compensation  of  any  lawyer.  The  whole  service 
is  placed  under  inspection  by  five  inspectors,  to 
be  appointed  from  the  members  of  the  consular 
service ; and  each  consular  office  must  be  in- 
spected at  least  once  in  every  two  years. 

In  June  following  this  important  enactment, 
the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Root,  submitted  , to 
President  Roosevelt  the  draft  of  a recommended 
executive  order,  which  prescribed  new  rules  to 
be  followed  in  filling  the  consular  offices,  as 
classified  by  the  recent  Act.  In  doing  so,  the 
Secretary  made  this  explanation:  “The  main 
features  of  the  order  were  embodied  in  the  early 
forms  of  the  Consular  Reorganization  Bill  passed 
at  this  session  of  Congress,  but  they  were  dropped 
out,  largely  for  the  reason  that  their  enactment 
by  Congress  would  appear  to  be  an  infringement 
upon  the  President’s  constitutional  power  to 
appoint  consuls.  Your  adoption  of  these  rules 


by  executive  order  will  be  free  from  that  objec- 
tion, and  judging  from  the  very  positive  com- 
mendation which  many  members  of  both  Houses 
have  expressed  for  the  proposed  change  in  the 
method  of  appointing  consuls,  I do  not  doubt 
that  the  new  system  will  receive  the  hearty  ap- 
proval of  the  Senate  and  of  Congress  whenever 
occasion  may  arise  for  an  expression  upon  the 
subject.”  t 

The  recommended  order  was  approved  and 
issued  by  the  President.  “ Subject  to  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,”  it  declared  in  sub 
stance  as  follows:  (1)  Vacancies  in  the  office  of 
Consul-General  and  in  the  office  of  Consul  above 
class  8 (salary,  $2500)  shall  be  filled  by  promo- 
tion from  the  lower  grades  of  the  service,  based 
upon  “ ability  and  efficiency,  as  shown  in  the 
service  ” ; (2)  vacancies  in  the  office  of  Consul  of 
these  two  remaining  classes,  8 and  9,  are  to  be 
filled  (a)  by  promotion,  “on  the  basis  of  ability 
and  efficiency,  as  shown  in  the  service,”  of  con- 
sular clerks,  vice-consuls,  and  consular  agents, 
and  (b)  by  new  appointments  from  candidates 
who  have  passed  an  examination ; (3)  officials  in 
the  service  of  the  Department  of  State,  with  sal- 
aries of  $2000  or  upward,  shall  be  eligible  for 
promotion,  always  on  the  basis  of  ability  and  ef- 
ficiency, as  shown  in  the  service,  to  any  grade  of 
the  consular  service  above  the  eighth  class ; (4) 
the  board  of  examiners  for  admission  to  the  ser- 
vice shall  consist  of  the  Secretary  of  State  (or 
such  other  officer  of  the  department  as  the  Pre- 
sident shall  designate),  the  chief  of  the  Consular 
Bureau,  and  the  chief  examiner  of  the  Civil  Ser- 
vice Commission  (or  such  other  officer,  as  this 
commission  shall  designate) ; (5)  this  board  of 
examiners  shall  formulate  the  rules  for  examina- 
tions; (6)  among  the  compulsory  subjects  shall 
be  at  least  one  modern  language  other  than  Eng- 
lish, the  natural  industrial  and  commercial  re- 
sources and  commerce  of  the  United  States, 
political  economy,  and  the  elements  of  interna- 
tional, commercial,  and  maritime  law;  (7)  80 
per  cent,  shall  be  necessary  for  eligibility ; (8) 
candidates  must  be  over  twenty-one  and  under 
fifty  years  of  age,  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  good  character  and  physique.  They  must 
also  have  been  specially  designated  by  the  Pre- 
sident for  examination, 

Other  significant  provisions  of  the  order  are 
to  the  effect  that  no  promotion  shall  be  made 
except  for  efficiency  and  conduct,  that  “neither 
in  the  designation  for  examination  or  certification 
or  appointment  will  the  political  affiliations  of 
the  candidate  be  considered”;  and  that  “due 
regard  should  be  had  to  the  rule  that,  as  between 
candidates  of  equal  merit,  appointments  should 
be  made  so  as  to  secure  in  the  service  propor- 
tional representation  of  all  the  States  and  Ter- 
ritories.” 

The  first  examination  of  candidates  for  ap- 
pointment under  this  order  was  held  on  the  14th 
and  15th  of  March,  1907,  since  which  time  no 
one  has  entered  the  consular  service  of  the 
United  States  without  satisfying  that  test. 

In  June,  1908,  Secretary  Root  announced  the 
promotion  or  transfer  of  nearly  sixty  consular 
offices,  setting  in  motion  the  desirable  advance- 
ment of  these  officials  from  post  to  post,  to  make 
the  best  use  of  their  proved  capacity  and  ac- 
quired experience.  About  a year  later,  Mr. 
Root’s  successor,  Secretary  Knox,  made  public 
the  promotion  of  twenty-seven  incumbents  of 


106 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


consular  office,  and  the  appointment  of  twenty  - 
three  new  recruits  to  the  service  from  his  eligible 
list.  So  the  long  striveu-for  reform  of  the  Ameri- 
can consular  service  may  safely  be  said  to  have 
arrived. 

A bill  introduced  in  the  Senate,  providing  for 
a permanent  consular  service,  based  on  competi- 
tive examinations,  was  decided  by  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  Relations  to  be  unconstitutional, 
for  the  reason  that  the  Constitution  itself  confers 
the  power  of  appointment  of  consular  officers 
upon  the  President,  and  that  Congress  has  no 
right  to  limit  this  power  in  any  way.  Presi- 
dent Taft,  by  an  executive  order,  has  practically 
put  the  scope  of  the  proposed  bill  into  effect, 
thereby,  in  part,  limiting  the  power  conferred 
upon  himself.  This,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Sen- 
ators, is  all  that  can  be  done  legally. 

A.  D.  1908. — Extension  of  the  Merit  Sys- 
tem to  nearly  one-third  of  the  Fourth  Class 
Postmasters  of  the  country.  — In  the  Annual 
Report  of  the  Council  of  the  National  Civil  Ser- 
vice Reform  League,  presented  at  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  League  in  December,  1908,  it  was 
said:  “ The  great  event  of  the  year,  which  so  aptly 
commemorates  the  25th  anniversary  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Pendleton  bill,  is  the  extension  of  the 
competitive  system  to  all  fourth  class  postmasters 
in  the  part  of  the  country  north  of  the  Ohio  and 
east  of  the  Mississippi, that  is, in  the  New  England 
States,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  and  Michigan. 
This  is  an  extension  covering  more  positions  than 
suggested  by  the  civil  service  commission.  It  is 
an  extension  large  enough  to  be  of  present  ad- 
vantage, is  made  in  the  more  thickly  settled  por- 
tions of  the  country,  where  it  is  easiest  to  carry 
it  out,  and  yet  it  is  not  on  so  large  a scale  as  to 
invite  mistakes  or  perhaps  partial  failure.  This 
extension  coversabout  15,000  positions.  The  order 
of  President  Cleveland  of  May  26,  1896  [see,  in 
Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  Civil  Service  Re- 
form: United  States],  covered  about  31,000 
places;  and  yet,  from  the  point  of  political  sig- 
nificance, this  present  extension  is  the  most  im- 
portant, we  believe,  in  the  history  of  civil  ser- 
vice reform  since  January  16,  1883,  and  when 
its  purpose  is  fully  carried  out  it  will  include 
some  53,000  places.” 

The  report  then  reviewed  the  efforts  that  had 
been  in  progress  since  1889,  with  the  support  of 
Presidents  Cleveland  and  Roosevelt,  to  bring 
about  the  inclusion  of  this  class  of  postmasters, 
at  the  least,  under  the  rule  of  appointment  sub- 
ject to  competitive  examination.  President  Roose- 
velt, in  his  annual  Message  of  1907,  had  said : 
“The  fourth-class  postmasters’  convention  has 
passed  a very  strong  resolution  in  favor  of  plac- 
ing the  fourth-class  postmasters  under  the  civil- 
service  law.  The  Administration  has  already  put 
into  effect  the  policy  of  refusing  to  remove  any 
fourth-class  postmasters  save  for  reasons  con- 
nected with  the  good  of  the  service;  and  it  is 
endeavoring  so  far  as  possible  to  remove  them 
from  the  domain  of  partisan  politics.  It  would 
be  a most  desirable  thing  to  put  the  fourth-class 
postmasters  in  the  classified  service.  It  is  possible 
that  this  might  be  done  without  Congressional 
action,  but,  as  the  matter  is  debatable,  I earnestly 
recommend  that  the  Congress  enact  a law  pro- 
viding that  they  be  included  under  the  civil- 
service  law  and  put  in  the  classified  service.” 

Congress  refused  the  desired  legislation.  The 


law  committee  of  the  League  was  unanimous  in 
the  opinion  that  the  President  held  authority 
already  to  make  the  change  by  Executive  Order, 
and  Mr.  Roosevelt  gave  a hearing  on  the  subject 
to  Messrs.  Mcllhenny  and  Greene,  of  the  National 
Civil  Service  Commission,  and  the  lion.  Richard 
Henry  Dana,  Chairman  of  the  Council  of  the 
League.  Evidently  he  became  persuaded  that  his 
authority  was  sufficient,  aud  was  prepared  to  act 
accordingly.  About  the  middle  of  November, 
1908,  the  National  League  of  Postmasters  of  the 
United  States,  which  had  been  organized  in  1905, 
sent  a Committee,  with  its  President,  Mr.  A.  K. 
Hoag,  of  Orchard  Park,  N.  Y.,  to  present  to  the 
authorities  at  Washington  their  claim  to  a footing 
of  non-political  appointment  under  civil  service 
rules.  By  good  fortune  they  met  at  Washing- 
ton Mr.  Dana  and  Mr.  Goodrich,  of  the  National 
C.  S.  R.  League,  who  were  visiting  the  Capital 
on  the  same  errand,  and  the  doubled  appeal  had 
quick  success.  In  an  interview  with  President 
Roosevelt,  the  Committee  of  the  Postmasters’ 
League  received  assurances  that  he  would  issue 
an  order  on  the  subject,  provided  that  the  Presi- 
dent-elect, Mr.  Taft,  would  approve  his  taking 
that  step.  The  Committee  went  at  once  to  the 
Hot  Springs  in  Virginia,  where  the  President- 
elect was  then  sojourning,  received  his  ready 
endorsement  of  the  plan,  and  conveyed  it  to  the 
President  in  power.  A fortnight  later,  on  the  1st 
day  of  December,  the  memorable  order  was  pro- 
claimed. On  the  1st  of  the  following  February  a 
plan  of  filling  vacancies  was  put  into  effect. 

It  was  wise,  no  doubt,  to  apply  the  extension 
of  the  reform  in  post-office  appointments  to  one 
large  and  important  section  of  the  country,  and 
obtain  a showing  of  practical  results,  before  at- 
tempting to  overturn  the  old  system  as  a whole. 
That  more  will  follow  in  due  time  is  reasonably 
sure.  Mr.  Hoag,  the  President  of  the  National 
League  of  Postmasters,  in  a private  note,  re- 
marks : “It  is  already  evident  that  the  change 
is  to  redound  to  a better  service.  Scores  of  new 
buildings,  new  quarters  and  new  equipments  are 
being  installed  by  the  emancipated  postmasters; 
which  shows  that  postmasters  of  this  class  dare, 
for  the  first  time,  to  invest  their  money  in  better 
equipment,  feeling  that  they  are  likely  to  remain 
postmasters  long  enough  to  make  the  investment 
a paying  one,  now  that  their  tenure  of  office  does 
not  depend  upon  their  relations  to  a political 
faction  or  boss.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Census  Bill. — Invet- 
eracy of  Spoils-seeking  in  Congress.  — -Veto 
of  the  bill  in  its  first  form  by  the  President. 
- — The  Amended  Bill  which  became  law. — 

The  greatness  of  the  advance  of  civil  service  re- 
form in  the  United  States,  within  the  quarter 
century  since  its  beginning,  is  one  of  the  most 
hopefully  inspiring  facts  in  recent  American 
history.  But,  by  the  side  of  it  stands  the  warn- 
ing and  shaming  fact,  that  it  has  been  achieved, 
from  first  to  last,  by  forces  outside  of  Congress, 
and  outside  of  all  other  legislative  bodies  which 
supposedly  represent  the  political  will  of  the 
people.  Every  measure  of  legislation  that  has 
promoted  it  has  been  wrung  from  unwilling 
majorities  in  those  bodies,  — yielded  only  when 
they  feared  to  refuse.  That  Congress,  in  both 
Houses,  would  wreck  with  eagerness,  to-day,  if 
it  dared,  the  bettered  public  service  of  the 
nation,  to  recover  for  its  members  and  their 
party  henchmen  the  old  “spoils”  of  office  and 


107 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM 


CLEVELAND 


place,  was  shown  unmistakably,  within  the  last 
year  of  this  record,  by  its  action  on  the  bill  to 
provide  for  the  taking  of  the  Census  of  1910. 

The  President,  and  every  responsible  official 
connected  with  the  Census  Bureau,  had  borne 
testimony  to  the  inefficiency  and  wasteful  cost- 
liness of  previous  census-taking  under  the  old 
system  of  appointment,  and  had  besought  Con- 
gress to  provide  in  the  bill  for  an  effective  test 
of  qualification  for  the  employment  by  compet- 
itive examination.  Considerable  majorities  in 
both  House  and  Senate  turned  an  equally  deaf 
ear  to  all  considerations  of  public  interest  in  the 
matter,  and  passed  a bill  which  enabled  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  parcel  out  between  them- 
selves the  large  number  of  appointments  to  be 
made. 

President  Roosevelt  did  not  hesitate  to  veto 
the  bill,  and  gave  it  a thorough  dissection  in  the 
Message  which  explained  his  disapproval.  In 
part,  his  comments  on  the  Act  offered  to  him 
were  as  follows:  “Section  7 of  the  act  provides 
in  effect  that  appointments  to  the  census  shall 
be  under  the  spoils  system,  for  this  is  the  real 
meaning  of  the  provision  that  they  shall  be  sub- 
ject only  to  non-competitive  examination.  The 
proviso  is  added  that  they  shall  be  selected 
without  regard  to  political  party  affiliations. 
But  there  is  only  one  way  to  guarantee  that 
they  shall  be  selected  without  regard  to  politics 
and  on  merit,  and  that  is  by  choosing  them 
after  competitive  examination  from  the  lists  of 
eligibles  provided  by  the  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission. The  present  Director  of  the  Census  in 
his  last  report  states  the  exact  fact  about  these 
non-competitive  examinations  when  he  says: 
‘ A non-competitive  examination  means  that 
every  one  of  the  many  thousands  who  will  pass 
the  examinations  will  have  an  equal  right  to 
appointment,  and  that  personal  and  political 
pressure  must  in  the  end,  as  always  before, 
become  the  determining  factor  with  regard  to 
the  great  body  of  these  temporary  employments. 
I cannot  too  earnestly  urge  that  the  Director  of 
the  Census  be  relieved  from  this  unfortunate 
situation.’ 

“To  provide  that  the  clerks  and  other  em- 
ployes shall  be  appointed  after  non-competitive 
examination,  and  yet  to  provide  that  they  shall 
be  selected  without  regard  to  political  party 
affiliations,  means  merely  that  the  appointments 
shall  be  treated  as  the  perquisites  of  the  politi- 
cians of  both  parties,  instead  of  as  the  perqui- 
sites of  the  politicians  of  one  party.  I do  not 
believe  in  the  doctrine  that  to  the  victor  belongs 
the  spoils;  but  I think  even  less  of  the  doctrine 
that  the  spoils  shall  be  divided  without  a fight 
by  the  professional  politicians  on  both  sides; 
and  this  would  be  the  result  of  permitting  the 
bill  in  its  present  shape  to  become  a law.  Both 
of  the  last  censuses,  the  eleventh  and  the  twelfth, 
were  taken  under  a provision  of  law  excluding 
competition;  that  is,  necessitating  the  appoint- 
ments being  made  under  the  spoils  system. 
Every  man  competent  to  speak  with  authority 
because  of  his  knowledge  of  and  familiarity 
with  the  work  of  those  censuses  has  stated  that 
the  result  was  to  produce  extravagance  and 
demoralization.” 

The  veto  went  to  Congress  on  the  5th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1909,  one  month  before  the  expiration  of 
President  Roosevelt’s  term  of  office.  His  succes- 
sor-to-be was  well  known  to  be  in  sympathy 


with  his  views  of  the  public  service,  and  no 
attempt  was  made  either  to  pass  the  bill  over 
the  veto,  or  to  proffer  its  spoils-seeking  provi- 
sions to  the  new  occupant  of  the  Presidency 
when  he  came  in.  Congress  was  compelled,  in 
this  case,  as  in  many  before,  to  surrender  its 
cherished  spoils  of  salaried  public  employment 
to  civil  service  reform,  simply  because  public 
interests  and  public  sentiment  are  better  repre- 
sented, as  a rule,  in  the  White  House  than  in 
the  Capitol,  which  is  not  a pleasing  fact. 

During  the  extra  session  that  was  called  by 
President  Taft,  in  March,  an  amended  bill  was 
passed  which  came  near  to  satisfying  the  de- 
mands of  reform.  It  kept  a little  opening  for 
political  favoritism,  in  a proviso,  that  the  direc- 
tor of  the  Census  may,  “when  the  exigencies 
of  the  service  require,”  make  his  selections  from 
the  list  of  eligibles,  not  by  the  candidates’  rating, 
but  on  the  ground  of  “immediate  availability” 
or  previous  experience  in  census  work  ; but  this 
was  so  small  a loophole  that  the  President’s  sign- 
ing of  the  bill  was  generally  approved.  ‘ ‘ The  act 
empowers  the  director  of  the  census  to  appoint 
special  agents  to  whom  will  be  assigned  princi 
pally  the  work  of  obtaining  statistics  from  man- 
ufacturing establishments,  mines  and  quarries. 
While  no  qualifying  test  is  required  by  law  for 
the  appointment  of  these  agents,  Director  Du- 
rand has  nevertheless  provided  for  their  selection 
subject  to  a carefully  worked  out  scheme  of 
competitive  examinations,  to  be  conducted  by 
the  United  States  civil  service  commission.  In 
rating  the  candidates  the  experience  declaration 
and  practical  test  are  to  be  given  equal  credit. 
All  candidates  who  receive  a combined  rating 
of  70  will  be  placed  on  an  eligible  list,  from 
which  selection  will  be  made  as  the  needs  of  the 
service  require.  Eligibility,  according  to  the 
instructions,  ‘ is  not  of  itself  a guarantee  of  ap- 
pointment, but  selection  will  be  made  solely 
with  reference  to  equipment  and  availability 
for  appointment.’”  — Good  Government,  Oct., 
1909. 

CIVIL  VETO,  in  Papal  Elections.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Papacy  : A.  D.  1904. 

CIVILISTAS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol).  Peru. 

CLANRICARDE  ESTATE,  Evicted  ten- 
ants of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D. 
1907. 

CLARION  FELLOWSHIP.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Socialism  : England  : A.  D.  1909. 

CLARK,  Edgar  E.:  On  the  Anthracite 
Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commission.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

CLEMENCEAU,  Eugene:  In  the  Sarrien- 
Clemenceau  Ministry,  and  as  Prime  Minister. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1906,  and  after. 

Disclaims  for  France  the  desire  to  revenge 
the  German  conquest  of  Alsace.  See  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

T riumph  in  the  senatorial  elections  of  1909. 
See  France:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

His  downfall  from  Premiership  produced  by 
an  intemperate  speech.  See  France.  A.  D. 
1909  (July). 

CLERICAL  PARTY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1903;  Belgium:  A.  D.  1904; 
Germany:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

CLEVELAND,  Grover:  Trustee  of  stock 
controlling  the  Equitable  Life  Assurance  So- 
ciety. See  (in  this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 


108 


CLEVELAND 


COLOMBIA 


CLEVELAND,  Ohio:  A.  D.  1901-1908.— 
The  Farm  Colony  Experiment.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology,  Problems  of. 

COAL,  Wasteful  mining  and  use  of.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources. 

COAL  AND  COKE  CARTELS.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial  (in  Ger- 
many). 

COAL  COMBINATION,  Alleged  Anthra- 
cite: Proceedings  of  Government  against  it. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial  : 
United  States  : A.  D.  1907-1909,  and  Rail- 
ways: United  States  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

COAL  MINES  EIGHT  HOURS  ACT. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Protection:  Hours 
of  Labor:  England. 

COAL  MINING  STRIKES.  See  Labor 
Organization. 

COBALT  SILVER  MINES.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1903,  and  1906-1907. 

COLLECTIVISM.  See  Socialism. 

COLLEGES.  See  Education. 

COLOGNE:  Insurance  against  unem- 

ployment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Prob- 
lems of:  Unemployment. 

COLOMBIA:  A.  D.  1898-1902.  — Castro,  of 
Venezuela,  and  the  Liberals  (Yellows)  of 
Colombia.  — How  they  helped  one  another. 
— The  following  passages  are  from  an  article 
in  the  American  Review  of  Reviews  on  “ South 
American  War  Issues,”  by  Edwin  Emerson,  Jr., 
who  spent  some  time  with  the  Colombian  insur- 
gents in  1902  and  acquired  a good  knowledge  of 
the  troubled  political  conditions  in  that  republic 
and  its  near  neighbors.  It  adds  something  to 
what  is  told  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work  concern- 
ing the  revolt  started  in  1899  by  Rafael  Uribe- 
Uribe,  and  about  its  relation  to  the  beginnings 
of  the  career  of  Cipriano  Castro,  in  Venezuela 
(see,  in  that  vol.,  Colombia,  and  Venezuela): 

“ At  the  time  when  Spain  was  losing  Cuba,  the 
last  Congress  of  Colombia  sat  in  Bogota.  The 
Liberal  party  had  but  one  spokesman  in  the 
Congress  — to  wit,  Rafael  Uribe-Uribe.  The 
government  majority  championed  the  cause  of 
Spain.  Many  of  the  more  ardent  Liberals  were 
fighting  in  the  field  for  ‘Cuba  Libre.’  Uribe 
Uribe  was  the  only  man  in  the  Congress  who 
spoke  for  America  as  against  Spain.  He  was 
hissed  down.  Next,  the  Panama  Canal  question 
came  up.  The  French  concession  was  to  be  ex- 
tended for  ten  years.  Again  Uribe-Uribe  spoke 
for  America  as  against  France.  The  project  was 
voted  down.  The  Congress  was  dissolved. 
President  San  Clemente,  on  his  own  motion,  ex- 
tended the  French  concession.  For  this  lie  is 
said  to  have  received  one  million  dollars,  cash. 
Then  the  revolution  broke  out,  and  Uribe-Uribe 
took  the  field,  in  Santander,  the  richest  coffee- 
growing state  of  Colombia.  He  fell  upon  the 
town  of  Cucuta  and  took  it,  only  to  be  driven 
out  again  after  a disastrous  rout  at  Palo  Negro. 
To  make  things  worse  for  the  rebels,  the  Bishop 
of  Santander  ordered  the  excommunication  of 
those  who  would  not  renounce  liberalism  or  all 
connection  with  Liberals.  It  was  a crushing 
blow,  aimed  at  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the 
fighting  insurgents. 

“While  affairs  were  thus  disturbed  in  Santan- 
der, Cipriano  Castro,  a Venezuelan  exile  living 
in  Cucuta,  profited  by  the  occasion  to  lead  a 
small  band  of  Colombian  Liberals  into  Vene- 


zuela. They  dashed  across  the  border  by  night, 
and  fell  into  Castro’s  native  town,  Capachio 
Viejo.  Castro’s  father  and  five  brothers,  with 
other  townsfolk,  joined  his  standard  and  helped 
him  win  his  first  battle  over  a small  detachment 
of  Venezuelan  government  troops.  Now  the 
number  of  his  adherents  grew,  especially  as  he 
won  battle  after  battle  or  bought  over  his  rival 
leaders.  After  a crushing  defeat  at  Valencia, 
President  Andrade  fled  the  country,  and  Castro 
entered  Caracas  in  triumph.  His  early  Colom- 
bian adherents  got  Venezuelan  government  jobs. 

“All  went  well  for  a while,  especially  after 
the  prompt  suppression  of  a counter-revolution, 
until  Castro’s  sympathies  with  the  Colombian 
Liberals  in  the  field  began  to  tell  on  his  foreign 
policy.  Uribe-Uribe  had  been  badly  beaten  in 
Colombia.  He  was  made  welcome  by  Castro  in 
Venezuela,  and  was  intrusted  with  the  com- 
mand of  a division  on  the  Colombian  frontier. 
The  command  was  recruited  from  Colombians 
across  the  border.  At  the  same  time,  Castro 
arbitrarily  stopped  all  navigation  on  the  Zulia 
and  Catacumbo  rivers,  running  from  Colombian 
Cordillera  to  the  Lake  of  Maracaibo,  in  Venezu- 
ela. This  was  a death-blow  to  the  coffee  indus- 
try of  the  Colombian  state  of  Santander,  which 
has  no  other  outlet  to  the  sea.  Cucuta  was 
ruined.  A German  house  failed  for  half  a million 
dollars,  an  American  hacienda  lost  $200,000,  and 
other  foreign  merchants  suffered  in  proportion. 
All  commerce  in  Cucuta  and  Maracaibo  coffee 
almost  came  to  a standstill.  Then  it  was  that  the 
government  forces  in  Santander,  to  bring  relief 
to  the  stricken  district,  tried  to  open  the  closed 
rivers  by  a sudden  armed  invasion  into  that 
region.  For  the  sake  of  appearances,  they  were 
led  by  Ranjel  Garbiras,  a Venezuelan  revolu- 
tionist. They  made  for  the  prosperous  town  of 
San  Cristobal,  but  Uribe-Uribe  had  managed 
to  gather  his  corps  of  insurgents,  and  beat  off 
the  attack  in  a three  days’  battle.  Some  two 
thousand  men  fell  on  both  sides.  Uribe-Uribe 
promptly  prepared  a counter  invasion.  He  was 
aided  in  this  by  Castro,  who  practically  put  all 
Venezuelan  forces  in  the  Cordillera  at  his  dis- 
posal. 

“President  Castro,  who  was  furious  at  so 
overt  an  act  of  war  on  the  part  of  his  old  ene- 
mies, the  Colombian  Clericals,  furthermore  sent 
another  expedition  across  the  Goajira  desert  to 
aid  his  Colombian  insurgent  friends  in  that  pen- 
insula to  take  the  Colombian  port  of  Rio  Hacha. 
Venezuelan  gunboats  appeared  before  Rio  Hacha 
to  do  their  part  in  the  capture.  Unfortunately 
for  the  Liberal  cause,  the  Venezuelan  army  in 
the  Goajira  was  taken  unawares  while  on  the 
march,  and  was  all  but  annihilated.  The  gun- 
boats chose  to  retire  without  firing  a shot.  Cas- 
tro never  recovered  from  this  reverse.  The  ex- 
penses of  his  various  armed  expeditions  ate  up 
all  his  ready  finances.  When  he  could  no  longer 
maintain  Uribe-Uribe’s  troops,  Uribe  cut  loose 
and  recrossed  the  border,  to  join  forces  with 
other  insurgent  leaders  in  the  interior  of  Colom- 
bia. Uribe’s  cousin  proceeded  to  Panama,  and 
the  civil  war  there  broke  out  with  fresh  vigor. 
By  their  recent  brilliant  stroke  in  the  harbor  of 
Panama,  the  Colombian  Liberals  have  won  the 
command  of  the  sea  on  the  Pacific  side.  To 
assist  them  in  doing  the  same  on  the  Atlantic 
side,  Castro  has  now  supplied  them  with  a tor- 
pedo-boat and  a small  gunboat.” 


COLOMBIA 


COLOMBIA 


These  last  mentioned  successes  of  Uribe-Uribe 
had  no  permanent  effectiveness,  for  his  surrender, 
with  1300  men  and  10  pieces  of  artillery,  was 
announced  presently  as  having  occurred  on  the 
25th  of  October,  1902.  It  seemed  unfortunate 
that  he  did  not  succeed  in  overthrowing  the 
Conservatives,  or  “Blues,”  who  held  the  govern- 
ment, since  most  accounts  of  their  rule  repre- 
sented it  as  hopelessly  bad  ; but  a change  for 
the  better  came  without  revolution  after  no  long 
time. 

The  state  of  civil  war  was  closed  by  a treaty 
of  peace,  signed  on  board  the  U.  S.  battleship 
Wisconsin,  November  21. 

A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Participation  in  Second 
and  Third  International  Conferences  of 
American  Republics,  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1903. — Rejection  of  Treaty  with 
the  United  States  for  the  building  of  the 
Panama  Canal. — Revolt  and  independence  of 
Panama.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Panama  Canal. 

A.  D.  1903-1906. — Feeling  toward  the 
United  States.  — Of  the  feeling  in  Colombia 
toward  the  United  States,  consequent  on  what 
occurred  in  Panama,  Mr.  Barrett,  American 
Minister  at  Bogota,  reported  in  1906  as  follows: 

“ The  question  is  continually  asked  me  : What 
is  the  attitude  of  the  Colombian  Government 
and  people  toward  Americans  and  American  in- 
terests on  account  of  the  Panama  affair  ? With- 
out entering  upon  any  political  discussion,  I 
wish,  in  answering  this  pertinent  inquiry,  to 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  pay  a just 
and  frank  tribute  to  Colombia.  Speaking  in  the 
first  place  for  myself  as  minister,  I can  truth- 
fully say  that,  ever  since  my  arrival  here  seven 
months  ago,  I have  been  treated  with  a gener- 
ous kindness  and  sincere  hospitality  that  have 
made  a deep  impression  on  me  and  increased  my 
respect  for  Colombians  in  particular  and  Latin 
Americans  in  general.  The  United  States  min- 
ister has  been  extended  invitations  official  and 
personal,  and  the  United  States  legation  in  turn 
has  been  continually  frequented  by  leading  men 
of  all  parties,  as  if  nothing  had  ever  happened 
to  mar  the  entente  cordiale  of  the  two  coun- 
tries. 

“ In  the  granting  of  concessions  and  in  the 
hearing  of  claims  the  Government  has  treated 
Americans  with  as  much  consideration  as  Euro- 
peans. During  my  stay  here,  and  up  to  this 
writing,  there  has  not  been  one  complaint 
lodged  by  Americans  in  this  legation  of  unkind 
treatment  by  Colombians  due  to  any  political 
anti-American  feeling.  In  my  own  travels  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  officials  and  peons 
alike  have  everywhere  accorded  me  polite  and 
even  gracious  attention.  To  let  it  be  known 
that  I was  United  States  minister  has  always 
led  to  extra  courtesies  rather  than  to  any  lack 
of  them. 

“I  could  not,  however,  have  it  understood 
abroad  that  there  is  not  still  strong  feeling 
against  the  United  States.  It  does  exist,  but  the 
passing  of  years,  and  generous,  fair  treatment 
of  Colombia  and  Colombians  by  the  United 
States  and  its  citizens,  in  international  relations 
and  friendly  social  and  commercial  intercourse, 
can  effect  its  gradual  disappearance.  Such  feel- 
ing does  not  take  the  attitude  of  personal  enmity 
toward  Americans.  The  Colombians,  high  and 
low,  are  too  polite  and  sensible  for  that.  It  is  a 

11 


feeling  in  the  minds  and  hearts,  based  on  high 
political  and  patriotic  grounds,  which,  however, 
with  commendable  philosophy,  recognizes  the 
inevitable  and  now  turns  to  the  future  to  bring 
blessings  that  will  counterbalance  the  losses 
and  sorrows  of  the  past.  The  very  courage  and 
nobility  of  this  attitude  of  Colombia  is  one  of  the 
chief  reasons  why  I predict  for  her  a magnifi- 
cent future.  Already  this  policy  — if  I may  call 
it  a policy  — is  bearing  fruit  in  the  development 
of  a greater  and  more  friendly  and  sympathetic 
interest  throughout  the  United  States  in  Colom- 
bia, which  is  destined  to  lead  to  a mutually 
favorable  understanding  and  settlement  of  all 
differences  in  the  near  future.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Arbitration  of  boundary  dis- 
pute with  Equador. — A treaty  for  the  arbi- 
tration of  boundary  questions  with  Equador  was 
concluded  November  4,  1904. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Arbitration  Treaties  with 
Peru.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Peru:  A.  D.  1905. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — A New  Era,  under  Pre- 
sident Reyes.  — “The  New  Era  in  Colombia ” 
is  the  title  of  an  article  in  the  American  Review 
of  Reviews,  May,  1906,  by  Francis  P.  Savinien, 
writing  from  the  country  in  question. 

“By  judicious,  if  not  generous,  action,”  says 
the  writer,  “President  Rafael  Reyes  [who  be- 
came President  in  the  previous  year]  has  suc- 
ceeded in  harmonizing  nearly  all  elements  of 
the  population.  His  administration  is  neither 
Liberal  nor  Conservative.  It  is  Nationalist. 
Placed  in  power  by  Conservatives  and  sustained 
by  Liberals,  his  favors  to  the  former  preserve 
order  in  the  center  of  the  country,  and  his  im- 
plicit trust  in  the  latter  insures  peace  on  the 
frontiers.  He  has  made  General  Uribe-Uribe 
minister  to  Chile,  Argentina,  and  Brazil,  and 
General  Herrera  commander  along  the  Venezue- 
lan border,  thus  bestowing  the  highest  diplo- 
matic and  military  honors  on  Liberals.  From 
Conservatives  he  chose  all  his  ministers  (except 
Dr.  Modesto  Garces,  of  the  Department  of  Pub- 
lic Works),  the  governor  of  the  capital  district, 
and  other  high  officials  for  the  center  of  govern- 
ment. His  government  is  like  that  of  Panama, 
the  secession  of  which  made  a policy  of  recon- 
ciliation predominant  in  both  countries.  . . . 
The  Colombian  army  has  become  a body  of 
laborers.  Troops  are  converted  into  sappers  and 
employed  in  building  or  improving  ways  of 
communication.  Idleness,  as  well  as  agitation, 
is  beginning  to  receive  general  condemnation. 
It  is  true  that  there  is  little  liberty.  There  is, 
however,  less  persecution  than  formerly.  Jour- 
nals are  abject  and  individuals  mute.  There  is 
no  free  speech  or  press.  But  there  are  few  per- 
sons in  prison  or  exile  for  political  reasons.  The 
policy  of  the  government  has  become  that  of 
abstention  rather  than  restraint.” 

General  Reyes  had  represented  Colombia  at 
the  Pan-American  Conference  in  the  City  of 
Mexico,  in  1902,  and  had  made  a most  favorable 
impression  on  the  delegates  from  the  United 
States.  Referring  to  the  occasion  long  after- 
wards, Mr.  Sylvester  Baxter  said  of  him:  “It 
is  notable  that  in  that  Conference  Colombia  was 
represented  by  General  Rafael  Reyes,  a high 
type  of  man  — gentleman  by  birth  and  educa- 
tion, of  scientific  attainments,  a natural  leader, 
one  of  the  strong  characters  of  Spanish  America; 
a man  whose  existence  makes  things  seem  hope- 
ful when  else  they  might  look  hopeless;  asoldier- 

0 


COLOMBIA 


COLOMBIA 


statesman  in  whom  many  see  the  potentialities 
of  a second  Diaz.” 

A similar  expression  of  admiration  appears  in 
an  interesting  special  report,  entitled  “Colom- 
bia, a Land  of  Great  Possibilities,”  made  in  June, 
1906,  by  the  Hon.  John  Barrett,  then  American 
Minister  to  Colombia,  more  recently  the  Direc- 
tor of  the  International  Bureau  of  American 
Republics.  “Great  credit,”  wrote  Mr.  Barrett, 
“is  due  to  General  Rafael  Reyes,  President  of 
this  Republic,  for  his  untiring  efforts  to  restore 
the  prosperity  of  his  country  to  the  position  it 
occupied  before  the  last  civil  war  and  the  loss 
of  Panama.  If  he  succeeds,  he  will  deserve  a 
place  in  history  like  that  of  President  Diaz  in 
Mexico.  He  has  so  far  effectually  stopped  revo- 
lutions, and,  if  his  life  and  health  are  spared, 
Colombia  would  seem  to  be  assured  of  peace  at 
least  during  his  administration.” 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Troubles  with  Vene- 
zuela over  the  navigation  of  rivers  flowing 
through  both  countries. — The  arbitrary  action 
begun  by  the  ill-tempered  and  arrogant  Castro, 
of  Venezuela,  in  1902,  when  he  stopped  navi- 
gation on  the  rivers  which  flow  from  Colombia 
to  Lake  Maracaibo,  in  Venezuela,  and  thus  open 
communication  to  the  sea  (see  above),  was  con- 
tinued or  resumed  in  subsequent  years,  and  was 
a distressing  trouble  to  his  Colombian  neighbors. 

In  July,  1905,  the  Colombian  Government  ap- 
pealed to  that  of  the  United  States  for  its  good 
offices  in  maintaining  the  principle  of  free  nav- 
igation on  rivers  that  are  common  to  neighbor- 
ing countries.  “From  the  time  of  the  award 
which  decided  the  boundary  dispute  between 
the  two  countries,”  said  the  Colombian  Minister 
to  the  United  States,  in  a communication  to  the 
American  Secretary  of  State,  “the  policy  of 
Venezuela  in  matters  relating  to  the  transit  trade 
of  Colombia  and  the  navigation  of  the  common 
rivers,  has  been  marked  by  a conspicuous  spirit 
of  hostility.  . . . Neither  logical  arguments  nor 
historic  precedents,  such  as  those  submitted  by 
the  Colombian  chancellery  to  the  Government  of 
Venezuela  for  the  recognition  by  the  latter  of 
the  principle  of  free  trade  over  the  natural 
waterways  placed  by  God  at  the  disposal  of  all 
nations,  have  availed.” 

The  writer  then  reviewed  at  considerable 
length  the  arguments  with  which  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  had  contended  in  the 
past  with  Spain  and  Great  Britain  for  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  St.  Law- 
rence, and  said  in  conclusion : “It  would  be  de- 
sirable, and  I would  ask  that  it  be  done  if  this 
note  were  favorably  received  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  that  the  American  minis- 
ter at  Caracas  be  appropriately  instructed  in  the 
sense  of  declaring  on  behalf  of  the  commercial 
interests  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  his 
desire  that  the  Government  of  Venezuela  make 
the  navigation  of  the  Zulia  and  Orinoco  rivers 
free,  and  urging,  by  persuasion,  that  the  princi- 
ple be  solemnly  consecrated  in  its  public  treaties. 
My  Government  will  join  in  such  an  action, 
which  comes  within  its  traditional  policy  in  the 
matter,  and  will  interpose  no  obstacle  or  delay 
to  the  meeting  of  an  international  mixed  com- 
mission for  the  framing  of  regulations  concern- 
ing the  use  of  the  above-named  rivers  without 
detriment  to  the  legitimate  interests  of  the  coun- 
tries through  which  they  flow.” 

To  this  request  the  then  Acting  Secretary  of 

1] 


State,  Mr.  Adee,  made  a favorable  reply,  Au- 
gust 5,  saying:  “ The  principle  of  the  free  nav- 
igation of  rivers  has  been  advocated  by  the 
United  States  and  maintained  in  its  relations 
with  its  neighbors  for  many  years.  This  gov- 
ernment is  ready,  therefore,  to  use  its  good 
offices  in  the  sense  requested,  and  Mr.  Russell 
has  been  instructed  upon  arriving  at  his  new 
post  in  Venezuela  to  take  advantage  of  fitting 
occasion  to  express  to  the  minister  for  foreign 
affairs  the  great  satisfaction  with  which  the 
United  States  would  view  the  adoption  and  pro- 
clamation by  Venezuela  of  the  general  principle 
of  the  free  navigation  of  rivers  and  fluvial  arte- 
ries of  communication  common  to  neighboring 
countries. 

“It  is  of  course  to  be  understood  that  in 
touching  upon  this  matter  this  government  does 
not  seek  to  intervene  or  mediate  in  any  way  in 
the  relations  between  Colombia  and  Venezuela, 
but  is  merely  interested  in  the  universal  recog- 
nition of  a policy  beneficial  to  the  commerce  of 
the  world.” 

In  the  following  December,  the  endeavor 
seemed  promising  ; for  the  American  Minister 
to  Colombia  was  able  to  report  the  signing,  at 
Bogota,  of  a protocol,  preparatory  to  a new 
treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  to 
be  concluded  at  Caracas.  Four  months  later, 
on  the  27th  of  April,  1906,  Minister  Russell,  at 
Caracas,  announced  the  arrival  there  of  the  Co- 
lombian plenipotentiary,  General  Benjamin  Her- 
rera, appointed  for  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty 
agreed  upon,  but  reported  further  that  the  Vene- 
zuelan Government  had  refused  to  receive  him, 
demanding  that  somebody  else  be  sent.  No 
settlement  of  the  matter  could  be  obtained 
while  Castro  controlled  Venezuela.  Since  his 
elimination  it  has  been  reported  that  President 
Gomez,  his  successor,  has  annulled  his  decrees 
of  hostility  to  Colombian  commerce. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Efficient  but  arbitrary 
Government  produces  discontent. — Opposi- 
tion to  treaty  with  Panama  and  the  United 
States.  — Vacation  of  President  Reyes  which 
ends  in  resignation. — Revolt.  — Elections. 
— While  the  Government  organized  under  Presi- 
dent Reyes  was  undoubtedly  efficient  and  effect- 
ive in  restoring  order  and  prosperity  to  the  coun- 
try, it  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  people  ; and 
perhaps  it  speaks  well  for  them  that  they  showed 
discontent.  It  was  not  a representative  govern- 
ment, the  existing  Congress  not  being  an  elective 
body,  but  a provisional  legislature  made  up  by 
appointment.  As  admitted  in  the  quotation 
above  from  a friendly  Colombian  writer,  the  citi- 
zens under  it  were  tongue-tied  subjects,  having 
no  free  speech  or  Press.  The  political  situation 
and  the  differing  states  of  feeling  produced  by  it 
were  discussed  in  April,  1909,  by  a special  corre- 
spondent of  the  New  York  Evening  Post , who 
wrote  from  Bogota  : 

“It  seems  to  be  confessed  by  the  great  major- 
ity of  the  people  here  that  the  country  has  not 
entered  on  that  stage  of  political  development  in 
which  the  people  can  govern  themselves  by  par- 
liamentary methods.  The  history  of  their  nearly 
one  hundred  years  of  independent  national  life 
has  been  that  of  almost  continual  civil  strife,  and 
of  frequent  civil  wars,  which  have  interrupted 
and  almost  destroyed  all  efforts  at  self-govern- 
ment ; so  that  the  present  system  of  government 
by  executive  decrees,  to  be  ratified  by  an  ap- 

11 


COLOMBIA 


COMBINATIONS 


pointed  ‘ Constitutional  and  Legislative  Assem- 
bly,’ is  about  the  only  one  that  can  preserve  the 
peace  and  direct  the  country  into  the  line  of  pros- 
perity and  progress. 

“ Under  this  system  of  government  the  coun- 
try has  enjoyed  almost  perfect  internal  peace 
during  the  year.  This  is  the  political  theory 
that  is  most  widely  accepted  at  the  present  time 
in  Colombia.  Of  course,  there  are  those  who  do 
not  agree  with  this  theory,  which  they  consider 
as  the  natural  action  of  men  who  are  more  anx- 
ious to  preserve  order  than  they  are  to  establish 
truth  and  justice,  and  there  are  not  lacking  those 
who  say  that  in  the  long  run  it  will  be  found  to 
be  a foolish  system. 

“It  is  pointed  out  that  the  idea  that  griev- 
ances can  be  done  away  with  by  forbidding  men 
to  complain,  or  that  the  criticisms  can  be  met  by 
excommunicating  the  critics,  or  that  changes  can 
be  prevented  by  putting  the  troublers  to  silence, 
is  contradicted  by  the  experience  of  the  rest  of 
the  world.  The  kind  of  effort  that  is  being 
made  in  Colombia  to  prevent  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  of  public  speech,  and  of  personal  opinion, 
is  like  the  effort  to  prevent  the  escape  of  steam 
by  the  safety  valve,  and  is  very  likely  to  result 
in  an  explosion.” 

The  state  of  public  feeling  in  Colombia  be- 
came further  complicated,  no  doubt,  when,  early 
in  January,  1909,  a tripartite  treaty  was  nego- 
tiated, with  Panama  and  the  United  States,  for 
the  settlement  of  questions  connected  with  the 
secession  of  Panama  in  1903.  Panama,  in  this 
treaty,  agreed  to  pay  Colombia  the  sum  of 
$3,500,000,  as  her  share  of  the  Colombian  public 
debt,  receiving  recognition  of  her  independence 
in  return.  The  treaty  was  submitted  to  the  Co- 
lombian Congress  by  President  Reyes  on  the  24th 
of  February,  with  a special  message  of  recom- 
mendation ; but  public  feeling  was  said  to  be  bit- 
terly against  it,  for  the  reasons  that  no  wrong- 
fulness  in  the  transaction  was  recognized  and 
the  indemnity  was  insufficient.  Disturbances 
which  broke  out  at  Bogota  and  in  the  provinces 
about  the  middle  of  March  were  attributed 
mostly  to  this  cause  of  discontent.  For  some 
reason  of  discouragement  or  disgust,  the  Presi- 
dent was  reported  to  have  resigned  his  office  on 
the  13th,  but  was  persuaded  to  resume  it  next  day. 

It  was  now  decided  to  suspend  considera- 
tion of  the  tripartite  treaty,  until  it  could  be 
submitted  to  an  elected  National  Congress,  the 
election  for  which  would  be  held  on  the  20th  of 
the  coming  July.  In  June,  a few  weeks  before 
the  appointed  election,  President  Reyes  made  a 
sudden  departure  for  Europe.  Rumors  that  he 
had  gone  because  tired  of  political  strife  and 
would  not  return  were  contradicted  by  the  Co- 


lombian Consul  at  New  York,  in  a published 
note  which  said  : “His  departure,  the  causes  of 
which  are  well  known  throughout  Colombia,  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  after  five  years’  strenuous 
labor  he  desired  a rest,  and  last  March  to  the 
National  Assembly  expressed  his  desire  to  retire 
temporarily  from  the  Presidency,  but,  owing  to 
the  opposition  of  public  sentiment  and  the 
strong  desire  of  the  people  to  have  him  remain, 
he  determined  not  to  leave  the  Presidency  until 
elections  to  the  coming  Congress  had  been  made. 
To  this  Congress,  about  to  be  convened,  and 
in  which  all  parties  are  represented,  President 
Reyes  confides  many  of  the  cares  of  govern- 
ment, left  by  law  under  his  jurisdiction  until 
Congress  should  assemble,  and  withdraws,  tem- 
porarily only,  from  the  discharge  of  his  Presi- 
dential duties,  leaving  in  his  stead  Gen.  Jorge 
Holguin,  his  most  intimate  friend  and  former 
minister  of  war,  who  will  continue  to  pursue  in 
all  matters  the  same  policy  as  that  adopted  by 
his  predecessor.  Gen.  Reyes  during  his  stay  in 
Europe,  whence  he  has  gone,  will  perfect  plans 
for  developing  railroad  and  other  industries  in 
Colombia.  There  is  absolute  peace  and  tran- 
quillity in  all  parts  of  the  country.” 

But  the  “absolute  peace  and  tranquillity”  of 
the  country  was  shaken  in  the  first  week  of  July 
by  a revolutionary  outbreak  at  Barranquilla, 
soon  suppressed,  and  the  resignation  of  President 
Reyes  was  received  soon  thereafter,  from  abroad. 
The  election  of  his  successor  now  devolved  on 
the  new  National  Congress,  elected  by  the  people 
on  the  20th  of  July.  It  gave  the  office,  for  the 
remainder  of  the  unfinished  term  (which  expires 
August  7, 1910)  toSeiior  Gonzales  Valencia,  who 
had  been  proclaimed  by  the  Barranquilla  revo- 
lutionists the  month  before,  though  he  disavowed 
their  movement. 

COLONIAL  CONFERENCES,  British. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire. 

COLONIAL  DOMINION,  The  passing  of 
the  age  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  World  Move- 
ments. 

COLONIZATION  : The  colonizable  re- 
gions of  Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa. 

COLOR  ADOS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Paraguay: 
A.  D.  1902. 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY:  Inter- 

change of  Professors  with  German  and  Scan- 
dinavian universities.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ed- 
ucation : International  Interchanges. 

COMBES,  Justin  Louis  Iimile  : Head  of 
French  Ministry.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1902  (April-Oct.)  ; also  1903,  and  1905- 
1906. 

Vindication  under  scandalous  charges.  See 

France  : A.  D.  1904  (June-July). 


COMBINATIONS,  INDUSTRIAL  AND  COMMERCIAL. 


Australia:  A.  D.  1909.  — Decision  of  the 
Federal  High  Court  on  the  Anti-Trust  Law. 
— Prosecutions  by  the  Government. — “ The 

first  case  brought  under  the  Federal  Anti-Trust 
Law  ended  in  June  last  in  a decision  of  the 
High  Court  to  the  effect  that  two  important 
sections  of  the  Act  were  ultra  vires,  as  the  Con- 
stitution only  empowered  the  Commonwealth 
to  regulate  foreign  and  inter-State  trade  and 
gave  it  no  authority  to  interfere  with  trade 


within  a State.  The  Federal  Government  is 
now  instituting  proceedings  against  27  firms 
which  are  alleged  to  belong  to  a coal  combine 
trading  with  other  countries  and  among  the 
States  of  the  Commonwealth.  Each  firm  has 
been  called  upon  to  answer  certain  questions 
under  the  Act  in  question.”  — Reuter  Telegram, 
Melbourne,  September  27,  1909. 

Canada:  A.  D.1909.  — Merger  of  Dominion 
Iron,  Steel,  and  Coal  Companies.  — Cement 


112 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


Combination. — The  following  is  a Press  de- 
spatch from  Halifax,  N.  S.,  Nov.  13,  1909:  “ The 
formation  of  the  Canada  Steel  Corporation,  the 
proposed  $70,000,000  merger  of  the  Dominion 
Iron  and  Steel  Company  and  the  Dominion  Coal 
Company,  was  made  possible  by  the  agreement 
of  James  Ross  of  Montreal,  president  of  the  Do- 
minion Coal  Company,  to  transfer  to  a syndicate 
of  Toronto  capitalists  a portion  of  his  holdings 
of  the  coal  company  stock.  Final  arrangements 
regarding  the  stock  transfer  will  be  made  here 
to-day.  President  Ross  owns  coal  company 
stock  of  a par  value  of  $5,000,000,  and,  although 
he  does  not  dispose  of  all  this,  he  is  to  transfer 
enough  to  give  control  of  the  coal  company  to 
the  Toronto  capitalists,  who  have  already  ac- 
quired a controlling  interest  in  the  steel  com- 
pany. The  plants  of  the  Dominion  Iron  and 
Steel  Company  and  the  Dominion  Coal  Com- 
pany are  in  Cape  Breton,  where  they  give  em- 
ployment to  thousands  of  men,  and  where  they 
have  caused  little  fishing  villages  to  spring  up 
into  flourishing  cities.”  Announcement  of  the 
completion  of  the  merger  was  made  in  December. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Anti-T rust  Bill  in  the  Domin- 
ion Parliament.  — A strongly  constructed 
measure  for  controlling  and  regulating  commer- 
cial and  industrial  combinations,  to  check  re- 
straints of  trade  and  undue  enhancement  of  prices, 
was  brought  into  the  Dominion  House  of  Com- 
mons on  the  18th  of  January,  1910,  by  the  Minister 
of  Labor,  Mr.  Mackenzie  King,  and  its  passage 
was  said  to  be  assured.  Mr  King’s  explanation 
of  the  Bill,  as  summarized  for  the  Associated 
Press,  was  as  follows  : 

“The  Bill,  Mr.  King  stated,  was  not  designed 
to  interfere  with  trade,  but  to  protect  the  pub- 
lic from  the  operation  of  monopolies.  The  bill 
provides  that  if  six  or  more  persons  show  prima 
facie  evidence  to  a superior  court  judge  that  a 
combine  exists,  which  has  unduly  enhanced  the 
price  of  a manufactured  article,  unduly  limited 
the  production  of  any  commodity,  or  unduly  re- 
stricted trade  in  any  way,  the  judge  shall  order 
the  minister  of  labor  to  have  an  investigation 
made.  This  shall  be  done  by  a board  of  three, 
one  member  to  be  appointed  by  those  who  com- 
plain, one  by  those  complained  against,  and  a 
chairman  by  the  first  two,  and  if  they  fail  to 
select  the  judge  who  has  heard  the  complaint 
shall  act. 

“ This  board  has  the  full  powers  of  a court  to 
compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses  and  the  pro- 
duction of  evidence.  The  board  must  report  to 
the  minister  and  he  must  give  the  report  the  full- 
est publicity. 

“Two  remedies  are  provided  where  a combi- 
nation is  reported  to  exist.  The  government  may 
withdraw  the  tariff  protection  from  the  articles 
produced  by  the  combine  and  bring  the  manu- 
facturers into  competition  with  the  world. 

“ The  other  remedy  is  a provision  that  if  the 
combine  persists  in  its  course  after  ten  days  there 
shall  be  a fine  of  $1,000  a day  imposed  until  the 
abuse  is  remedied.  There  is  also  provision  that 
when  a patentee  makes  use  of  the  protection  of 
the  patent  act  to  restrict  trade  or  unduly  enhance 
prices  his  patent  may  be  revoked. 

“ The  act  provides  for  its  expeditious  and  thor- 
ough enforcement,  and  all  expenses  of  investiga- 
tion are  to  be  borne  by  the  goverment 

“Where  question  is  raised  as  to  the  scope  of 
the  investigation,  the  board  shall  make  it  as 

1] 


thorough  and  complete  as  public  interest  re- 
quires. Boards  are  to  conduct  their  investiga- 
tions in  public  and  the  decision  of  two  members 
shall  be  the  decision  of  the  board.  Whenever 
the  minister  of  labor  believes  that  counsel  should 
aid  the  investigation,  the  board  may  retain  the 
services  of  a lawyer  upon  the  consent  of  the 
minister  of  justice.  Witnesses  are  to  be  allowed 
the  same  fees  and  traveling  expenses  allowed  at 
the  present  in  civil  suits.  With  the  consent  of 
the  minister  of  labor  a board  may  employ  ex- 
perts to  examine  books  and  to  report  upon 
technical  questions.  ” 

Germany:  Corporation  Reform  as  the  Ger- 
mans have  handled  it.  — “Thirty  years  ago 
the  German  people  went  through  corporation 
experiences  much  like  our  own.  There,  as  here, 
the  corporation,  as  originally  designed,  was  a 
mere  shell.  There,  as  here,  under  the  shelter 
of  that  shell,  the  property  of  the  country  was 
being  transferred  from  the  German  people  at 
large,  even  the  little  they  had,  to  the  few. 
There,  thirty  years  ago,  as  here  now,  great  cor- 
porate scandals  were  exposed.  And  there,  as 
here,  the  human  nature  that  is  everywhere  be- 
hind civilization  eventually  began  to  recoil.  It 
began  there  before  it  began  here,  only  because 
conditions  reached  a climax  there  earlier  than 
here,  and  because  we  as  a people  were  too  pros- 
perous and  too  busy  to  look  even  a little  way 
beneath  the  surface  of  things. 

1 ‘ But  when  the  work  of  reform  did  come  there, 
it  was  a genuine  reform.  It  did  not  content 
itself  with  indiscriminate  denunciation,  or  with 
mere  lawsuits.  Nor  did  it  die  out,  leaving  the 
door  still  open  to  every  character  of  corporation 
the  cunning  of  men  might  conceive.  Before  a 
corporation  can  be  organized  in  that  country,  it 
must  prove,  as  in  a court  proceeding,  its  rightful 
title  to  a corporate  existence.  In  the  same  way 
it  must  establish  the  amount  and  the  character 
of  the  capitalization  it  is  allowed  to  put  out. 
When  property  is  turned  in,  its  value  must  be 
judicially  ascertained.  Upon  officers  and  direc- 
tors is  not  conferred  supreme  power;  in  the 
German  corporation  the  shareholders’  meeting  is 
the  counterpart  of  our  New  England  town  meet- 
ings— a genuine  assembly  intended  to  do  some- 
thing more  than  pass  resolutions  of  approval. 
And  every  violation  of  trust,  not  merely  to  the 
public,  but  to  the  shareholder  as  well,  is  quickly 
punished  with  punishment  that  smarts.  There 
is  in  the  German  corporation  no  room  for  one  to 
do,  with  impunity,  in  his  capacity  as  a corpora- 
tion officer  or  promoter,  what  if  done  individually 
would  land  him  in  the  penitentiary.”  — Judge 
Peter  8.  Grosscup,  The  Corporation  and  the 
People  (The  Outlook , Jan.  12,  1907). 

The  Cartels.  — Industrial  combinations,  quite 
as  effective  as  the  Trusts  of  the  United  States, 
have  been  created  in  Germany  on  a wholly  differ- 
ent plan.  The  constituent  organizations  in  them, 
of  capital  and  industry,  are  simply  knitted  or 
tied  together  by  hard  and  fast  agreements,  in- 
stead of  being  fused  into  huge  corporations,  as 
the  Trusts  are.  For  the  kind  of  covenant  which 
unites  them  a military  term  has  been  borrowed, 
and  they  are  called  Cartels.  The  difference  be- 
tween the  Cartel  and  the  Trust  is  described  by  a 
Scottish  writer,  D.  H.  Macgregor,  in  his  work  on 
Industrial  Combinations,  as  follows  : 

“The  Cartel  is  an  agreement  for  a time,  the 
Trust  is  a permanent  structure  ; the  former  is 

3 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


therefore  a factor  in  industry  full  of  speculative 
possibilities,  both  as  regards  its  actual  operation, 
and  because  the  ‘ residual’  competition  of  par- 
ties who  break  away  at  the  end  of  the  period  is 
considerably  to  be  feared.  . . . The  principle  of 
the  pure  Cartel  is  compensatory  action.  It  is  an 
organization  in  which  certain  producersdeal  with 
themselves,  and  exist  for  that  purpose  in  a double 
relation  ; they  are  producers  of  goods,  and  pur- 
chasers of  their  own  produce.  What  they  stand 
to  lose  in  one  aspect  they  stand  to  gain  in  the 
other.  . . . 

“The  operation  is  broadly  as  follows.  The 
members  of  the  Cartel,  meeting  as  producers  in 
general  assembly,  determine  a price  for  their 
product  which  covers  cost  of  production,  being 
in  fact  practically  a competitive  price.  This  is 
the  base  or  normal  price  (Ilichtpreis).  Thus  they 
assure  themselves,  in  this  capacity,  of  adequate 
remuneration.  They  then  sell  to  the  Syndicate, 
that  is  to  themselves  as  members  of  the  Syn- 
dicate, for  what  is  called  the  ‘ taking  over  ’ or 
‘ accounting  ’ price  ( Verrechnunyspreis)  which 
is  usually  on  the  average  higher  than  the  base 
price,  so  that  they  have  now  created  for  them- 
selves as  producers  a ‘Cartel  advantage.’  The 
Syndicate  then  resells  to  the  consumer,  for  a 
price  which  will  be  as  high  as  it  can  get,  but 
which  varies  with  the  competition  to  be  met  in 
different  parts  of  the  market ; this  price  {Ver- 
kaufspreis)  may  not  in  some  cases  be  so  high  as 
the  taking-over  price,  or  may  not  exceed  it  by 
more  than  the  margin  necessary  to  cover  the  Syn- 
dicate’s expenses  of  management.  ...  It  is  the 
Syndicate  which  figures  in  the  public  eye  ; and 
while  it  itself  offers  no  sign  of  monopoly  profit  it 
shelters  the  companies  which  gain  by  its  hand- 
ling of  their  goods.  It  conceals  monopoly  div- 
idends.”— D.  H.  Macgregor,  Industrial  Combi- 
nation (G.  Bell  & Sons,  Lond.,  1906). 

The  Coal  and  Coke  Cartels.  — Their  influ- 
ence.— An  elaborate  history  and  description  of 
the  “ Monopolistic  Combinations  in  the  German 
Coal  Industry,”  by  Francis  Walker,  was  pub- 
lished for  the  American  Economic  Association 
in  1904.  These  are  treated  as  representative, 
because,  says  Mr.  Walker,  “ the  most  important 
and  fundamental  of  all  German  cartelled  indus- 
tries” are  those  in  mining  and  metallurgy.  He 
traces  their  development  from  a beginning  in 
1858,  when  an  association  of  the  mining  interests 
of  the  mining  district  of  Dormund  was  founded. 

In  part,  his  conclusions  as  to  the  effect  of  the 
coal  cartels  are  as  follows: 

“ The  German  coal  cartels  have  not  had  an  in- 
jurious influence,  in  general,  on  the  production 
of  coal.  More  particularly  they  cannot  be  ac- 
cused, justly,  of  unduly  limiting  production 
among  themselves.  Nor  have  they  attempted 
to  accomplish  the  same  end  by  crushing  outside 
competition,  by  unfair  methods.  It  would  be 
preposterous  to  say  that  they  have  hindered  tech- 
nical progress.  The  cost  of  production,  on  the 
other  hand,  probably  has  been  somewhat  in- 
creased by  the  preservation  of  weak  and  costly 
mines  through  participation  in  the  cartels.  In 
regard  to  prices,  the  policy  of  the  coal  cartels, 
on  the  whole,  has  been  moderate,  taking  circum- 
stances into  consideration,  while  the  policy  of 
the  coke  cartel  may  be  fairly  pronounced  ex- 
tortionate. The  prices  of  coal  have  been  more 
stable  than  they  would  have  been  under  free 
competition ; during  the  hausse  they  were  not 

1] 


screwed  up  so  high  as  they  might  easily  have 
been,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  have  not  de- 
clined so  quickly  with  the  baisse.  The  like  may 
be  said  of  the  coke  prices,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
they  were  exorbitant  considered  from  the  point 
of  view  of  costs  and  profits.  . . . The  deroute 
of  the  iron  industry  was  not  due  to  the  coal  or 
coke  cartels  in  any  important  degree,  i.  e.,  even 
with  low  prices,  disaster  to  the  iron  industry 
would  have  been  inevitable.  No  other  industry 
was  affected  so  much  as  iron,  and  it  is  at  least 
very  questionable  whether  the  cartels  in  general 
(excluding  the  coal  cartels  in  particular)  are  to 
be  blamed  for  the  crisis.  . . . That  they  are  to  be 
blamed  for  the  ill-judged  over-development  of 
certain  industries,  which  was  apparently  the  real 
cause  of  the  crisis,  does  not  seem  to  be  a just 
conclusion.  On  the  other  hand,  the  cartels  may 
be  accused,  with  more  probability  of  truth,  of 
retarding  the  convalescence  of  German  industry 
by  not  reducing  prices,  and  if  this  is  true,  the 
coal  and  coke  cartels  are  specially  to  blame.”  — 
F.  Walker,  Monopolistic  Combinations  in  the 
German  Coal  Industry  {Am.  Economic  Associa- 
tion), 1904. 

Growing  magnitude  of  companies. ' — In- 
dustrial concentration. — “The  tendency  to 
industrial  concentration  is  shown  by  the  returns 
of  public  companies,  which  point  to  the  growing 
domination  of  large  undertakings.  Of  4,749  reg- 
istered public  companies  in  1895,  13.6  per  cent, 
had  a share  capital  not  exceeding  £5,000,  but  in 
1906,  of  5,000  such  companies,  only  9.6  per  cent, 
had  a capital  of  that  amount ; the  companies 
with  a capital  of  from  £5,000  to  £12,500  de- 
creased from  14.0  to  10.4  per  cent.,  and  those 
with  a capital  of  from  £12,500  to  £25,000  de- 
creased from  16. 9 to  14. 2 per  cent.  On  the  other 
hand  the  companies  with  a capital  of  from 
£25,000  to  £50,000  increased  from  20.7  to  21.3 
percent.;  those  with  a capital  of  from  £50,000 
to  £250,000  increased  from  28.5  to  35.0  per  cent. ; 
those  with  a capital  of  from  £250,000  to  £500,000 
increased  from  3.4  to  5.4  per  cent.,  and  those 
with  a capital  exceeding  £500,000  increased 
from  2.9  to  4.1  per  cent.  In  1896  there  were 
only  two  companies  with  a capital  exceeding  five 
millions ; in  1906  there  were  nine  such  compa- 
nies, and  their  combined  capital  was  over  seventy 
millions,  having  been  more  than  doubled  since 
1896.  In  spite  of  this  tendency  towards  the  con- 
centration of  capital  and  the  multiplication  of 
large  undertakings,  however,  Germany  is  still  an 
interesting  illustration  of  an  industrial  country 
which  has  not  yet  entirely  gone  over  to  the  fac- 
tory system  of  production.  The  handicrafts,  the 
characteristic  feature  of  which  is  the  small,  in- 
dependent master-workman,  surrounded  by  his 
handful  of  journeymen  and  apprentices,  contend 
tenaciously,  yet  unfortunately  with  only  partial 
success,  against  the  on-coming  tide  of  ‘ great 
capitalism  ’ (private  joint  stock,  and  cooperative), 
and  the  house  industries  continue  to  afford  em- 
ployment to  a multitude  of  workers  of  both 
sexes,  estimated  at  half  a million.”  — William  H. 
Dawson,  The  Evolution  of  Modern  Germany, 
pp.  59-60  {Unwin,  London  ; Scribner's,  N.  Y., 
1909). 

“Among  the  home  interests  of  the  country 
nothing  loomed  up  so  large  last  year  [1904]  as 
the  subject  of  industrial  combinations.  The 
process  of  consolidating  industries  and  banks 
into  powerful  organizations  again  made  gigantic 

4 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


strides  ; and  the  public  mind,  dazed  and  dis- 
quieted, is  wondering  what  will  be  its  final  out- 
come. All  the  largest  steel  manufacturers  have 
united  in  an  association  that  shall  have  complete 
control  of  the  steel  and  iron  products  of  the  coun- 
try ; and  it  is  already  effecting  agreements  with 
manufacturers  of  other  countries  for  parceling 
out  the  world’s  markets.  At  the  same  time  the 
Coal  Syndicate  was  reorganized  to  include  all 
the  independent  producers  of  the  West ; and  in 
connection  with  it,  a great  shipping  and  selling 
company  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
trolling the  retail  trade  and  eliminating  recalci- 
trant dealers.  These  steel  and  coal  combinations 
are  working  in  complete  harmony,  and  no  inde- 
pendent manufacturer  can  exist  against  their 
will. 

“In  that  great  industrial  region  many  large 
iron  companies  had  come  into  possession  of  coal 
mines.  In  order  to  induce  these  to  put  their 
mines  into  the  Syndicate,  they  were  given  the 
right  to  produce,  over  and  above  their  allot- 
ments, all  the  coal  that  they  might  need  for  their 
own  furnaces.  A ne\y  impetus  was  thus  given 
to  the  process  of  consolidation.  Strong  coal 
companies  hastened  to  absorb  iron  establish- 
ments, in  order  to  earn  larger  profits  by  consum- 
ing their  own  coal  in  indefinite  quantities.  Fur- 
thermore, as  the  allotments  were  fixed  absolutely 
for  a long  period,  the  strongest  companies  pro- 
ceeded to  buy  weaker,  less  economically  worked 
collieries,  in  order  to  shut  them  down  and  pro- 
duce their  allotments  elsewhere  at  lower  cost. 
This  movement  assumed  large  proportions.  Min- 
ers by  the  thousand  had  to  betake  themselves  to 
other  parts  of  the  country,  and  entire  communi- 
ties were  threatened  with  depopulation.  Indus- 
trial towns  held  indignation  meetings,  to  protest, 
and  to  demand  the  nationalization  of  the  mines; 
and  excited  operatives  are  still  holding  confer- 
ences to  discuss  a general  strike.  The  Govern- 
ment has  sent  a commission  to  inquire  into  the 
movement  ; and  the  Minister  of  Commerce  has 
urged  the  coal  magnates  to  proceed  as  mildly  as 
possible. 

“ This  powerful  concentric  movement  of  in- 
dustries has  taken  a strong  hold  upon  the 
thoughts  of  people  and  Government  alike.  The 
public  is  deeply  concerned  at  the  growth  of  pri- 
vate monopolies,  and  many  persons  who  had 
hitherto  favored  letting  economic  development 
take  its  own  course  now  call  for  drastic  measures 
of  prevention  and  repression.  Country  squires 
of  the  most  conservative  type  advocate  the  na- 
tionalization of  all  coal  deposits ; and  it  is  already 
asserted  that  a majority  of  the  Prussian  Diet 
would  vote  for  such  a measure.  This  conver- 
gence of  the  views  of  extreme  Conservatism  and 
radical  Socialism  is  certainly  one  of  the  oddest 
results  of  the  movement  under  discussion,  — and 
one  of  the  most  instructive.  The  natural  trend 
of  events  is  unquestionably  in  the  direction  of 
some  form  of  socialism.  The  Social  Democracy 
clearly  perceives  this,  and  so  hails  every  indus- 
trial consolidation  as  but  another  milestone  on 
the  way  to  state  collectivism.”  — - W.  C.  Dreher, 
Becent  Events  in  Germany  ( Atlantic  Monthly, 
March,  1905). 

International:  of  Transatlantic  Shipping 
Companies.  — Agreements  with  the  British 
Government.  — Announcement  was  made  in 
October,  1902,  of  the  incorporation  on  the  1st  of 
that  month,  under  a New  Jersey  charter,  of  the 

11 


International  Mercantile  Marine  Company,  with 
a capital  of  $120,000,000,  and  an  issue  of  4j  per 
cent,  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $75,000,000.  The 
combination  included  the  American,  the  Red 
Star,  the  White,  the  Atlantic  Transport,  the  Ley- 
land  and  the  Dominion  lines.  Both  American  and 
British  capitalists  were  represented  in  the  board 
of  directors,  the  former  in  the  majority.  Sev- 
eral partners  in  the  firm  of  J.  Pierpont  Morgan 
& Co.  were  included,  and  Mr.  Morgan  was  un- 
derstood to  be  the  architect  of  the  combination ; 
but  he  did  not  appear  personally  in  its  organiza- 
tion. 

The  first  step  towards  such  a shipping  com- 
bination had  been  taken  sixteen  years  before, 
when  the  British  Inman  steamship  line  was  taken 
over  by  the  International  Navigation  Company, 
made  up  of  Americans,  at  the  head  of  whom  was 
Mr.  Clement  A.  Griscom,  of  Philadelphia.  “The 
British  Government  promptly  withdrew  the  lib- 
eral subsidy  which  it  had  been  paying  to  the 
Inman  liners;  but  Mr.  Griscom  and  his  com- 
rades brought  the  New  York  and  Paris  beneath 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  built  the  St.  Louis  and  St. 
Paul,  secured  a subsidy  from  the  United  States 
and  gave  the  first-class  British  lines  a most  for- 
midable competitor.  Indeed,  commercial  rivalry 
in  high  grade  ships  on  the  North  Atlantic  soon 
became  too  keen  to  permit  of  reasonable  divi- 
dends and  Mr.  Griscom  found  British  ship-own- 
ers in  a responsive  mood  when  he  broached  anew 
the  great  idea  of  an  international  combination. 

“This  union  was  made  all  the  easier  by  the 
fact  that  meanwhile  another  important  British 
steamship  concern,  the  Leyland  line,  had  been 
acquired  by  Mr.  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  in  the  spring 
of  1901.  This  line,  itself  the  fruit  of  several  con- 
solidations, controlled  the  largest  British  ton- 
nage in  the  North  Atlantic  trade.  It  owned  no 
fast  mail  ships,  no  greyhounds.  But  it  did  pos- 
sess forty  or  fifty  good,  useful  steamships  of 
moderate  speed,  many  of  them  of  large  tonnage, 
and  fit  for  passengers  as  well  as  freight.  The 
main  Leyland  service  lay  between  Boston  or  New 
York  on  this  side,  and  Liverpool  or  London  on 
the  other,  and  the  business  of  the  company  had 
been  so  profitable  for  a long  term  of  years  that 
its  shares  were  quoted  at  a handsome  premium. 
Mr.  Morgan  paid  a generous  price  for  his  man- 
time investment.  It  is  said  that  he  gave  £14 
10s.  for  each  £10  share,  or  a bonus  of  45  per  cent. 
But  amazement  at  Mr.  Morgan’s  ‘liberality’ 
ceased  when  the  next  stage  in  the  great,  far- 
sighted negotiation  was  unfolded 

“ This  was  the  dramatic  uniting  of  the  Leyland 
line  with  the  American  and  Red  Star  lines  of  the 
International  Navigation  Company,  and  the  At- 
lantic Transport  line,  another  British  steam  fleet 
owned  by  American  capital.  Later  still  it  tran- 
spired that  the  famous  White  Star  line  of  fast 
mail,  passenger,  and  freight  ships  and  the  smaller 
but  excellent  Dominion  line  were  embraced  in  the 
huge  consolidation.  The  White  Star  was  one  of 
the  two  lines  — the  Cu  nard  was  the  other — which 
performed  the  British  mail  service  between 
Queenstown  and  New  York.  Its  fleet  included 
the  great  liners  Oceanic  and  Celtic,  the  swift  Teu- 
tonic and  Majestic,  and  the  favorite  Britannic  and 
Germanic  which  had  held  ocean  records  in  their 
day,  together  with  a considerable  number  of  large 
and  efficient  freighters.  The  American  purchase 
of  the  White  Star  line  was  long  disputed,  and 
when  it  was  finally  confirmed,  something  like 

5 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


consternation  seized  the  British  press  and  people, 
for  the  White  Star  fleet  had  been  regarded  as  dis- 
tinctively a British  institution  as  the  Bank  of 
England.  Its  fast  ships  received  not  only  the  mail 
pay  of  the  post-office,  but  the  subventions  of  the 
Admiralty,  and  were  enrolled  on  the  ‘ merchant 
cruiser’  list.” — WinthropL.  Marvin,  The  Great 
Ship  “Combine”  ( American  Review  of  Reviews, 
Dec.,  1902). 

The  anxieties  with  which  the  combination  was 
regarded  at  first  in  Great  Britain  were  allayed 
materially  by  Mr.  G.  Balfour,  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  who  made  public,  in  a speech 
at  Sheffield,  the  terms  of  an  arrangement  that 
had  been  made  by  the  Government  with  the 
Cunard  Company,  on  one  hand,  and  the  Combi- 
nation on  the  other.  The  Cunard  Company,  he 
said,  “pledged  themselves  to  remain  in  every 
respect  a British  company,  managed  by  British 
directors  — tne  shares  not  to  be  transferred  to 
any  but  British  subjects.  Their  ships  were  to 
be  officered  by  British  officers.  They  also  en- 
gaged to  construct  two  vessels  of  twenty-four  to 
twenty-five  knots  which,  as  well  as  the  entire 
Cunard  fleet,  the  Admiralty  would  have  the  right 
to  charter  or  purchase  at  any  time  on  terms  fixed 
in  the  agreement.  The  money  for  the  construc- 
tion of  the  fast  steamers  would  be  advanced  to 
the  company  at  the  rate  of  2|  per  cent,  interest, 
while  in  lieu  of  the  present  Admiralty  subven- 
tion— £28,000  a year  for  the  contingent  use 
of  three  ships — the  company  would  receive 
£150,000  a year.  With  Mr.  Pierpont  Morgan, 
the  head  of  the  Shipping  Combination,  who  had 
shown  the  utmost  readiness  to  meet  the  wishes 
of  His  Majesty’s  Government,  it  had  been  agreed 
that  the  British  companies  in  the  Combination 
should  remain  British,  not  merely  in  name  but 
in  reality.  The  majority  of  their  directors  were 
to  be  British  subjects.  All  their  ships  now  fly- 
ing the  British  flag  were  to  continue  to  fly  it, 
and  at  least  one-half  of  those  hereafter  to  be 
built  for  the  Combination  would  likewise  fly 
British  colours,  be  commanded  by  British  officers, 
and  manned  in  reasonable  proportion  by  British 
sailors.  On  the  other  hand,  the  combined  compa- 
nies would  continue  to  be  treated,  as  heretofore, 
on  a footing  of  equality  with  other  British 
companies  in  respect  of  any  services,  whether 
postal,  or  military,  or  naval,  which  His  Majesty’s 
Government  might  require  from  the  British 
mercantile  marine.  It  had  been  further  stipu- 
lated that  in  the  event  of  the  Combination  pur- 
suing a policy  hostile  to  our  mercantile  marine 
or  to  British  trade,  the  King’s  Government  should 
have  the  right  to  terminate  the  agreement.’’ 

United  States:  A.  D.  1900.  — Definition  of 
the  term  Industrial  Combination  formulated 
at  the  Census  Bureau.  — Statistics  as  col- 
lected in  1900.  — “ The  officials  of  the  Census 
Office,  in  order  to  prevent  misconceptions  and 
insure  consistency  in  the  plan  and  system  of  tab- 
ulation, formulated  the  following  definition  of 
the  term  ‘ industrial  combination  ’ : 

“ ‘For  the  purpose  of  the  Census,  the  rule  has 
been  adopted  to  consider  no  aggregation  of  mills 
an  industrial  combination,  unless  it  consists  of 
a number  of  formerly  independent  mills  which 
have  been  brought  together  into  one  company 
under  a charter  obtained  for  that  purpose.  We 
therefore  exclude  from  this  category  many  large 
establishments  comprising  a number  of  mills, 
which  have  grown  up,  not  by  combination  with 

1 


other  mills,  but  by  the  erection  of  new  plants  or 
the  purchase  of  old  ones.’  . . . 

“So  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from  the  data 
in  the  Census  Office,  the  number  of  these  indus- 
trial consolidations  is  183.  They  control  2203 
separate  plants,  scattered  throughout  the  United 
States,  2029  being  active  and  174  idle  during  the 
census  year.  For  56  of  the  idle  plants  no  returns 
could  be  obtained,  making  the  total  number  of 
reporting  plants  2147.  The  183  combinations 
extend  to  almost  all  lines  of  industry,  produc- 
ing articles  of  luxury,  materials  essential  to  the 
upbuilding  and  growth  of  the  country,  and  even 
the  very  necessities  of  life.  Fully  50  per  cent,  of 
these  combinations  were  chartered  just  prior  to 
or  during  the  census  year  ; and  it  is  noteworthy 
that  the  epidemic  of  industrial  consolidation,  as 
far  as  the  so-called  monopolies  are  concerned,  has 
been  practically  confined  to  the  past  four  years. 
It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  disease  — if  it 
be  regarded  as  such  — has  spread  very  rapidly. 

“Naturally  enough,  iron  and  steel,  with  69 
combinations,  heads  the  list.  The  number  of  re- 
porting plants  engaged  in  this  industry  is  469, 
and  the  capital  invested,  consisting  of  land,  build- 
ings, machinery,  tools  and  implements,  and  cash 
and  sundries,  is  valued  at  §348,000,000.”  — W.  R. 
Merriam,  “ Trusts”  in  the  Light  of  Census  Re- 
turns ( Atlantic  Monthly.  March,  1902). 

A.  D.  1901-1903.  — The  question  of  Federal 
Control  and  Regulation. — Urgency  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  for  effective  legislation. — In 
his  first  Message  to  Congress,  three  months  after 
his  succession  to  the  Presidency,  President 
Roosevelt  expressed  his  mind  frankly  and  clearly 
on  the  then  increasing  demand  in  the  country 
for  more  stringent  measures  of  government,  to 
control  and  regulate  the  exercise  of  the  power 
which  great  aggregations  of  incorporated  capi- 
tal have  created  in  recent  times.  In  part,  he  then 
said: 

“ The  tremendous  and  highly  complex  indus- 
trial development  which  went  on  with  ever 
accelerated  rapidity  during  the  latter  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century  brings  us  face  to  face,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  twentieth,  with  very  seri- 
ous social  problems.  The  old  laws,  and  the  old 
customs  which  had  almost  the  binding  force  of 
law,  were  once  quite  sufficient  to  regulate  the 
accumulation  and  distribution  of  wealth.  Since 
the  industrial  changes  which  have  so  enormously 
increased  the  productive  power  of  mankind, 
they  are  no  longer  sufficient.  The  growth  of 
cities  has  gone  on  beyond  comparison  faster 
than  the  growth  of  the  country,  and  the  up 
building  of  the  great  industrial-  centers  has 
meant  a startling  increase,  not  merely  in  the 
aggregate  of  wealth,  but  in  the  number  of  very 
large  individual,  and  especially  of  very  large  cor- 
porate, fortunes.  . . . The  process  has  aroused 
much  antagonism,  a great  part  of  which  is 
wholly  without  warrant.  It  is  not  true  that  as 
the  rich  have  grown  richer  the  poor  have  grown 
poorer.  On  the  contrary,  never  before  has  the 
average  man,  the  wage-worker,  the  farmer,  the 
small  trader,  been  so  well  off  as  in  this  country 
and  at  the  present  time.  There  have  been  abuses 
connected  with  the  accumulation  of  wealth ; 
yet  it  remains  true  that  a fortune  accumulated 
in  legitimate  business  can  be  accumulated  by 
the  person  specially  benefited  only  on  condition 
of  conferring  immense  incidental  benefits  upon 
others.  . . . The  captains  of  industry  who  have 

6 


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COMBINATIONS 


driven  the  railway  systems  across  this  continent, 
who  have  built  up  our  commerce,  who  have  de- 
veloped our  manufactures,  have  on  the  whole 
done  great  good  to  our  people.  Without  them 
the  material  development  of  which  we  are  so 
justly  proud  could  never  have  taken  place.  . . . 

It  cannot  too  often  be  pointed  out  that  to  strike 
with  ignorant  violence  at  the  interests  of  one 
set  of  men  almost  inevitably  endangers  the  in- 
terests of  all.  . . . Much  of  the  legislation  di- 
rected at  the  trusts  would  have  been  exceedingly 
mischievous  had  it  not  also  been  entirely  inef- 
fective. In  accordance  with  a well-known  socio- 
logical law,  the  ignorant  or  reckless  agitator 
has  been  the  really  effective  friend  of  the  evils 
which  he  has  been  nominally  opposing. 

“ All  this  is  true ; and  yet  it  is  also  true  that 
there  are  real  and  grave  evils,  one  of  the  chief 
being  over-capitalization  because  of  its  many 
baleful  consequences ; and  a resolute  and  prac- 
tical effort  must  be  made  to  correct  these  evils. 
There  is  a widespread  conviction  in  the  minds 
of  the  American  people  that  the  great  corpora- 
tions known  as  trusts  are  in  certain  of  their 
features  and  tendencies  hurtful  to  the  general 
welfare.  This  springs  from  no  spirit  of  envy 
or  uncharitableness,  nor  lack  of  pride  in  the 
great  industrial  achievements  that  have  placed 
this  country  at  the  head  of  the  nations  struggling 
for  commercial  supremacy.  ...  It  is  based 
upon  sincere  conviction  that  combination  and 
concentration  should  be,  not  prohibited,  but 
supervised  and  within  reasonable  limits  con- 
trolled ; and  in  my  judgment  this  conviction  is 
right.  . . . The  first  essential  in  determining 
how  to  deal  with  the  great  industrial  combina- 
tions is  knowledge  of  the  facts  — publicity.  In 
the  interests  of  the  public,  the  Government 
should  have  the  right  to  inspect  and  examine 
the  workings  of  the  great  corporations  engaged 
in  interstate  business.  . . . 

“ When  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  at  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  no  human  wisdom 
could  foretell  the  sweeping  changes,  alike  in 
industrial  and  political  conditions,  which  were 
to  take  place  by  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth 
century.  At  that  time  it  was  accepted  as  a matter 
of  course  that  the  several  States  were  the  proper 
authorities  to  regulate  so  far  as  was  then  neces- 
sary, the  comparatively  insignificant  and  strictly 
localized  corporate  bodies  of  the  day.  The  con- 
ditions are  now  wholly  different  and  wholly  dif- 
ferent action  is  called  for.  I believe  that  a law 
can  be  framed  which  will  enable  the  National 
Government  to  exercise  control  along  the  lines 
above  indicated ; profiting  by  the  experience 
gained  through  the  passage  and  administration 
of  the  Interstate-Commerce  Act.  If,  however, 
the  judgment  of  the  Congress  is  that  it  lacks  the 
constitutional  power  to  pass  such  an  act,  then  a 
constitutional  amendment  should  be  submitted 
to  confer  the  power.”  — President’s  Message  to 
Congress,  Dec.  3,  1901. 

In  the  following  summer,  during  a tour  which 
he  made  through  some  of  the  New  England 
States  the  President  gave  prominence  to  the  same 
subject  in  his  addresses,  emphasizing  the  neces- 
sity of  federal  legislation  to  arm  the  General 
Government  with  more  effective  authority  for 
regulating  the  action  of  corporations  engaged 
in  interstate  trade.  In  speaking  at  Providence 
especially,  his  remarks  caused  a great  stir  of 
feeling  in  the  country,  and  seem  to  have  signalled 

11 


the  beginning  of  an  open  array  of  hostile  cor- 
porate interests  against  him.  On  that  occasion 
lie  spoke  partly  as  follows: 

“Those  great  corporations  containing  some 
tendency  to  monopoly,  which  we  have  grown  to 
speak  of  rather  loosely  as  trusts,  are  the  creatures 
of  the  State,  and  the  State  not  only  has  the  right 
to  control  them,  but  is  in  duty  bound  to  control 
them  wherever  the  need  for  such  control  is 
shown.  There  is  clearly  a need  of  supervision  — 
need  to  exercise  the  power  of  regulation  on  the 
part  of  the  representatives  of  the  public,  wher- 
ever, as  in  our  own  country  at  the  present  time, 
business  corporations  become  so  very  strong,  both 
for  beneficent  work  and  for  work  that  is  not  al- 
ways beneficent.  It  is  idle  to  say  that  there  is 
no  need  for  such  supervision.  A sufficient  war- 
rant for  it  is  to  be  found  over  and  over  again  in 
any  of  the  various  evils  resulting  from  the  pre- 
sent system,  or,  rather,  lack  of  system. 

‘ ‘ There  is  in  our  country  a peculiar  difficulty 
in  the  way  of  exercising  such  supervision  and  con- 
trol because  of  the  peculiar  division  of  govern- 
mental power.  When  the  industrial  conditions 
were  simple,  very  little  control  was  needed,  and 
no  trouble  was  caused  by  the  doubt  as  to  where 
power  was  lodged  under  the  constitution.  Now 
the  conditions  are  complicated,  and  we  find  it 
difficult  to  frame  national  legislation  which  shall 
be  adequate,  while  as  a matter  of  practical  ex- 
perience State  action  has  proved  entirely  insuffi- 
cient, and  in  all  human  probability  cannot  or  will 
not  be  made  sufficient,  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
case.  Some  of  our  States  have  excellent  laws  — 
laws  which  it  would  be  well  indeed  to  have  en- 
acted by  the  national  legislature.  But  the  wide 
differences  in  these  laws,  even  between  adjacent 
States,  and  the  uncertainty  of  the  power  of  en- 
forcement result  practically  in  altogether  insuffi- 
cient control. 

“I  believe  that  the  nation  must  assume  this 
power  of  control  by  legislation,  and  if  it  be- 
comes evident  that  the  constitution  will  not  per- 
mit needed  legislation,  then  by  constitutional 
amendment.  The  immediate  need  of  dealing 
with  trusts  is  to  place  them  under  the  real,  not 
nominal,  control  of  some  sovereign  to  which, 
as  its  creature,  the  trusts  shall  owe  allegiance, 
and  in  whose  courts  the  sovereign’s  orders  may 
with  certainty  be  enforced.  That  is  not  the  case 
with  the  ordinary  so-called'  trust’  to-day,  for  the 
trust  is  a large  State  corporation,  generally 
doing  business  in  other  States  also,  and  often 
with  a tendency  to  monopoly.  Such  a trust  is 
an  artificial  creature  not  wholly  responsible  to 
or  controllable  by  any  legislature,  nor  wholly 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  any  one  court. 
Some  governmental  sovereign  must  be  given  full 
power  over  these  artificial  and  very  powerful  cor- 
porate beings.  In  my  judgment  this  sovereign 
must  be  the  national  government.  When  it  has 
been  given  full  power,  then  this  full  power  can 
be  used  to  control  any  evil  influence,  exactly  as 
the  government  is  now  using  the  power  con- 
ferred upon  it  under  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust 
law. 

“Even  when  the  full  power  has  been  con- 
ferred it  would  be  highly  undesirable  to  attempt 
too  much  or  to  begin  by  stringent  legislation. 
The  mechanism  of  modern  business  is  as  delicate 
and  complicated  as  it  is  vast,  and  nothing  would 
be  more  productive  of  evil  to  all  of  us,  and  es- 
pecially to  those  least  well  off  in  this  world’s 

.7 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


goods,  than  ignorant  meddling  with  this  mechan- 
ism, and,  above  all,  if  the  meddling  was  done  in 
a spirit  of  class  or  sectional  rancor.  It  is  desir- 
able that  this  power  should  be  possessed  by  the 
nation,  but  it  is  quite  as  desirable  that  the  power 
should  be  exercised  with  moderation  and  self- 
restraint.  The  first  exercise  of  that  power 
should  be  the  securing  of  publicity  among  all 
great  corporations  doing  an  interstate  business. 
The  publicity,  though  non-inquisitorial,  should 
be  real  and  thorough  as  to  all  important  facts 
with  which  the  public  has  concern.  The  full 
light  of  day  is  a great  discourager  of  evil.  Such 
publicity  would  by  itself  tend  to  cure  the  evils 
of  which  there  is  just  complaint,  and  where  the 
alleged  evils  are  imaginary,  it  would  tend  to 
show  that  such  is  the  case.  When  publicity  is 
attained  it  would  then  be  possible  to  see  what 
further  should  be  done  in  the  way  of  regulation. 

“Above  all,  it  behooves  us  to  remember  not 
only  that  we  ought  to  try  to  do  what  we  can,  but 
that  our  success  in  doing  it  depends  very  much 
upon  our  neither  attempting  nor  expecting  the 
impossible.  . . . 

“ I see  no  promise  of  a complete  solution  for  all 
the  problems  we  group  together  when  we  speak 
of  the  trust  question.  But  we  can  make  a begin- 
ning in  solving  these  problems,  and  a good  be- 
ginning if  only  we  approach  the  subject  with  a 
sufficiency  of  resolution,  of  honesty  and  of  that 
hard  common  sense  which  is  one  of  the  most  val- 
uable, and,  unfortunately,  not  one  of  the  most 
common,  assets  in  the  equipment  of  any  people. 
I think  the  national  administration  has  shown 
its  firm  intention  to  enforce  the  laws  as  they  now 
stand  on  the  statute  books  without  regard  to 
persons,  and  I think  that  good  has  come  from 
this  enforcement.  I think,  furthermore,  that 
additional  legislation  should  be  had,  and  can  be 
had,  which  will  enable  us  to  accomplish  much 
more  than  has  been  accomplished  along  these 
same  lines.” — Theodore  Roosevelt,  Address  at 
Providence , Aug.  23,  1902  (New  York  Tribune, 
Aug.  24,  1902). 

In  his  next  Message  to  Congress,  President 
Roosevelt  renewed  his  urgency  for  the  needed 
legislation.  “No  more  important  subject  can 
come  before  the  Congress,”  he  said,  “ than  this  of 
the  regulation  of  interstate  business.  This  coun- 
try cannot  afford  to  sit  supine  on  the  plea  that 
under  our  peculiar  system  of  government  we 
are  helpless  in  the  presence  of  the  new  condi- 
tions, and  unable  to  grapple  with  them  or  to  cut 
out  whatever  of  evil  has  arisen  in  connection 
with  them.  The  power  of  the  Congress  to  reg- 
ulate interstate  commerce  is  an  absolute  and  un- 
qualified grant,  and  without  limitations  other 
than  those  prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  The 
Congress  has  constitutional  authority  to  make 
all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  executing 
this  power,  and  I am  satisfied  that  this  power 
has  not  been  exhausted  by  any  legislation  now 
on  the  statute  books.” — President’s  Message  to 
Congress,  Dec.  2,  1902. 

A year  later,  when  the  President  addressed 
his  Message  to  the  next  Congress,  at  the  open- 
ing of  its  first  session,  he  was  able  to  say : “ The 
country  is  especially  to  be  congratulated  on  what 
has  been  accomplished  in  the  direction  of  pro- 
viding for  the  exercise  of  supervision  over  the 
great  corporations  and  combinations  of  corpora- 
tions engaged  in  interstate  commerce.  The 
Congress  has  created  the  Department  of  Com- 


merce and  Labor,  including  the  Bureau  of  Cor- 
porations, with  for  the  first  time  authority  to 
secure  proper  publicity  of  such  proceedings  of 
these  great  corporations  as  the  public  has  the 
right  to  know.  It  has  provided  for  the  expe- 
diting of  suits  for  the  enforcement  of  the  Fed- 
eral anti-trust  law ; and  by  another  law  it  has 
secured  equal  treatment  to  all  producers  in  the 
transportation  of  their  goods,  thus  taking  a long 
stride  forward  in  making  effective  the  work  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission.” — Presi- 
dent’s Message  to  Congress,  Dec.  1,  1903. 

A.  D.  1901-1906.  — A summary  of  govern- 
mental action  against  corporate  wrongdoers, 
by  Elihu  Root.  — Legislation.  — Litigation. — 
Court  decisions.  — “The  act  creating  the  bu- 
reau of  corporations,  the  act  expediting  the  trial 
of  trust  cases,  the  anti-rebate  act,  the  act  for  the 
regulation  of  railroad  rates,  have  made  possible 
redress  which  was  impossible  before.  Under  the 
direction  of  two  successive  Attorney  Generals  of 
the  first  order  of  ability,  sincerity  and  devotion, 
in  hundreds  of  courts,  incessant  warfare  has  been 
waged  and  is  being  waged  under  the  federal 
laws  against  corporate  wrongdoers. 

“The  Northern  Securities  Company,  which 
sought  to  combine  and  prevent  competition  be- 
tween two  great  continental  railroads,  has  been 
forced  to  dissolve  by  the  judgment  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States.  The  methods 
of  the  Beef  Trust  in  combining  to  suppress  com- 
petition in  the  purchase  of  livestock  and  the 
sale  of  meat  have  been  tried  and  condemned,  and 
the  trust  has  been  placed  under  injunction  to 
abandon  these  practices  by  judgment  of  the  Su- 
preme Court.  The  combination  of  paper  manu- 
facturers in  the  territory  from  Chicago  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains  has  been  dissolved  by  the 
judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  com- 
bination has  been  abandoned,  and  the  price  of 
white  paper  in  that  territory  has  gone  down  30 
per  cent.  The  Retail  Grocers’  Association  in 
this  country  has  been  dissolved  by  decree  of  the 
court.  The  elevator  combination  in  the  West 
has  been  dissolved  in  like  manner.  The  salt 
combination  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  has 
been  dissolved  by  decree  of  the  court.  The 
Wholesale  Grocers’  Association  in  the  South,  the 
meat  combination  and  the  lumber  combination  in 
the  West,  the  combination  of  railroads  entering 
the  city  of  St.  Louis  to  suppress  competition 
between  the  bridges  and  ferries  reaching  that 
city;  the  Drug  Trust,  which  suppresses  compe- 
tition all  over  the  country,  are  being  vigorously 
pressed  in  suits  brought  by  the  federal  govern- 
ment for  their  dissolution.  The  salt  combina- 
tion has  been  indicted  and  convicted  and  fined 
for  failing  to  obey  the  judgment  of  dissolution. 
The  Beef  Trust  has  been  indicted  for  failing  to 
obey  the  injunction  against  them,  and  have  been 
saved  so  far  only  by  a decision  that  they  had 
secured  temporary  immunity  by  giving  evidence 
against  themselves.  One  branch  of  the  Tobacco 
Trust  is  facing  an  indictment  of  its  corporations 
and  their  officers  in  the  federal  court  in  New 
York,  and  the  other  branches  are  undergoing 
investigation.  The  lumber  combination  in  Okla- 
homa is  under  indictment.  The  Fertilizer  Trust, 
a combination  of  thirty-one  corporations  and 
twenty -five  individuals  to  support  and  fix  prices, 
has  been  indicted,  the  indictments  have  been 
sustained  by  the  courts,  and  the  combination 
has  been  dissolved.  The  ice  combination  of  the 


118 


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COMBINATIONS 


District  of  Columbia  is  facing  criminal  trial. 
Special  counsel  are  investigating  tlie  coal  com- 
bination, and  special  counsel  are  investigating 
the  Standard  Oil  combination. 

“ Three  of  the  causes  won  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  have  furnished  deci- 
sions of  the  utmost  importance.  In  the  Tobacco 
Trust  case  of  Hale  agt.  Henkel,  the  Supreme 
Court  denied  the  claim  of  the  trust  corporations 
to  be  exempt  under  the  Constitution  from  fur- 
nishing testimony  against  themselves  by  the 
production  of  their  books  and  papers  before  a 
federal  grand  jury.  Thus,  the  protection  of  se- 
crecy for  corporate  wrongdoing  is  beaten  down. 

In  the  Northern  Securities  case  the  Supreme 
Court  held  that  a wrong  accomplished  by  means 
of  incorporating  in  accordance  with  the  express 
provision  of  the  New  Jersey  statute  was  just  as 
much  a violation  of  federal  law  as  if  there  had 
been  no  incorporation.  Thus,  the  state  rights 
defence  of  protection  from  favoring  state  stat- 
utes is  beaten  down.  In  the  Beef  Trust  case  the 
Supreme  Court  held  that,  although  the  business 
of  manufacture  was  carried  on  within  the  limits 
of  a single  state,  yet  the  purchase  of  the  raw 
material  in  different  states  and  the  sale  of  the 
finished  product  in  different  states  brought  the 
business  within  the  interstate  commerce  clause  of 
the  Constitution  and  gave  the  federal  govern- 
ment authority  over  it.  Thus,  the  defence  that 
the  state  alone  can  deal  with  manufacturing  cor- 
porations, however  widespread  their  business, 
is  beaten  down. 

“ The  obstacles  to  the  enforcement  of  the  fed- 
eral anti-trust  act  thus  removed  are  obstacles 
which  stbod  in  the  way  of  all  proceedings,  and 
they  had  to  be  cleared  away  before  any  proceed- 
ings of  the  same  character  against  the  same 
classes  of  corporations  could  be  successfully 
maintained.  They  have  been  removed,  not  by 
newspaper  headlines  and  denunciation,  but  by 
skill,  ability,  and  energy  of  the  highest  order. 

“After  the  Elkins  anti-rebate  law  was  passed 
by  Congress  in  1903  it  was  supposed,  and  the  In- 
terstate Commerce  Commission  reported,  that  the 
railroads  had  substantially  abandoned  giving 
rebates.  Their  good  resolutions  do  not  seem, 
however,  to  have  lasted.  The  struggle  for  busi- 
ness enabled  the  shippers  soon  to  secure  a renewal 
of  rebates,  or,  by  ingenious  devices  advantages 
equivalent  to  rebates.  Thereupon  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice  began  active  prosecutions  for  the 
enforcement  of  the  law.  Fifty -three  indictments 
have  been  found  against  hundreds  of  defendants 
and  covering  many  hundreds  of  transactions. 
There  have  been  fourteen  criminal  convictions. 
Fourteen  individuals  have  been  fined,  to  the 
gross  amount  of  $66, 125.  Nine  corporations  have 
been  fined  to  the  amount  of  $253,000.  Thirty- 
five  indictments  are  ready  for  trial  in  their  regu- 
lar order  upon  the  court  calendar.  The  original 
statute  provided  only  for  punishment  by  fine. 
Last  winter  it  was  amended  by  providing  for 
punishment  by  imprisonment,  and,  if  the  lines 
imposed  under  the  original  law  shall  not  prove 
to  have  stopped  the  practice,  we  shall  see  whether 
fear  of  the  penitentiary  under  the  amendment 
will  not  do  so. 

“Under  this  statute  also  it  was  necessary  to 
sweep  away  defences  which  stood  as  barriers  to 
general  prosecution,  and  in  the  New  York,  New 
Haven  & Hartford  Railroad  case,  decided  by  the 
Supreme  Court  February  19  of  this  year,  and 

11 


the  Milwaukee  Refrigerator  Transit  case,  de- 
cided in  the  Seventh  Circuit  on  May  31  of  this 
year,  the  courts  have  held  that  the  substance 
and  not  the  form  is  to  control  in  the  application 
of  the  statute,  and  that,  however  the  transaction 
may  be  disguised,  an  unlawful  discrimination 
can  be  reached  and  punished.  The  way  is  there- 
fore cleared  for  all  other  prosecutions. 

“ The  Railroad  Rates  act,  which  was  the  sub- 
ject of  such  excited  discussion  during  the  last 
session  of  Congress,  has  already  justified  itself. 
Since  the  passage  of  the  act,  less  than  five  months 
ago,  there  have  been  more  voluntary  reductions 
of  rates  by  our  railroads  than  during  the  entire 
nineteen  years  of  the  previous  life  of  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission.  On  the  single  day 
of  the  29th  of  August,  1906,  two  days  before  the 
act  went  into  force,  over  five  thousand  notices 
of  voluntary  reduction  of  rates  were  tiled  with 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  by  the 
railroads  of  the  United  States.” — Elihu  Root, 
Speech  at  Utica,  Nov.  1, 1906  (New-  York  Tribune, 
Nov.  2,  1906). 

A.  D.  1903-1906.  — The  “Beef  Trust” 
suits  and  investigations.  — The  United 
States  v.  Swift  & Co.  et  al.  — Commissioner 
Garfield’s  investigation.  — Indictment  of 
Armour  & Co.  and  others. — Immunity  de- 
cision of  Judge  Humphrey.  — Fines  for  re- 
ceiving rebates  from  railways. — In  the  case 
known  as  that  of  the  United  States  v.  Swift  & 
Co.  et  al.,  the  defendants  were  seven  corpora- 
tions, one  copartnership,  and  twenty-three  other 
persons  (commonly  styled  “ the  Beef  Trust”), 
charged  with  violations  of  the  anti-trust  law,  by 
combination  in  restraint  of  the  trade  which  they 
conducted,  namely,  the  buying  of  live  stock, 
slaughtering  the  same  in  different  states  and 
selling  the  meats  thus  produced.  It  was  affirmed 
by  the  Government  that  they,  together,  con- 
trolled about  sixty  per  cent,  of  the  total  volume 
of  that  trade  in  the  country,  and  that  if  the 
alleged  combination  among  them  did  not  exist 
they  “would  be  and  remain  in  competition 
with  each  other”  ; but  that  by  such  “ unlawful 
combination  and  conspiracy  ” they  were  direct- 
ing and  requiring  their  agents  (1)  not  to  bid 
against  one  another  in  the  live-stock  markets  of 
the  different  States;  (2)  to  bid  up  prices  for  a 
few  days  so  as  to  induce  cattlemen  to  send  their 
stock  to  the  stock-yards;  (3)  to  fix  prices  at 
which  they  would  sell,  and  hence,  when  neces- 
sary, to  restrict  shipments  of  meat;  (4)  to  estab- 
lish a uniform  rule  of  credit  to  dealers  and  to 
keep  a blacklist ; (5)  to  make  uniform  and  im- 
proper charges  for  cartage;  and  (6)  to  obtain 
less  than  lawful  rates  from  the  railways  to  the 
exclusion  of  all  competitors. 

The  case,  on  motion  for  injunction,  was  tried 
first  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  Northern  Dis- 
trict of  Illinois,  Judge  Peter  S.  Grosscup.  The 
Opinion  of  the  Court,  given  April  18,  1903,  held 
that,  under  the  definition  of  the  term  by  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Trans-Missouri  Freight 
Association  Case  (see,  in  this  vol.,  Railways: 
United  States;  A.  D.  1890-1902),  “there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  agreement  of  the  defend- 
ants to  refrain  from  bidding  against  each  other 
in  the  purchase  of  cattle  is  combination  in  re- 
straint of  trade:  so  also  their  agreement  to  bid 
up  prices  to  stimulate  shipments,  intending  to 
cease  from  bidding  when  the  shipments  have 
arrived.  The  same  result,”  continued  the  judge, 

9 


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“follows  when  we  turn  to  the  combination  of 
defendants  to  fix  prices  upon  and  restrict  the 
quantities  of  meat  shipped  to  their  agents  or 
their  customers.  Such  agreements  can  he  no- 
thing less  than  restriction  upon  competition, 
and,  therefore,  combination  in  restraint  of  trade  ; 
and  thus  viewed,  the  petition,  as  an  entirety, 
makes  out  a case  under  the  Sherman  Act.  . . . 
The  demurrer  is  overruled,  and  the  motion  for 
preliminary  injunction  granted.” 

On  appeal,  the  case  went  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  where  it  was  argued  in  January,  1905, 
and  decided  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month. 
The  Opinion  of  the  Court,  rendered  by  Justice 
Holmes,  with  no  dissent,  affirmed,  but  modified, 
the  decree  of  injunction  issued  by  Judge  Gross- 
cup  ; the  aim  of  the  modifications  being  to  give 
more  definiteness  to  the  decree.  “ The  defend- 
ants,” said  Justice  Holmes,  for  example,  “can- 
not be  ordered  to  compete,  but  they  properly 
can  be  forbidden  to  give  directions  or  to  make 
agreements  not  to  compete.  The  injunction 
follows  the  charge.  No  objection  was  made  on 
the  ground  that  it  is  not  confined  to  the  places 
specified  in  the  bill.  It  seems  to  us,  however, 
that  it  ought  to  set  forth  more  exactly  the  trans- 
actions in  which  such  directions  and  agreements 
are  forbidden.  The  trade  in  fresh  meat  referred 
to  should  be  defined  somewhat  as  it  is  in  the 
bill,  and  the  sales  of  stock  should  be  confined  to 
sales  of  stock  at  the  stock-yards  named,  which 
stock  is  sent  from  other  States  to  the  stock- 
yards  for  sale  or  is  bought  at  those  yards  for 
transport  to  another  State.”  — Federal  Anti- 
Trust  Decisions , 1900-1906,  v.  2,  prepared  and 
edited  by  James  A.  Finch,  by  direction  of  the 
Attorney -General  ( Washington : Gov’t  Printing 
Office,  1907). 

Investigation  by  the  Commissioner  of  Cor- 
porations. — On  the  7th  of  March,  1904,  the 
House  of  Representatives  adopted  a resolution 
requesting  the  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Labor 
to  “investigate  the  causes  of  the  low  prices  of 
beef  cattle  in  the  United  States  since  July  1st, 
1903,  and  the  unusually  large  margins  between 
the  prices  of  beef  cattle  and  the  selling  prices  of 
fresh  beef,  and  whether  the  said  conditions  have 
resulted  in  whole  or  in  part  from  any  contract, 
combination,  in  the  form  of  trust  or  otherwise, 
or  conspiracy,  in  restraint  of  commerce  among 
the  several  States  and  Territories  or  with  foreign 
countries ; also,  whether  said  prices  have  been 
controlled  in  whole  or  in  part  by  any  corpora- 
tion, joint  stock  company,  or  corporate  combi- 
nation engaged  in  commerce  among  the  several 
States  or  with  foreign  nations ; and,  if  so,  to  in- 
vestigate the  organization,  capitalization,  profits, 
conduct  and  management  of  the  business  of  such 
corporations,  companies,  and  corporate  combina- 
tions, and  to  make  early  report  of  his  findings 
according  to  law.” 

In  compliance  with  this  resolution,  the  Com- 
missioner of  Corporations,  Mr.  James  R.  Gar- 
field, went  to  Chicago  in  April  and  began  the 
requested  investigation,  which  was  prosecuted 
throughout  most  of  the  ensuing  year.  “The 
inquiries  of  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  were 
naturally  concerned  chiefly  with  the  six  great 
concerns  which,  by  the  injunction  of  1902,  were 
grouped  together,  and  which  were  popularly 
considered  as  the  Beef  Trust.  The  ‘Big  Six,’ 
in  the  approximate  order  of  their  magnitude  as 
indicated  by  the  number  of  animals  slaughtered, 


are:  Swift  & Co.,  with  seven  large  plants;  Ar- 
mour & Co.,  and  the  Armour  Packing  Company, 
which  have  the  same  stockholders,  and  which 
together  operate  five  packing-houses ; the  Na- 
tional Packing  Company,  with  eight  compara- 
tively large  plants  and  two  or  three  minor  ones  ; 
Morris  & Co.,  operating  three  plants;  the  Cud- 
ahy Packing  Company,  with  three  plants  in  the 
middle  West  and  a minor  one  at  Los  Angeles; 
and  the  Schwarzschild  & Sulzberger  Company, 
operating  three  plants.  Nearly  all  of  the  im- 
portant packing-houses  of  these  six  companies 
are  situated  in  the  eight  great  live-stock  markets, 
— Chicago,  Kansas  City,  South  Omaha,  East 
St  Louis,  South  St.  Joseph,  Fort  Worth,  South 
St.  Paul,  and  Sioux  City.” 

As  for  the  National  Packing  Company,  it 
grew,  apparently,  out  of  an  abortive  scheme  for 
the  consolidation  of  the  other  five  concerns  which 
was  rumored  in  1902..  “Shortly  prior  to  the 
formation  of  this  company  the  Armour  interests 
had  acquired  control  of  the  G.  H.  Hammond 
Company  and  the  Omaha  Packing  Company, 
the  Swifts  had  secured  the  Anglo-American  Pro- 
vision Company  and  the  Fowler  Packing  Asso- 
ciation, and  the  Morris  family  had  become  dom- 
inant in  the  United  Dressed  Beef  Company  of 
New  York.  The  National  Packing  Company, 
organized  in  1903,  took  over  the  control  of  the 
various  corporations  thus  previously  acquired 
by  the  three  packing  interests  named,  and  has 
since  absorbed  two  or  three  other  smaller  con- 
cerns. The  directorate  of  the  National  Company 
consists  almost  wholly  of  representatives  of  the 
Armour,  Swift,  and  Morris  companies.  Aside 
from  this  community  of  interest,  the  bureau 
finds  that  there  is  no  important  inter-ownership 
of  securities  among  the  six  leading  packing  com- 
panies.” 

“The  ‘Big  Six’  are  by  no  means  the  only 
slaughterers  of  cattle  in  the  United  States.  They, 
with  a few  minor  affiliated  concerns,  killed 
5,521,697  cattle  in  1903,  while,  from  the  best 
available  data,  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  com- 
putes the  total  slaughter  of  the  country  at  about 
12,500,000.  But  the  proportion  of  45  per  cent, 
thus  indicated  by  no  means  measures  the  full 
economic  significance  of  the  six  great  packers. 
Their  importance  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  are 
the  only  concerns  which  do  an  extensive  busi- 
ness in  shipping  dressed  beef.  . . . The  ‘Big- 
Six  ’ kill  about  98  percent,  of  the  cattle  slaugh- 
tered at  the  eight  leading  Western  markets  above 
named.”  — Edward  Dana  Durand,  The  Beef  In- 
dustry and  the  Government  Investigation  ( Ameri- 
can Review  of  Reviews,  April,  1905). 

Early  in  March,  1905,  just  before  the  adjourn- 
ment of  Congress,  his  report  of  it,  in  part,  was 
transmitted  by  the  President  to  Congress.  The 
following  summary  of  important  facts  set  forth 
in  the  extended  report  was  published  in  The 
Outlook  of  the  following  week: 

“The  report  as  sent  to  Congress  deals  with 
the  prices  of  cattle  and  dressed  beef,  the  margins 
between  such  prices,  and  the  organization,  con- 
duct, and  profits  of  the  corporations  engaged  in 
the  beef-packing  business.  In  some  respects  the 
conclusions  presented  are  distinctly  favorable  to 
the  packers;  in  others,  quite  as  unfavorable.  It 
appears  that  the  profits  of  the  six  great  compa- 
nies whose  operations  were  covered  by  the  in- 
vestigation were  very  much  smaller  during  the 
years  1902  and  1903  than  the  public  had  been  led 


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to  suppose,  — that,  in  fact,  for  a part  of  that 
period  the  busiuess  was  conducted  at  an  actual 
loss.  The  percentage  of  profit  on  the  gross  vol- 
ume of  business  during  the  years  1902-4  was 
comparatively  low.  That  realized  by  Swift  & 
Co.  is  placed  at  two  per  cent.  This,  however, 
we  repeat,  is  the  percentage  on  total  sales,  which 
is  a very  different  thing  from  profit  on  the  in- 
vestment. It  is  a well-known  fact  that  the 
actual  capitalization  of  the  packing  companies 
is  very  much  less  than  the  annual  volume  of 
business.  From  statements  made  by  the  six 
companies  to  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  it  ap- 
pears that  their  gross  business  is  not  less  than 
§700,000,000  per  year,  while  their  nominal  cap- 
italization is  only  $88,000,000,  exclusive  of 
$5,000,000  bonds  of  Swift  & Co.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  practically  impossible,  as  the  report 
shows,  to  determine  accurately  just  what  pro- 
portion of  the  total  investment  represents  plants 
and  properties  concerned  with  the  beef  industry 
exclusively.  Still,  it  is  obvious  that  Swift  & 
Co.’s  net  profit  of  two  per  cent,  on  their  sales 
would  amount  to  very  much  more  than  two  per 
cent,  on  their  investment.  The  report  makes 
an  approximate  estimate  of  twelve  per  cent. 

“ On  one  other  count  the  report  is  favorable 
to  the  companies.  It  declares  that  they  are  ap- 
parently not  overcapitalized.  This  conclusion, 
it  is  true,  is  robbed  of  some  of  its  exculpatory 
force  when  the  private-car  system  is  taken  into 
consideration.  It  is  shown  that  the  companies’ 
profits  on  refrigerator  cars,  derived  from  mileage 
paid  by  the  railroads,  has  ranged  from  14  to  22 
per  cent.  The  report  gives  clear  and  definite  in- 
formation as  to  the  trust’s  field  of  operations. 
It  shows  that  the  six  companies  slaughtered  in 
1903  only  about  45  per  cent,  of  all  the  cattle 
killed  in  that  year,  but  that  these  companies 
slaughter  nearly  98  per  cent,  of  all  the  cattle 
killed  in  the  leading  Western  packing  centers, 
and  that  they  control  a large  percentage  of  the 
trade  in  beef  in  many  large  cities  — 75  per  cent, 
in  New  York,  85  per  cent,  in  Boston,  95  per  cent, 
in  Providence,  and  in  a number  of  other  impor- 
tant cities  from  50  to  90  per  cent.  In  all  these 
centers  of  population  the  consumer  is  now  pay- 
ing more  for  meats  than  ever  before,  while  the 
cattle-grower  on  the  Western  plains  is  receiving 
less  for  his  beeves.  These  two  facts  are  doubt- 
less capable  of  explanation,  but  the  published 
results  of  the  investigation  ordered  by  Congress 
throw  little  light  on  the  matter.” 

Case  of  the  United  States®.  Armour  & Co. 
et  al.  — Soon  after  the  publication  of  the  report 
of  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  a special  Federal 
Grand  Jury  at  Chicago  began  the  investigation 
of  charges  brought  by  the  Attorney-General  of 
the  United  States  against  five  of  the  corpora- 
tions engaged  in  the  meat-packing  business  and 
seventeen  of  their  officials.  An  indictment  was 
returned  by  the  Grand  Jury  on  the  1st  of  July, 
1905,  charging,  in  a number  of  counts,  persistent 
violation  of  the  injunction  laid  on  these  corpora- 
tions and  their  officials  by  Judge  Grosscup  with 
affirmation  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  continued 
combination  in  restraint  of  trade,  — by  requiring 
their  purchasing  agents  to  refrain  from  bidding 
in  good  faith  against  one  another ; by  agreements 
that  fixed  the  prices  of  beef  ; by  restricting  sales 
to  maintain  prices,  etc.  On  the  trial  of  the  in- 
dictment, which  was  begun  on  the  29th  of  Jan- 
uary and  concluded  on  the  21st  of  March,  1906, 


the  defendants  claimed  immunity,  under  that 
clause  of  the  Fifth  Amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  which  reads:  “Nor 
shall  any  person  be  compelled  in  any  criminal 
case  to  be  a witness  against  himself.”  Their 
claim  for  immunity  under  this  constitutional  pre- 
scription was  founded  on  the  fact  that  “ upon 
the  lawful  requirement  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Corporations”  they  “had  furnished  evidence, 
documentary  and  otherwise,  of  and  concerning 
the  matters  charged  in  the  indictment”  ; and  that 
a section  of  the  Act  creating  the  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Labor  provides  that  persons 
testifying  or  producing  evidence  before  the  Com- 
missioner shall  be  entitled  to  the  immunities  con- 
ferred by  the  Act  in  relation  to  testimony  before 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  of  Febru- 
ary 11,  1893.  Judge  Humphrey,  of  the  U.  S. 
District  Court,  before  whom  the  case  was  tried, 
sustained  the  plea  in  his  charge  to  the  jury,  so 
far  as  concerned  the  individual  defendants,  say- 
ing : “Under  the  law  of  this  case,  the  immunity 
pleas  filed  by  the  defendants  will  be  sustained  as 
to  the  individual  defendants,  the  natural  persons, 
and  denied  as  to  the  corporations,  the  artificial 
persons,  and  your  verdict  will  be  in  favor  of  the 
defendants  as  to  the  individuals,  and  in  favor  of 
the  Government  as  to  the  corporations.” 

Fines  for  accepting  rebates.  — The  same 
Federal  Grand  Jury  at  Chicago  which  returned 
the  indictments  dealt  within  the  case  mentioned 
above  brought  another  indictment  against  four 
men  in  the  employ  of  one  of  the  meat-packing 
companies,  who  were  accused  of  unlawfully 
combining  and  agreeing  to  solicit  rebates  for 
their  corporation  from  the  Michigan  Central,  the 
Chicago,  Rock  Island  and  Pacific,  the  Grand 
Trunk  Western,  the  Lehigh  Valley,  the  Boston 
and  Maine,  and  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  railroads. 
It  was  charged  that  the  defendants  conspired 
with  one  another  in  presenting  to  the  railroad 
companies  pretended  claims  for  damages  which 
were  in  fact  claims  for  rebates.  They  were 
brought  for  trial  before  Judge  Humphrey  in 
September,  1905,  and  pleaded  guilty.  The  Judge 
then  pronounced  sentence  on  them  as  follows : 
“Punishment  for  this  offense  as  fixed  by  Con- 
gress has  a wide  range,  giving  the  Court  unusual 
latitude,  ranging  from  a nominal  fine  without 
imprisonment  to  a heavy  fine  and  tw'o  years’  im- 
prisonment, all  in  the  discretion  of  the  Court. 
I am  disposed  to  consider  this  case  with  reason- 
able moderation.  The  sentence  of  the  Court  in 
the  case  of  the  defendant  Weil  will  be  a fine  of 
$10,000  and  costs,  and  commitment  to  the  county 
jail  until  the  fine  is  paid,  and  in  the  cases  of 
Todd,  Skipworth,  and  Cusey  a fine  of  $5,000  and 
costs,  with  the  same  provision  in  regard  to  pay- 
ment.” 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — The  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany.— Federal  Goverment  investigation  of 
its  methods  of  business.  — Criminal  prose- 
cutions for  violation  of  the  law  against  re- 
bates.— The  $29,000,000  fine  and  its  an- 
nulment. — Acquittal  of  the  Company.  — After 
a dozen  years  or  more  of  slight  oil  production  in 
Kansas,  that  state  became  quite  suddenly,  in 
1904,  one  of  the  important  sources  of  petroleum 
supply.  The  Standard  Oil  Company  had  taken 
care  to  be  prepared  for  whatever  development 
might  occur,  and  had  organized  its  operations  in 
this  western  field  under  the  name  of  the  Prairie  Oil 
and  Gas  Company,  of  Kansas.  Its  refineries  were 


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ready  to  furnish  a market  to  the  Kansas  pro- 
ducers of  crude  oil,  and  they  had  no  other.  In- 
dependent enterprises  in  oil  refining  were  made 
quite  impossible,  and  the  Prairie  Oil  and  Gas 
Company  was  complete  master  of  the  situation. 
The  Kansas  oil  producers  were  soon  writhing  un- 
der its  dictation  of  prices  and  rules  of  dealing,  as 
the  Pennsylvanians  had  beenyearsbefore,  and  the 
Kansas  Legislature  came  promptly  to  theirrescue. 
In  the  winter  of  1904-5  it  passed  five  vigorous 
acts  ; authorizing  the  establishment  of  a State 
oil  refinery  ; making  pipe  lines  common  carriers 
within  the  State  ; placing  them  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  State  board  of  railroad  commis- 
sioners ; fixing  maximum  rates  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  oil  by  freight  or  pipe  line  ; and,  finally, 
prohibiting  discrimination  between  localities  in 
the  sale  of  any  commodities.  Furthermore,  the 
anti-trust  laws  of  the  State  were  brought  into 
action  against  the  Standard  Oil  Company  and  the 
railroads  accused  of  giving  it  special  rates  and 
privileges. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Kansas  situation  was 
brought  to  the  attention  of  Congress  and  the 
Federal  Executive.  On  motion  of  a Kansas  re- 
presentative, the  lower  House  of  Congress,  in 
February,  adopted  a resolution  calling  on  the 
President  for  an  investigation  of  the  methods  of 
business  pursued  by  the  Standard  Oil  Company. 
The  desired  investigation  was  conducted  in  the 
following  year  by  Commissioner  Garfield,  the 
head  of  the  Bureau  of  Corporations,  and  his  re- 
port was  communicated  to  Congress  on  the  5th 
of  May,  1906,  with  an  accompanying  special 
message,  by  the  President.  Nothing  of  the  de- 
tail of  facts  in  the  report  can  be  given  here  ; but 
the  conclusions  drawn  from  them  by  the  Com- 
missioner were  summed  up  by  him,  as  follows: 

“Upon  the  request  of  its  attorney,  all  the 
essential  facts  discovered  by  this  Bureau  were 
presented  to  the  company  at  the  close  of  the  in- 
vestigation, and  an  exhaustive  statement  relating 
thereto  was  made  by  its  chief  traffic  officer. 
There  was  no  denial  of  the  facts  found,  but  ex- 
planations of  particular  situations  were  offered, 
and  it  was  urged  that  the  facts  did  not  show  any 
violation  by  the  Standard  of  the  letter  or  spirit 
of  the  interstate-commerce  law.  A most  careful 
review  of  the  facts  and  the  explanations  leads  to 
the  following  conclusions: 

‘ ‘ The  Standard  Oil  Company  has  habitually 
received  from  the  railroads,  and  is  now  receiving, 
secret  rates  and  other  unjust  and  illegal  discrim- 
inations. 

“During  1904  the  Standard  saved  about  three- 
quarters  of  a million  dollars  through  the  secret 
rates  discovered  by  the  Bureau  of  Corporations, 
and  of  course  there  may  be  other  secret  rates 
which  the  Bureau  has  not  discovered.  This 
amount  represents  the  difference  between  the 
open  rates  and  the  rates  actually  paid.  Many 
of  these  discriminations  were  clearly  in  violation 
of  the  interstate-commerce  law,  and  others, 
whether  technically  illegal  or  not,  had  the  same 
effect  upon  competitors.  On  some  State  business 
secret  rates  were  applied  by  means  of  rebates. 

‘ ‘ These  discriminations  have  been  so  long  con- 
tinued, so  secret,  so  ingeniously  applied  to  new 
conditions  of  trade,  and  so  large  in  amount  as 
to  make  it  certain  that  they  were  due  to  con- 
certed action  by  the  Standard  and  the  railroads. 

“The  Standard  Oil  Company  is  receiving  un- 
just discriminations  in  open  rates. 


“ The  published  rates  from  the  leading  Stand- 
ard shipping  points  are  relatively  much  lower 
than  rates  from  the  shipping  points  of  its  com- 
petitors. The  advantage  to  the  Standard  over 
its  competitors  from  such  open  discriminations 
is  enormous,  probably  as  important  as  that  ob- 
tained through  the  secret  rates. 

“If  an  unfair  discrimination  be  obtained  by 
one  shipper  through  a device  which  in  itself 
is  seemingly  not  prohibited  by  law,  that  fact 
shows  that  the  law  is  defective  and  should  be 
strengthened;  it  does  not  show  that  the  discrimi- 
nation is  proper  or  just. 

“ The  following  are  a few  of  the  most  impor- 
tant discriminations  and  the  methods  by  which 
they  were  obtained: 

“(1)  For  about  ten  years  the  New  England 
territory  has  been  in  control  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  by  reason  of  the  refusal  of  the  New 
York,  New  Haven  and  Hartford  road  and  of 
the  Boston  and  Maine  road,  on  all  but  a few  di- 
visions, to  pro-rate  — i.  e.,  to  join  in  through 
rates  — on  oil  shipped  from  west  of  the  Hudson 
River,  and  by  means  of  the  adjustment  of  pub- 
lished rates.  . . . 

“ (2)  The  Standard  Oil  Company  has  been  able 
to  absolutely  control  for  many  years  the  sale  of 
oil  in  the  northeastern  part  of  New  York  and  in 
a portion  of  Vermont  by  means  of  secret  rates 
from  its  refineries  at  Olean  and  Rochester.  . . . 

“The  saving  to  the  Standard  during  1904  by 
the  secret  rate  from  Olean  to  Rochester  alone 
was  $115,000.  This  and  other  less  important 
rates  from  Olean  were  unknown  to  the  independ- 
ent refiners,  and  were  not  published  on  the 
ground  that  they  were  wholly  State  rates ; yet 
in  fact  they  were  used  for  oil  consigned  to  points 
beyond  the  State  boundary  of  New  York.  Fur- 
thermore, all  shipments  from  Olean  on  these 
secret  rates  were  blind-billed  — i.  e.,  the  rates 
were  not  shown  on  the  waybills. 

“(3)  The  Standard  Oil  Company  has  main- 
tained absolute  control  of  almost  the  whole  sec- 
tion of  the  country  south  of  the  Ohio  River  and 
east  of  the  Mississippi  by  means  of  secret  rates 
and  open  discriminations  in  rates  from  Whiting, 
Ind.  . . . 

“ (4)  The  Standard  Oil  Company  has  for  at  least 
ten  years  shipped  oil  from  Whiting  to  East  St. 
Louis,  111.,  at  a rate  of  6 or  6£  cents  on  three  of 
the  five  railroads  running  between  those  places, 
while  the  only  duly  published  rate  on  all  roads 
has  been  18  cents  during  all  that  period!  This 
discrimination  saved  the  Standard  about  $240,000 
in  1904.  . . . 

“Whiting  is  located  in  Indiana,  about  two 
miles  from  the  Illinois  line.  East  St.  Louis  is 
in  Illinois,  just  across  the  river  from  St.  Louis. 
The  secret  low  rates  were  given  by  the  Chicago, 
Burlington  and  Quincy,  Chicago  and  Alton,  and 
Chicago  and  Eastern  Illinois  railroads.  They 
were  not  published,  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  State  rates.  . . . 

‘ ‘ (5)  In  the  Kansas-Territory  field  there  were 
some  unfair  open  rates.  . . . 

“(6)  In  California  direct  rebates,  as  well  as 
discriminations  by  the  use  of  secret  rates,  have 
been  given  on  oil.  . . . 

“ (7)  Open  published  rates  from  Whiting  into 
a large  part  of  the  United  States  have  given  the 
Standard  Oil  Company  an  unfair  advantage  of 
from  1 to  20  cents  per  hundred  pounds. 

‘ ‘ This  discrimination  seriously  limits  independ- 


122 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


ent  refiners  in  some  markets,  and  shuts  them  out 
completely  from  other  markets.  It  is  accom- 
plished by  the  use  of  commodity  rates  — that 
is,  rates  which  apply  only  to  petroleum  and  its 
products  — and  by  refusal  to  pro-rate.”  — Report 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Corporations  on  the  Trans 
portation  of  Petroleum,  May  2,  1906,  Letter  of 
Submittal,  pp.  xxi-xxv.  (59th  Congress,  1st  Sess. 
House  Doc.  no.  812). 

Consequent  on  the  information  secured  by  this 
investigation,  criminal  proceedings  against  the 
Standard  Oil  Company  in  its  various  State  or- 
ganizations were  instituted  in  1906-7.  The  num- 
ber and  character  of  the  indictments  found  in 
these  cases  are  set  forth  in  tabular  form,  in  an 
article  on  “The  Oil  Trust  and  the  Government,” 
by  Francis  Walker,  published  in  the  Political 
Science  Quarterly,  March,  1908.  The  following 
statement  of  them  is  summarized  from  that  ta- 
ble: 

In  the  Northern  District  of  Illinois,  Aug.  27, 
1906,  against  the  Standard  Oil  Co.  of  Indiana, 
1903  and  134  indictments  on  shipments  over  the 
Chicago  and  Alton  Railway,  from  Whiting,  Ind., 
to  East  St.  Louis,  111.,  and  from  Chappell,  111., 
to  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

In  same  Dist.,  same  date,  against  same  Co., 
2124  and  220  indictments  on  shipments  over  the 
Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  Railway,  from 
Whiting  to  E.  St.  Louis  and  St.  Louis. 

In  same  Dist.,  same  date,  against  same  Co., 
1318  and  597  indictments  on  shipments  over  the 
Chicago  and  Eastern  Illinois  and  the  Evansville 
and  Terre  Haute  railways,  from  Whiting  to 
Evansville. 

In  same  Dist.,  same  date,  against  same  Co., 
103  indictments,  on  shipments  over  the  Chicago 
and  Eastern  Illinois  and  the  Evansville  and  Terre 
Haute  railways  from  Whiting,  via  Grand  Junc- 
tion, Tennessee,  to  various  points  in  the  South. 

In  the  Eastern  Division  of  the  Western  Dist. 
of  Tennessee,  Oct.  16,  1906,  against  the  Standard 
Oil  Co.  of  Indiana,  1524  indictments,  on  ship- 
ments over  the  Illinois  Central  and  Southern 
railways,  from  Evansville,  via  Grand  Junction, 
to  various  points. 

In  the  Eastern  District  of  Missouri,  Nov.  18, 
1906,  against  the  Waters-Pierce  Oil  Co.,  76  in- 
dictments, on  shipments  over  the  St.  Louis,  Iron 
Mountain  and  Southern  Railway,  to  various 
points. 

In  the  Western  District  of  La.,  Jan.  28,  1907, 
against  the  Waters-Pierce  Oil  Co.,  32  indict- 
ments, on  shipments  over  the  St.  L.,  Iron  Mt. 
and  S.  R’y,  to  various  points. 

In  the  Western  Dist.  of  N.  Y.,  Aug.  10,  1907, 
ag’st  the  Vacuum  Oil  Co.,  23  indictments,  on 
shipments  from  Olean  to  Vermont. 

Iu  the  Western  Dist.  of  N.  Y.,  August  24, 
1906,  ag’st  the  Standard  Oil  Co.  of  New  York, 
23  and  123  indictments,  on  shipments  from  Olean 
to  Vt. 

In  same  Dist.,  Aug.  9,  1907,  ag’st  same  Co., 
188  and  40  indictments,  on  shipments  from 
Olean,  N.  Y.,  to  Burlington,  Vt.,  over  N.  Y. 
Central  and  Rutland  and  Vermont  Central 
railways. 

In  same  Dist.,  same  date,  ag’st  the  Vacuum 
Oil  Co.,  188  and  40  indictments  on  shipments 
from  Olean  to  Burlington  and  to  Rutland  and 
Burlington. 

In  same  Dist.,  Sept.  6, 1907,  ag’st  the  Standard 
Oil  Company  of  New  York,  54  indictments,  on 


shipments  from  Olean  and  Rochester  to  points 
in  Vermont. 

The  most  notable  of  these  criminal  prosecu- 
tions has  been  the  one  described  first  in  the  list 
above.  The  opening  chapter  of  its  history  is 
sketched  as  follows  by  Mr.  Walker,  in  the  article 
already  referred  to: 

“The  only  important  case  which,  up  to  De- 
cember, 1907,  had  come  to  trial,  was  the  indict- 
ment against  the  Standard  Oil  Company  of  In- 
diana for  accepting  a secret  rate  on  shipments 
over  the  Chicago  and  Alton  Railway,  from 
Whiting,  Indiana,  to  East  St.  Louis,  Illinois, 
and  from  Chappell,  Illinois,  to  St.  Louis,  Mis- 
souri. The  published  rate  on  this  trafBc  was 
eighteen  cents  per  hundred  pounds  (as  far  as  East 
St.  Louis,  a bridge  toll  of  one  and  a half  cents 
being  added  on  shipments  to  St.  Louis) ; while 
the  rate  paid  by  the  Standard  Oil  Company  of 
Indiana,  during  the  period  of  about  three  years 
covered  by  the  indictment  and  for  many  years 
before,  was  only  six  cents  per  hundred  pounds. 
On  this  rate,  the  Standard  had  transported,  as 
charged  in  the  indictment,  1903  carloads  of  oil, 
each  carload  being  made  the  subject  of  a distinct 
count  and  separate  proof.  The  trial  of  this  case 
began  in  Chicago,  on  March  4,  1907. 

“ The  defence  not  only  exhausted  every  device 
of  technical  obj  ection  and  obstruction  but  also  at- 
tacked the  constitutionality  of  the  ‘ Elkins’  law 
forbidding  rate  discrimination,  alleging  the  right 
of  the  railroads  and  shippers  to  make  private 
contract  rates,  an  impudent  assertion  which  the 
court  justly  characterized  as  an  ‘ abhorrent  her- 
esy.’ The  question  of  guilt  in  the  matter  of  tech- 
nical proof  depended  to  a large  extent  on  the 
requirements  of  the  law  that  carriers  must  file 
rates,  and  the  argument  of  the  prosecution  was 
that  shippers  must  be  charged  with  the  know- 
ledge as  to  whether  such  rates  were  lawfully 
filed  or  not.  The  defendant  pretended  ignorance 
of  the  fact  that  the  six-cent  rate  had  not  been 
filed  by  the  Alton  and  alleged  that  it  was  an  un- 
reasonable requirement  to  charge  it  with  such 
knowledge.  On  this  point  the  court  said  in  ren- 
dering judgment: 

“ ‘The  honest  man  who  tenders  a commodity 
for  transportation  by  a railway  company  will 
not  be  fraudulently  misled  by  that  company 
into  allowing  it  to  haul  his  property  for  less  than 
the  law  authorizes  it  to  collect.  For  the  carrier 
thus  to  deceive  the  shipper  would  be  to  delib- 
erately incriminate  itself,  to  its  own  pecuniary 
detriment,  which  it  may  safely  be  trusted  not  to 
do.  The  only  man  liable  to  get  into  trouble  is 
he  who,  being  in  control  of  the  routing  of  large 
volumes  of  traffic,  conceives  a scheme  for  the  eva- 
sion of  the  law,  and  connives  with  railway  offi- 
cials in  its  execution.’ 

“The  jury  returned  a verdict  of  guilty  on  1462 
counts,  on  April  14, 1907 : a considerable  number 
of  counts,  namely  441,  were  thrown  out  on  tech- 
nical grounds.  In  the  matter  of  penalty,  the  Stand- 
ard’s counsel  argued  (1)  that  there  were  only  three 
offences  shown,  namely,  one  for  each  year  in 
which  the  rate  was  in  force  ; (2)  that  there  were 
only  36  offences  shown,  namely,  one  for  each 
monthly  settlement  of  freight  charges  ; and  (3) 
that  each  train  1 oad  constituted  a separate  offence. 
The  court  held,  however,  that  the  unlawful  rate 
was  made  on  a carload  basis,  and  that  each  car- 
load unlawfully  transported  constituted  a dis- 
tinct offence.  In  considering  the  amount  of  the 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


fine  to  be  levied,  the  court  demanded  informa- 
tion from  the  officials  of  the  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany regarding  the  net  earnings  and  dividends 
of  the  chief  holding  company  of  the  trust  — the 
Standard  Oil  Company  of  New  Jersey.  Their 
attendance  and  testimony  were  obtained  only  by 
writ  of  subpoena ; and  it  was  admitted  that  the 
net  profits  during  the  years  1903  to  1905  (when 
these  rebates  existed)  amounted  to  $81,336,994, 
$61,570,110,  and  $57,459,356  respectively. 

“ In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  counsel  of  the 
defendant  openly  maintained  the  right  of  the 
railways  and  shippers  to  make  private  contracts 
for  rates,  the  court  declared  that  it  was  ‘ unable 
to  indulge  the  presumption  that  in  this  case  the 
defendant  was  convicted  of  its  virgin  offence.’ 
The  defendant  also  claimed  that,  as  there  were 
no  other  shippers  of  oil  over  the  Chicago  and 
Alton  Railway,  no  one  was  inj  ured  by  the  secret 
rate.  On  this  matter  the  court  said : 

“ ‘ It  is  novel,  indeed,  for  a convicted  defend- 
ant to  urge  the  complete  triumph  of  a dishonest 
course  as  a reason  why  such  a course  should  go 
unpunished. 

“ ‘Of  course,  there  was  no  other  shipper  of 
oil,  nor  could  there  be,  so  long  as,  by  secret 
arrangement,  the  property  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  was  hauled  by  railway  common  car- 
riers for  one-third  of  what  anybody  else  would 
have  to  pay.’ 

“Moved  by  these  considerations,  the  court 
adjudged,  on  August  3,  1907,  that  the  defend- 
ant should  pay  the  maximum  penalty  and  fined 
the  Standard  Oil  Company  $20,000  for  each  of- 
fence, that  is,  for  each  of  the  1462  counts  in  the 
indictment  upon  which  conviction  was  obtained. 
The  total  fine,  therefore,  amounted  to  $29,240,- 
000.” — Francis  Walker,  The  Oil  Trust  and  the 
Government  ( Political  Science  Quarterly,  March, 
1908). 

On  a writ  of  error  the  case  went  now  to  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court  of  Appeals  for  the 
Seventh  Circuit,  where  it  was  argued  at  the 
April  session,  1908,  and  the  opinion,  by  Judge 
Peter  S.  Grosscup,  Circuit  Judge,  delivered  on 
the  22d  of  the  following  July.  In  this  opinion 
the  District  Court  was  held  to  have  erred  in  de- 
ciding that  each  single  carload  of  oil  was  to  be 
dealt  with  as  a separate  offence,  and  that  it 
reasoned  erroneously  in  determining  the  fine 
imposed.  On  this  latter  point  Judge  Grosscup 
said: 

“ Did  the  court,  in  the  fine  imposed,  abuse  its 
discretion  ? The  defendant  indicted,  tried,  and 
convicted,  was  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  a 
corporation  in  Indiana.  The  capital  stock  of  this 
corporation  is  one  million  dollars.  There  is  no- 
thing in  the  record,  in  the  way  of  evidence,  either 
before  conviction,  or  after  conviction  and  before 
sentence,  that  shows  that  the  assets  of  this  cor- 
poration were  in  excess  of  one  million  dollars. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  record,  either  before  con- 
viction, or  after  conviction  and  before  sentence, 
that  shows  that  the  defendant,  before  the  court, 
had  ever  before  been  guilty  of  an  offence  of  this 
character.  It  may,  therefore,  be  safely  assumed, 
that  but  for  the  relation  of  the  defendant  before 
the  court  to  another  corporation,  not  before  the 
court  — a relation  to  be  presently  stated — the 
court  would  have  measured  out  punishment  on 
the  basis  of  the  facts  just  stated. 

“ That  under  such  circumstances  the  punish- 
ment would  have  been  the  maximum  punish- 


ment, does  not  seem  possible  ; for  the  maximum 
sentence,  put  into  execution  against  the  defend- 
ant before  the  court,  would  wipe  out,  many  times, 
and  for  its  first  offence,  all  the  property  of  the 
defendant.  . . . 

‘ ‘ Briefly  stated,  the  reason  of  the  trial  court 
for  imposing  this  sentence  was  because,  after 
conviction  and  before  sentence,  it  was  brought 
out,  on  an  examination  of  some  of  the  officers 
and  stockholders  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company 
of  New  Jersey,  that  the  capital  stock  of  the 
Standard  Oil  Company  of  Indiana,  the  defend- 
ants before  the  court,  was  principally  owned  by 
the  New  Jersey  corporation,  a corporation  not 
before  the  court  — the  trial  court  adding  (upon 
no  evidence  however  to  be  found  in  the  record, 
and  upon  no  information  specially  referred  to) 
that  in  concessions  of  the  character  for  which 
the  defendant  before  the  court  had  been  indicted, 
tried,  and  convicted,  the  New  Jersey  corporation 
was  not  a ‘ virgin  ’ offender. 

“Is  a sentence  such  as  this,  based  on  reason- 
ing such  as  that,  sound  ? Passing  over  the  fact 
that  no  word  of  evidence  or  other  information 
supporting  the  trial  court’s  comment  is  to  be 
found  in  the  record,  would  the  comment,  if  duly 
proven,  justify  a sentence  such  as  this  — one  that 
otherwise  would  not  have  been  imposed?  Can  a 
court,  without  abuse  of  judicial  discretion,  wipe 
out  all  the  property  of  the  defendant  before  the 
court,  and  all  the  assets  to  which  its  creditors 

look,  in  an  effort  to  reach  and  punish  a party 
that  is  not  before  the  court- — a party  that  has 
not  been  convicted,  has  not  been  tried,  has  not 
been  indicted  even?  Can  an  American  judge, 
without  abuse  of  judicial  discretion,  condemn 
any  one  who  has  not  had  his  day  in  court? 

“ That,  to  our  mind,  is  strange  doctrine  in 
Anglo-Saxon  jurisprudence.  . . . 

“ The  judgment  of  the  District  Court  is  re- 
versed and  the  case  remanded  with  instructions 
to  grant  a new  trial,  and  proceed  further  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  opinion.” 

The  Government  failed  in  attempts  to  secure 
a rehearing  before  the  Appellate  Court,  as  well 
as  in  an  application  for  the  reviewing  of  the  case 
by  the  Supreme  Court. 

On  the  new  trial  to  which  the  case  was  re- 
manded Judge  Landis,  whose  judgment  had  been 
set  aside,  declined  to  sit,  and  Judge  A.  B.  Ander- 
son, of  Indianapolis,  was  called  to  Chicago  to  oc- 
cupy his  bench.  The  trial  was  opened  on  the  23d  of 
February,  1909.  On  the  2d  of  March  Judge  An- 
derson sustained  the  motion  of  the  defence  that 
the  government  must  proceed  on  the  theory  that 
there  were  thirty -six  alleged  offences  — that  is, 
that  each  settlement  on  which  an  alleged  rebate 
was  paid  instead  of  each  carload,  constituted  a 
separate  offence.  This  made  it  impossible  to  claim 
a penalty  beyond  $720,000,  being  at  the  rate  of 
$20,000  for  each  offence.  But  even  that  was  put 
out  of  the  question  by  the  ultimate  decision  of 
the  Judge,  that  the  law,  as  laid  down  by  the  U. 
S.  Court  of  Appeals,  required  him  to  direct  the 
j ury  to  find  the  Standard  Oil  Company  not  guilty 
on  the  charge  of  accepting  rebates  from  the  Chi- 
cago and  Alton  Railroad.  This  instruction  he 
gave  on  the  10th  of  March,  thus  bringing  the  case 
to  an  end. 

The  outcome  in  this  case  was  said  to  mean  that 
all  but  two  of  the  pending  indictments  against 
the  Standard  Oil  Company  of  Indiana,  as  recapit- 
ulated above,  are  void  and  would  be  abandoned 


124 


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COMBINATIONS 


by  the  Government.  The  two  cases  not  affected 
are  cases  involving  the  shipment  of  1915  car- 
loads of  oil  from  Whiting,  lnd.,  to  Evansville, 
Ind.,  via  Dolton  Junction,  over  the  Chicago  and 
Eastern  Illinois  Railroad. 

On  the  15th  of  March,  five  days  after  the 
acquittal  of  the  Company  in  Illinois,  a fine  of 
$20, 000  was  imposed  upon  it  bytheUnited  States 
District  Court  of  the  Western  District  of  New 
York,  on  one  of  the  indictments  founded  on 
shipments  from  Rochester  and  Olean  to  points 
in  Vermont.  Previously,  the  New  York  Central 
Railroad  had  paid  a heavy  fine  for  granting 
rebates  on  those  shipments. 

Numerous  State  prosecutions,  under  State  laws 
in  Missouri,  Texas,  Minnesota,  Ohio,  and  else- 
where, had  been  assailing  the  monopolistic  cor- 
poration simultaneously  with  the  proceedings  of 
the  General  Government  against  it,  and  some  of 
them  with  greater  seriousness  of  effect  than  the 
Federal  prosecutors  had  accomplished.  The  more 
important  of  these  were  in  Texas,  against  the 
subsidiary  Waters-Pierce  Oil  Company  of  Mis- 
souri, and  in  Missouri,  against  that  Company  in 
association  with  the  Standard  of  Indiana,  and 
with  another  of  the  same  Trust  family.  The 
Texas  suit,  after  making  its  slow  way  through 
the  State  courts  and  to  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court, 
came  to  its  conclusion  early  in  1909,  with  the  re 
suit  of  a fine  of  $1,623,500,  and  the  exclusion  of 
the  Company  from  business  in  the  State.  The 
suit  in  Missouri,  as  decided  at  about  the  same  time 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  resulted  in 
an  order  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Waters-Pierce 
Company  and  for  the  perpetual  exclusion  of  the 
other  companies,  chartered  elsewhere,  from  oper- 
ations within  the  State.  The  outcome  of  this  vin- 
dication of  the  law  of  the  State  is  understood  to 
have  been  an  arrangement  under  which  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Waters-Pierce  Company  is  taken  over 
by  a new  company,  the  stock  of  which  is  held  by 
trustees  approved  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  and  acting  as  officers  of  the  Court. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  Tobacco  Trust 
Case  of  Hale  v.  Henkel. — Denial  by  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  claim  of  corporations  to 
be  exempt  from  the  production  of  books  and 
papers  before  a Grand  Jury.  — A proceeding 
begun  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
in  the  spring  of  1905,  to  ascertain  the  lawfulness 
or  unlawfulness  of  the  methods  of  business  pur- 
sued by  the  so-called  Tobacco  Trust,  was  em- 
barrassed by  the  refusal  of  a witness  to  give 
evidence  for  which  he  was  summoned  before  the 
grand  jury  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 
The  case  pending  was  between  the  United  States 
and  the  American  Tobacco  Company  and  Mac- 
Andrews  & Forbes  Company.  The  witness, 
Hale,  was  secretary  and  treasurer  of  the  Mac- 
Andrews  & Forbes  Company.  He  refused  to 
answer  any  questions  that  were  put  to  him  con- 
cerning the  business  of  that  company,  or  to  pro- 
duce any  of  the  books,  accounts,  contracts,  cor- 
respondence, etc.,  that  were  demanded,  being 
advised  by  counsel  that  he  was  under  no  legal 
obligation  to  do  so,  and  that  the  evidence  given 
or  produced  by  him  might  tend  to  incriminate 
himself.  He  was  held  to  be  in  contempt  of 
Court  and  was  committed  to  the  custody  of  the 
U.  S.  Marshal.  Being  then,  on  a writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  brought  before  another  judge  of  the  same 
Court,  after  a hearing,  the  writ  was  discharged 


and  he  was  remanded  to  custody  (June  18,  1905). 
An  appeal  to  tiie  Supreme  Court  followed,  which 
was  argued  in  the  early  days  of  January,  1906, 
and  decided  on  the  12th  of  March  following. 

The  decision  of  the  Court,  rendered  by  Justice 
Brown,  was  on  two  issues  which  it  found  to  be 
presented  in  the  case  : The  first  involving  “the 
immunity  of  the  witness  from  oral  examination  ; 
the  second  the  legality  of  his  action  in  refus- 
ing to  produce  the  documents  called  for  by  the 
subpcena  duces  tecum.”  The  witness  justified 
his  refusal  to  answer  questions,  “1st  upon  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  specific  ‘ charge  ’ pend- 
ing before  the  grand  jury  against  any  particular 
person  ; 2d  that  the  answers  would  tend  to  crim- 
inate him.”  On  the  first  point  the  Court  found 
it  “ entirely  clear  that  under  the  practice  in  this 
country,  at  least,  the  examination  of  witnesses 
need  not  be  preceded  by  a presentment  or  indict- 
ment formally  drawn  up,  but  that  the  grand 
jury  may  proceed,  either  upon  their  own  know 
ledge  or  upon  the  examination  of  witnesses,  to 
inquire  for  themselves  whether  a crime  cogniza- 
ble by  the  Court  has  been  committed.”  As  to 
the  plea  of  an  apprehended  self-incrimination, 
the  Court  held  that  the  witness  was  protected 
by  the  act  which  provides  that  no  person  shall 
be  prosecuted  on  account  of  anything  concerning 
which  he  may  testify  or  produce  evidence.  But 
it  was  further  insisted  that  while  the  immunity 
statute  may  protect  individual  witnesses  it  would 
not  protect  the  corporation  of  which  the  appel- 
lant was  the  agent  and  representative.  “ This  is 
true,”  says  the  Court,  “but  the  answer  is  that 
it  was  not  designed  to  do  so.  The  right  of  a 
person  under  the  Fifth  Amendment  to  refuse  to 
incriminate  himself  is  purely  a personal  privi- 
lege of  the  witness.  It  was  never  intended  to 
permit  him  to  plead  the  fact  that  some  third 
person  might  be  incriminated  by  his  testimony, 
even  though  he  were  the  agent  of  such  person.” 

On  the  second  issue  in  the  case,  the  substance 
of  the  decision  is  in  the  following  passages  from 
it  : “ Having  already  held  that,  by  reason  of  the 
immunity  act  of  1903,  the  witness  could  not 
avail  himself  of  the  Fifth  Amendment,  it  follows 
that  he  cannot  set  up  that  Amendment  as  against 
the  production  of  the  books  and  papers,  since  in 
respect  to  these  he  would  also  be  protected  by 
the  immunity  act.  . . . We  are  of  the  opinion 
that  there  is  a clear  distinction  in  this  particular 
between  an  individual  and  a corporation,  and 
that  the  latter  has  no  right  to  refuse  to  submit 
its  books  and  papers  for  an  examination  at 
the  suit  of  the  State.  . . . The  individual  may 
stand  upon  his  constitutional  rights  as  a citizen. 
He  is  entitled  to  carry  on  his  private  business  in 
his  own  way.  . . . Among  his  rights  are  a re- 
fusal to  incriminate  himself,  and  the  immunity 
of  himself  and  his  property  from  arrest  or  seiz- 
ure except  under  a warrant  of  the  law.  . . . 
Upon  the  other  hand,  the  corporation  is  a crea- 
ture of  the  State.  It  is  presumed  to  be  incor- 
porated for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  ...  Its 
rights  to  act  as  a corporation  are  only  preserved 
to  it  so  long  as  it  obeys  the  laws  of  its  creation. 
There  is  a reserved  right  in  the  Legislature  to 
investigate  its  contracts  and  to  find  out  whether 
it  has  exceeded  its  powers.  . . . The  defense 
amounts  to  this : That  an  officer  of  a corpora- 
tion, which  is  charged  with  a criminal  violation 
of  the  statute,  may  plead  the  criminality  of  such 
corporation  as  a refusal  to  produce  its  books. 


125 


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COMBINATIONS 


To  state  this  proposition  is  to  answer  it.  While 
an  individual  may  lawfully  refuse  to  answer 
incriminating  questions  unless  protected  by  an 
immunity  statute,  it  does  not  follow  that  a cor- 
poration, vested  with  special  privileges  and 
franchises,  may  refuse  to  show  its  hand  when 
charged  with  an  abuse  of  such  privileges.” 

Taking  note  of  the  fact  that  the  franchises  of 
the  corporation  in  this  case  were  derived  from 
one  of  the  States,  the  Court  proceeds  to  say: 
“Such  franchises,  so  far  as  they  involve  ques- 
tions of  inter-State  commerce,  must  also  be 
exercised  in  subordination  to  the  power  of  Con- 
gress to  regulate  such  commerce,  and  in  respect 
to  this  the  General  Government  may  also  assert 
a sovereign  authority  to  ascertain  whether  such 
franchises  have  been  exercised  in  a lawful  man- 
ner, with  due  regard  to  its  own  laws.  . . . The 
powers  of  the  General  Government  in  this  par- 
ticular, in  vindication  of  its  own  laws,  are  the 
same  as  if  the  corporation  had  been  created  by 
an  act  of  Congress.” 

Justices  Harlan  and  McKenna  dissented  from 
some  of  the  views  set  forth  in  the  opinion  of  the 
majority,  as  declared  by  Justice  Brown,  but 
concurred  in  the  final  judgment,  which  affirmed 
the  order  of  the  Circuit  Court,  remanding  the 
prisoner  to  the  custody  of  the  Marshal.  Justice 
Brewer  and  the  Chief  Justice  dissented  from  the 
conclusions  relative  to  corporations,  and  from 
the  judgment,  holding  that  “the  order  of  the 
Circuit  Court  should  be  reversed  and  the  case 
remanded  with  instructions  to  discharge  the  pe- 
titioner, leaving  the  grand  jury  to  initiate  new 
proceedings  not  subject  to  the  objections  to 
this.” — Federal  Anti-Trust  Decisions,  1900-1906, 
prepared  and  edited  by  James  A . Finch  by  direction 
of  the  Attorney- General,  v.  2,  p.  874  ( Washington  : 
Gov’t.  Printing  Office,  1907). 

A.  D.  1906-1910. — The  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany.— Suit  of  the  Government  for  its  disso- 
lution.— Decree  for  its  dissolution  by  the 
Circuit  Court. — Appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court. — Entirely  distinct  from  the  criminal 
prosecutions  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company  by 
the  United  States  Government,  as  reviewed 
above  was  a suit  begun  in  November.  1906,  in 
the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court  for  the  Eastern  Division 
of  Missouri.  The  former  actions  were  to  pe- 
nalize the  Company  for  violations  of  the  Elkins 
Act,  by  the  procuring  of  railway  rebates.  The 
later  suit  was  to  dissolve  the  combination  in  re- 
straint of  trade  which  the  Company  was  alleged 
to  be,  and  therefore  illegally  existing,  in  the 
view  of  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law.  The  com 
plaint  was  directed  against  the  parent  organiza- 
tion, known  as  the  Standard  Oil  Company  of 
New  Jersey,  with  its  various  subsidiary  corpora- 
tions. It  was  also  directed  against  seven  indi- 
viduals namely,  John  D.  Rockefeller,  William 
Rockefeller,  Henry  M.  Flagler,  Henry  H.  Rog- 
ers (now  deceased),  John  D.  Archbold,  Oliver 
H.  Payne,  and  Charles  M.  Pratt.  The  main  com- 
pany, its  branches,  and  these  individuals  were 
charged  in  the  complaint  with  having  entered 
into  an  agreement,  combination,  and  conspiracy 
to  restrain  trade  and  commerce  among  the  sev- 
eral States,  to  monopolize  the  trade  in  petro- 
leum, both  in  its  purchase  and  its  shipment  and 
transportation  by  pipe-line  steamships  and  by 
rail,  also  in  the  manufacture  and  refining  of  pe- 
troleum. 

One  of  the  evidences  of  its  monopoly  adduced 


by  the  Government  was  the  enormity  of  its  earn- 
ings which  were  summarized  thus  : The  Stand- 
ard Oil  Trust  and  the  Standard  Oil  Company, 
on  an  investment  of  $69,024,480,  had  earned  up 
to  the  end  of  1906,  $838,783,783.  Adding  the 
estimated  profits  of  1907  and  1908,  we  have  sub- 
stantially, the  brief  states,  a billion  dollars  earned 
by  this  company  in  twenty-seven  years,  witli 
an  original  investment  of  about  $69,000,000. 

The  United  States  asked  for  a perpetual  in- 
junction, and  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Standard 
Oil  combination.  Hearings  were  held  in  New 
York,  Washington,  Chicago,  Cleveland,  and  St. 
Louis,  about  four  hundred  witnesses  being  ex- 
amined. It  was  not  until  the  5th  of  April,  1909, 
that  the  case  reached  the  stage  of  argument,  be- 
fore Judges  Walter  H.  Sanborn,  Willis  Yan  De- 
vanter,  William  C.  Hook  and  Elmer  B.  Adams, 
constituting  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court  at  St. 
Louis.  The  decision  of  the  Court  was  announced 
on  the  20th  of  the  following  November,  the  four 
judges  concurring  in  the  opinion,  written  by 
Judge  Sanborn,  which  held  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  to  be  an  illegal  corporation  and  decreed 
its  dissolution.  The  character  of  the  decision 
appears  from  the  syllabus  of  Judge  Sanborn’s 
opinion,  which  reads : 

“ Congress  has  power  under  the  commercial 
clause  of  the  Constitution  to  regulate  and  restrict 
the  use  in  commerce  among  the  several  States, 
and  with  foreign  nations,  of  contracts,  of  the 
method  of  holding  title  to  property  and  of  every 
other  instrumentality  employed  in  that  com- 
merce, so  far  as  it  may  be  necessary  to  do  so,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  restraint  thereof  denounced 
by  the  Anti-Trust  Act  of  July  2,  1890  (26  Stat. 
29). 

‘ ' Test  of  the  legality  of  a combination  under 
this  act  is  its  necessary  effect  upon  competition 
in  commerce  among  the  States  or  with  foreign 
nations.  If  its  necessary  effect  is  only  incident- 
ally or  indirectly  to  restrict  the  competition, 
while  its  chief  result  is  to  foster  the  trade  and 
increase  the  business  of  those  who  make  and  op- 
erate it,  it  does  not  violate  that  law.  But  if  its 
necessary  effect  is  to  stifle  or  directly  and  sub- 
stantially to  restrict  free  competition  in  com- 
merce among  the  States,  or  with  foreign  nations, 
it  is  illegal  within  the  meaning  of  that  statute. 

“The  power  to  restrict  competition  in  com- 
merce among  the  several  States,  or  with  foreign 
nations,  vested  in  a person  or  an  association  of  per- 
sons by  a combination,  is  indicative  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  combination,  because  it  is  to  the  in- 
terest of  the  parties  that  such  a power  should  be 
exercised,  and  the  presumption  is  that  it  will  be. 

“The  combination  in  a single  corporation  or 
person,  by  an  exchange  of  stock,  of  the  power 
of  many  stockholders  holding  the  same  propor- 
tions, respectively,  of  the  majority  of  the  stock 
of  each  of  the  several  corporations  engaged  in 
commerce  in  the  same  articles  among  the  States, 
or  with  foreign  nations,  to  restrict  competition 
therein,  renders  the  power  thus  vested  in  the 
former  greater,  more  easily  exercised,  more  dur- 
able, and  more  effective  than  that  previously 
held  by  the  stockholders,  and  it  is  illegal. 

“ In  1899  the  stockholders  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  of  New  Jersey  owned  a majority  of 
the  stock  of  nineteen  other  corporations  in  the 
same  proportions  that  they  owned  the  stock  of  the 
Standard  Company,  and  those  twenty  corpora- 
tions controlled  by  the  owners  of  the  majority  of 


126 


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COMBINATIONS 


their  stock  or  otherwise  many  other  corporations. 
Each  of  these  corporations  was  engaged  in  some 
part  of  the  business  of  producing,  buying,  refin- 
ing, transporting,  and  selling  petroleum  and  its 
products,  and  they  were  conducting  about  30 
per  cent,  of  the  production  of  the  crude  oil  and 
more  than  75  per  cent,  of  the  business  of  the 
purchasing,  refining,  transporting,  and  selling 
petroleum  and  its  products  in  this  country. 
Many  of  them  were  engaged  in  commerce  in 
these  articles  among  the  several  States  and  with 
foreign  nations,  and  were  naturally  competitive. 

“ During  the  ten  years  prior  to  1879  the  seven 
individual  defendants  had  acquired  control  of 
many  corporations,  partnerships,  and  refiners 
that  had  been  competing  in  this  business,  had 
placed  the  majority  of  the  stock  of  those  corpo- 
rations and  the  interests  in  property  in  busi- 
ness thus  obtained  in  various  trustees  to  be  held 
and  operated  by  them  for  the  stockholders  of 
the  Standard  Oil  Company,  one  of  the  nineteen 
companies  in  which  the  individual  defendants 
were  principal  stockholders,  and  had  thereby 
suppressed  competition  among  these  corpora- 
tions and  partnerships. 

“ In  1879,  they  and  their  associates  caused  all 
the  trustees  to  convey  their  interests  in  the 
stock,  property  and  business  of  these  corpora- 
tions to  five  trustees,  to  be  held,  operated  and 
distributed  by  them  for  the  stockholders  of  the 
Standard  Company  of  Ohio.  From  1879,  until 
1892,  they  prevented  these  corporations  and 
others  engaged  in  this  business,  of  which  they 
secured  control,  from  competing  in  this  com- 
merce by  causing  the  control  of  their  operations 
and  generally  of  a majority  of  their  stocks,  to 
be  held  in  trust  for  the  stockholders  of  the 
Standard  Company  of  Ohio,  and,  from  1892, 
until  1899,  they  accomplished  the  same  result 
by  a similar  stock-holding  device,  and  by  the 
joint  equitable  ownership  of  the  majority  of 
the  stocks  of  the  corporations.” 

Appeal  from  the  decree  has  been  taken  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  where  it  was  preceded  by  the 
appeal  of  the  Tobacco  Trust  from  a similar  de- 
cree, involving  substantially  the  same  questions, 
according  to  what  seems  to  be  the  general  view 
of  the  Bar.  On  the  17th  of  January,  1910,  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  granted  the 
motion  of  the  Government  for  the  advancement 
on  the  docket  of  the  Standard  Oil  case,  and  set 
the  hearing  for  March  14. 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  chief  existing  combi- 
nations.— Their  operation  through  stock 
ownership.  — “Passing  the  matter  of  railroad 
combinations,  as  to  which  it  may  be  said  that 
through  stock  ownership  the  control  of  all  Ameri- 
can lines  is  now  concentrated  in  seven  groups 
of  parent  properties,  we  are  chiefly  concerned 
with  the  practical  use  that  has  been  made  of  the 
new  corporate  power  by  the  largest  and  strong- 
est of  our  manufacturing  and  industrial  enter- 
prises. 

“The  United  States  Steel  Corporation,  organ- 
ized under  the  laws  of  New  Jersey,  with  a cap- 
ital stock  of  $1,100,000,000  owns  a majority  of 
the  stock  of  eleven  subsidiary  companies,  and 
controls  industries  scattered  over  the  entire  coun- 
try under  different  styles  and  corporate  names. 
This  corporation  owns  or  manages  213  manufac- 
turing and  transportation  plants  and  forty-one 
mines  located  in  eighteen  different  States;  it 
has  more  than  1,000  miles  of  railroad  tracks  to 


ore,  coke  and  manufacturing  properties,  and  a 
lake  fleet  of  112  vessels.  This  stock  ownership 
gives  it  control  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  cap 
ital  that  is  not  represented  by  its  own  billion 
dollars  of  stock. 

“The  Amalgamated  Copper  Company,  incor- 
porated in  New  Jersey,  has  no  asset  whatever 
except  the  stocks  of  other  corporations.  It  owns 
all  the  stock  of  four  operating  companies  and  a 
controlling  interest  in  seven  others,  and  has  taken 
them  over  by  an  issue  of  $155,000,000  of  its  own 
stock. 

“The  American  Smelting  and  Refining  Com- 
pany, organized  under  the  laws  of  New  Jersey, 
controls  the  business  of  thirteen  corporations,  in 
which  it  either  owns  the  entire  stock  or  a ma- 
jority interest.  Associated  with  it  are  the 
American  Linseed  Company,  the  National  Lead 
Company  and  the  United  Lead  Company,  and 
they  together  control  twenty -eight  concerns  and 
ninety-three  affiliated  corporations. 

“The  Standard  Oil  Company,  incorporated  in 
New  Jersey,  with  a capital  stock  of  $110,000,000, 
controls,  directs  and  manages  more  than  seventy 
corporations  through  its  possession  of  a majority 
of  their  stock.  Some  of  these  companies  own 
stock  in  still  other  corporations,  and  all  together 
the  combine  operates  more  than  400  separate  and 
distinct  properties,  thus  monopolizing  90  per 
cent,  of  the  export  oil  trade  and  84  per  cent,  of 
the  domestic  trade.  The  market  value  of  its 
capitalization  is  about  $650,000,000,  and  all  this 
vast  property  was  brought  together  under  one 
head  without  the  payment  of  a single  dollar  of 
cash,  the  whole  consolidation  being  effected 
through  the  issue  of  stock  in  the  holding  com- 
pany in  payment  of  stock  in  the  companies  that 
are  held. 

“The  United  Gas  Improvement  Company,  in- 
corporated in  Pennsylvania,  own  stock  in  thirty 
corporations  doing  the  character  of  business  for 
which  it  was  organized,  and  in  addition  to  this 
is  interested  in  numerous  street  railway  proper- 
ties, including  the  New  York  City  surface  rail- 
ways. With  it  is  allied  the  Public  Service  Cor- 
poration of  New  Jersey  and  the  Rhode  Island 
Securities  Company,  which  last  named  owns  all 
the  stock  of  the  Rhode  Island  Company,  which 
again  has  leased  for  999  years  several  of  the 
most  important  railroad  companies  doing  busi- 
ness in  that  State.  The  power  of  this  corpora- 
tion, through  this  system  of  stock  ownership, 
is  scarcely  calculable,  and  the  value  of  proper- 
ties controlled  would  equal  hundreds  of  mil- 
lions, although  its  own  capital  stock  is  but 
$36,000,000. 

“ The  American  Tobacco  Company,  organized 
under  the  laws  of  New  Jersey,  with  a capital 
stock  of  $40,000,000,  practically  controls  the 
whole  market  through  its  ownership  of  the  stock 
of  innumerable  other  corporations. 

“The  International  Harvester  Company,  in- 
corporated in  New  Jersey,  with  a capital  stock 
of  $120,000,000,  while  probably  not  a holding 
company,  maintains  most,  if  not  all,  the  corpo- 
rations which  it  has  bought  out,  and  they  are 
operated  as  if  they  were  distinct  and  competing 
concerns. 

“ The  American  Sugar  Refining  Company,  in- 
corporated in  New  Jersey,  with  a common  stock 
of  $40,000,000,  controls  fifty-three  other  corpora- 
tions. 

“ The  American  Telegraph  and  Telephone 


127 


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COMBINATIONS 


Company,  incorporated  in  New  York, with  acap- 
ital  stock  of  §250,000,000  controls,  through  stock 
ownership,  thirty-five  subsidiary  corporations. 

“The  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company 
owns  stock  in  twenty-four  other  corporations  ; 
the  Distillers’  Security  Company  owns  90  per 
cent,  of  the  stocks  of  the  Distilling  Company  of 
America,  and  has  acquired  ninety-three  plants, 
representing  60  per  cent,  of  the  industry  ; the 
Philadelphia  Rapid  Transit  Company  owns  the 
stock  of  twelve  elevated  and  street  railway  com- 
panies ; the  Brooklyn  Rapid  Transit  Company 
owns  the  stock  of  seven  others  ; the  Metropolitan 
Securities  Company  of  New  York  owns  the  stock 
of  many  traction  companies,  and  the  control- 
ling interest  in  others  ; the  Inter-State  Railways 
of  New  Jersey  own  all  the  stock  of  the  United 
Power  and  Transportation  Company,  which  lat- 
ter company  controls  the  capital  and  franchises 
of  about  forty  other  projected  companies  inNew 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania ; while  the  International 
Mercantile  Marine  Company  of  New  Jersey  owns 
a majority  of  the  shares  of  many  of  the  most  im- 
portant steamship  companies  whose  vessels  cross 
the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

“ These  are  but  a few  instances  of  the  promo- 
tion of  combinations  through  stock  ownership.” 
— Wade  H.  Ellis,  Attorney-General  of  Ohio, 
Paper  read  at  National  Conference  on  Trusts  and 
Combinations , Chicago,  Oct.  22,  1907. 

A.  D.  1907.  — National  Conference  on  the 
Trust  Question,  invited  by  the  National 
Civic  Federation.  — A remarkably  represent- 
ative and  impressive  assembly  at  Chicago,  of 
delegates  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and 
voicing  all  interests,  was  brought  about  by  the 
invitation  of  the  National  Civic  Federation,  in 
October,  1907,  for  a thorough  discussion  of  the 
questions  which  troubled  the  country  and  con- 
fused its  attitude  toward  Trusts  and  Combina- 
tions, as  subjects  of  regulation  by  law.  There 
had  been  a similar  conference  at  Chicago  in  1899, 
at  the  call  of  the  Civic  Federation  of  that  city ; 
but  no  common  ground  of  agreement  could  then 
be  found.  The  subject,  as  was  afterwards  said, 
“was  too  new,  too  vaguely  understood  for  men 
to  be  of  one  mind  in  regard  to  it.”  But  eight 
years  later,  in  1907,  “it  appeared  to  the  leaders 
of  the  National  Civic  Federation  not  improbable 
that'a  new  conference  might  lead  to  some  defi- 
nite pronouncement  of  opinion.  . . . Leaders  of 
opinion  in  all  walks  of  life  gave  the  project 
their  hearty  endorsement.  . . . The  matter  w;as 
taken  up  with  great  interest  by  the  Governors 
of  the  several  States  and  by  the  presidents  of 
commercial  bodies,  who  named  delegates  in  re- 
sponse to  the  invitation  of  the  National  Civic 
Federation.  A significant  evidence  of  this  greater 
interest  is  found  in  the  larger  number  of  dele- 
gations appointed  in  1907  than  in  1899.  The 
records  show  the  following: 

Delegations.  1899.  1907. 

Appointed  by  Governors 33  39 

Appointed  by  national  and  State  organ- 
izations   22  33 

Appointed  by  labor  organizations  ..714 
Appointed  by  local  commercial  bodies  33  58 

Total 95  144 

“Furthermore,  the  attendance  of  492  dele- 
gates in  1907  might  be  contrasted  with  that  of 
238  delegates  at  the  earlier  conference. 


“The  conference  of  1907,  though  larger  in 
numbers,  was  much  more  of  a unit  in  sentiment. 
It  developed  at  an  early  stage  of  the  discussion 
that  there  was  no  important  element  antagoniz- 
ing the  trust  and  combination  as  such.  There 
were  few  speakers  who  failed  to  dwell  upon  the 
advantages  whiclqhad  accrued  to  the  nation  from 
some  combinations,  and  from  the  spirit  of  asso- 
ciation which,  after  all,  cannot  be  separated 
from  them.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  lack 
of  emphasis  in  dwelling  upon  the  evils  which  had 
been  disclosed  among  trusts  and  combinations. 

“The  resolutions  of  the  conference,  adopted 
by  a unanimous  vote,  reveal  these  tendencies. 
They  are  a call  for  further  examination  and 
more  light,  but  a call  for  such  examination 
along  certain  pretty  well-defined  lines.  They 
should  receive  the  attention  of  Congress  as  an 
expression  of  the  popular  will  on  this  pressing 
question.” 

The  Conference  held  nine  sessions,  extending 
over  four  days,  focusing  the  thought  of  the 
best  minds  of  the  country,  and  the  counsels  of 
the  largest  practical  experience,  on  all  points  in 
the  many-sided  problem  before  it.  On  all  that 
appear  most  important  among  those  points  it 
came  to  a full  and  clear  agreement  in  its  con- 
clusions, as  embodied  in  the  following  resolu- 
tions, which  were  adopted  by  unanimous  vote, 
a committee  being  appointed  to  present  them 
to  Congress  and  to  the  President: 

“ After  twenty  years  of  Federal  legislation  as 
interpreted  by  the  courts,  directed  against  the 
evils  of  trusts  and  combinations,  and  against 
railroad  rebates,  beginning  with  the  interstate 
commerce  act  of  1887  and  the  anti-trust  act 
of  1890,  a general  and  just  conviction  exists 
that  the  experience  gained  in  enforcing  these 
federal  acts  and  others  succeeding  them  demon- 
strates the  necessity  of  legislation  which  shall 
render  more  secure  the  benefits  already  gained 
and  better  meet  the  changed  conditions  which 
have  arisen  during  a long  period  of  active  pro- 
gress, both  in  the  enforcement  of  statute  law  and 
in  the  removal  of  grave  abuses  in  the  manage- 
ment of  railroads  and  corporations.  These 
changes  now  demanded  are : 

“First  — Immediate  legislation  is  required, 
following  the  recommendation  of  President 
Roosevelt  and  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion, permitting  agreements  between  railroad 
corporations  on  reasonable  freight  and  passen- 
ger rates,  subject  in  all  respects  to  the  approval, 
supervision,  and  action  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission. 

“Second  — The  enforcement  of  the  Sherman 
act  and  the  proceedings  under  it  during  the  ad- 
ministrations of  Presidents  Harrison,  Cleveland, 
McKinley,  and  Roosevelt  have  accomplished 
great  national  results  in  awakening  the  moral 
sense  of  the  American  people  and  in  asserting 
the  supremacy  and  majesty  of  the  law,  thus 
effectually  refuting  the  impression  that  great 
wealth  and  large  corporations  were  too  power- 
ful for  the  impartial  execution  of  law.  This 
great  advance  has  rendered  more  secure  all 
property  rights,  resting,  as  they  must,  under  a 
popular  government,  on  universal  respect  for 
and  obedience  to  law.  But  now  that  this  work 
is  accomplished,  it  has  revealed  the  necessity 
for  legislation  which  shall  maintain  all  that  the 
Sherman  act  was  intended  to  secure  and  safe- 
guard interests  it  was  never  expected  to  affect. 


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COMBINATIONS 


“ As  the  next  step  in  executing  the  determi- 
nation of  the  American  people  to  secure  in  all 
industrial  and  commercial  relations  justice  and 
equality  of  opportunity  for  all,  with  full  sym- 
pathy and  loyal  support  for  every  effort  to  en- 
force the  laws  in  the  past,  we  urge  upon  Con- 
gress without  delay  to  pass  legislation  providing 
for  a non-partisan  commission,  in  which  the  in- 
terests of  capital,  of  labor,  and  of  the  general 
public  shall  be  represented.  This  commission, 
like  a similar  commission,  which  proved  most 
successful  in  Germany  in  1870,  shall  consider  the 
entire  subject  of  business  and  industrial  combina- 
tions and  report  such  proposals,  as  to  the  forma- 
tion, capitalization,  management  and  regulation 
of  corporations  (so  far  as  the  same  may  be  sub- 
ject to  federal  jurisdiction)  as  shall  preserve 
individual  initiative  competition,  and  the  free 
exercise  of  a free  contract  in  all  business  and 
industrial  relations.  Any  proposed  legislation 
should  also  include  modification  of  the  prohi- 
bition now  existing  upon  combinations  on  the 
following  subjects: 

“1.  National  and  local  organizations  of  labor 
and  their  trade  agreements  with  employers  re- 
lating to  wages,  hours  of  labor,  and  conditions 
of  employment. 

“2.  Associations  made  up  of  farmers,  intended 
to  secure  a stable  and  equitable  market  for  the 
products  of  the  soil  free  from  fluctuations  due 
to  speculation. 

“3.  Business  and  industrial  agreements  of 
combinations  whose  objects  are  in  the  public 
interest  as  distinguished  from  objects  deter- 
mined to  be  contrary  to  the  public  interest. 

“ 4.  Such  commission  should  make  a thorough 
inquiry  into  the  advisability  of  inaugurating  a 
system  of  federal  license  or  incorporation  as  a 
condition  for  the  entrance  of  certain  classes  of 
corporations  upon  interstate  commerce  and  also 
into  the  relation  to  the  public  interest  of  the 
purchase  by  one  corporation  of  the  franchises 
-or  corporate  stock  of  another. 

“ On  no  one  of  these  subjects  must  what  has 
been  gained  be  sacrificed  until  something  better 
appears  for  enactment.  On  each,  this  conference 
recognizes  differences  between  good  men.  On 
all,  it  asks  a national  non-partisan  commission 
to  be  appointed  next  winter  to  consider  the 
question  and  report  at  the  second  session  of  the 
approaching  Congress  for  such  action  as  the 
national  legislature,  in  the  light  of  this  full  in- 
vestigation, may  enact. 

“Third  — The  examination,  inspection  and 
supervision  of  great  producing  and  manufac- 
turing corporations,  already  begun  by  the  De- 
partment of  Commerce  and  Labor  and  accepted 
by  these  corporations,  should  be  enlarged  by 
legislation  requiring,  through  the  appropriate 
bureaus  of  the  Department  of  Commerce  and 
Labor,  complete  publicity  in  the  capitalization, 
accounts,  operations,  transportation  charges 
paid,  and  selling  prices  of  all  such  producing 
and  manufacturing  corporations  whose  opera- 
tions are  large  enough  to  have  a monopolistic 
influence.  This  should  be  determined  and  de- 
cided by  some  rule  and  classification  to  be  de- 
vised by  the  commission  already  proposed. 

“Fourth  — The  conflicts  between  State  and 
Federal  authorities  raised  in  many  States  over 
Tailroad  rates  being  now  under  adjudication  and 
under  way  to  a final  and  ultimate  decision  by  the 
.Federal  Supreme  Court,  this  conference  deems 


the  expression  of  an  opinion  on  these  issues  un- 
fitting, and  confidently  leaves  this  great  issue  to 
a tribunal  which  for  118  years  has  successfully 
preserved  the  balance  between  an  indissoluble 
union  and  indestructible  State,  defining  the  su- 
preme and  national  powers  of  the  one  and  pro- 
tecting the  sovereign  and  individual  powers  of 
the  other.”  — Proceedings  of  the  National  Con- 
ference on  Trusts  and  Combinations , Chicago, 
October  22-25,  1907  ( New  York:  National  Civic 
Federation,  1908). 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Thievery  of  the  Sugar 
Trust. — In  the  fall  of  1907  disclosures  were 
made  to  the  Government  which  led  to  an  investi- 
gation of  the  methods  whereby  imports  of  raw 
sugar  for  the  American  Sugar  Refining  Com- 
pany, known  commonly  as  the  Sugar  Trust, 
were  weighed  for  the  payment  of  Customs  du- 
ties, at  the  Company’s  docks  in  Williamsburgh 
and  Jersey  City.  The  result  of  the  investigation 
was  to  prove  that  this  enormously  wealthy  cor- 
poration, not  satisfied  with  extortions  of  profit 
from  the  public  by  its  monopoly  of  the  vast 
sugar  trade  of  the  country,  had  stooped  to  prac- 
tices of  systematic  theft  from  the  Government, 
by  devices  that  would  almost  shame  the  profes- 
sional players  of  a thimble  rigging  game.  Sev- 
eral ingenious  inventions  of  trickery  with  the 
weighing  scales  had  been  employed  at  the  sugar 
docks  prior  to  1904,  but  the  crowning  one  appears 
to  have  been  brought  to  use  in  thatyear.  “This,” 
said  the  New  York  Evening  Post  of  April  29, 
1909,  in  a full  rehearsal  of  the  story  of  the  Sugar 
Trust  larcenies,  “consisted  of  a thin  steel  corset 
spring,  which  was  inserted  through  a hole  drilled 
in  the  uprights  or  stanchions  supporting  the 
scales.  If  inserted  at  a time  when  there  was  a 
load  on  the  platform,  its  pressure  against  the 
walking  beam  of  the  scale  resulted  in  creating  a 
false  balance,  and  in  making  the  load  appear 
considerably  lighter  than  it  really  was.  This 
little  device  proved  to  be  so  satisfactory  for  the 
purposes  for  which  it  was  designed  that  it  was 
fitted  to  all  the  seventeen  government  scales  at 
the  Havemeyer  & Elder  refinery.  Holes  were 
drilled  in  the  stanchions  of  each  of  the  scales  — 
lienee  the  ‘ case  of  the  seventeen  holes  ’ to  which 
Mr.  Stimson  called  attention.  So  successful  was 
the  operation  of  this  mechanism  that  it  was  used 
constantly  down  to  the  very  day,  November  20, 
1907,  when  a United  States  Treasury  agent  found 
it  in  use. 

“ The  method  of  use  was  simple.  The  scales 
were  placed  with  the  stanchions  in  a dark  corner, 
next  to  the  wall,  and  close  beside  this  stanchion 
sat  the  company’s  checker,  whose  ostensible  duty 
it  was  to  record  in  a little  book  the  weight  of 
each  load  as  it  was  read  off  to  him  by  the  govern- 
ment weigher  standing  at  the  other  end  of  the 
scale.  The  checker’s  really  important  duty 
seems  to  have  been,  however,  to  manipulate  the 
steel  spring  through  the  hole  in  the  stanchion, 
so  that  on  each  truck  load,  the  company  which 
employed  him  was  saved  the  payment  of  duty 
on  some  fourteen  pounds  of  sugar. 

“Evidence  was  adduced  at  the  subsequent 
trial  to  show  that  the  company  considered  this 
special  service  on  the  part  of  its  checkers  worthy 
of  additional  compensation.  For  although  there 
were  seventeen  scales,  all  of  which  could  be 
used  for  this  purpose,  practically  all  the  weigh- 
ing was  done  on  six,  and  the  six  reliable  check- 
ers who,  year  in  and  year  out,  operated  the  little 


129 


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COMBINATIONS 


steel  springs,  all  received  extra  pay  in  their 
weekly  pay  envelopes  for  this  service.” 

Consequent  on  the  discovery  of  these  facts, 
“several  indictments  were  found  against  the 
Sugar  Trust’s  employees,  and  with  that  discovery 
as  a basis  the  government  began  to  work  up  its 
case.  . . . When  the  government  came  to  work 
up  its  case  and  to  fix  approximately  the  amount 
out  of  which  it  had  been  defrauded,  it  was 
found  possible  to  present  a piece  of  evidence 
which  so  thoroughly  clinched  the  case  that  de 
fence,  when  it  came  to  be  made,  was  so  weak 
as  to  be  negligible.  This  evidence  consisted  of 
a tabulation  comparing  the  weights  of  sugar  on 
which  duty  was  paid  and  the  weights  for  which 
the  company  paid  the  planters  between  the  time 
the  first  cargo  of  sugar  of  December,  1901, 
arrived  at  the  refinery  and  the  discovery  of  the 
fraud  in  November,  1907. 

‘ ‘ It  took  a score  or  more  of  accountants  work- 
ing steadily  for  six  months  to  complete  the  tab- 
ulation, but  when  it  was  finished  the  astonishing 
corroborative  story  it  told  made  it  well  worth 
all  the  time  and  trouble  expended.  Never  was 
there  a better  example  of  the  deadly  parallel. 
For  every  entry  the  weights  on  which  duties 
were  levied  was  set  alongside  of  the  weights  for 
which  the  company  paid  the  planters.” 

The  first  result  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Gov- 
ernment against  the  thievish  Trust  was  a pecu- 
niary settlement  with  it,  concerning  which  the 
following  official  statement  was  given  out  at 
Washington,  by  Attorney-General  Wickersliam, 
on  the  29th  of  April,  1909: 

“The  Attorney-General,  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  has  just  ap- 
proved a settlement  between  the  American  Sugar 
Refining  Company  and  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment of  all  the  claims  which  the  latter  has 
against  it  arising  out  of  the  fraudulent  weighing 
on  the  docks  of  its  refineries  at  Brooklyn  and 
Jersey  City.  In  making  this  settlement  the 
sugar  company  pays  in  full  the  recent  judgment 
for  the  penalty  in  the  amount  of  §134,411.03, 
which  was  awarded  against  it  by  the  jury  in  the 
case  tried  in  the  federal  court  last  March,  with 
interest,  and  agrees  to  take  no  appeal  from  the 
judgment. 

“ In  addition  to  this,  it  pays  into  the  United 
States  treasury  §2,000,000  more,  representing  the 
duties  which  have  been  unpaid  during  the  last 
twelve  years,  owing  to  the  fraudulent  practices  , 
$1,239,088.97  of  this  amount  has  already  been 
paid  in  under  protest  to  Collector  Loeb  on  his 
reliquidation,  as  a result  of  the  trial  above  men- 
tioned, of  the  duties  upon  the  cargoes  entered  at 
the  Havemeyer  & Elder  refineries  between  the 
years  1901  and  1907,  when  the  frauds  were  dis- 
covered. 

“ The  sugar  company  abandons  its  protests  on 
these  payments  and  gives  up  its  right  to  appeal 
from  Mr.  Loeb’s  reliquidation  and  in  addition  to 
this  pays  into  the  United  States  treasury  the 
above  judgment  and  over  $760,000  more  to  cover 
the  duties  unpaid  at  the  Havemeyer  & Elder 
docks  prior  to  1901  and  at  the  Jersey  City  re- 
finery between  1896  and  1906. 

“This  settlement  with  the  sugar  company  in 
nowise  affects  the  criminal  prosecution  of  the 
individuals  who  are  responsible  for  the  perpetra- 
tion of  these  frauds,  and  such  prosecutions  will 
be  pressed  to  a finish  by  the  government.” 

[Soon  after  this  settlement  with  the  Govern- 


ment by  the  Sugar  Trust  for  shortage  in  pay- 
ment of  duties,  the  firm  of  Arbuckle  Brothers- 
made  a similar  settlement,  paying  $695,573.19.] 

A few  days  after  the  above  announcement  of 
a pecuniary  settlement  with  the  American  Sugar 
Refining  Company,  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  Cir- 
cuit Court  in  the  New  York  District  presented 
indictments  against  Oliver  Spitzer,  who  was 
superintendent  on  the  company’s  docks,  Thomas 
Kehoe,  Eugene  M.  Voelker,  Edward  A.  Boyle, 
J.  R.  Coyle,  J.  M.  Halligan,  Jr.,  and  Patrick  J. 
Hennessy. 

In  November,  further  indictments  were  found 
against  these  employees  of  the  company,  and 
James  F.  Bendernagel,  general  superintendent 
of  the  Williamsburgli  refinery  for  many  years 
past,  was  arrested  on  an  indictment  found  by  the 
same  grand  jury.  The  trial  of  the  accused,  in 
the  United  States  District  Court,  was  opened  on 
the  30tli  of  November. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1910,  Charles  R. 
Heike,  secretary  and  treasurer  of  the  American 
Sugar  Refining  Company,  was  arraigned  before 
Judge  Hough  in  the  criminal  branch  of  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court,  charged  with  mak- 
ing false  entries  and  conspiring  to  defraud  the 
government. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Suit  of  the  Government 
against  the  Tobacco  Trust.  — Decree  of  Cir- 
cuit Court  restraining  the  combined  compa- 
nies from  interstate  and  foreign  trade. — On 

the  10th  of  July,  1907,  the  Government  began  suit 
at  New  York  against  the  so-called  Tobacco  Trust. 
The  defendants  in  the  case  included  65  corpora- 
tions and  27  individuals,  the  principals,  however, 
being  six  companies,  namely,  the  American  To- 
bacco Company,  the  Britisli-American  Tobacco- 
Company,  the  Imperial  Tobacco  Company,  the 
American  Snuff  Company,  the  American  Cigar 
Company,  and  the  United  American  Cigarette 
Company.  Of  these  the  parent  organization, 
dominating  all  the  others,  is  the  American  To- 
bacco Company,  which  began  the  finally  gigantic 
combination  in  a small  way  in  1890.  The  ob- 
ject sought  in  the  Government’s  suit  was  an  in- 
junction to  restrain  the  combination  as  such  from 
engaging  in  interstate  and  foreign  trade,  or  for 
the  appointment  of  receivers  to  take  the  man- 
agement of  the  business  concerned. 

The  ease  was  argued  before  the  Second  Cir- 
cuit Court  of  the  United  States  in  May,  1908, 
and  the  decision  of  the  Court  was  aunounced  on 
the  7th  of  November  following,  Judges  Lacombe, 
Noyes,  and  Coxe  agreeing  and  Judge  Ward  dis- 
senting. The  Court  found  that  an  injunction 
should  issue  against  some,  but  not  all,  of  the 
principal  defendants,  to  prevent  the  continuance 
of  their  violation  of  the  Sherman  Anti -Trust 
Law.  It  acquitted  the  Trust,  however,  of  the 
charge  of  dishonest  and  oppressive  practices, 
and  it  denied  the  application  for  receiverships. 
The  final  decree  of  the  Court  was  filed  on  the 
15th  of  December,  1908. 

Appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  were  taken,  both  by  the  Government  and 
by  the  defendants,  and  the  case  was  pending  in 
that  Court  at  the  close  of  the  year  1909.  Mean 
time  the  decree  has  been  in  suspense. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Suit  to  dissolve  the  al- 
leged Anthracite  Coal  Combination.  — The 
following  statements  were  made  in  an  Associated 
Press  despatch  from  Philadelphia,  March  8,  1909 : 

‘ ‘ Testimony  of  the  Government  in  its  suit  against 


130 


A 


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COMBINATIONS 


the  anthracite  coal-carrying  railroads  and  sev- 
eral coal  companies,  to  dissolve  a so-called  Trust 
agreement,  alleged  to  be  existing  among  them, 
has  been  filed  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 

“ Suit  was  begun  here  on  June  12,  1907,  and 
in  the  course  of  three  months  all  the  defendants 
made  answer,  denying  the  allegations  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. Subsequently,  the  court  appointed  an 
examiner  to  take  testimony,  and  a great  part  of 
last  year  was  taken  up  in  hearing  witnesses,  ses- 
sions being  held  mainly  in  Philadelphia  and  New 
York. 

“ The  Government  closed  its  case  in  New  Yoyk 
several  weeks  ago,  having  taken  more  than  its 
allotted  time,  and  the  next  move  will  be  for  the 
Government  to  file  a motion  apportioning  a cer- 
tain amount  of  time  for  the  defendant  com- 
panies to  present  their  witnesses  for  examina- 
tion. Much  of  the  testimony  thus  far  has  been 
documentary,  and  it  is  believed  this  will  be  the 
case  with  the  defendants.  After  all  the  testi- 
mony is  filed  with  the  court  for  review,  argu- 
ments will  be  had  on  the  case. 

“ It  is  impossible  at  this  time  to  indicate  when 
the  case  will  be  ended,  but  it  seems  probable 
that  a year  or  more  will  have  elapsed  before  it 
is  legally  decided  whether  a hard  coal  monopoly, 
as  alleged,  exists  in  Pennsylvania.” 

See,  also,  proceedings  under  the  ‘‘Commodi- 
ties Clause  ” of  the  Hepburn  Act,  and  decision  of 
U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  in  this  vol.,  under  Rail- 
ways: United  States  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Declarations  in  Party  Plat- 
forms on  Trusts.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1908  (April-Nov.). 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Amending  the  Sherman 
Anti-Trust  Law.  — Action  of  the  National 
Civic  Federation. — The  resolutions  adopted 
at  the  great  National  Conference  of  1907  on  the 
Trust  Question,  as  recited  above,  were  duly  pre- 
sented to  Congress  at  its  next  session,  and  to  the 
President,  with  results  which  were  stated  at  the 
annual  meeting  of  the  National  Civic  Federation 
in  December,  1908,  by  its  President,  the  Hon. 
Seth  Low,  as  follows  : “ When  these  resolutions 
were  presented  to  the  two  Houses,  the  Confer- 
ence Committee  was  asked  to  submit  a definite 
Bill  in  legislative  form  to  carry  out  its  proposals. 
The  Conference  itself  had  given  no  such  author- 
ity to  any  Committee  ; but,  in  view  of  the  situa- 
tion as  it  had  developed,  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee of  the  Federation  took  the  matter  up.  The 
result  of  its  action  was  the  preparation  of  a Bill, 
which  was  submitted  in  due  time  to  Congress, 
and  which  became  the  subject  of  numerous  hear- 
ings before  the  Judiciary  Committees  both  of  the 
House  and  of  the  Senate,  but  especially  of  the 
House.  The  Bill  of  last  spring  was  based  upon 
the  belief  that  at  that  time,  and  before  the  ap- 
proaching Presidential  election,  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  change  the  substantive  law  as  embod- 
ied in  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act.  This  being 
taken  for  granted,  it  became  impossible  to  do 
more  than  propose  a method  by  which,  without 
changing  the  law,  certain  restraints  of  trade,  if 
not  disapproved  in  advance  by  some  government 
authority,  might  be  assured  freedom  from  prose- 
cution. The  hearings  before  the  Congressional 
Committees  made  it  evident  that  no  relief  from 
the  embarrassments  caused  by  the  Sherman  Anti- 
Trust  Law  can  be  looked  for  along  this  line  of 
procedure.  Perhaps  it  ought  also  to  be  said  that 


none  ought  to  be  looked  for,  because  the  situation 
really  calls  for  a change  in  the  substantive  pro- 
visions of  the  law.  Let  no  one  imagine,  how- 
ever, that  it  is  an  easy  thing  to  say  what  such 
changes  in  the  law  ought  to  be.  Your  Commit- 
tee last  spring  began  its  work  in  the  hope  that 
it  would  be  able  to  submit  a law  which  would 
command  very  large  support,  not  only  from  em- 
ployers but  also  from  organized  labor.  After 
working  upon  the  subject  for  many  weeks,  the 
Bill  which  it  actually  presented  commanded  no 
large  measure  of  support  from  either.  The  mer- 
cantile classes  favor  amendments  to  the  law 
which,  instead  of  forbidding  all  restraints  of 
trade,  will  forbid  only  unreasonable  restraints 
of  trade ; and  which  will  provide  amnesty  for 
the  past,  (1)  on  the  theoretical  ground  that  what 
has  been  done  has  often  been  done  without  any 
realization  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  law  ; and 
(2)  on  the  practical  ground  that  to  attempt  to  rip 
up  what  has  already  been  done  will  destroy  the 
industry  of  the  country.  The  representatives 
of  organized  labor,  on  the  other  hand,  ask  to  be 
omitted  altogether  from  the  provisions  of  the 
Sherman  Act.  It  is  evident  to  your  Committee 
that  the  changes  desired  by  the  mercantile  classes 
are  going  to  meet  with  very  serious  objection, 
unless  they  are  combined  with  some  positive  leg- 
islation which  will  provide  some  effective  method 
of  assuring  to  the  country,  in  the  future,  the 
power  to  protect  itself  in  advance  from  new  com- 
binations in  the  industrial  sphere,  such  as  have 
been  made  in  the  past,  and  which  originally  cre- 
ated the  sentiment  which  placed  the  Sherman 
Anti-Trust  Law  upon  the  statute  books. 

“ In  other  words,  precisely  as  a city  may  desire 
to  limit  the  height  of  buildings,  for  the  future, 
without  taking  dowu  those  that  are  already 
erected,  so  many  persons  believe  that  the  right 
to  make  commercial  combinations,  in  the  future, 
should  be  under  some  sort  of  governmental  con- 
trol, even  though  those  already  formed  be  left 
unmolested ; and  such  persons,  also,  believe  that 
there  is  the  same  inherent  right  in  the  body 
politic  to  do  the  one  as  the  other.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  demand  of  organized  labor  to  be  ex- 
empted altogether  from  the  operations  of  this 
Act  has  been  objected  to  in  the  past,  and  is  likely 
to  be  objected  to  in  the  future,  as  class  legisla- 
tion of  a kind  that  has  no  place  on  American  soil, 
because  organized  labor  is  believed  to  be  capable 
of  exercising  restraint  of  trade  no  less  than  com- 
mercial corporations. 

‘‘These  being  the  terms  of  the  problem,  it  is 
apparent,  on  the  face  of  things,  that  the  effort 
to  amend  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law  in  any 
effective  way  is  beset  by  difficulties  at  every 
turn.  . . . The  whole  subject  is  made  infinitely 
difficult  by  the  Constitutional  limitations  upon 
the  power  of  Congress,  which  have  led  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  to  decide,  in  effect, 
that  Congress  can  regulate  inter-State  commerce, 
but  cannot  regulate  the  corporation  that  does  it ; 
because  the  corporation  that  does  inter-State 
commerce  is  a creature  of  the  State  and  not  of 
the  United  States.  The  separate  States,  on  the 
other  hand,  can  regulate  the  corporations  that 
do  inter  State  commerce,  because  they  create 
them ; but  the  States  cannot  regulate  the  inter- 
state commerce  that  is  done,  because  under  the 
United  States  Constitution,  inter-State  com- 
merce is  under  National  control.  It  cannot  be 
too  clearly  apprehended  that  the  effect  of  this 


131 


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COMBINATIONS 


situation  is,  that  neither  sovereignty  — neither 
the  National  sovereignty  nor  the  State  sover- 
eignty— can  regulate  both  the  agent  that  does 
inter  State  commerce  and  the  inter-State  com- 
merce that  is  done.” 

In  the  National  Civic  Federation  Review  of 
March,  1909,  it  was  announced  that  “the  Exec- 
utive Council  of  the  National  Civic  Federation 
has  appointed  a committee  to  draft  proposed 
amendments  to  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  act.  By 
request  of  the  lawyers  upon  the  committee  Seth 
Low  will  serve  as  chairman.  The  other  members 
are  Frederick  P.  Fish,  of  Boston  ; Frederick  N. 
Judson,  of  St.  Louis;  Reuben  D.  Silliman,  of 
New  York,  and  Henry  W.  Taft,  of  New  York. 

“ No  attempt  will  be  made  to  submit  anything 
to  the  present  session  of  Congress.  It  is  pro- 
posed to  draft  a tentative  bill  as  soon  as  a care- 
ful study  of  the  problems  will  permit.  This  will 
then  be  submitted  for  examination  and  sugges- 
tion to  various  representative  bodies  in  all  parts 
of  the  country,  and  with  the  aid  of  thecomments 
thus  received  the  final  draft  of  the  bill  to  be 
submitted  will  be  prepared.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Report  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Corporations  on  the  Tobacco  Combina- 
tion, or  so-called  Trust.  — Parts  of  an  elabo- 
rate report  on  the  organization  of  the  Tobacco 
Combination  were  published  in  February,  1909, 
by  the  Comissioner  of  Corporations,  Herbert 
Knox  Smith.  It  showed  the  combination  to  be 
composed  of  “the  American  Tobacco  Company 
and  its  three  great  subsidiary  combinations,  the 
American  Snuff  Company,  the  American  Cigar 
Company,  and  the  British-American  Company, 
besides  eighty  two  other  subsidiary  concerns 
doing  business  in  the  United  States,  Porto  Rico, 
and  Cuba.  The  combination  represents  a total 
net  capitalization  of  over  8316,000,000.  A very 
small  group  of  ten  stockholders  controls  60  per 
cent,  of  the  outstanding  voting  stock  of  the 
American  Tobacco  Company,  through  which 
company  the  entire  combination  is  controlled.  ” 

A list  of  the  subsidiary  companies  controlled, 
“including  over  twenty  hitherto  secretly  con- 
trolled, so-called  ‘bogus  independent  con- 
cerns,' ” is  given  in  the  report.  It  is  shown  also 
that  the  combination  is  practically  the  only  im- 
portant exporter  of  tobacco  manufactures  from 
this  country.  In  1891  the  combination  con- 
trolled 89  per  cent,  of  the  business  of  cigarette 
manufactures,  and  this  proportion  practically  is 
maintained.  In  cigars  its  output  increased  from 
4 per  cent,  of  the  business  in  1897  to  14  7 10  per 
cent,  in  1906;  while  in  manufactured  tobacco 
(chewing,  smoking,  fine-cut,  and  snuff)  “the 
combination’s  output  increased  from  7 per  cent, 
of  the  total  in  1891  to  77  per  cent,  in  1906.  Fi- 
nally, in  1906,  the  combination  controlled  of 
these  separate  products,  respectively,  plug,  82 
per  cent.  ; smoking,  71  per  cent. ; fine-cut,  81 
per  cent.,  and  snuff,  96  per  cent.”  In  the  year 
1906  the  combination  used  in  the  manufacture 
of  its  various  products  nearly  300,000,000  pounds 
of  leaf  tobacco.  The  report  adds: 

“An  idea  of  the  absorption  of  competing 
plants  and  of  the  changes  through  combination 
within  the  last  decade  may  be  had  from  the  fact 
that  in  1897  the  combination  had  ten  plants, 
each  producing  over  50,000  pounds  of  manu- 
factured tobacco  or  snuff  per  year,  while  there 
were  243  independent  plants  of  the  same  class. 
In  1906,  on  the  other  hand,  the  combination  had 


45  plants  of  this  class,  and  independent  manu- 
facturers 140.  Especially  conspicuous  has  been 
the  absorption  of  the  large  plants.  In  1897  the 
combination  had  eight  plants,  each  producing 
over  1,000,000  pounds  of  these  products  per 
year,  while  its  competitors  had  forty-six  such 
plants.  In  1906  the  combination  had  thirty-four 
plants  of  this  size,  and  independent  concerns 
only  seventeen.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Merger  of  Telephone  and 
Telegraph  Corporations.  — Announcement  of 
one  of  the  most  important  financial  mergers  of 
recent  years  was  made  Nov.  16,  1909,  when  the 
American  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company 
disclosed  its  acquirement  of  control  of  the  West- 
ern Union  Telegraph  Company.  “The  American 
Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company  has  obtained 
the  control  of  a substantial  minority  interest  in 
the  shares  of  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Com- 
pany,” was  the  wording  of  the  official  statement, 
but  it  became  known  that  sufficient  voting  rights 
of  other  stock  had  been  obtained  to  give  the  tele- 
phone interests  control  of  the  telegraph  company. 

According  to  a statement  issued  on  May  1, 
1909,  the  total  capital  and  outstanding  interest- 
bearing  obligations  of  the  American  Telephone 
and  Telegraph  Company  and  allied  systems  was 
$592,475,400  This  amount  included  capital  stock 
aggregating  $361,636,800,  subdivided  as  follows  : 
American  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company, 
$208,393,500;  associated  operating  companies  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  about  thirty-five 
in  number,  $142,674,400;  associated  holding  and 
manufacturing  companies,  $10,668,900.  "The 
Western  Union  has  a capitalization  of  $125,000,- 
000  in  stock  and  $40,000,000  in  bonds. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Threatened  combination  to 
control  the  Water  Power  of  the  country. — 
Speaking  at  the  National  Irrigation  Congress, 
convened  at  Spokane,  Washington,  in  August, 
1909,  the  National  Forester,  Gifford  Pinchot,  de- 
clared that,  notwithstanding  the  contradictions 
issued  by  the  parties  in  interest,  a gigantic  com- 
bination was  forming  to  seize  the  sources  of  the 
country’s  water  power,  and  be  in  a position  later 
to  dominate  all  industry. 

“There  could  be  no  better  illustration,”  he 
said,  “of  the  eager,  rapid,  unwearied  absorption 
by  capital  of  the  rights  which  belong  to  all  the 
people  than  the  Water  Power  Trust,  not  yet 
formed,  but  in  rapid  progress  of  formation.  This 
statement  is  true,  but  not  unchallenged.  We 
are  met  at  every  turn  by  the  indignant  denial  of 
the  water  power  interests.  They  tell  us  that  there 
is  no  community  of  interest  among  them,  and  yet 
they  appear  year  after  year  at  these  Congresses 
by  their  paid  attorneys,  asking  for  your  influence 
to  help  them  remove  the  few  remaining  obstacles 
to  their  perpetual  and  complete  absorption  of 
the  remaining  water  powers.  They  tell  us  it  has 
no  significance  that  the  General  Electric  interests 
are  acquiring  great  groups  of  water  powers  in 
various  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  domi- 
nating the  power  market  in  the  region  of  each 
group.  And  whoever  dominates  power,  domi- 
nates all  industry.  . . . The  time  for  11s  to  agi- 
tate this  question  is  now,  before  the  separate 
circles  of  centralized  control  spread  into  the  uni- 
form, unbroken,  nation-wide  covering  of  a single 
gigantic  Trust.  There  will  be  little  chance  for 
mere  agitation  after  that.  No  man  at  all  famil- 
iar with  the  situation  can  doubt  that  the  time 
for  effective  protest  is  very  short.” 


132 


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COMBINATIONS 


The  same  warning  has  been  given  by  others 
who  are  in  a position  to  speak  with  knowledge, 
and  heed  has  been  given  to  them  by  the  Govern- 
ment. The  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  the  Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger,  made 
public  November  28, 1909,  contained  the  follow- 
ing important  announcement:  “In  anticipation 
of  new  legislation  by  Congress  to  prevent  the 
acquisition  of  power  sites  on  the  public  domain 
by  private  persons  or  corporations  with  the  view 
of  monopolizing  or  adversely  controlling  them 
against  the  public  interest,  there  have  been  tem- 
porarily withdrawn  from  all  forms  of  entry  ap- 
proximately 603,355  acres,  covering  all  locations 
known  to  possess  power  possibilities  on  unappro- 
priated lands  outside  of  national  forests.  With- 
out such  withdrawals  these  sites  would  be  enter- 
able  under  existing  laws,  and  their  patenting 
would  leave  the  general  government  powerless 
to  impose  any  limitations  as  to  their  use. 

“If  theFederal  government  desires  to  exercise 
control  or  supervision  over  water-power  develop- 
ment on  the  public  domain,  it  can  only  do  so  by 
limitations  imposed  upon  the  disposal  of  power 
and  reservoir  sites  upon  the  public  lands,  the 
waters  of  the  streams  being  subject  to  State 
jurisdiction  in  their  appropriation  and  beneficial 
use.  I would,  therefore,  advise  that  the  Congress 
be  asked  to  enact  a measure  that  will  authorize 
the  classification  of  all  lands  capable  of  being 
used  for  water-power  development,  and  to  direct 
their  disposal,  through  this  department.  . . . 

“Unreasonable  or  narrow  restrictions  beyond 
the  necessity  of  public  protection  against  mo- 
nopoly, or  extortion  in  charges,  will,  of  course, 
defeat  development  and  serve  no  useful  purpose. 
The  statute  should,  therefore,  while  giving  full 
protection  against  the  abuses  of  the  privileges 
extended,  so  far  as  consistent,  encourage  invest- 
ment in  these  projects;  and  it  must  always  be 
borne  in  mind  that  excessive  charges  for  the 
franchise  will  fall  upon  the  consumer.  Legis- 
lation of  this  character  proceeds  upon  the  theory 
that  Congress  can  impose  such  contractual  terms 
and  conditions  as  it  sees  fit  in  the  sale  or  use  per- 
mitted of  government  lands  so  long  as  such  lim- 
itations do  not  conflict  with  the  powers  properly 
exercised  by  the  State  wherein  they  may  be  sit- 
uated.” 

A.  D.  1909. — The  Sugar  Trust  settles  a 
conspiracy  charge. — While  the  American  Sugar 
Refining  Company,  in  the  spring  of  1909,  was 
being  forced  to  make  good  to  the  Government  its 
long  cheating  of  the  Custom  House,  it  was  being 
compelled,  at  the  same  time,  to  indemnify  a com- 
petitor in  business,  whom  it  had  ruined  by  means 
which  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law  forbade.  Its 
victim  was  the  Pennsylvania  Sugar  Refining  Com- 
pany, whose  refinery  had  been  established  by  Mr. 
Adolph  Segal,  of  Philadelphia,  in  1903.  Segal 
became  financially  embarrassed,  and  was  lured 
into  taking  a loan  of  $1,250,000,  from  aperson  who 
acted  secretly  in  the  transaction  for  the  Ameri- 
can Sugar  Refining  Company.  The  loan  was  made 
on  terms  which  gave  the  lender  control  of  a ma- 
jority of  the  stock  of  the  Pennsylvania  Sugar  Re- 
fining Company,  and  Mr.  Segal  found,  when  too 
late,  that  the  real  lender  was  the  Sugar  Trust.  It 
used  its  power  to  shutdown  the  plant,  which  was 
said  to  be  the  most  perfect  of  its  kind,  and  the 
Pennsylvania  Company  was  wrecked.  It  brought 
a suit  for  damages  to  the  amount  of  $30,000,000, 
inflicted  upon  it  in  contravention  of  tUe  Anti- 


Trust  Law.  Before  the  trial  ended,  thedefendants 
found  so  much  reason  to  fear  its  outcome  that 
negotiations  were  opened  which  resulted  (June 
8,  1909)  in  a settlement  of  the  claim  outside  of 
court.  The  settlement  was  said  to  involve  a cash 
payment  by  the  American  Company  to  the  Penn- 
sylvania Company  of  $750, 000,  the  cancellation  of 
the  $1,250,000  loan  made  by  the  trust  to  Adolph 
Segal,  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  return  of  the  se- 
curities given  by  Segal  as  collateral  for  the  loan. 

Subsequently  the  Government  procured  indict- 
ments of  certain  of  the  officials  of  the  American 
Sugar  Refining  Company  for  their  participa- 
tion in  the  conspiracy ; but  the  prosecution  was 
blocked  in  October  by  a decision  from  Judge 
Holt,  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  that 
the  acts  charged  were  outlawed  by  the  statute  of 
limitations.  Later,  in  November,  it  was  reported 
that  the  Government  was  preparing  an  appeal 
to  the  Supreme  Court. 

A.  D.  1909. — Dissolution  of  a Paper-mak- 
ing Combination. — By  a decree  of  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court,  Judge  Hough,  at  New 
York,  in  May,  1909,  the  Fiber  and  Manila  As- 
sociation, a combination  of  25  paper  manufac- 
turers, located  in  many  parts  of  the  country, 
East  and  West,  was  adjudged  to  be  an  illegal 
combination  in  restraint  of  trade,  and  perpetually 
enjoined  from  further  operations  in  such  com- 
bination. The  members  were  enjoined  further 
from  fixing  prices  or  the  qualities  that  shall  be 
manufactured  or  to  maintain  any  pool  or  fund 
made  up  of  contributions  from  its  members. 
Counsel  for  the  Association  announced  that  no 
appeal  would  be  made. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Chartering  of  the  United  Dry 
Goods  Companies.  — “Details  of  the  greatest 
dry  goods  combination  ever  attempted  in  this 
country  were  available  to-day  for  the  first  time 
since  the  United  Dry  Goods  Companies  took  out 
a Delaware  charter  last  Friday  [April  21,  1909], 
The  concern  will  control  many  of  the  largest  dry 
goods  stores  in  this  city  and  at  important  com 
mercial  centres  of  the  South  and  West,  acting 
first  as  a holding  company  and  later  possibly  as 
an  operating  concern,  with  headquarters  here. 
John  Claflin  will  be  the  head  of  the  combination. 
The  present  managers  of  the  various  absorbed 
stores  will  be  continued.  J.  P.  Morgan  & Co. 
are  financing  the  deal,  and  public  announcement 
will  be  made  immediately. 

“The  United  Dry  Goods  Companies  will  have 
a capital  of  $51,000,000.  Of  this  only  $20,000,000 
will  be  immediately  issued  in  the  form  of  $10,- 
000,000  7 per  cent,  cumulative  preferred  stock 
and  $10,000,000  common  stock.  The  preferred 
stock  has  preference  as  to  both  assets  and  divi- 
dends. The  new  combination  will  purchase 
$8,650,000  of  the  outstanding  $17,250,000  capital 
stock  of  the  Associated  Merchants’  Company.  . . . 

“John  Claflin  said  this  afternoon  that  the  new 
company  would  not  buy  any  mills,  as  it  was  not 
the  purpose  of  the  combination  to  control  the 
sources  of  production.  All  the  stores — there  are 
more  than  forty,  which  the  United  Companies 
and  its  allies  will  own  in  whole  or  in  part  — will 
be  free  to  purchase  from  whatever  interests  they 
wish,  without  being  restricted  to  any  one  market 
or  to  the  product  of  any  special  mills.  The  gen- 
eral business  will  be  directed  from  the  city,  but 
resident  directors  at  different  centres  will  have 
full  charge  of  the  detail  work.” — New  York 
Evening  Post,  May,  25-6,  1909. 


133 


COMBINATIONS 


COMBINATIONS 


A.  D.  1909.  — The  illegality  of  a Trust  in- 
validates a debt  to  it.  — In  a suit  brought  by 
the  Continental  Wall  Paper  Company  to  recover 
a debt,  payment  of  which  was  resisted  on  the 
ground  that  the  Company  was  an  illegal  com- 
bination in  restraint  of  trade,  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
1909,  affirmed  a judgment  of  the  Circuit  Court 
of  Appeals  which  had  dismissed  the  suit.  The 
case  was  so  decided  by  a bare  majority  of  one. 
The  opinion  of  the  majority,  delivered  by  Justice 
Harlan,  held  that  a judgment  in  favor  of  the 
Company  would  give  effect  to  agreements  con- 
stituting the  illegal  combination.  “Upon  the 
whole  case,”  said  Justice  Harlan,  “and  without 
further  citation  of  authority,  we  adjudge  upon 
the  admitted  facts  that  the  combination  repre- 
sented by  the  plaintiff  in  this  case  was  illegal 
under  the  anti-trust  act  of  1890 ; is  to  be  taken 
as  one  intended,  and  which  would  have  the  ef- 
fect, directly  to  restrain  and  monopolize  trade 
among  the  several  states  and  with  foreign  states  ; 
and  that  the  plaintiff  cannot  have  a judgment 
for  the  amount  of  the  account  sued  on  because 
such  a judgment  would,  in  effect,  be  in  aid  of 
the  execution  of  agreements  constituting  that 
illegal  combination.  We  consequently  hold  that 
the  circuit  court  of  appeals  properly  sustained 
the  third  defense  in  the  case  and  rightly  dis- 
missed the  suit.” 

In  the  dissenting  opinion  by  Justice  Holmes 
and  others  it  was  set  forth  that  “whenever  a 
party  knows  that  he  is  buying  from  an  illegal 
trust,  and  still  more  when  he  buys  at  a price 
that  he  thinks  unreasonable,  but  is  compelled 
to  pay  in  order  to  get  the  goods  he  needs,  he 
knows  that  he  is  doing  an  act  in  furtherance  of 
the  unlawful  purpose  of  the  trust,  which  always 
is  to  get  the  most  it  can  for  its  wares.  But 
that  knowledge  makes  no  difference,  because 
the  policy  of  not  furthering  the  purposes  of  the 
trust  is  less  important  than  the  policy  of  pre- 
venting people  from  getting  other  people’s  pro- 
perty for  nothing  when  they  purport  to  be  buy- 
ing it.” 

A.  D.  1909-1910. — Morgan  & Co.  Banking 
Combination.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and 
Trade  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Special  Message  of  President 
Taft  on  Legislation  touching  “ Trusts.”  — An 

important  special  Message,  recommendatory  of 
legislation  on  the  two  subjects  of  interstate  com- 
merce and  the  combinations  called  “Trusts,”  was 
addressed  to  Congress  by  President  Taft  on  the 
7th  of  January,  1910.  It  had  been  expected  that 
the  Executive  would  advise  amendments  to  the 
Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law,  so-called,  but  he  did 
not.  On  the  contrary  he  favored  the  policy  of 
leaving  that  law  untouched,  on  the  ground  that 
its  defects  have  been  cured  already  to  a great  ex- 
tent by  judicial  decisions,  and  that  it  is  safer  and 
better  for  the  business  interests  of  the  country  to 
trust  the  law  to  the  gradual  molding  which  the 
courts  are  giving  it,  than  to  undertake  amend- 
ments which  would  start  anew  series  of  judicial 
interpretations.  But  the  President’s  conclusions 
on  this  point  were  supplemented  by  the  advocacy 
of  an  enactment  to  provide  for  the  federal  char- 
tering of  corporations  engaged  in  interstate  com- 
merce, as  a means  of  substituting  continuous  reg- 
ulation of  such  organizations  for  the  spasmodic 
and  disturbing  investigations  which  the  Gov- 
ernment is  now  compelled  frequently  to  institute. 


In  part,  the  President’s  discussion  of  these 
questions  is  as  follows:  — “The  statute  has  been 
on  the  statute  book  now  for  two  decades,  and  the 
Supreme  Court  in  more  than  a dozen  opinions  has 
construed  it  in  application  to  various  phases  of 
business  combinations  and  in  reference  to  various 
subjects-matter.  It  has  applied  it  to  the  union 
under  one  control  of  two  competing  interstate 
railroads,  to  joint  traffic  arrangements  between 
several  interstate  railroads,  to  private  manufac- 
turers engaged  in  a plain  attempt  to  control 
prices  and  suppress  competition  in  a part  of  the 
country,  including  a dozen  States,  and  to  many 
other  combinations  affecting  interstate  trade.  The 
value  of  a statute  which  is  rendered  more  and 
more  certain  in  its  meaning  by  a series  of  deci- 
sions of  the  Supreme  Court  furnishes  a strong 
reason  for  leaving  the  act  as  it  is,  to  accomplish 
its  useful  purpose,  even  though  if  it  were  being 
newly  enacted  useful  suggestions  as  to  change  of 
phrase  might  be  made. 

“It  is  the  duty  and  the  purpose  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive to  direct  an  investigation  by  the  De- 
partment of  Justice,  through  the  grand  jury 
or  otherwise,  into  the  history,  organization,  and 
purposes  of  all  the  industrial  companies  with 
respect  to  which  there  is  any  reasonable  ground 
for  suspicion  that  they  have  been  organized  for 
a purpose,  and  are  conducting  business  on  a 
plan  which  is  in  violation  of  the  Anti-Trust  law. 
The  work  is  a heavy  one,  but  is  not  beyond  the 
power  of  the  Department  of  Justice,  if  sufficient 
funds  are  furnished,  to  carry  on  the  investiga- 
tions and  to  pay  the  counsel  engaged  in  the 
work.  But  such  an  investigation  and  possi- 
ble prosecution  of  corporations  whose  prosperity 
or  destruction  affects  the  comfort  not  only  of 
stockholders,  but  of  millions  of  wage-earners, 
employees,  and  associated  tradesmen,  must  ne- 
cessarily tend  to  disturb  the  confidence  of  the 
business  community,  to  dry  up  the  now  flowing 
sources  of  capital  from  its  places  of  hoarding, 
and  produce  a halt  in  our  present  prosperity 
that  will  cause  suffering  and  strained  circum- 
stances among  the  innocent  many  for  the  faults 
of  the  guilty  few  The  question  which  I wish 
in  this  message  to  bring  clearly  to  the  consider- 
ation and  discussion  of  Congress  is  whether  in 
order  to  avoid  such  a possible  business  danger 
something  cannot  be  done  by  which  these  busi- 
ness combinations  may  be  offered  a means,  with- 
out great  financial  disturbance,  of  changing  the 
character,  organization,  and  extent  of  their  busi- 
ness into  one  within  the  lines  of  the  law  under 
Federal  control  and  supervision,  securing  com- 
pliance with  the  anti-trust  statute. 

“Generally,  in  the  industrial  combinations 
called  ‘Trusts,’  the  principal  business  is  the 
sale  of  goods  in  many  States  and  in  foreign 
markets;  in  other  words,  the  interstate  and  for- 
eign business  far  exceeds  the  business  done  in 
any  one  State.  This  fact  will  justify  the  Federal 
government  in  granting  a Federal  charter  to 
such  a combination  to  make  and  sell  in  inter- 
state and  foreign  commerce  the  products  of  use- 
ful manufacture  under  such  limitations  as  will 
secure  a compliance  with  the  Anti-Trust  law. 
It  is  possible  so  to  frame  a statute  that  while 
it  offers  protection  to  a Federal  company  against 
harmful,  vexatious,  and  unnecessary  invasion 
by  the  States,  it  shall  subject  it  to  reasonable 
taxation  and  control  by  the  States,  with  respect 
to  its  purely  local  business. 


134 


COMBINATIONS 


CONGESTED  ESTATES 


“Many  people  conducting  great  businesses 
have  cherished  a hope  and  a belief  that  in  some 
way  or  other  a line  may  be  drawn  between 
‘good  Trusts ’ and  ‘bad  Trusts,’ and  that  it  is 
possible,  by  amendment  to  the  Anti-Trust  law, 
to  make  a distinction  under  which  good  combi- 
nations may  be  permitted  to  organize,  suppress 
competition,  control  prices,  and  do  it  all  legally, 
if  only  they  do  not  abuse  the  power  by  taking 
too  great  profit  out  of  the  business.  . . Now, 
the  public,  and  especially  the  business  public, 
ought  to  rid  themselves  of  the  idea  that  such  a 
distinction  is  practicable  or  can  be  introduced 
into  the  statute.  Certainly  under  the  present 
Anti-Trust  law  no  such  distinction  exists.  It 
has  been  proposed,  however,  that  the  word 
‘ reasonable  ’ should  be  made  a part  of  the  stat- 
ute, and  then  that  it  shoidd  be  left  to  the  court 
to  say  what  is  a reasonable  restraint  of  trade, 
what  is  a reasonable  suppression  of  competition, 
what  is  a reasonable  monopoly.  I venture  to 
think  that  this  is  to  put  into  the  hands  of  the 
court  a power  impossible  to  exercise  on  any 
consistent  principle  which  will  insure  the  uni- 
formity of  decision  essential  to  just  judgment. 
It  is  to  thrust  upon  the  courts  a burden  that 
they  have  no  precedents  to  enable  them  to  carry, 
and  to  give  them  a power  approaching  the  arbi- 
trary, the  abuse  of  which  might  involve  our 
whole  judicial  system  in  disaster. 

“In  considering  violations  of  the  Anti-Trust 
law,  we  ought,  of  course,  not  to  forget  that  that 
law  makes  unlawful,  methods  of  carrying  on 
business  which  before  its  passage  were  regarded 
as  evidence  of  business  sagacity  and  success, 
and  that  they  were  denounced  in  this  act,  not 
because  of  their  intrinsic  immorality,  but  be- 
cause of  the  dangerous  results  toward  which 
they  tended,  the  concentration  of  industrial 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  leading  to  oppres- 
sion and  injustice.  In  dealing,  therefore,  with 
many  of  the  men  who  have  used  the  methods 
condemned  by  the  statute  for  the  purpose  of 


COMMERCE  AND  LABOR,  The  United 
States  Department  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1903  (Feb.). 

COMMERCIAL  UNIVERSITIES,  in 
Germany:  Their  recent  rise.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : Germany  : A.  D.  1898-1904. 

» COMMISSION  PLAN,’’  of  City  Govern- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Govern- 
ment. 

COMMITTEE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

COMMITTEE  OF  UNION  AND  PRO- 
GRESS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908 
(July-Dec.),  and  after. 

COMMODITIES  CLAUSE,  of  the  Hep- 
burn Act : Supreme  Court  decision  on.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Railways  : United  States:  A.  D. 
1906-1909. 

COMMUNAL  SYSTEM,  Russian:  Its 
modification.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D. 
1906  and  1909  (April). 

CONCENTRATION  CAMPS.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 


maintaining  a profitable  business,  we  may  well 
facilitate  a change  by  them  in  the  method  of 
doing  business.  . . . 

“ To  the  suggestion  that  this  proposal  of  Fed- 
eral incorporation  for  industrial  combinations  is 
intended  to  furnish  them  a refuge  in  which  to 
continue  industrial  abuses  under  Federal  protec- 
tion, it  should  be  said  that  the  measure  contem- 
plated does  not  repeal  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust 
law,  and  is  not  to  be  framed  so  as  to  permit  the 
doing  of  the  wrongs  which  it  is  the  purpose  of 
that  law  to  prevent,  but  only  to  foster  a contin- 
uance and  advance  of  the  highest  industrial  effi- 
ciency without  permitting  industrial  abuses.  . . . 

“A  Federal  compulsory  license  law,  urged 
as  a substitute  for  a Federal  incorporation  law, 
is  unnecessary  except  to  reach  that  kind  of  cor- 
poration which,  by  virtue  of  the  considerations 
already  advanced,  will  take  advantage  volun- 
tarily of  an  incorporation  law,  while  the  other 
State  corporations  doing  an  interstate  business 
do  not  need  the  supervision  or  the  regulation  of 
a Federal  license  and  would  only  be  unnecessa- 
rily burdeued  thereby. 

“The  attorney -general,  at  my  suggestion,  has 
drafted  a Federal  incorporation  bill  embodying 
the  views  I have  attempted  to  set  forth,  and  it 
will  be  at  the  disposition  of  the  appropriate  com- 
mittees of  Congress.” 

A.  D.  1910.  — Renewed  investigation  of 
the  Beef  Trust.  — A renewed  investigation  of 
the  business  methods  of  the  great  meat-pack- 
ing concerns  at  Chicago,  by  the  grand  jury  of 
tlie  United  States  District  Court,  Judge  Iv.  M. 
Landis,  was  begun  on  the  24tli  of  January,  1910. 
It  is  understood  to  have  special  reference  to  the 
causes  of  the  rising  prices  of  meats.  The  firms 
against  which  the  Government  is  thus  prepar- 
ing to  proceed  are  : Swift  & Co.,  Armour  & Co., 
and  Morris  & Co.,  who,  it  is  alleged,  control  the 
National  Packing  Company,  for  their  common 
benefit. 


CONCILIATION  BOARDS,  Canadian. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization  : Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1907-1908. 

CONCILIATION  COMMITTEE,  ofNa- 
tional  Civic  Federation.  See  (in  this  vol.)  La- 
bor Organization  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1902. 

CONCORDAT  OF  1802,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

CONFEDERATION  G^NERALE  DU 
TRAVAIL.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organi- 
zation : France:  A.  D.  1884^1909. 

CONFERENCE  OF  STATE  GOVERN- 
ORS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources  : United  States. 

CONFERENCES  FOR  EDUCATION 
IN  THE  SOUTH,  Annual.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Educati6n  : United  States:  A.  D.  1898-1909. 

CONGER,  Edwin  H.:  U.  S.  Minister  to 
China.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1903 
(May-Oct.). 

CONGESTED  ESTATES.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D.  1909. 


135 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE. 


How  the  natives  have  been  enslaved  and 
oppressed.  — The  “ Domaine  Prive.” — “ The 

Berlin  Conference  laid  it  down  that  no  import 
dues  should  be  established  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Congo  for  twenty  years.  But  in  1890  King  Leo- 
pold, alleging  the  heavy  expenses  to  which  he 
had  been  put  by  the  campaign  against  the  Arabs 
in  the  Upper  Congo,  applied  for  permission  to 
levy  import  duties.  It  was  the  first  disillusion- 
ment ; and  the  British  Chambers  of  Commerce 
began  to  wonder  whether  their  opposition  to  the 
Anglo-Portuguese  Convention  had  not  been  mis- 
taken. The  King’s  request  was  granted  (the 
Powers  merely  reserving  to  themselves  the  right 
to  revert  to  the  original  arrangement  in  fifteen 
years),  but  not  without  the  bitter  opposition  of 
the  Dutch,  who  had  very  important  commercial 
interests  in  the  Congo,  backed  by  the  British 
Chambers  of  Commerce  and  all  the  traders  in  the 
Congo,  irrespective  of  nationality.  A represent- 
ative gathering  was  held  in  London  on  Novem- 
ber 4th,  1900,  presided  over  by  Sir  Albert  Rollit, 
to  protest  against  the  imposition  of  import  duties 
and  to  denounce  the  hypocrisy  which  attributed 
to  philanthropic  motives  the  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  Congo  State  so  to  impose  upon  them.  . . . 

“They  were  able  to  show  that  . . . King  Leo- 
pold, notwithstanding  his  formal  assurances  to 
the  commercial  world  that  the  Congo  State  would 
never  directly  or  indirectly  itself  trade  within  its 
dominions,  was  buying,  or  rather  stealing,  ivory 
from  the  natives  in  the  Upper  Congo  and  retain- 
ing the  proceeds  of  the  sale  on  the  European 
market.  They  proved  that,  profiting  by  the  si- 
lence of  the  Berlin  Treaty  on  the  subject  of  ex- 
port duties,  the  Congo  State  had  already  imposed 
taxes  amounting  to  17£  per  cent,  on  ivory,  13  per 
cent,  on  rubber  and  5 per  cent,  on  palm  kernels, 
palm-oil  and  ground-nuts,  the  total  taxation 
amounting  to  no  less  than  33  per  cent,  of  the 
value  of  the  whole  of  the  trade.  Finally  they 
had  no  difficulty  in  demonstrating  that,  with  all 
his  professed  wish  to  stamp  out  the  slave-raiding 
carried  on  by  the  half-caste  Arabs  in  the  Upper 
Congo,  His  Majesty  was  himself  tacitly  encour- 
aging the  slave  trade  by  receiving  tribute  from 
conquered  Chiefs  in  the  shape  of  slaves,  who 
were  promptly  enrolled  as  soldiers  in  the  State 
army.  . . . 

“Five  months  after  the  termination  of  the 
Berlin  Conference  King  Leopold  issued  a decree 
(July,  1885)  whereby  the  State  asserted  rights  of 
proprietorship  over  all  vacant  lands  throughout 
the  Congo  territory.  It  was  intended  that  the 
term  vacant  lands  should  apply  in  the  broadest 
sense  to  lands  not  actually  occupied  by  the  na- 
tives at  the  time  the  decree  was  issued.  By  suc- 
cessive decrees,  promulgated  in  1886,  1887  and 
1888,  the  King  reduced  the  rights  of  the  natives 
in  their  land  to  the  narrowest  limits,  with  the 
result  that  the  whole  of  the  odd  1,000,000  square 
miles  assigned  to  the  Congo  State,  except  such 
infinitesimal  proportions  thereof  as  were  covered 
by  native  villages  or  native  farms,  became  ‘terres 
domaniales.'  On  October  17tli,  1889,  the  King 
also  issued  a decree  ordering  merchants  to  limit 
their  commercial  operations  in  rubber  to  barter- 
ing with  the  natives.  This  decree  was  interest- 
ing merely  as  a forewarning  of  what  came  later, 
because  at  that  time  the  rubber  trade  was  very 


small.  In  July,  1890,  the  same  year  as  the  Brus- 
sels Conference,  the  Congo  State  went  a step 
further.  A decree  issued  in  that  month  con- 
firmed all  that  was  advanced  in  November  of  the 
same  year  by  the  speakers  at  the  London  Con- 
ference held  to  protest  against  the  imposition  of 
import  duties  by  the  State.  By  its  terms  King 
Leopold  asserted  that  the  State  was  entitled  to 
trade  on  its  own  account  in  ivory  — the  first  open 
violation  of  his  pledges.  Moreover  the  decree  im- 
posed sundry  extra  taxes  upon  all  ivory  bought 
by  merchants  from  the  natives,  which,  since  the 
State  had  become  itself  a trading  concern,  con- 
stituted an  equally  direct  violation  of  the  Berlin 
Act,  by  establishing  differential  treatment  in 
matters  of  trade.  Such  were  the  plans  King 
Leopold  made,  preparatory  to  obtaining  from  the 
Powers  the  power  to  impose  import  duties. 
Everything  was  ready  for  the  great  coup,  which 
should  also  inaugurate  the  Fifth  Stage  of  His 
Majesty’s  African  policy. 

“The  Brussels  Conference  met.  The  Powers 
with  inconceivable  fatuity  allowed  themselves 
to  be  completely  hoodwinked,  and  within  a year 
the  greatest  injury  perpetrated  upon  the  unfor- 
tunate natives  of  Africa  since  the  Portuguese  in 
the  XVth  century  conceived  the  idea  of  expatri- 
ating them  for  labour  purposes  had  been  com- 
mitted, and  committed  too  by  a Monarch  who  had 
not  ceased  for  fifteen  years  to  pose  as  their  self- 
appointed  regenerator.  On  September  21st,  1891, 
King  Leopold  drafted,  in  secret,  a decree  which 
he  caused  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Commissioners 
of  tlieStatein  the  Uban-ghi- Welle  and  Aruwimi- 
Welle  districts,  and  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  military 
expeditions  operating  in  the  Upper  Ubanghi  dis- 
trict. This  decree  never  having  been  published  in 
the  official  Bulletin  of  the  State,  its  exact  terms 
can  only  be  a matter  of  conjecture,  but  we  know 
that  it  instructed  the  officials  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed ‘ to  take  urgent  and  necessary  measures 
to  preserve  the  fruits  of  the  domain  to  the  State, 
especially  ivory  and  rubber.’  By  ‘fruits  of  the 
domain  ’ King  Leopold  meant  the  products  of  the 
soil  throughout  the  ‘ vacant  lands  ’ which  he  had 
attributed  to  himself,  as  already  explained,  by 
the  decree  of  1885.  The  King’s  instructions 
were  immediately  followed,  and  three  circulars, 
dated  respectively  Bangala,  15th  December, 
1891,  Basankusu,  8th  May,  1892,  and  Yokoma, 
14th  February,  1892,  were  issued  by  the  officials 
in  question.  Circular  No.  1 forbade  the  natives 
to  hunt  elephants  unless  they  brought  the  tusks 
to  the  State’s  officers.  Circular  No.  2 forbade 
the  natives  to  collect  rubber  unless  they  brought 
it  to  the  State’s  officers.  Circular  No.  3 forbade 
the  natives  to  collect  either  ivory  or  rubber 
unless  they  brought  the  articles  to  the  State’s 
officers,  and  added  that  ‘ merchants  purchasing 
such  articles  from  the  natives,  whose  right  to 
collect  them  the  State  only  recognised  provided 
that  they  were  brought  to  it,  would  be  looked 
upon  as  receivers  of  stolen  goods  and  denounced 
to  the  judicial  authorities.’  Thus  did  the  Sov- 
ereign of  the  Congo  State  avail  himself  of  the 
additional  prestige  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Brussels  Conference.  . . . 

“In  theory,  then,  the  decrees  of  September, 
1891,  and  October,  1892,  made  of  the  native 
throughout  the  Domaine  Prive  a serf.  In  theory 


136 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE 


a serf  he  remained,  for  a lit  tle  while  But  as  the 
grip  of  Africa’s  regenerator  tightened  upon  the 
Domaine  Price,  as  the  drilled  and  officered  can- 
nibal army,  armed  with  repeating  rifles,  gradu- 
ally grew  and  grew  until  it  was  larger  than  the 
native  forces  kept  up  by  any  of  the  great  Pow- 
ers of  Europe  on  African  soil,  as  the  radius  of 
the  rubber  taxes  was  extended,  as  portions  of 
the  country  began  to  be  farmed  out  to  so-called 
* Companies  ’ whose  agents  were  also  officials  of 
the  King,  the  native  of  the  Domaine  Price  be- 
came a serf  not  in  theory  only  but  in  fact,  ground 
down,  exploited,  forced  to  collect  rubber  at  the 
bayonet’s  point,  compelled  to  pay  onerous  trib- 
ute to  men  whose  salaries  depend  upon  the 
produce  returns  from  their  respective  stations  — 
the  punishment  for  disobedience,  slothfulness  or 
inability  to  comply  with  demands  ever  grow- 
ing in  extortion,  being  anything  from  mutila- 
tion to  death,  accompanied  by  the  destruction 
of  villages  and  crops.” — E.  D.  Morel,  The  Bel- 
gian Curse  in  Africa  ( Contemporary  Review, 
March,  1902). 

A.  D.  1903-1905.  — The  alleged  oppress- 
iveness, barbarity,  and  rapacity  of  its  ad- 
ministration under  King  Leopold. — Observa- 
tions of  Lord  Cromer  on  the  Nile  border.— 
Reports  of  a British  Consular  Officer,  and 
of  King  Leopold’s  Belgian  Commission. — 
Action  of  the  British  Government. — Serious 
accusations  of  oppression  and  barbarity  in  the 
exploiting  of  the  natural  wealth  of  the  so-called 
Independent  Congo  State,  under  the  administra 
tion  of  its  royal  proprietor,  King  Leopold,  of 
Belgium,  were  beginning  to  be  made  a dozen 
years  ago,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the 
subject  in  Volume  YI.  of  this  work.  The  King 
and  the  companies  which  operated  in  the  region 
under  his  grants  were  reputed  to  be  taking  enor- 
mous profits  from  it.  Of  one  of  those  conces- 
sionaire companies,  sometimes  referred  to  as  the 
A.  B.  I.  R.  Co.  and  sometimes  as  “ the  Abir,” 
it  was  stated  in  1901  that  its  £40,000  of  shares 
could  have  been  sold  for  £2,160,000,  and  that 
half  of  its  profits  went  to  Leopold.  But,  as  was 
said  later  by  a member  of  the  British  Parliament, 
who  wrote  on  the  subject  in  one  of  the  reviews, 
“meanwhile  Europe  was  becoming  aware  of  the 
price  that  was  being  paid  in  Africa  for  these 
profits  in  Belgium.  Travellers,  missionaries  of 
various  nationalities,  administrators  in  the  neigh- 
bouring territories  belonging  to  England  and 
France,  sent  home  graphic  reports  of  the  cruel 
oppression  that  was  being  practised  on  the  help- 
less population.  In  England  especially,  through 
the  efforts  of  Sir  Charles  Dilke,  of  Mr  Fox- 
Bourne,  the  secretary  of  the  Aborigines  Protec- 
tion Society,  of  Mr.  E.  D.  Morel  and  of  other 
disinterested  men,  public  opinion  was  informed 
of  the  truth.  In  May,  1903,  a resolution,  which 
I had  the  honor  of  moving  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, calling  upon  the  Government  to  take  ac- 
tion with  a view  to  the  abatement  of  the  evils 
prevalent  in  the  Congo  Free  State,  was  accepted 
bjr  Mr.  Balfour  and  unanimously  passed.  A 
diplomatic  correspondence  ensued  between  the 
two  governments.  The  British  Consul  in  the 
Lower  Congo,  Mr.  Roger  Casement,  was  sent 
on  a tour  of  inquiry  into  the  interior,  and  his 
lengthy  and  detailed  report  fully  confirmed  — in 
some  respect  extending  — the  indictment  that 
had  been  drawn.  A Congo  Reform  Association 
was  founded,  and  immediately  secured  influen- 


tial support.  ...  At  last  King  Leopold,  pressed 
by  the  despatches  of  the  British  Government  and 
bowing  to  the  storm  of  public  opinion,  yielded 
so  far  as  to  authorise  further  inquiry  into  the 
charges  that  had  been  made.  The  investigation 
by  an  International  Commission,  which  had  been 
proposed,  he  rejected.  He  nominated  three 
Commissioners  of  his  selection,  one  a legal  officer 
in  the  service  of  the  Belgian  Government,  one 
a judge  in  the  service  of  the  Congo  State,  and 
the  third  a Swiss  jurist  of  repute.  In  October, 
1904,  the  Commission  reached  the  Congo.  It 
stayed  for  five  months  and  made  an  extended 
journey  into  the  interior.  After  an  unexplained 
delay  of  eight  months  its  report  was  published 
on  the  6th  of  November  of  this  year  [1905].  . . . 

“ Had  the  report  embodied  an  acquittal  of  the 
Congo  State  it  would  not,  under  the  circum- 
stances, have  been  surprising.  The  Commis- 
sioners, however,  have  to  a great  degree  risen 
superior  to  their  natural  prepossessions.  . . . 
It  is  most  regrettable  . . that  they  present  no- 
minutes of  the  evidence  taken  before  them  — 
a circumstance  which  deprives  the  report  of  ac- 
tuality and  force,  and  prevents  outside  observ- 
ers from  drawing  their  own  conclusions  from 
the  facts  which  had  been  ascertained.  But  the 
inquiry  was  painstaking.  The  case  was  fairly 
tried.  The  judgment  is  an  honest  judgment. 

“Being  honest,  it  is  necessarily  a condemna- 
tion. The  Belgian  defenders  of  the  Congo  Gov- 
ernment, who  were  led  by  a conception  of  patri- 
otic duty  as  profoundly  false  as  that  of  the  anti- 
Dreyfusards  in  France  to  deny  everything  and  to 
meet  the  critics  merely  with  unceasing  torrents 
of  abuse,  now  have  their  answer.  A tribunal, 
not  of  our  choosing,  selected  by  the  defendant 
in  their  cause,  has  shown  that  those  who  de- 
nounced Congo  misrule  were  in  the  right,  that 
the  atrocities  were  not  imaginarj7,  that  a cruel 
oppression  of  the  natives  has  been  proceeding 
unchecked  for  years.” — Herbert  Samuel,  The 
Congo  State  ( Contemporary  Review,  Dec.,  1905). 

Before  this  report  appeared  many  witnesses 
had  testified  for  and  against  the  impeached  Gov- 
ernment and  its  commercial  monopoly  of  the 
Congo  State.  Atrocities  of  slaughter,  mutilation 
and  flogging,  committed  by  the  soldiery,  the 
sentries  and  other  extortioners  of  a labor  tax 
from  the  helpless  natives,  were  asserted  and 
denied.  It  is  best,  perhaps,  to  drop  these  black- 
est counts  from  the  Congo  indictment,  because 
of  the  controversy  over  them ; and  enough  re- 
mains in  the  Report  of  the  King’s  own  Com- 
mission of  Inquiry,  and  in  general  conditions 
which  are  flagrantly  in  evidence,  to  convict  King 
Leopold  and  his  agents  of  soulless  rapacity,  in 
their  treatment  of  the  vast  African  country  that 
was  entrusted  to  him  by  the  Conference  of 
Powers  assembled  at  Berlin  in  1884-5. 

There  is  great  weight  of  meaning,  for  example, 
in  a few  words  that  were  written,  in  January, 
1903,  by  Lord  Cromer,  while  returning  from  a 
long  trip  up  the  Nile,  in  which  his  steamer 
passed  along  about  eighty  miles  of  Congolese 
shore.  Before  reaching  that  border  of  Leopold’s 
domain  he  had  traversed  1100  milesof  the  country 
lately  wrested  by  the  British  from  dervishes  and 
slave  dealers,  where,  he  remarks,  “ it  might  well 
have  been  expected  that  much  time  would  be 
required  to  inspire  confidence  in  the  intentions 
of  the  new  Government.”  But,  “ except  in  the 
uninhabitable  ‘Sudd’  region,”  he  wrote,  “nu- 


137 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE 


merous  villages  are  dotted  along  the  banks  of 
the  river.  The  people,  far  from  flying  at  the 
approach  of  white  men,  as  was  formerly  the 
case,  run  along  the  banks,  making  signs  for  the 
steamer  to  stop.  It  is  clear  that  the  Baris,  Shil 
luks,  and  Dinkas  place  the  utmost  trust  and  con- 
fidence in  the  British  officers  with  whom  they 
are  brought  in  contact.  . . . 

“The  contrast  when  once  Congolese  territory 
is  entered  is  remarkable.  From  the  frontier  to 
Gondokoro  is  about  80  miles.  The  proper  left, 
or  western,  bank  of  the  river  is  Belgian.  The  op- 
posite bank  is  either  under  the  Soudanese  or  the 
Uganda  Government.  There  are  numerous  is- 
lands, and  as  all  these  are  under  British  rule  — for 
the  thalweg  which,  under  Treaty,  is  the  Belgian 
frontier,  skirts  the  western  bank  of  the  river — I 
cannot  say  that  I had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  a 
full  80  miles  of  Belgian  territory.  At  the  same 
time,  I saw  a good  deal,  and  I noticed  that,  whereas 
there  were  numerous  villages  and  huts  on  the 
eastern  bank  and  on  the  islands,  on  the  Belgian 
side  notasigu  of  a village  existed.  Indeed,  1 do 
not  think  that  any  one  of  our  party  saw  a single 
human  being  in  Belgian  territory,  except  the 
Belgian  officers  and  men  and  the  wives  and  chil- 
dren of  the  latter.  Moreover  not  a single  native 
was  to  be  seen  either  at  Kiro  or  Lado.  I asked 
the  Swedish  officer  at  Kiro  whether  he  saw  much 
of  the  natives.  He  replied  in  the  negative,  add- 
ing that  the  nearest  Bari  village  was  situated 
at  some  distance  in  the  interior.  The  Italian 
officer  at  Lado,  in  reply  to  the  same  question, 
stated  that  the  nearest  native  village  was  seven 
hours  distant.  The  reason  of  all  this  is  obvious 
enough.  The  Belgians  are  disliked.  The  people 
fly  from  them,  and  it  is  no  wonder  they  should 
do  so,  for  I am  informed  that  the  soldiers  are 
allowed  full  liberty  to  plunder,  and  that  pay- 
ments are  rarely  made  for  supplies.  The  British 
officers  wander,  practically  alone,  over  most  parts 
of  the  country,  either  on  tours  of  inspection  or 
on  shooting  expeditions.  I understand  that  no 
Belgian  officer  can  move  outside  the  settlements 
without  a strong  guard.” 

This  is  in  line  with  some  parts  of  the  experience 
of  Mr.  Casement,  the  British  Consular  Officer  re- 
ferred to  in  the  article  quoted  above,  who  trav- 
elled for  about  ten  weeks  on  the  Upper  Congo 
in  1903,  and  whose  report  of  what  he  saw  in- 
cludes 6uch  accounts  as  the  following,  of  con- 
ditions around  Lake  Matumba:  “Each  village  I 
visited  around  the  lake,  save  that  of  Q.  and  one 
other,  had  been  abandoned  by  its  inhabitants.  To 
some  of  these  villages  the  people  have  only  just 
returned  ; to  others  they  are  only  now  returning, 
In  one  I found  the  bare  and  burnt  poles  of  what 
had  been  dwellings  left  standing,  and  at  another 
— that  of  R — the  people  had  fled  at  the  approach 
of  my  steamer,  and  despite  the  loud  cries  of  my 
native  guides  on  board,  nothing  could  induce 
them  to  return,  and  it  was  impossible  to  hold  any 
intercourse  with  them.  At  the  three  succeeding 
villages  I visited  beyond  R. , in  traversing  the 
lake  towards  the  south,  the  inhabitants  all  fled 
at  the  approach  of  the  steamer,  and  it  was  only 
when  they  found  whose  the  vessel  was  that  they 
could  be  induced  to  return.” 

An  incident  related  by  Mr.  Casement  is  this: 
“ Steaming  up  a small  tributary  of  the  Lulongo, 
I arrived,  unpreceded  by  any  rumour  of  my 
coming,  at  the  village  of  A.  In  an  open  shed 
I found  two  sentries  of  the  La  Lulanga  Com- 


pany guarding  fifteen  native  women,  five  of 
whom  had  infants  at  the  breast,  and  three  of 
whom  were  about  to  become  mothers.  The 

chief  of  these  sentries,  a man  called  S who 

was  bearing  a double-barelled  shot-gun,  for 
which  he  had  a belt  of  cartridges  — at  once 
volunteered  an  explanation  of  the  reason  for 
these  women’s  detention.  Four  of  them,  he  said, 
were  hostages  who  were  being  held  to  insure 
the  peaceful  settlement  of  a dispute  between 
two  neighbouring  towns,  which  had  already 
cost  the  life  of  a man.  . . . The  remaining 
eleven  women,  whom  he  indicated,  he  said  he 
had  caught  and  was  detaining  as  prisoners  to 
compel  their  husbands  to  bring  in  the  right 
amount  of  india-rubber  required  of  them  on  next 
market  day.  When  I asked  if  it  was  a woman’s 
work  to  collect  india-rubber,  he  said,  ‘ No;  that, 
of  course,  it  was  man’s  work.’  ‘Then  why 
do  you  catch  the  women  and  not  the  men?’  I 
asked.  ‘ Don’t  you  see,’  was  the  answer,  ‘ if 
I caught  and  kept  the  men,  who  would  work 
the  rubber?  But  if  I catch  their  wives,  the 
husbands  are  anxious  to  have  them  home  again, 
and  so  the  rubber  is  brought  in  quickly  and 
quite  up  to  the  mark.’  When  I asked  what 
would  become  of  these  women  if  their  husbands 
failed  to  bring  in  the  right  quantity  of  rubber 
on  the  next  market  day,  he  said  at  once  that 
then  they  would  be  kept  there  until  their  hus- 
bands had  redeemed  them.” — Parliamentary 
Payers,  Africa,  No.  1 (1904),  Cd.  1933. 

But  the  facts  which  condemn  the  Congo  ad- 
ministration most  conclusively  are  found  in  the 
report  of  the  Commission  of  Inquiry  appointed 
by  King  Leopold  himself,  — especially  in  what 
it  represents  of  the  heartless  oppression  of  the 
labor  tax,  or  labor  imposed  on  the  natives,  in  their 
compulsory  carrying  of  goods  or  collection  of 
rubber,  food  and  wood,  for  the  State  and  for  the 
companies  that  operate  under  the  King’s  grants. 
As  to  the  labor  tax  exacted  in  food,  for  example, 
the  Commission  expresses  itself  as  follows  : 

“The  decree  fixes  at  forty  hours  per  month 
the  work  which  each  native  owes  to  the  State. 
This  time,  considered  as  a maximum,  is  certainly 
not  excessive,  especially  if  one  takes  account  of 
the  fact  that  the  work  ought  to  be  remunerated  ; 
but  as  in  the  immense  majority  of  cases  ...  it 
is  not  precisely  the  work  which  is  demanded  of 
the  native,  but  rather  a quantity  of  products 
equivalent  to  forty  hours  of  work,  the  criterion 
of  time  disappears  in  reality  and  is  replaced  by 
an  equivalent  established  by  the  Commissioner 
of  the  district  after  diverse  methods.  . . . 

“ Chikwangue  (kwanga)is  nothing  but  manioc 
bread.  . . . The  preparation  of  this  food  requires 
many  operations  : the  clearing  of  the  forest,  the 
planting  of  manioc,  the  digging  up  of  the  root 
and  its  transformation  into  chikwangue , which 
comprises  the  operations  of  separating  the  fibers 
and  stripping  the  bark,  pulverizing,  washing, 
making  it  into  bundles,  and  cooking  it.  All  these 
operations,  except  clearing  the  land,  fall  to  the 
women.  The  chikwangues  so  prepared  are  car- 
ried by  the  natives  to  the  neighboring  post  and 
served  for  the  food  supply  of  the  personnel  of 
the  State  — soldiers  and  laborers.  ...  As  the 
chikwangue  keeps  only  a few  days,  the  native, 
even  by  redoubling  his  activity,  cannot  succeed 
in  freeing  himself  from  his  obligations  for  nuy 
length  of  time.  The  requirement,  even  if  it  does 
not  take  all  his  time,  oppresses  him  continually 


138 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE 


liy  the  weight  of  its  recurrent  demands,  which 
deprive  the  tax  of  its  true  character  and  trans- 
form it  into  an  incessant  corvie.  . . . Doubtless 
the  adage,  ‘ time  is  money,’  cannot  be  applied 
to  the  natives  of  the  Congo ; it  is  none 
the  less  inadmissible  that  a taxpayer  should  be 
obliged  to  travel  over  ninety- three  miles  to  carry 
to  the  place  of  collection  a tax  which  represents 
about  the  value  of  twenty-nine  cents.  . . . 

“Natives  inhabiting  the  environs  of  Lulonga 
were  forced  to  journey  in  canoes  to  Nouvelle- 
Auvers,  which  represents  a distance  of  forty  to 
fifty  miles,  every  two  weeks,  to  carry  their  fish ; 
and  taxpayers  have  been  seen  to  submit  to  im- 
prisonment for  delays  which  were  perhaps  not 
chargeable  to  them,  if  we  take  into  account  the 
considerable  distances  to  be  covered  periodically 
to  satisfy  the  requirements  of  the  tax.” 

As  applied  to  the  collection  of  rubber,  the  so- 
called  labor  tax  was  found  by  the  commission  to 
consume  so  much  of  the  time  of  the  natives  sub- 
jected to  it  that  it  practically  made  slavesof  them, 
and  nothing  less. 

When  the  abused  native  is  pretendedly  paid 
for  his  labor  or  its  product,  it  is  by  some  trifle 
in  metal  or  flimsy  woven  stuff,  which  costs  the 
State  and  its  tributary  companies  next  to  no- 
thing and  is  next  to  worthless  to  the  recipient. 

And  not  only  does  the  State  exercise  over  the 
unfortunate  subjects  that  were  delivered  to  it 
an  authority  of  Government  which  appears  to 
be  little  else  than  a power  of  extortion,  but  it 
has  taken  all  their  lands  from  them,  substantially, 
and  left  them  next  to  nothing  on  which  to  per- 
form any  labor  for  themselves.  It  has  decreed 
to  itself  the  ownership  of  all  land  not  included 
in  the  native  villages  or  not  under  cultivation. 
Concerning  which  decree  the  Commission  re- 
marks : 

“ As  the  greater  part  of  the  land  in  the  Congo 
has  never  been  under  cultivation,  this  interpre- 
tation gives  to  the  State  a proprietary  right, 
absolute  and  exclusive,  to  almost  all  the  land, 
and  as  a consequence  it  can  grant  to  itself  all 
the  product  of  the  soil  and  prosecute  as  robbers 
those  who  gather  the  smallest  fruit  and  as  ac- 
complices those  who  buy  the  same.  ...  It  thus 
happens  sometimes  that  not  only  have  the  na- 
tives been  prohibited  from  moving  their  villages, 
but  they  have  been  refused  permission  to  go, 
even  for  a time,  to  a neighboring  village  without 
a special  permit.” 

In  the  summer  of  1903  the  British  Government 
was  moved  to  address  a formal  communication 
to  all  the  Powers  which  had  been  parties  to  the 
Act  of  the  Berlin  Conference  of  1884-5,  whereby 
the  Congo  State  was  created  and  entrusted  to 
King  Leopold,  asking  them  to  consider  whether 
the  system  of  government  and  of  trade  monopoly 
established  in  that  State  was  in  conformity  with 
the  provisions  of  the  Act.  The  British  Foreign 
Secretary,  Lord  Lansdowne,  in  his  despatch 
(August  8,  1903),  rehearsed  at  length  the  charges 
that  were  brought  against  the  Congo  adminis- 
tration, concerning  its  extortion  of  labor  from 
the  natives  by  a method  “but  little  different 
from  that  formerly  employed  to  obtain  slaves,” 
saying:  “ His  Majesty’s  Government  do  not  know 
precisely  to  what  extent  these  accusations  may 
be  true  ; but  they  have  been  so  repeatedly  made, 
and  have  received  such  wide  credence,  that  it  is 
no  longer  possible  to  ignore  them,  and  the  ques- 
tion has  now  arisen,  whether  the  Congo  State 


can  be  considered  to  have  fulfilled  the  special 
pledges,  given  under  the  Berlin  Act,  to  watch 
over  the  preservation  of  the  native  tribes,  and  to 
care  for  their  moral  and  material  advancement.” 

At  the  same  time,  the  dispatch  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  Powers  to  the  question  of  rights 
of  trade  in  the  Congo,  saying:  “Article  I of 
the  Berlin  Act  provides  that  the  trade  of  all  na- 
tions shall  enjoy  complete  freedom  in  the  basin 
of  the  Congo;  and  Article  V provides  that  no 
Power  which  exercises  sovereign  rights  in  the 
basin  shall  be  allowed  to  grant  therein  a mono- 
poly or  favour  of  any  kind  in  matters  of  trade. 
In  the  opinion  of  His  Majesty’s  Government,  the 
system  of  trade  now  existing  in  the  Independent 
State  of  the  Congo  is  not  in  harmony  with  these 
provisions.  ...  In  these  circumstances,  His  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  consider  that  the  time  has 
come  when  the  Powers  parties  to  the  Berlin  Act 
should  consider  whether  the  system  of  trade  now 
prevailing  in  the  Independent  State  is  in  har- 
mony with  the  provisions  of  the  Act  ; and,  in 
particular,  whether  the  system  of  making  grants 
of  vast  areas  of  territory  is  permissible  under 
the  Act  if  the  effect  of  such  grants  is  in  practice 
to  create  a monopoly  of  trade.  ” — Parliamentary 
Papers,  Africa,  No.  14  (1903),  Cd.  1809. 

A.  D.  1904. — Feeling  in  Belgium  concern- 
ing the  charges  of  oppression  and  inhuman- 
ity to  the  natives.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Belgium  : 
A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Reform  Decrees  and 
their  small  effect. — Continued  reports  of  ra- 
pacious exploitation.  — Concession  secured 
by  American  capitalists.  — Annexation  of  the 
State  by  Belgium.  — Recognition  of  the  an- 
nexation withheld  by  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States. — Apparently  the  endeavor  of 
the  British  Government  to  set  in  motion  some 
action  of  the  Powers  which  had  been  parties  to 
the  creation  of  the  Congo  State,  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  whether  the  provisions  of  the 
Berlin  Act  were  being  complied  with  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  that  great  trust,  had  no  practical 
result.  During  the  next  two  years  the  Congo 
Government  was  persistent  in  denying  and  at- 
tempting to  refute  some  parts  of  the  reports 
sent  home  by  British  consular  officers  in  the 
Congo;  but  after  the  publication  of  the  report 
of  its  own  investigating  Commission,  in  1905, 
there  seems  to  have  been  more  reticence  ob- 
served. In  June,  1906,  a series  of  new  decrees, 
supposed  to  embody  the  recommendations  of 
the  Reforms  Commission,  was  sanctioned  by  the 
King.  But  the  Consuls  who  reported  to  London 
from  the  Congo  country  do  not  seem  to  have 
found  the  wretched  natives  much  relieved  by 
these  decrees.  Vice-Consul  Armstrong,  writing 
from  Boma  December,  1907,  after  a prolonged 
journey  through  rubber-collecting  regions,  de- 
clared his  conviction  that  “the  people  worked 
from  twenty  to  twenty-five  days  a month  ” to 
satisfy  their  labor  tax.  He  added:  “The  im- 
provement that  has  been  made  by  the  applica- 
tion of  the  Reform  Decrees  of  June  1906  is  solely 
in  the  withdrawal  of  armed  sentries,  a reform 
which  the  serious  decimation  of  the  population 
by  the  sentries  demanded.  ...  I saw  nothing 
which  led  me  to  view  the  occupation  of  this 
country  in  the  light  of  an  Administration.  The 
undertakings  of  the  Government  are  solely  com- 
mercial, with  a sufficient  administrative  power 
to  insure  the  safety  of  its  personnel  and  the  suc- 


139 


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CONGO  STATE 


cess  of  its  enterprise.  . . . The  following  is  an 
estimate  of  the  profits  of  the  State  on  their  rub- 
ber tax.  I take  the  village  of  N’gongo  as  being 
a large  one,  and  one  of  the  few  villages  that 
supply  the  amount  actually  assessed:  — 

Amount  assessed  yearly.  1,440  kilog.  of  rubber. 

£ a.  d. 

1,440  kilog.  of  rubber  at  10  fr.  . 576  0 0 

Amount  paid  to  natives  at  50  c.  per 

kilog 28  16  0 

“1  calculate  the  rubber  at  10  fr.  per  kilog.,  the 
value  placed  upon  it  by  the  State  in  the  Com- 
mercial Report  issued  this  year.  The  market 
value  in  Antwerp  is  from  12  fr.  to  13  fr.  per 
kilog.  From  this  amount  of  576Z.  must  be  de- 
ducted the  cost  of  transport,  which  cannot  be 
more  than  2 fr.  per  kilog.  rendered  at  Antwerp, 
so  that  the  net  profits  derived  from  this  one 
village  would  be  a little  more  than  456£.  per 
annum.  One  hundred  and  twenty  natives,  to- 
gether with  their  wives  and  children,  which 
would  bring  the  population  of  the  town  to 
about  400  souls,  share  this  amount  of  28 1.  16s., 
and  as  this  is  paid  in  cloth  at  7$d.  per  yard 
and  salt  at  Is.  7 \d.  per  kilog.,  it  is  evident  that 
they  cannot  receive  very  much  each,  and  that 
they  complain  of  their  remuneration.” 

These  were  not  the  only  official  witnesses  now 
testifying  to  the  barbarities  of  commercial  ex- 
ploitation that  were  perpetrated  in  the  Congo 
country  under  pretences  of  administering  the 
Government  of  a State.  Reports  to  the  same 
effect  were  coming  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  from  its  Consuls  in  the  Congo. 
Consul-General  C.  R.  Slocum  wrote  on  the  lst/ff 
December,  1906,  to  the  Department  of  State  at 
Washington:  “ I have  the  honour  to  report  that 
I find  the  Congo  Free  State,  under  the  present 
regime , to  be  nothing  but  a vast  commercial  en- 
terprise for  the  exploitation  of  the  products  of 
the  country,  particularly  that  of  ivory  and  rub- 
ber. Admitted  by  Belgian  officials  and  other  for- 
eigners here,  the  State,  as  I find  it,  is  not  open 
to  trade  in  the  intended  sense  of  article  5 of  the 
Berlin  Act  under  which  the  State  was  formed.” 
A year  later,  the  succeeding  Consul-General 
of  the  United  States  in  the  Congo  State,  Mr. 
James  A.  Smith,  made  a similar  report:  “In 
excluding  the  native,”  he  wrote,  “from  any 
proprietary  right  in  the  only  commodities  he 
possessed  which  would  serve  as  a trade  medium 
— that  is,  the  products  of  the  soil  — and  in 
claiming  for  itself  and  granting  to  a few  con- 
cessionary companies  in  which  it  holds  an  in- 
terest exclusive  ownership  of  these  products, 
the  Administration,  in  its  commercial  capacity, 
has  effectively  shut  the  door  to  free  trade  and 
created  a vast  monopoly  in  all  articles  the  free- 
dom of  buying  and  selling  which  alone  could 
form  a proper  basis  for  legitimate  trade  trans- 
actions between  the  native  and  independent 
purchasers.  Competition,  by  which  alone  can 
a healthy  condition  of  trade  be  maintained,  has 
been  entirely  eliminated.  The  Government  is 
but  one  tremendous  commercial  organization; 
its  administrative  machinery  is  worked  to  bar 
out  all  outside  trade  and  to  absolutely  control 
for  its  own  benefit  and  the  concessionary  com- 
panies the  natural  resources  of  the  country.” 

In  the  same  report  Mr.  Smith  gave  details  of 
an  experiment  he  had  made,  in  conjunction  with 
the  chef  de  aecteur  at  Yambata,  to  test  the  truth 


of  the  assertions  made  by  the  natives  as  to  the 
length  of  time  necessary  to  gather  the  rubber 
which  they  are  compelled  to  furnish.  The  place 
for  the  experiment  was  selected  by  the  chef  de 
aecteur,  and  he  chose  the  five  natives  who  were 
employed  in  the  experiment,  and  who  were  pro- 
mised rewards  as  an  incentive  to  do  their  best. 
The  men  worked  for  four  hours,  and  although 
Mr.  Smith  vouches  for  the  fact  that  they  did  not 
lose  a minute,  they  only  succeeded  in  gathering 
650  grammes.  From  this,  as  Mr.  Smith  argues, 
the  amount  of  time  they  would  have  to  spend 
in  collecting  the  rubber  tax  works  out  at  93 
hours  a month,  or,  counting  eight  hours  a day, 
at  140  days  a year.  This  did  not  include  the  time 
spent  in  travelling  to  and  from  the  rubber-bear- 
ing districts. 

Before  this  time,  American  interest  in  the 
Congo  State  had  become  more  than  humanita- 
rian, and  more  than  a commercial  interest  in 
the  general  opportunities  of  trade;  for  heavy 
American  capitalists  had  secured  concessions 
from  King  Leopold  in  a large  territory  for  the 
development  of  railways,  rubber  production  and 
mines.  The  fact  was  announced  in  the  fall  of 
1906,  and  the  names  of  John  D.  Rockefeller, 
Jr.,  Thomas  F.  Ryan,  Harry  Payne  Whitney, 
Edward  B.  Aldrich  and  the  Messrs.  Guggenheim 
were  mentioned  as  prominent  in  the  group  to 
which  the  grant  was  made. 

Under  the  Convention  of  1890  between  King 
Leopold  and  the  Congo  State,  as  one  party,  and 
the  Kingdom  of  Belgium  as  the  other,  it  became 
the  right  of  the  latter,  on  the  expiration  of  ten 
years,  in  1900,  to  annex  the  Congo  State  to  itself 
(see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  Congo  State: 
A.  D.  1900).  The  right  was  not  then  exercised ; 
but  the  question  of  taking  over  the  sovereignty 
of  that  great  African  domain  came  under  warm 
discussion  in  Belgium  before  many  years,  and, 
finally,  in  1908,  it  reached  the  point  of  a keen 
negotiation  of  terms  with  the  King,  attended  by 
lively  conflicts  in  the  Belgian  Chambers.  While 
the  question  was  thus  pending  in  Belgium,  the 
British  Government  took  occasion  to  express  its 
views  to  the  Belgian  Government,  as  to  the  obli- 
gations which  such  an  annexation  would  involve. 
This  was  done  on  the  27th  of  March,  1908,  in  a 
despatch  from  the  Foreign  Minister,  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  communicating  an  extended  “Memoran- 
dum respecting  Taxation  and  Currency  in  the 
Congo  Free  State.”  The  language  of  the  de- 
spatch, in  part,  was  as  follows: 

“His  Majesty’s  Government  fully  recognize 
that  the  choice  of  the  means  by  which  the  admin- 
istration of  the  Congo  may  be  brought  into  line 
by  the  Berlin  Act  rests  exclusively  with  Belgium. 
Nevertheless,  while  disclaiming  all  idea  of  inter- 
ference, His  Majesty’s  Government  feel  that  in 
fairness  they  should  leave  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment in  no  doubt  that  in  their  opinion  the  exist- 
ing administration  of  the  Congo  State  has  not 
fulfilled  the  objects  for  which  the  State  was  orig- 
inally recognized,  or  the  conditions  of  Treaties, 
and  that  changes  are  therefore  required,  which 
should  effect  the  following  objects : 1.  Relief 
of  the  natives  from  excessive  taxation.  2.  The 
grant  to  the  natives  of  sufficient  land  to  ensure 
their  ability  to  obtain  not  only  the  food  they  re- 
quire, but  also  sufficient  produce  of  the  soil  to 
enable  them  to  buy  and  sell  as  in  other  European 
Colonies.  3.  The  possibility  for  traders  what- 
ever their  nationality  may  be  to  acquire  plots  of 

140 


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CONGO  STATE 


land  of  reasonable  dimensions  In  any  part  of  the 
Congo  for  the  erection  of  factories  so  as  to  enable 
them  to  establish  direct  trade  relations  with  the 
natives.  . . . 

"Taking  the  three  points  enumerated  above 
in  order,  it  appears  to  His  Majesty’s  Govern- 
ment that  — 

“ 1.  As  regards  the  question  of  taxation  in 
labour,  the  abuses  to  which  the  system  has  given 
rise  have  only  been  rendered  possible  by  the 
absence  of  a proper  standard  of  value.  They 
believe,  therefore,  that  the  only  sure  and  effica- 
cious means  of  precluding  the  existence  of  such 
abuses  in  the  future  is  the  introduction  of  cur- 
rency throughout  the  State  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible' date.  Both  the  Reports  of  the  Commission 
of  Inquiry  and  the  experience  of  His  Majesty’s 
Consular  officers  agree  in  the  conclusion  that  the 
native  has  learnt  the  use  of  money,  and  that  cur- 
rency would  be  welcomed  by  all  classes,  native 
and  European  alike. 

" 2.  The  natives  in  the  concessionary  areas 
should  not  be  compelled,  by  either  direct  or  in- 
direct means,  to  render  their  labour  to  the  Com- 
panies without  remuneration.  The  introduction 
of  currency  should  contribute  greatly  to  the 
protection  of  the  native  against  the  illicit  and 
excessive  exactions  on  the  part  of  private  indi- 
viduals Such  protection,  however,  cannot  be 
adequately  secured  unless  the  latter  be  com- 
pelled to  pay  the  native  in  specie  at  a fair  rate 
to  be  fixed  by  law 

“3.  They  would  urge  that  a large  increase 
should  be  made  in  the  land  allotted  to  the  natives.  ” 

The  exceptional  failure  of  the  Congo  State, 
among  African  colonies,  to  introduce  the  use  of 
currency  in  transactions  with  the  natives,  and  the 
connection  of  this  failure  with  the  state  of  things 
existing  there,  is  discussed  at  length  in  the  Memo- 
randum, with  a practical  summing  up  in  these 
sentences  : “ The  Secretaries-General  said  the 
native  in  the  Congo  had  nospecie.  True,  but  why 
has  he  no  specie  ? Because,  as  already  explained, 
during  the  twenty-three  years  that  the  Congo 
State  has  been  in  existence  no  serious  attempt, 
in  spite  of  all  assertions  to  the  contrary,  has  ever 
been  made  by  the  State  to  introduce  currency  on 
a sufficiently  large  scale.  In  every  other  European 
Colony  in  Africa  has  the  native  come  to  learn  the 
practical  value  of  a medium  of  exchange.  What 
are  the  reasons  that  the  Congo  State  should  stand 
in  an  exceptional  position  in  this  respect  ? They 
are  unfortunately  obvious  enough.  The  truth  is 
that  it  is  precisely  owing  to  the  absence  of  a proper 
standard  of  value  that  the  Congo  Government  and 
the  Concessionary  Companies  have  been  able  to 
abuse  the  system  of  taxation  in  labour,  and  realize 
enormous  profits  out  of  the  incessant  labour 
wrung  from  the  population  in  the  guise  of  taxa- 
ation.” 

This  communication  from  Great  Britain  to  the 
Belgian  Government  was  followed  soon  (in  April) 
by  memoranda  from  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  setting  forth  the  hopes  and  expec- 
tations of  administrative  reform  with  which  it 
contemplated  the  proposed  annexation  of  the 
Congo  State. 

A few  months  later  the  treaty  of  annexation 
was  agreed  upon,  and  the  annexation  consum- 
mated by  an  Act  of  the  Belgian  Parliament,  pro- 
mulgated on  the  20th  of  October,  1908.  To  an  an- 
nouncement of  the  fact  by  the  Belgian  Minister 
at  Washington,  Secretary  Root  replied  at  consid- 

1 


erable  length,  in  a communication  which  bears 
the  date  of  June  11,  1909:  “ The  Government  of 
the  United  States,”  said  the  Secretary,  "has  ob- 
served with  much  interest  the  progress  of  the 
negotiations  looking  to  such  a transfer,  in  the 
expectation  that  under  the  control  of  Belgium 
the  condition  of  the  natives  might  be  beneficially 
improved  and  the  engagements  of  the  treaties 
to  which  the  United  States  is  a party,  as  well  as 
the  high  aims  set  forth  in  the  American  memo- 
randa of  April  7 and  16,  1908,  and  declared  in  the 
Belgium  replies  thereto,  might  be  fully  realized. 

"The  United  States  would  also  be  gratified  by 
the  assurance  that  the  Belgian  Government  will 
consider  itself  specifically  bound  to  discharge  the 
obligations  assumed  by  the  Independent  State  of 
the  Congo  in  the  Brussels  Convention  of  July  2, 
1890,  an  assurance  which  the  expressions  already 
made  by  the  Government  of  Belgium  in  regard 
to  its  own  course  as  a party  to  that  convention 
leave  no  doubt  is  in  entire  accordance  with  the 
sentiments  of  that  Government.  Among  the  par- 
ticular clauses  of  the  Brussels  Convention  which 
seem  to  the  United  States  to  be  specially  relevant 
to  existing  conditions  in  the  Congo  region  are  the 
clauses  of  Article  II.,  which  include  among  the 
objects  of  the  convention  : 

“ ‘To  diminish  intestine  wars  between  tribes 
by  means  of  arbitration  ; to  initiate  them  in  ag- 
ricultural labour  and  in  the  industrial  arts  so  as 
to  increase  their  welfare ; to  raise  them  to  civil- 
ization and  bring  about  the  extinction  of  barbar- 
ous customs.  . . . 

“ ‘ To  give  aid  and  protection  to  commercial 
enterprises  ; to  watch  over  their  legality  by  es- 
pecially controlling  contracts  for  service  with 
natives  ; and  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  founda- 
tion of  permanent  centres  of  cultivation  and  of 
commercial  settlements.’ 

‘ 1 The  United  States  has  been  forced  to  the  con- 
clusion that  in  several  respects  the  system  in- 
augurated by  the  Independent  State  of  the  Congo 
has,  in  its  practical  operation,  worked  out  re- 
sults inconsistent  with  these  conventional  obliga- 
tions and  calling  for  very  substantial  and  even 
radical  changes  in  order  to  attain  conformity 
therewith.”  Moreover,  it  renders  nugatory  the 
provisions  of  the  successive  declarations  and  con- 
ventions, cited  by  the  Secretary,  which  have 
given  such  rights  in  the  Congo  State  to  citizens 
of  the  United  States  .and  others  as  must  be  main- 
tained. 

“It  should  always  be  remembered,”  -wrote 
Mr.  Root,  “ that  the  basis  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Independent  State  of  the  Congo  over  all  its. 
territory  was  in  the  treaties  made  by  the  native 
Sovereigns  who  ceded  the  territory  for  the  use 
and  benefit  of  free  States  established  and  being 
established  there  under  the  care  and  supervision 
of  the  International  Association,  so  that  the  very 
nature  of  the  title  forbids  the  destruction  of  the 
tribal  rights  upon  which  it  rests  without  securing 
to  the  natives  an  enjoyment  of  their  land  which 
shall  be  a full  and  adequate  equivalent  for  the 
tribal  rights  destroyed.” 

Referring  to  a statement  made  in  the  Belgian 
reply  given  to  his  memorandum  of  April  16, 
which  he  quotes  as  in  these  words  : — “ When  it 
annexes  the  possessions  of  the  Independent  State 
Belgium  will  inherit  its  obligations  as  well  as  its 
rights;  it  will  be  able  to  fulfil  all  the  engage- 
ments made  with  the  United  States  by  the  decla- 
rations of  April  22,  1884” — Mr.  Root  closes  his 


CONGO  STATE 


CONGO  STATE 


letter  with  these  remarks  : “ It  would  be  gratify- 
ing to  the  United  States  to  know  that  the  last 
clause  of  the  statement  just  quoted  is  not  in- 
tended to  confine  the  rights  of  the  United  States 
in  the  Independent  State  to  the  declarations  of 
the  Commercial  Association  which  preceded  the 
creation  of  the  Congo  State  as  a sovereign  power, 
but  includes  the  conventional  rights  conferred 
upon  the  United  States  by  the  treaty  concluded 
with  the  Independent  State  immediately  after 
its  recognition. 

“ In  the  absence  of  a fuller  understanding  on 
all  these  points,  I confine  myself  for  the  present 
to  acknowledging  your  note  of  November  4 last 
and  taking  note  of  the  announcement  therein 
made.” 

Thus  no  recognition  was  given  to  the  Belgian 
annexation,  llecognition  was  held  in  abeyance, 
awaiting  further  information  and  evidence  of  re- 
form in  the  administration  of  the  Congo  State. 
And  this  is  the  attitude  assumed  by  the  British 
Government,  which  waited  long  and  with  grow- 
ing impatience  for  assurances  from  Belgium, 
with  proceedings  that  would  give  sign  of  mak- 
ing them  good.  On  the  24th  of  February,  1909, 
the  subject  came  up  in  Parliament,  with  asser- 
tions that  “oppression  of  the  natives  was  still 
going  on  just  as  before  the  annexation,”  and  that 
“ Great  Britain  had  waited  for  months  while  the 
cruelties  against  which  she  had  protested  still 
continued.”  In  the  debate,  Sir  Charles  Dilke 
referred  to  the  harmony  of  action  in  the  matter 
by  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  ex- 
pressed his  conviction  that  “the  cooperation  of 
two  such  powerful  Governments  in  the  cause  of 
humanity  would  be  irresistible.”  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  speaking  for  the  Ministry,  said: 

“ I am  glad  that  in  the  course  of  the  debate  it 
has  been  emphasized  that  this  attitude  is  not 
ours  alone,  but  that  the  United  States  has  spo- 
ken with  equal  emphasis  and  taken  up  the  same 
position.  I am  sorry  that  no  other  Power  has 
taken  up  the  same  position  so  strongly ; but  as 
there  is  only  one  Power  which  has  declared  it- 
self so  definitely  on  the  question  as  ourselves,  I 
should  like  to  say  that  I am  glad  it  is  the  United 
States.” 

Alluding  to  a remark  made  by  one  of  the 
speakers  in  the  debate,  that  the  Government 
might  have  prevented  the  annexation  of  the 
State  by  Belgium,  Sir  Edward  said:  “Ido  not 
think  we  should  have  prevented  the  annexation, 
but  in  any  case  I should  not  have  tried  to  prevent 
the  annexation.  And  for  this  reason  among  oth- 
ers— that  if  Belgium  was  not  going  to  take  the 
Congo  State  in  hand  and  put  it  right,  who  was  ? 
I have  never  been  able  to  answer  that  question. 
Certainly  not  ourselves,  because  we  have  always 
denied  the  intention  of  assuming  any  responsi- 
bility over  an  enormous  tract  of  land  where  we 
have  sufficient  responsibility  already.” 

The  Foreign  Secretary  concluded  his  speech 
by  saying:  “If  Belgium  makes  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Congo  humane  and  brings  it  into  ac- 
cord, in  practice  and  spirit,  with  the  administra- 
tion which  exists  in  our  own  and  neighbouring 
African  colonies,  no  country  will  more  cordially 
welcome  that  state  of  things  than  this  or  more 
warmly  congratulate  Belgium.  But  we  cannot 
commit  ourselves  to  countersign,  so  to  say,  by 
recognition  a second  time,  the  system  of  admin- 
istration which  has  existed  under  the  old  regime.  ” 

Again,  in  May,  the  question  came  up  in  Par- 


liament, with  impatient  criticism  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  not  taking  peremptory  measures 
to  compel  a reformation  of  Belgian  rule  in  the 
Congo  State,  one  speaker  suggesting  a “ peace- 
ful blockade  ” of  the  mouth  of  the  Congo.  Sir 
Edward  Grey  replied  : 

“If  this  question  were  rashly  managed  it 
might  make  a European  question  compared  to 
which  those  which  we  have  had  to  deal  with  in 
the  last  few  months  might  be  child’s  play.  Take, 
for  instance,  the  question  of  peaceful  block- 
ade. It  is  no  good  talking  of  peaceful  blockade. 
Blockade  is  blockade.  It  is  the  use  of  force.  If 
you  are  to  have  blockade  you  must  be  prepared 
to  go  to  war,  and  a blockade  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Congo  means  blockading  a river  which  is  not  the 
property  of  the  Congo  or  Belgian  Government. 
They  have  one  bank  of  the  river.  It  is  a river 
which  by  international  treaty  must  be  opened  to 
navigation,  and  if  you  are  to  blockade  to  any 
effect  you  must  be  prepared  to  stop  every  ship 
going  in  or  out  of  the  Congo,  whether  under  the 
French,  Belgian,  German,  or  whatever  flag  it 
is.  Surely  if  you  are  going  to  pledge  yourself 
to  take  steps  of  that  kind,  and  to  accept  the  re- 
sponsibility for  them,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  you  must  be  prepared  to  raise  a European 
question  which  would  be  of  the  gravest  kind. 

I do  not  say  there  are  not  circumstances  which 
might  justify  a question  of  that  kind,  but  do 
not  let  the  House  think  that  by  smooth  words, 
such  as  by  applying  the  adjective  ‘peaceful’ 
to  blockade,  you  are  going  to  minimize  what 
will  be  the  ultimate  consequences  of  the  step 
you  are  taking.  ” 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Programme  of  reforms 
promised  by  the  Belgian  Government.  — The 

programme  of  long  promised  reforms  to  be  in- 
stituted bv  the  Belgian  Government  in  its  admin- 
istration of  the  now  annexed  Congo  State  was 
announced  in  the  Belgian  Chamber  on  the  28th 
of  October,  1909,  by  the  Minister  for  the  Colo- 
nies, M.  Renkin.  “ He  repeated  his  solemn  as- 
surance that  the  charges  of  cruelty  or  oppression 
made  against  the  Belgian  Colonial  Administra- 
tion were  false.  He  had  questioned  missioua 
ries,  officials,  chiefs,  and  other  natives  during  his 
visit,  and  heard  nothing  to  justify  the  accusa- 
tion. Individual  breaches  of  the  law  might  pos- 
sibly have  occurred,  but  every  abuse  brought  to 
the  notice  of  the  authorities  was  immediately 
made  the  object  of  inquiry. 

“It  was  useless,  he  said,  to  refer  to  the  past; 
the  situation  had  been  radically  altered  by  the 
annexation.  As  regards  the  land  system,  the 
assignment  of  vacant  lands  to  the  State  was  ju- 
ridically unassailable,  but  they  must  also  have 
regard  to  the  development  of  the  natives.  The 
natives  would  therefore  be  granted  the  right  to 
take  the  produce  of  the  soil  in  the  Domain.  'Phis 
would  be  accomplished  in  three  stages.  On  J uly 
1,  1910,  the  Lower  Congo,  Stanley  Pool,  Ubangi, 
Bangala,  Kwango,  Kasai,  Katanga,  the  southern 
portion  of  the  Eastern  Province,  Aruwimi,  and 
the  banks  of  the  liver  as  far  as  Stanleyville  would 
be  opened  to  freedom  of  trade.  On  July  1,  1911, 
the  Domain  of  the  Crown,  and  on  July  1,  1912, 
the  Welle  district  would  also  be  thrown  open. 
Furthermore,  the  Government  would  levy  taxes 
in  money,  and  the  system  of  the  provisioning  of 
the  agents  would  be  abolished.” 

M.  Renkin  said  furthermore  that  in  regard  to 
the  territories  held  by  concessionnaires  in  the 


142 


CONGO  STATE 


CONSERVATION 


Congo  the  Government  would  make  an  investi- 
gation with  a view  to  ascertaining  whether  it 
would  not  he  advisable  to  make  fresh  arrange- 
ments in  agreement  with  the  persons  inter- 
ested. 

Writing  from  Brussels  a mouth  later,  an  Eng- 
lish correspondent  represents  the  Belgian  Re- 
formers, who  had  most  bitterly  denounced  the 
atrocities  of  the  Leopold  regime  in  the  Congo 
State,  as  believing  that  M.  Renkin's  scheme  is 
on  the  whole  a reasonable  and  satisfactory 
scheme,  and  above  all  a practical  scheme,  that 
the  Belgian  Government  are  sincerely  deter- 


mined to  carry  it  through,  and  that,  even  if  there 
were  any  sufficient  reason  for  doubting  their 
sincerity,  the  Belgian  nation  is  in  earnest  and 
has  the  means  of  enforcing  the  execution  of  the 
reforms  by  the  exercise  of  the  Parliamentary 
control  with  which  it  is  now  for  the  first  time 
invested  over  the  affairs  of  the  Congo  as  a con- 
sequence of  annexation. 

On  the  other  hand,  English  opinion,  which 
had  been  roused  to  much  heat  on  the  Congo 
question,  is  far  from  satisfied  with  the  Belgian 
proposals,  and  criticises  them  with  a sharpness 
which  the  Belgians  resent. 


CONSERVATION  OF  NATURAL  RESOURCES. 


Australia:  Undertakings  of  Irrigation  and 
Forestry.  — During  a brief  visit  to  the  United 
States  in  1902,  Sir  Edmund  Barton,  then  Premier 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia,  contributed 
to  The  Independent  an  article  on  “Australia  and 
her  Problems,”  in  which  he  wrote  : 

“Another  great  problem  with  which  we  are 
struggling  is  that  of  irrigation,  and  a joint  irri- 
gation scheme  is  afoot  for  using  the  waters  of 
the  Murray,  our  greatest  river,  to  fertilize  lands 
in  New  South  Wales  and  Victoria.  The  Murray 
forms  the  boundary  of  those  two  States  and 
afterward  flows  through  South  Australia.  It  is 
to  the  interest  of  New  South  Wales  and  Victoria 
to  use  the  waters  of  the  Murray  for  irrigation 
purposes,  and  it  is  to  the  interest  of  South  Aus- 
tralia to  use  the  Murray  for  navigation.  We  hope 
to  harmonize  those  interests  and  are  working  to 
that  end. 

“Just  before  I left  Australia  I attended  a con- 
ference, held  on  the  border,  between  represent- 
atives of  the  various  States  as  a result  of  which 
each  has  appointed  a hydraulic  engineer  to  a 
joint  commission  on  irrigation . These  will  make 
an  investigation  and  report  their  opinion  in  re- 
gard to  the  best  practicable  system  for  conserv- 
ing, storing  and  distributing  the  Murray’s  waters 
without  interfering  with  its  navigation.  We 
have  good  reason  to  believe  that  by  means  of  a 
system  of  locks  and  weirs  it  is  quite  possible  to 
irrigate  a very  large  extent  of  dry  country  by 
means  of  the  Murray  without  injuring  its  navi- 
gability. Later  we  will  take  up  the  problem  of 
using  the  waters  of  the  Darling  in  a similar  way. 
It  is  a very  long  river,  which  during  the  rainy 
season  sends  an  immense  volume  of  water  into 
the  Murray. 

“ Another  of  our  problems  is  in  regard  to  for- 
estry. We  have  planted  some  trees  but  not 
nearly  enough  of  them,  and  cannot  yet  tell  any- 
thing about  results.  Along  with  this  tree  plant- 
ing, also,  denudation  of  our  timber  has  been 
going  on,  for  Australian  hard  woods,  being  im- 
pervious to  water,  are  now  used  all  over  the 
world  for  street  paving  purposes.  Great  harm 
has  been  done,  and  the  waste  is  still  going  on, 
for  our  national  Government  cannot  interfere  in 
the  matter,  and  the  land  owners  are  in  many  in- 
stances reckless.  The  remedy  must  come  from 
the  common  sense  of  the  people.” 

Since  tha  above  was  written,  progress  has  been 
made  in  carrying  out  the  projects  of  irrigation, 
as  was  stated  in  a speech  by  Lord  Northcote 
after  his  return  to  England,  in  the  autumn  of 
1909,  from  five  years  of  service  as  Governor- 


General  of  Australia.  “Both  in  New  South 
Wales  and  Victoria,”  he  said,  “very  large  irri- 
gation works  are  in  progress,  and  will  be  com- 
pleted in  a very  short  time,  adding  enormously 
to  the  acreage  of  land  fit  for  cultivation.” 

Canada:  The  Dominion  Forest  Reserves 
Act.  — Irrigation  in  the  Northwest.  — A Do- 
minion Act  of  190fi,  thus  short-titled,  provides 
as  follows:  “All  Dominion  lands  within  the 
respective  boundaries  of  the  reserves  mentioned 
in  the  schedule  to  this  Act  are  hereby  withdrawn 
from  sale,  settlement  and  occupancy  under  the 
provisions  of  the  Dominion  Lands  Act,  or  of  any 
other  Act,  or  of  any  regulations  made  under  the 
said  Act  or  any  such  Act,  with  respect  to  mines 
or  mining  or  timber  or  timber  licenses  or  leases 
or  any  other  matter  whatsoever;  and  after  the 
passing  of  this  Act  no  Dominion  lands  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  said  reserves  shall  be  sold, 
leased  or  otherwise  disposed  of,  or  be  located 
or  settled  upon,  and  no  person  shall  use  or  oc- 
cupy any  part  of  such  lands,  except  under  the 
provisions  of  this  Act  or  of  regulations  made 
thereunder.” 

The  schedule  referred  to  lists  21  Forest  Re- 
serves in  British  Columbia,  Manitoba,  Saskatch- 
ewan, and  Alberta.  They  are  placed  under  the 
management  of  the  Superintendent  of  Forestry, 
for  the  maintenance  and  protection  of  the  grow- 
ing timber,  the  animals  and  birds  in  them,  the 
fish  in  their  waters  and  their  water  supply,  the 
Governor  in  Council  to  make  the  needed  regu- 
lations. 

In  a paper  read  before  the  Royal  Colonial  In- 
stitute at  London,  England,  in  January,  191 C, 
Mr.  C.  W.  Peterson,  Manager  of  the  Cauadian 
Pacific  Irrigation  Colonization  Company,  gave 
the  following  account  of  what  is  being  done  in 
the  Arid  Belt,  so  called,  near  Calgary,  in  the 
Canadian  Northwest:  “The  irrigated  land  in 
Alberta  and  Saskatchewan  nearly  equalled  half 
of  the  total  irrigated  area  of  the  United  States. 
In  the  year  1894  the  Dominion  Government 
withdrew  from  sale  and  homestead  entry  a tract 
of  land  containing  some  millions  of  acres  lo- 
cated east  of  the  city  of  Calgary,  along  the  main 
line  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway.  The  ob- 
ject of  that  reservation  was  to  provide  for  the 
construction,  ultimately,  of  an  irrigation  scheme 
to  cover  the  fertile  Bow  River  Valley.  The 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Company  undertook 
to  construct  the  gigantic  irrigation  system  in 
question,  and  selected  as  part  of  its  land  grant  a 
block  comprising  three  million  acres  of  the  best 
agricultural  lands.  It  had  now  been  opened  for 


143 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


■colonization,  and  this  project  — the  greatest  of 
the  kind  on  the  American  continent  — was  beiug 
pushed  to  its  completion.  The  tract  had  an  aver- 
age width  of  forty  miles  from  north  to  south, 
and  extended  eastwards  from  Calgary  150 miles.” 

Egypt  : A.  D.  1909. — Completion  of  the 
Esneh  Barrage.  — An  important  addition  to  the 
irrigation  works  in  Egypt,  supplementing  the 
great  dam  at  Assouan  and  the  Assiout  barrage, 
was  completed  in  February,  1909,  when  the 
Esneh  barrage  was  formally  opened,  on  the  9th 
of  that  month.  Esneh  is  a town  of  some  25,000 
inhabitants,  situated  in  Upper  Egypt,  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Nile,  and  the  work  now  com- 
pleted will,  even  in  the  lowest  of  floods,  ensure 
a plentiful  supply  of  water  to  a great  tract  of 
land  in  the  Nile  valley  from  Esneh  northwards. 
In  deciding  to  undertake  the  construction  of  this 
latest  barrage,  at  a point  about  100  miles  north 
of  the  Assouan  reservoir,  the  Government  were 
influenced  by  the  great  success  of  the  Assiout 
barrage,  but  that  work  differs  from  the  new  bar- 
rage in  being  designed  as  a low-water  summer 
regulator,  whereas  the  function  of  the  Esneh 
barrage  is  to  hold  up  the  water  in  low  floods. 

Germany:  The  work  begun  a century  ago, 
and  its  result. — “Germany,  a century  ago, 
faced  just  such  a situation  as  now  confronts  us 
[the  United  States].  Then  there  began  the  work 
which  we  must  now  undertake.  New  forests 
were  planted,  wherever  the  land  was  unsuitable 
for  other  purposes.  This  planting  was  done  year 
after  year,  so  that  each  year  a new  tract  would 
come  to  maturity.  Forest  wardens  watched  for 
tires,  and  laws  forbade  careless  hunters  setting 
fires  in  the  woods.  Timbermen  were  forced  to 
gather  and  burn  what  twigs  from  the  slashings 
could  not  be  used  in  the  still  or  burned  for  char- 
coal, and  broad  lanes  were  left  through  the  for- 
ests as  stops  for  tires.  In  this  way  there  arose 
those  magnificent  German  forests  which  now 
return  the  empire  au  average  net  annual  profit 
of  two  dollars  and  a half  for  each  acre,  on  land 
which  is  otherwise  unusable;  and,  besides,  give 
their  services  free  for  the  storage  of  water  and 
for  the  retention  of  the  soil. 

“ In  our  own  land  something  of  this  sort  has 
already  been  done.  New  York  has  nearly  two 
million  acres  of  land  in  forest  reserves  which 
are  being  carefully  tended.  Pennsylvania  has 
half  as  much.  Minnesota  is  already  securing 
■considerable  profit  from  the  management  of  its 
white  pine  reserves  and  is  seeding  down  large 
areas;  and  the  other  lake  states  are  also  moving, 
but  all  this  is  being  done  slowly,  and  lacks  much 
of  the  energy  and  cooperation  which  should  ac- 
company it.”  — J.  L.  Mathews.  The  Conservation 
of  our  National  Resources  ( Atlantic  Monthly , 
May , 1908). 

Great  Britain:  Outline  of  undertakings  by 
the  Government  in  1909.  — Development  and 
Road  Improvement  Act. — In  his  Budget  speech 
to  the  House  of  Commons  April  29,  1909,  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Mr.  David  Lloyd - 
George,  gave  a broad  indication  of  undertakings 
contemplated  by  the  Government,  in  forestry 
work  (afforestation,  or  reafforestation)  and  on 
other  lines  directed  toward  a more  effective  pre- 
servation and  development  of  the  natural  re- 
sources of  the  country.  In  the  afforestation  of 
the  waste  lands  of  the  country,  he  said,  “ We 
are  far  behind  every  other  civilized  country  in 
the  world.  I have  figures  which  are  very  inter- 


esting on  this  point.  In  Germany,  for  instance, 
out  of  a total  area  of  133  million  acres,  34  mil- 
lions, or  nearly  26  per  cent.,  are  wooded;  in 
France,  out  of  130  million  acres,  17  per  cent.; 
even  in  a small  and  densely-populated  country 
such  as  Belgium,  1,260,000  acres  are  wooded,  or 
17  per  cent.  In  the  United  Kingdom,  on  the 
other  hand,  out  of  77  million  acres,  only  3 mil- 
lions, or  4 per  cent.,  are  under  wood.  Sir  Her- 
bert Maxwell,  who  has  made  a study  of  this 
question  for  a good  many  years,  and  whose 
moderation  of  statement  is  beyond  challenge, 
estimates?  that,  in  1906,  ‘eight  millions  were  paid 
annually  in  salaries  for  the  administration,  for- 
mation, and  preservation  of  German  forests, 
representing  the  maintenance  of  about  200,000 
families,  or  about  1,000,000  souls;  and  that  in 
working  up  the  raw  material  yielded  by  the  for- 
ests wages  were  earned  annually  to  the  amount 
of  30  millions  sterling,  maintaining  about  600,000 
families,  or  3,000,000  souls.’  The  Committee  will 
there  perceive  what  an  important  element  this 
is  in  the  labour  and  employment  of  a country. 
Any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  search  out 
the  census  returns  will  find  that  the  number  of 
people  directly  employed  in  forest  work  in  this 
country  is  only  16,000.  And  yet  the  soil  and  the 
climate  of  this  country  are  just  as  well  adapted 
for  the  growth  of  marketable  trees  as  that  of  the 
States  of  Germany.  Recently  we  have  been 
favoured  with  a striking  report  of  a Royal  Com- 
mission, very  ably  presided  over  by  my  hon. 
friend  the  member  for  Cardiff.  A perusal  of  the 
names  attached  to  that  report  will  secure  for  it 
respectful  aud  favourable  consideration.  It  out- 
lines a very  comprehensive  aud  far-reaching 
scheme  for  planting  the  wastes  of  this  country. 
The  systematic  operation  which  the  Commission 
recommend  is  a gigantic  one,  and,  before  the 
Government  can  commit  themselves  to  it  in  all 
its  details,  it  will  require  very  careful  considera- 
tion by  a body  of  experts  skilled  in  forestry.  I 
am  informed  by  men  whom  I have  consulted, 
and  whose  opinion  on  this  subject  I highly  value, 
that  there  is  a good  deal  of  preliminary  work 
which  ought  to  be  undertaken  in  this  country 
before  the  Government  could  safely  begin  plant- 
ing on  the  large  scale  indicated  in  that  report. 
...  I am  also  told  that  we  cannot  command  the 
services  in  this  country  of  a sufficient  number 
of  skilled  foresters  to  direct  planting.  . . . 

“I  doubt  whether  there  is  a great  industrial 
country  in  the  world  which  spends  less  money 
directly  on  work  connected  with  the  develop- 
ment of  its  resources  than  we  do.  Take  the  case 
of  agriculture  alone.  Examine  the  Budgets  of 
foreign  countries  — I have  done  it  with  great 
advantage  in  other  directions  — examine  them 
from  this  particular  point  of  view,  and  hon. 
members,  I think,  will  be  rather  ashamed  at  the 
contrast  between  the  wise  and  lavish  generosity 
of  countries  much  poorer  than  ours  and  the  short- 
sighted and  niggardly  parsimony  with  which 
we  dole  out  small  sums  of  money  for  the  en- 
couragement of  agriculture  in  our  country.  . . . 

“ I will  tell  the  House  what  we  propose.  There 
isacertain amountof  money,  notverymuch,  spent 
in  this  country  in  a spasmodic  kind  of  way  on 
what  I will  call  the  work  of  national  development 
— in  light  railways,  in  harbours,  in  indirect  but 
very  meagre  assistance  to  agriculture.  I propose 
to  gather  all  these  grants  together  into  one  grant 
that  I propose  to  call  a development  grant,  and 


144 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


this  year  to  add  a sum  of  £200,000  to  that  grant 
for  these  purposes.  . . . The  grant  will  be  utilized 
iii  the  promotion  of  schemes  which  have  for 
their  purpose  the  development  of  the  resources 
of  the  country,  and  will  include  such  objects  as 
the  institution  of  schools  of  forestry,  the  pur- 
chase and  preparation  of  land  for  afforestation, 
the  setting  up  of  a number  of  experimental  for- 
ests on  a large  scale,  expenditure  upon  scientific 
research  in  the  interests  of  agriculture,  experi- 
mental farms,  the  improvement  of  stock  — in 
respect  of  which  I have  had  a good  many  re- 
presentations from  the  agricultural  community 
— the  equipment  of  agencies  for  disseminating 
agricultural  instruction,  the  encouragement  and 
promotion  of  co-operation,  the  improvement  of 
rural  transport  so  as  to  make  markets  more 
accessible,  the  facilitation  of  all  well-consid- 
ered schemes  and  measures  for  attracting  labour 
back  to  the  land  by  small  holdings  or  reclama- 
tion of  wastes.” 

In  realization  of  this  programme  an  important 
“ Development  and  Road  Improvement  Funds 
Act”  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Lloyd-George  in 
August,  and  passed,  after  considerable  amend- 
ment of  its  administrative  details  in  Committee 
of  the  Commons  and  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It 
is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  first  dealing  with 
development,  or  the  aiding  and  encouraging  of 
agriculture  and  other  rural  industries,  inclusive  of 
forestry,  reclamation  and  drainage  of  land,  im- 
provement of  rural  transport,  construction  and  im- 
provement of  inland  navigation  and  harbors,  and 
the  development  and  improvement  of  fisheries. 
The  Act  enables  the  Treasury  to  make  free  grants 
and  loans,  from  a Development  Fund  fed  by  an 
annual  Parliamentary  vote  and  by  a charge  on  the 
Consolidated  Fund.  An  independent  Develop- 
ment Commission  is  to  be  appointed  by  the  Trea- 
sury, consisting  of  five  members  appointed  for  ten 
years,  whose  recommendation  for  the  rejection 
of  applications  shall  be  final,  though  not  that  for 
their  acceptance.  The  second  part  of  the  Act  sets 
up  a Road  Board  to  carry  out  schemes  of  road 
improvement,  either  under  its  own  direct  con- 
trol or  through  the  existing  highway  autiiorities. 

North  America  : International  Conference 
of  Delegates  from  Canada,  Mexico,  and  the 
United  States. — The  movement  instituted  in 
the  United  States  for  a better  conservation  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  was  broadened, 
early  in  1909,  into  a continental  and  international 
movement,  by  an  invitation  from  President 
Roosevelt  to  the  Governments  of  Canada  and 
Mexico  to  send  delegates  to  a general  conference 
on  the  subject  at  Washington,  for  the  purpose 
of  arranging  some  cooperative  and  harmonious 
plans  of  action  in  the  three  countries.  The  in- 
vitation was  cordially  accepted  in  both  of  the 
neighboring  countries,  and  the  delegates  sent 
■were  met,  on  the  18th  of  February,  by  many  of 
the  leaders  of  the  conservation  movement  in  the 
United  States,  including  the  National  Conserva- 
tion Commission.  After  being  received  and 
addressed  by  the  President  at  the  White  House, 
a two  days  session  of  the  Conference  was  held 
in  the  diplomatic  room  of  the  State  Department, 
with  good  results. 

Turkey:  A.  D.  1909.  — Reclamation  pro- 
jects in  the  Tigris-Euphrates  Delta.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 

United  States : The  Great  Movement  for 


tional  care-taking  of  Forests,  Waters,  Lands, 
and  Minerals.  — Forest  Service,  Irrigation, 
Development  of  Waterways.  — It  is  more 
than  possible  that  the  administration  of  Gov- 
ernment in  the  United  States  under  President 
Roosevelt  will  be  distinguished,  in  the  judgment 
of  coming  generations,  most  highly  by  the  im- 
pulse and  the  organization  it  gave  to  measures 
for  conserving  the  natural  resources  of  the  coun- 
try, in  woods,  water  sources,  mineral  deposits 
and  fertile  or  fertilizable  soils,  — rescuing  them 
from  a hitherto  unrestrained  recklessness  of 
waste.  The  key-note  of  a new  determination 
in  governmental  policy,  pointed  to  this  end,  was 
sounded  by  the  President  in  his  first  Message  to 
Congress,  on  the  3d  of  December,  1901,  when  he 
opened  the  subject  largely  and  earnestly,  saying, 
among  other  things,  this  : 

“ The  preservation  of  our  forests  is  an  impera- 
tive business  necessity.  We  have  come  to  see 
clearly  that  whatever  destroys  the  forest, except 
to  make  way  for  agriculture,  threatens  our  well- 
being. At  present  the  protection  of  the  forest 
reserves  rests  with  the  General  Land  Office,  the 
mapping  and  description  of  their  timber  with 
the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  and  the 
preparation  of  plans  for  their  conservative  use 
with  the  Bureau  of  Forestry,  which  is  also  charged 
with  the  general  advancement  of  practical  for- 
estry in  the  United  States.  These  various  func- 
tions should  be  united  in  the  Bureau  of  Forestry, 
to  which  they  properly  belong  The  present  dif- 
fusion of  responsibility  is  bad  from  every  stand- 
point. It  prevents  that  effective  cooperation 
between  the  Government  and  the  men  who  util- 
ize the  resources  of  the  reserves,  without  which 
the  interests  of  both  must  suffer.  The  scientific 
bureaus  generally  should  be  put  under  the  De- 
partment of  Agriculture.  The  President  should 
have  by  law  the  power  of  transferring  lands  for 
use  as  forest  reserves  to  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. He  already  has  such  power  in  the  case 
of  lands  needed  by  the  Departments  of  War  and 
the  Navy.  . . . 

“The  wise  administration  of  the  forest  re- 
serves will  be  not  less  helpful  to  the  interests 
which  depend  on  water  than  to  those  which 
depend  on  wood  and  grass.  The  water  supply 
itself  depends  upon  the  forest.  In  the  arid  re- 
gion it  is  water,  not  land,  which  measures  pro- 
duction. The  western  half  of  the  United  States 
would  sustain  a population  greater  than  that 
of  our  whole  country  to-day  if  the  waters  that 
now  run  to  waste  were  saved  and  used  for  irriga- 
tion. The  forest  and  water  problems  are  perhaps 
the  most  vital  internal  questions  of  the  United 
States.  ... 

“The  forests  alone  cannot,  however,  fully 
regulate  and  conserve  the  waters  of  the  arid 
region.  Great  storage  works  are  necessary  to 
equalize  the  flow  of  streams  and  to  save  the 
flood  waters.  Their  construction  has  been  con- 
clusively shown  to  be  an  undertaking  too  vast 
for  private  effort.  Nor  can  it  be  best  accom- 
plished by  the  individual  States  acting  alone. 
Far-reaching  interstate  problems  are  involved; 
and  the  resources  of  single  States  would  often 
be  inadequate.  It  is  properly  a national  func- 
tion. at  least  in  some  of  its  features.  . . . 

“The  reclamation  of  the  unsettled  arid  public 
lands  presents  a different  problem.  Here  it  is 
not  enough  to  regulate  the  flow  of  streams.  The 
object  of  the  Government  is  to  dispose  of  the 


an  Arresting  of  Waste.  — An  organized  Na- 


145 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


land  to  settlers  who  will  build  homes  upon  it. 
To  accomplish  this  object  water  must  be  brought 
within  their  reach.  . . . Whatever  the  Nation 
does  for  the  extension  of  irrigation  should  har- 
monize with,  and  tend  to  improv?,  the  condi- 
tion of  those  now  living  on  irrigated  land.  We 
are  not  at  the  starting-point  of  this  development. 
Over  two  hundred  millions  of  private  capital 
have  already  been  expended  in  the  construction 
of  irrigation  works,  and  many  million  acres  of 
.arid  land  reclaimed.  A high  degree  of  enter- 
prise and  ability  has  been  shown  in  the  work 
itself;  but  as  much  cannot  be  said  in  reference 
to  the  laws  relating  thereto.  The  security  and 
value  of  the  homes  created  depend  largely  on 
the  stability  of  titles  to  water;  but  the  majority 
of  these  rest  on  the  uncertain  foundation  of  court 
decisions  rendered  in  ordinary  suits  at  law.  With 
a few  creditable  exceptions,  the  arid  States  have 
failed  to  provide  for  the  certain  and  just  division 
of  streams  in  times  of  scarcity.  Lax  and  uncer- 
tain laws  have  made  it  possible  to  establish 
rights  to  water  in  excess  of  actual  uses  or  neces- 
sities, and  many  streams  have  already  passed 
into  private  ownership,  or  a control  equivalent 
to  ownership.”  — President' s Message  to  Congress, 
Dec.  3,  1901. 

The  Nationalizing  of  Irrigation  Works.  — 

The  highest  quality  of  statesmanship  is  repre- 
sented by  such  recommendations  as  these.  So 
far  as  concerned  the  proposed  nationalization 
of  irrigation  works,  to  reclaim  the  arid  lands  of 
the  West,  they  bore  fruit  within  a year,  in  the 
passage  by  Congress  of  the  Reclamation  Act  of 
June  17,  1902.  It  devoted  most  of  the  proceeds 
of  the  sale  of  public  lauds,  in  Arizona,  Califor- 
nia, Colorado,  Idaho,  Kansas,  Montana,  Nevada, 
New  Mexico,  North  and  South  Dakota,  Okla- 
homa, Utah,  Washington,  and  Wyoming,  to  a 
special  Reclamation  Fund  in  the  Treasury,  for 
the  creation  and  maintenance  of  irrigation  works. 
This  was  a measure  for  which  the  late  Major 
John  W.  Powell,  Director  of  the  United  States 
Geological  Survey,  had  labored  incessantly  for 
many  years.  In  his  book  on  “The  Lands  of 
the  Arid  Regions”  he  wTas  the  first  to  show  the 
possibility  of  redemption  for  most  of  the  wide 
spaces  of  land  then  supposed  to  be  hopeless  des- 
ert, and  he  pleaded  with  Congress,  session  after 
session,  for  some  national  undertaking  to  store 
and  distribute  the  waters  from  the  mountains 
that  would  give  life  to  their  soil.  In  1888  he 
succeeded  so  far  as  to  win  authority  and  means 
for  investigating  the  water  supply  for  the  re- 
gion, and  from  that  time  he  had  kept  an  effi- 
cient small  corps  of  engineers  at  work  in  the 
survey  and  measurement  of  streams,  accumu- 
lating information  that  was  ready  for  immediate 
use  when  actual  constructive  work  was  taken 
in  hand.  At  once,  on  the  passage  of  the  Reclama- 
tion Act,  the  Director  of  the  Geological  Survey, 
acting  under  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  began 
the  execution  of  plans  already  well  matured,  for 
irrigation  in  Arizona  and  Nevada;  and  was  able 
three  years  later  to  report  similar  undertakings 
in  progress  within  three  of  the  ten  Territories 
and  thirteen  States. 

In  May,  1908,  the  following  statement  of  the 
reclamation  work  then  in  progress  appeared  in 
The  Outlook:  “ The  work  as  a whole  rivals  the 
Panama  Canal  in  the  labor  and  expense  involved. 
The  employment  of  16,000  men  and  the  expendi- 
ture of  $1,250,000  every  month  are  but  incidents 


in  the  service.  Already  the  canals  completed1 
reach  a total  of  1,815  miles  — as  far  as  from  New 
York  to  Denver.  Homes  have  been  made  for  ten 
thousand  families  where  before  was  desert.  In 
the  past  five  years  $33,000,000  has  been  spent, 
and  the  enterprises  already  planned  will  add 
more  than  a hundred  millions  to  this  sum.  Nor 
is  this  money  spent  in  one  locality.  In  New 
Mexico  one  of  the  largest  dams  in  the  world  is 
being  constructed.  In  California  and  Nevada 
great  reservoirs  and  irrigation  plants  are  being 
built.  In  western  Kansas  the  beet-sugar  raisers 
are  to  have  a $250,000  plant  for  pumping  the 
‘ underflow,’  or  the  sheet  water  found  a few  feet 
beneath  the  top-soil,  of  the  Arkansas  River  Val- 
ley to  the  surface,  that  ditches  may  be  filled  and 
crops  made  certain.  On  seven  great  projects, 
involving  the  expenditure  of  $51,000,000  and  the 
reclamation  of  over  a million  acres,  the  benefit  is 
directly  to  the  Northwest.  These  projects  lie  in 
North  and  South  Dakota,  Montana,  and  Wash- 
ington. In  these  States  lands  that  have  been 
considered  as  worthless  except  for  the  coarsest 
kind  of  grazing  are  being  transformed  into  pro- 
ductive farms.  In  South  Dakota  the  largest 
earth  dam  in  the  world  is  being  constructed,  that 
ninety  thousand  acres  of  land  may  be  made  fer- 
tile ; while  just  east  of  the  Yellowstone  Park  is 
being  built  a solid  wall  of  masonry  310  feet  high 
to  hold  back  the  waters  of  the  Shoshone  River 
until  a reservoir  of  ten  square  miles,  capable  of 
irrigating  a hundred  thousand  acres,  is  formed. 
The  production  of  these  irrigated  lands  is  mar- 
velous. ” 

The  latest  official  statistics  that  are  available 
represent  the  total  of  acres  irrigated  at  the  end 
of  the  year  1907  as  being  11,000,000,  in  167,200 
farms,  at  an  average  cost  (of  constructive  work) 
of  $13.46  per  acre. 

A National  Forest  Policy.  — Less  prompti- 
tude of  action  followed  the  President's  urging 
of  measures  for  forest  preservation,  and  his 
warnings  to  Congress  and  the  country,  against 
the  consequences  of  this  inaction,  were  repeated 
from  year  to  year.  His  Message  of  December, 
1904,  carried  a specially  urgent  plea  for  legisla- 
tion to  unify  the  national  forest  work.  “ I have 
repeatedly,”  he  said,  “called  attention  to  the 
confusion  which  exists  in  Government  forest 
matters  because  the  work  is  scattered  among 
three  independent  organizations.  The  United 
States  is  the  only  one  of  the  great  nations  in 
which  the  forest  work  of  the  Government  is  not 
concentrated  under  one  department,  in  conso- 
nance with  the  plainest  dictates  of  good  ad- 
ministration and  common  sense.  The  present 
arrangement  is  bad  from  every  point  of  view. 
Merely  to  mention  it  is  to  prove  that  it  should 
be  terminated  at  once.  As  I have  repeatedly 
recommended,  all  the  forest  work  of  the  Gov- 
ernment should  be  concentrated  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture,  where  the  larger  part  of 
that  work  is  already  done,  where  practically  all 
of  the  trained  foresters  of  the  Government  are 
employed,  where  chiefly  in  Washington  there  is 
comprehensive  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  prob- 
lems of  the  reserves  acquired  on  the  ground, 
where  all  problems  relating  to  growth  from 
the  soil  are  already  gathered,  and  where  all  the 
sciences  auxiliary  to  forestry  are  at  hand  for 
prompt  and  effective  cooperation.” 

During  its  following  session  Congress  took 
the  desired  action,  and  the  whole  forest  service 


146 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


was  transferred  to  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture in  February,  1905. 

Early  in  June  of  that  year  the  efforts  of  the 
President  to  waken  attention  to  the  seriousness 
of  the  forest  destruction  in  the  country  were 
greatly  helped  by  a notable  convention  at  Wash- 
ington of  about  twelve  hundred  men,  having 
both  interest  and  knowledge  in  the  matter,  who 
came  together  to  discuss  the  problems  involved. 
They  were  mostly  practical  foresters,  intelligent 
lumbermen,  railway  men,  ranch-owners,  engi- 
neers and  miners,  and  their  urgency  of  a sys- 
tematic conservative  treatment  of  the  surviv- 
ing forest  wealth  of  the  country  carried  great 
weight.  The  convention  was  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  and  was 
addressed  by  the  President 

During  a journey  through  parts  of  the  South- 
ern States,  in  October,  1905,  the  President  took 
occasion,  in  some  of  his  speeches,  to  urge  that 
a large  part,  at  least,  of  the  rapidly  disappearing 
forests  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  country  should 
be  nationalized,  for  preservation  in  the  manner 
of  the  forest  reserves  of  the  Far  West.  In  his 
Message  of  1906  he  submitted  this  to  Congress, 
as  a specific  recommendation,  saying  that  the 
forests  of  the  White  Mountains  and  the  South- 
ern Appalachian  regions  need  to  be  preserved, 
and  “cannot  be  unless  the  people  of  the  States 
in  which  they  lie,  through  their  representatives 
in  the  Congress,  secure  vigorous  action  by  the 
National  Government.”  This  proposal  encoun- 
tered strong  opposition  from  selfish  interests, 
and  Congress  was  prevailed  upon  with  difficulty 
to  authorize  a survey  of  the  forests  of  the  White 
Mountainsand  the  Southern  Appalachians,  which 
resulted  in  a recommendation  by  the  Secretary 
of  Agriculture  that  600,000  acres  in  the  former 
region  and  5,000,000  in  the  latter  be  purchased 
for  a National  Reserve.  A bill  responsive  to 
this  recommendation  was  passed  by  the  Senate, 
but  rejected  by  the  House,  which  appointed  a 
commission,  instead,  to  make  further  investiga- 
tions in  the  matter.  Meantime,  in  the  White 
Mountains  alone,  busy  slaughterers  of  the  for- 
ests were  said  to  be  stripping  three  hundred 
acres  per  day. 

On  the  eve  of  the  adjournment  of  Congress 
in  March,  1907,  the  President  issued  a proclama- 
tion adding  some  seventeen  millions  of  acres 
of  forest  lands  to  the  National  Forest  Reserves 
already  established.  This  was  just  before  he 
signed  an  Act  of  Congress  which  abridged  his 
authority  to  create  reserves  in  Colorado,  Wyo- 
ming, Montana,  Idaho,  Oregon,  and  Washington. 
It  was  a characteristic  proceeding,  for  which 
the  President  had  ample  power  under  a statute 
of  1891,  and  it  simply  held  the  forests  desig- 
nated in  safety  from  destruction  until  the  ques- 
tion of  their  treatment  was  more  carefully 
considered.  The  next  Congress,  or  the  next 
President,  could  give  them  up  to  private  owner- 
ship, in  whole  or  in  part,  if  the  one  or  the  other 
found  reason  for  doing  so.  Meantime  they  were 
sheltered  from  the  axeman,  while  undergoing 
study.  As  a matter  of  fact,  Mr.  Roosevelt’s 
successor,  President  Taft,  did  conclude  that 
some  of  the  lands  reserved  should  be  released 
for  sale,  and  so  ordered  soon  after  he  entered 
the  executive  office. 

The  Inland  Waterways  Commission.  — In 

his  annual  Message  of  December,  1907,  the 
President  enlarged  the  range  of  considerations 


that  connect  themselves  with  the  question  of 
economic  forestry,  by  directing  attention  to  the 
importance  of  the  waterways  of  the  country 
and  their  claim  to  a more  systematic  develop- 
ment. “For  the  last  few  years,”  he  said, 
“through  several  agencies,  the  Government 
has  been  endeavoring  to  get  our  people  to  look 
ahead,  and  to  substitute  a planned  and  orderly 
development  of  our  resources  in  place  of  a hap- 
hazard striving  for  immediate  profit.  Our 
great  river  systems  should  be  developed  as  Na- 
tional  water  highways;  the  Mississippi,  with 
its  tributaries,  standing  first  in  importance,  and 
the  Columbia  second,  although  there  are  many 
others  of  importance  on  the  Pacific,  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Gulf  slopes.  The  National  Government 
should  undertake  this  work,  and  I hope  a begin- 
ning will  be  made  in  the  present  Congress;  and 
the  greatest  of  all  our  rivers,  the  Mississippi, 
should  receive  especial  attention.  From  the 
Great  Lakes  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
there  should  be  a deep  waterway,  with  deep 
waterways  leading  from  it  to  the  East  and  the 
West.  Such  a waterway  would  practically 
mean  the  extension  of  our  coast  line  into  the 
very  heart  of  our  country.  It  would  be  of  in- 
calculable benefit  to  our  people.  If  begun  at 
once  it  can  be  carried  through  in  time  appre- 
ciably to  relieve  the  congestion  of  our  great 
freight-carrying  lines  of  railroads.  . . . 

“The  inland  waterways  which  lie  just  back 
of  the  whole  eastern  and  southern  coasts  should 
likewise  be  developed.  Moreover,  the  develop- 
ment of  our  waterways  involves  many  other 
important  water  problems,  all  of  which  should 
be  considered  as  part  of  the  same  general  scheme. 
The  Government  dams  should  be  used  to  pro- 
duce hundreds  of  thousands  of  horsepower  as 
an  incident  to  improving  navigation ; for  the 
annual  value  of  the  unused  water-power  of  the 
United  States  perhaps  exceeds  the  annual  value 
of  the  products  of  all  our  mines.  As  an  inci- 
dent to  creating  the  deep  waterway  down  the 
Mississippi,  the  Government  should  build  along 
its  whole  lower  length  levees  which  taken  to- 
gether with  the  control  of  the  headwaters,  will 
at  once  and  forever  put  a complete  stop  to  all 
threat  of  floods  in  the  immensely  fertile  Delta 
region.  The  territory  lying  adjacent  to  the 
Mississippi  along  its  lower  course  will  thereby 
become  one  of  the  most  prosperous  and  popu- 
lous, as  it  already  is  one  of  the  most  fertile, 
farming  regions  in  all  the  world.  I have  ap- 
pointed an  Inland  Waterways  Commission  to 
study  and  outline  a comprehensive  scheme  of 
development  along  all  the  lines  indicated.  Later 
I shall  lay  its  report  before  the  Congress.” 

The  Inland  Waterways  Commission  thus  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  in  March,  1907,  gave 
its  attention  first  to  the  project  of  a “Lakes-to- 
the-Gulf  Deep  Water  Way,”  which  had  been 
commanding  wide  interest  in  the  Mississippi 
Valley  for  some  years.  What  the  project,  in  its 
full  magnitude,  contemplated,  was  stated  as  fol- 
lows in  the  resolutions  of  a great  convention,  of 
4000  delegates,  from  44  States,  assembled  at 
Chicago  in  October,  1908:  “Any  plan  for  the 
inland  waterway  development  so  imperatively 
necessary  to  the  material  welfare  of  the  valley 
should  comprise  a main  trunk  line  in  the  form 
of  a strait  connecting  Lake  Michigan  with  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  by  way  of  the  Illinois  and  Mis- 
sissippi rivers.  The  development  of  this  trunk 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


line  should  begin  at  once.  The  improvement 
of  the  branches  of  this  main  line,  such  as  the 
upper  Mississippi,  with  its  tributaries;  the  Ohio, 
with  its  leading  tributaries,  including  the  Ten- 
nessee and  Cumberland  ; the  Missouri,  the  Ar- 
kansas, the  Red,  the  White,  and  other  rivers, 
and  the  interstate  inland  waterway  of  Louisiana 
and  Texas,  should  proceed  simultaneously  with 
the  development  of  the  principal  line. 

“ The  deep  waterway  is  practically  complete 
from  Chicago  to  Joliet  through  the  courage  and 
enterprise  of  the  single  city  of  Chicago,  which 
has  by  the  expenditure  of  $55,000,000  created  a 
deep  waterway  across  the  main  divide  between 
the  waters  of  Lake  Michigan  and  those  of  the 
Mississippi.  A special  board  of  survey,  com- 
posed of  United  States  engineers,  reported  to 
Congress  in  1905  that  the  continuation  of  the  deep 
waterway  from  Joliet  to  St.  Louis  was  feasible 
and  would  cost  only  $31,000,000.  The  State  of 
Illinois,  assuming  that  the  Federal  Government 
will  take  the  responsibility  of  completing  the 
waterway  to  the  Gulf,  is  about  to  cooperate  to 
the  extent  of  $20,000,000.” 

The  waterway  here  mentioned  as  being  “ prac 
tically  complete  from  Chicago  to  Joliet”  is  that 
known  as  the  Chicago  Drainage  Canal.  The  $20,- 
000,000  with  which  the  State  of  Illinois  would 
cooperate  in  carrying  out  the  whole  project  was 
voted  by  that  State  in  November.  1908,  for  build- 
ing an  extension  of  the  Drainage  Canal  from 
Joliet  to  Utica,  Illinois,  sixty-one  miles,  for  a de- 
velopment of  water  power.  The  depth  of  these 
channels  is  and  is  to  be  twenty-four  feet,  and  the 
project  of  the  Lakes-to-the-Gulf  Deep  Waterway 
contemplated  that  depth  throughout.  The  Board 
of  Engineers  to  which  the  project  was  referred 
reported,  however,  in  June,  1909,  against  the  de- 
sirability of  a waterway  of  such  depth.  Its  cost 
from  St.  Louis  to  the  Gulf  is  estimated  to  be 
$128,000,000  for  construction,  and  $6,000,000 
yearly  for  maintenance.  In  the  judgment  of  the 
board,  the  present  demands  of  commerce  between 
St.  Louis  and  the  Gulf  will  be  adequately  met 
by  an  eight-foot  channel  from  St.  Louis  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio  and  a channel  of  not  less  than 
nine  feet  in  depth  below  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio. 
The  board’s  belief  is  that  an  eight-foot  channel 
from  Chicago  to  St.  Louis  corresponding  with 
the  eight-foot  project  from  St.  Louis  to  Cairo  is 
the  least  that  would  adequately  meet  the  de- 
mands of  commerce.  It  adds  that  such  a water- 
way would  be  desirable,  provided  its  cost  is  rea- 
sonable. Present  and  prospective  demands  of 
commerce  between  Chicago  and  the  Gulf  would 
be  adequately  served,  the  board  reports,  by  a 
through  nine-foot  channel  to  the  Gulf. 

In  the  States  bordering  on  the  Atlantic  a 
“Deeper  Waterways  Association”  is  pressing 
long-mooted  plans  for  uniting  the  bays,  sounds, 
and  navigable  rivers  along  the  Atlantic  coast  by 
canals,  thus  affording  safe  deep-water  communi- 
cation from  Boston  on  the  east  to  Florida  at  the 
far  south. 

Conference  of  Governors  at  Washington. 

— In  all  his  endeavors  to  establish  a national 
policy  directed,  systematically  and  scientifically, 
to  the  arresting  of  waste  in  the  use  and  treat- 
ment of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country,  Pre- 
sident Roosevelt  was  assisted  very  greatly  by  the 
knowledge  and  the  energetic  public  spirit  of  the 
chief  of  the  National  Forest  Service,  Mr.  Gifford 
Pinchot.  It  is  understood  to  have  been  on  the 


initative  of  Mr.  Pinchot  that  the  crowning  ex- 
pedient for  stirring  and  determining  public  feel- 
ing on  the  subject  was  planned,  early  in  the 
winter  of  1908,  when  the  President  invited  the 
Governors  of  all  the  States  and  Territories  to  a 
Conference  in  Washington,  for  considering  the 
whole  question  of  an  economic  conservation  of 
natural  resources  and  concerting  measures  to 
that  end.  It  was  said,  indeed,  by  the  President, 
in  addressing  the  meeting  of  Governors,  that  if 
it  had  not  been  for  Mr.  Pinchot  “ this  convention 
neither  would  nor  could  have  been  called.”  The 
invitation  went  to  others  than  Governors,  — to 
men  of  national  prominence  in  public  life,  in 
scientific  pursuits,  in  business  experience,  and 
to  heads  of  great  associations.  The  resulting  as- 
sembly at  the  White  House,  on  the  13th,  14th,  and 
15tli  of  May,  1908,  marked  an  epoch  in  American 
history.  There  were  Governors  from  forty  of 
the  forty-six  States  of  the  Union,  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  members  of  his  Cabinet,  the  Justices 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  many  Senators  and  Re- 
presentatives from  the  Congress,  and  a distin- 
guished gathering  of  such  citizens  as  William 
Jennings  Bryan,  Seth  Low,  Janies  J.  Hill,  An- 
drew Carnegie,  John  Mitchell  and  Samuel  Gom- 
pers.  All  sides  of  the  national  thriftlessness  that 
needed  correction  were  discussed  by  men  who 
could  best  describe  the  evils  produced  and  best 
indicate  the  methods  of  remedy.  Before  adjourn- 
ing their  meeting  the  Governors  present  adopted 
with  unanimity  a declaration  in  which  they  say : 

“We  agree  that  our  country’s  future  is  in- 
volved in  this  : that  the  great  natural  resources 
supply  the  material  basis  upon  which  our  civil- 
ization must  continue  to  depend,  and  upon  which 
the  perpetuity  of  the  nation  itself  rests.  We 
agree,  in  the  light  of  the  facts  brought  to  our 
knowledge  and  from  the  information  received 
from  sources  which  we  cannot  doubt,  that  this 
material  basis  is  threatened  with  exhaustion.  . . . 

“We  declare  our  firm  conviction  that  this 
conservation  of  our  natural  resources  is  a subject 
of  transcendent  importance  which  should  engage 
unremittingly  the  attention  of  the  nation,  the 
States,  and  the  people  in  earnest  cooperation. 
These  natural  resources  include  the  land  on  which 
we  live  and  which  yields  our  food;  the  living 
waters  which  fertilize  the  soil,  supply  power, 
and  form  great  avenues  of  commerce  ; the  for- 
ests which  yield  the  materials  for  our  homes, 
prevent  erosion  of  the  soil,  and  conserve  the 
navigation  and  other  uses  of  the  streams ; and 
the  minerals  which  form  the  basis  of  our  indus- 
trial life,  and  supply  us  with  heat,  light,  and 
power.  . . . 

“We  commend  the  wise  forethought  of  the 
President  in  sounding  the  note  of  warning  as 
to  the  waste  and  exhaustion  of  the  natural  re- 
sources of  the  country,  and  signify  our  high 
appreciation  of  his  action  in  calling  this  Con- 
ference to  consider  the  same  and  to  seek  reme- 
dies therefor  through  cooperation  of  the  nation 
and  the  States.  . . . 

“We  agree  in  the  wisdom  of  future  confer- 
ences between  the  President,  Members  of  Con- 
gress, and  the  governors  of  States  on  the  con- 
servation of  our  natural  resources  with  a view 
of  continued  cooperation  and  action  on  the  lines 
suggested ; and  to  this  end  we  advise  that  from 
time  to  time,  as  in  his  judgment  may  seem  wise, 
the  President  call  the  governors  of  States  and 
Members  of  Congress  and  others  into  conference. 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


“ We  agree  that  further  action  is  advisable  to 
ascertain  the  present  condition  of  our  natural 
resources  and  to  promote  the  conservation  of 
the  same ; and  to  that  end  we  recommend  the 
appointment  by  each  State  of  a commission  on 
the  conservation  of  natural  resources,  to  cofip- 
erate  with  each  other  and  with  any  similar 
commission  of  the  Federal  Government.” 

The  National  Conservation  Commission 
and  its  Report.  — The  President  acted  with 
promptitude  on  the  suggestion  of  a National 
Commission  on  the  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources, to  cooperate  with  kindred  State  Com- 
missions. Within  a month  he  announced  the 
appointment  of  such  a Commission,  composed  of 
nearly  fifty  men  of  special  qualification  for  the 
inquiries  to  be  pursued,  the  recommendations  to 
be  made,  and  the  action  to  be  taken.  All  sec- 
tions of  the  country  are  represented  on  the  Com- 
mission, including  such  authorities  on  waters  as 
Professor  Swain,  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute 
of  Technology  ; on  forests,  as  Professor  Graves, 
of  the  Yale  Forestry  School,  and  Mr.  Charles 
Lathrop  Pack,  of  New  Jersey  ; on  lands,  as  Ex- 
Governor  Pardee,  of  California,  and  Mr.  James 
J.  Hill,  the  eminent  railway  president;  on  min- 
erals, as  Messrs.  Andrew  Carnegie,  of  New 
York,  John  Hays  Hammond,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  John  Mitchell,  of  Illinois. 

The  Commission  is  divided  into  four  sections, 
one  to  consider  forests,  another  waters,  a third 
minerals,  and  the  fourth  lands.  Over  these  di 
visions  is  an  executive  committee,  of  which  Mr. 
Gifford  Pinchot  is  chairman.  In  each  section 
there  are  representatives  from  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  and  officials  of  Gov- 
ernment from  the  Department  which  has  to  do 
with  the  subject  referred  to  it. 

State  action  on  the  lines  commended  by  the  Con- 
ference of  Governors  had  already  been  instituted 
in  a number  of  States,  and  in  many  others  it  was 
promptly  set  on  foot ; so  that  the  desired  cooper- 
ative organization  of  effort  was  soon  well  under 
way,  and  contributing  to  the  first  undertaking 
plauned  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Na- 
tional Commission,  which  was  the  making  of  an 
inventory  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  United 
States.  So  effective  was  the  work  done  in  the 
summer  and  fall  of  1908  that  a Second  Conference 
of  State  Governors,  jointly  with  the  State  and 
National  Commissions,  was  found  desirable,  for 
consideration  of  the  mass  of  facts  collected  as  a 
basis  for  definite  plans.  The  Second  Conference, 
like  the  First,  was  in  Washington,  and  it  was 
opened  on  the  8th  of  December,  under  the  chair- 
manship of  the  then  President-elect  of  the  United 
States,  the  Hon.  William  H.  Taft.  The  draft  of  a 
report  prepared  to  be  made  by  the  National  Con- 
servation Commission  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  submitted  confidentially  to 
this  Conference,  and  was  sent  to  Congress  a little 
later  with  its  approval,  as  well  as  with  that  of  the 
President.  The  Conference  adopted,  further- 
more, two  important  resolutions,  as  follows: 

“ Resolved , That  a joint  committee  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  chairman,  to  consist  of  six  mem- 
bers of  state  conservation  commissions  and  three 
members  of  the  National  Conservation  Commis- 
sion, whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  prepare  and  pre- 
sent to  the  state  and  national  commissions,  and 
through  them  to  the  governors  and  the  Presi- 
dent, a plan  for  united  action  by  all  organizations 
concerned  with  the  conservation  of  natural  re- 


sources. (On  motion  of  Governor  Noel,  of  Missis- 
sippi, the  chairman  and  secretary  of  the  confer- 
ence were  added  to  and  constituted  a part  of  this 
committee.)  ” 

“We  also  especially  urge  on  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  the  high  desirability  of  main- 
taining a National  Commission  on  the  Conserva- 
tion of  the  Resources  of  the  Country,  empowered 
to  cobperate  with  State  Commissions,  to  the  end 
that  every  sovereign  commonwealth  and  every 
section  of  the  country  may  attain  the  high  degree 
of  prosperity  and  the  sureness  of  perpetuity  nat- 
urally arising  in  the  abundant  resources  and  the 
vigor,  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  our  people.” 

In  subsequently  communicating  to  Congress, 
on  the  22d  of  January,  1909,  the  report  of  the 
National  Conservation  Commission,  the  Presi- 
dent said:  “With  the  statements  and  conclu- 

sions of  this  report  I heartily  concur,  and  I 
commend  it  to  the  thoughtful  consideration  both 
of  the  Congress  and  of  our  people  generally.  It 
is  one  of  the  most  fundamentally  important 
documents  ever  laid  before  the  American  people. 
It  contains  the  first  inventory  of  its  natural  re- 
sources ever  made  by  any  nation.” 

The  report  of  the  Commission  was  prefaced 
by  a brief  explanatory  statement  from  the  Chair- 
man of  its  Executive  Committee,  partly  as  fol- 
lows: “ The  executive  committee  designated  in 
your  letter  creating  the  commission  organized 
on  June  19  and  outlined  a plan  for  making  an 
inventory  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  United 
States.  On  July  1 work  was  undertaken,  ac- 
cordingly, with  the  cooperation  of  the  bureaus 
of  the  federal  departments,  authorities  of  the 
different  States,  and  representative  bodies  of  the 
national  industries.  The  results  of  this  cooper- 
ative work  are  herewith  submitted  as  appen- 
dices of  the  commission’s  report.  ...  In  its  co- 
operation ‘ with  other  bodies  created  for  similar 
purposes  by  States,’  the  National  Conservation 
Commission  has  had  most  valuable  assistance. 
Within  the  first  month  after  the  creation  of  the 
commission,  the  governors  of  5 States  had  ap- 
pointed conservation  commissions,  and  an  equal 
number  of  organizations  of  national  scope  had 
named  conservation  committees.  At  the  time 
of  the  recent  joint  conservation  conference  33 
States  and  Territories  had  formed  conservation 
commissions.  The  number  has  now  increased  to 
36,  with  indications  that  nearly  all  of  the  remain- 
ing States  will  soon  take  similar  action.  The 
number  of  national  organizations  which  have 
appointed  conservation  committees  is  41.” 

An  Inventory  of  Natural  Resources.  — From 
the  report  itself  it  is  only  possible,  in  this  place, 
to  glean  a few  of  its  most  impressive  and  sig- 
nificant disclosures  of  fact.  For  example  : 

CONCERNING  FORESTS. 

“Forests  privately  owned  cover  three-fourths 
of  the  total  forest  area  and  contain  four-fifths  of 
the  standing  timber.  The  timber  pri  vately  owned 
is  not  only  four  times  that  publicly  owned,  but 
is  generally  more  valuable.  Forestry  is  now 
practiced  on  70  per  cent,  of  the  forests  publicly 
owned,  and  on  less  than  1 per  cent,  of  the  forests 
privately  owned,  or  on  only  18  per  cent,  of  the 
total  area  of  forests. 

“The  yearly  growth  of  wood  in  our  forests 
does  not  average  more  than  12  cubic  feet  per 
acre.  This  gives  a total  yearly  growth  of  less 
than  7,000,000,000  cubic  feet. 


149 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


“We  have  200,000,000  acresof  mature  forests, 
in  which  yearly  growth  is  balanced  by  decay  ; 

250.000. 000  acres  partly  cut  over  or  burned  over, 
but  restocking  naturally  with  enough  young 
growth  to  produce  a merchantable  crop,  and 

100.000. 000  acres  cut  over  and  burned  over, 
upon  which  young  growth  is  lacking  or  too 
scanty  to  make  merchantable  timber. 

“We  take  from  our  forests  yearly,  including 
waste  in  logging  and  in  manufacture,  23,000,000,- 
000  cubic  feet  of  wood.  We  use  each  year  100,- 
000,000  cords  of  firewood;  40,000,000,000  feet  of 
lumber;  more  than  1,000,000,000  posts,  poles, 
and  fence  rails;  118,000,000  hewn  ties;  1,500,000,- 
000  staves;  over  133,000,000  sets  of  heading; 
nearly  500,000,000  barrel  hoops;  3,000,000  cords 
of  native  pulp  wood  ; 165,000,000  cubic  feet  of 
round  mine  timbers,  and  1,250,000  cords  of  wood 
for  distillation. 

“Since  1870  forest  fires  have  destroyed  a 
yearly  average  of  50  lives  and  $50,000,000  worth 
of  timber.  Not  less  than  50,000,000  acres  of 
forest  is  burned  over  yearly.  The  young  growth 
destroyed  by  fire  is  worth  far  more  than  the 
merchantable  timber  burned. 

“One-fourth  of  the  standing  timber  is  lost  in 
logging.  The  boxing  of  long-leaf  pine  for  tur- 
pentine has  destroyed  one-fifth  of  the  forests 
worked.  The  loss  in  the  mill  is  from  one-third 
to  two-thirds  of  the  timber  sawed.  The  loss  of 
mill  product  in  seasoning  and  fitting  for  use  is 
from  one-seventh  to  one  fourth.  Of  each  1000 
feet,  which  stood  in  the  forest,  an  average  of 
only  320  feet  of  lumber  is  used. 

“We  take  from  our  forests  each  year,  not  count 
ing  the  loss  by  fire,  three  and  a half  times  their 
yearly  growth.  We  take  40  cubic  feet  per  acre 
for  each  12  cubic  feet  grown;  we  take  260  cubic 
feet  per  capita,  while  Germany  uses  37  and  France 
25  cubic  feet. 

“We  tax  our  forests  under  the  general  property 
tax,  a method  abandoned  long  ago  by  every  other 
great  nation.  Present  tax  laws  prevent  reforest- 
ation of  cut-over  land  and  the  perpetuation  of 
existing  forests  by  use. 

“ Great  damage  is  done  to  standing  timber  by 
injurious  forest  insects.  Much  of  this  damage 
can  be  prevented  at  small  expense. 

“To  protect  our  farms  from  wind  and  to  re- 
forest land  best  suited  for  forest  growth  will  re- 
quire tree  planting  on  an  area  larger  than  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio,  and  West  Virginia  combined. 
Lands  so  far  successfully  planted  make  a total 
area  smaller  than  Rhode  Island ; and  year  by  year, 
through  careless  cutting  and  fires,  we  lower  the 
capacity  of  existing  forests  to  produce  their  like 
again,  or  else  totally  destroy  them.  . . . 

“ By  reasonable  thrift  we  can  produce  a con- 
stant timber  supply  beyond  our  present  need,  and 
with  it  conserve  the  usefulness  of  our  streams  for 
irrigation,  water  supply,  navigation  and  power. 
Under  right  management,  our  forests  will  yield 
over  four  times  as  much  as  now.  We  can  reduce 
waste  in  the  woods  and  in  the  mill  at  least  one 
third,  with  present  as  well  as  future  profit.  . . . 
We  can  practically  stop  forest  fires  at  a cost 
yearly  of  one  fifth  of  the  value  of  the  merchant- 
able timber  burned. 

“ We  shall  suffer  for  timber  to  meet  our  needs 
until  our  forests  have  had  time  to  grow  again. 
But  if  we  act  vigorously  and  at  once,  we  shall 
escape  permanent  timber  scarcity.”  The  report 
adds  much  of  interest  on  this  subject. 


CONCERNING  WATERS. 

“ Our  mean  annual  rainfall  is  about  30  inches  ; 
the  quantity  about  215,000,000,000,000  cubic  feet 
per  year,  equivalent  to  ten  Mississippi  rivers. 
Of  the  total  rainfall  over  half  is  evaporated  ; 
about  a third  flows  into  the  sea,  the  remaining 
sixth  is  either  consumed  or  absorbed.  These  por 
tions  are  sometimes  called,  respectively,  the  fly- 
off,  the  run-off  and  the  cut-off.  They  are  partly 
interchangeable.  About  a third  of  the  run-off, 
or  a tenth  of  the  entire  rainfall,  passes  through 
the  Mississippi.  The  run-off  is  increasing  with 
deforestation  and  cultivation. 

“Of  the  70,000,000,000,000  cubic  feet  annu- 
ally flowing  into  the  sea,  less  than  1 per  cent,  is 
restrained  and  utilized  for  municipal  and  com- 
munity supply  ; less  than  2 per  cent,  tor  some 
10  per  cent,  of  that  in  the  arid  and  semi-arid 
regions)  is  used  for  irrigation  ; perhaps  5 per 
cent,  is  used  for  navigation,  and  less  than  5 per 
cent,  for  power.  . . . 

“ For  irrigation  it  is  estimated  that  there  are 
$200,000,000  invested  in  dams,  ditches,  reser- 
voirs, and  other  works  for  the  partial  control  of 
the  waters  ; and  that  1,500,000,000,000  cubic  feet 
are  annually  diverted  to  irrigable  lands,  aggre- 
gating some  20,000  square  miles.  Except  in  some 
cases  through  forestry,  few  catchment  areas  are 
controlled,  and  few  reservoirs  are  large  enough 
to  hold  the  storm  waters.  The  waste  in  the  pub- 
lic and  private  projects  exceeds  60  per  cent, 
while  no  more  than  25  per  cent,  of  the  water  act- 
ually available  for  irrigation  of  the  arid  lands 
is  restrained  and  diverted. 

“There  are  in  continental  United  States  282 
streams  navigated  for  an  aggregate  of  26,115 
miles,  and  as  much  more  navigable  if  improved. 
There  are  45  canals,  aggregating  2,189  miles, 
besides  numerous  abandoned  canals.  Except 
through  forestry  in  recent  years,  together  with 
a few  reservoirs  and  canal  locks  and  movable 
dams,  there  has  been  little  effort  to  control  head- 
waters or  catchment  areas  in  the  interests  of  nav- 
igation, and  none  of  our  rivers  are  navigated 
to  more  than  a small  fraction  even  of  their 
effective  low-water  capacity. 

“The  water  power  now  in  use  is  5,250,000 
horse  power;  the  amount  running  over  govern- 
ment dams  and  not  used  is  about  1,400,000  horse- 
power ; the  amount  reasonably  available  equals 
or  exceeds  the  entire  mechanical  power  now  in 
use,  or  enough  to  operate  every  mill,  drive  every 
spindle,  propel  every  train  and  boat,  and  light 
every  city,  town,  and  village  in  the  country. 

. . . Nearly  all  the  freshet  and  flood  water  runs 
to  waste,  and  the  low  waters  which  limit  the 
efficiency  of  power  plants  are  increasing  in  fre- 
quency and  duration  with  the  increasing  flood 
run-off.  . . . Thedireet  yearly  damage  by  floods 
since  1900has  increased  steadily  from  $45, 000, 000 
to  over  $238,000,000.  . . . 

“ A large  part  of  that  half  of  the  annual  rain- 
fall not  evaporated  lodges  temporarily  in  the  soil 
and  earth.  It  is  estimated  that  the  ground  water 
to  the  depth  of  100 feet  averages  10jj  percent,  of 
the  earth-volume,  or  over  1,400,000,000,000,000 
cubic  feet,  equivalent  to  seven  years'  rainfall  or 
twenty  years’  run-off.  This  subsurface  reservoir 
is  the  essential  basis  of  agriculture  and  other  in- 
dustries and  is  the  chief  natural  resource  of  the 
country.  It  sustains  forests  and  all  other  crops 
and  supplies  the  perennial  springs  and  streams 
and  wells  used  by  four-fifths  of  our  population 


150 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


and  nearly  all  our  domestic  animals.  Its  quan- 
tity is  diminished  by  the  increased  run-off  due  to 
deforestation  and  injudicious  farming.” 

CONCERNING  LANDS. 

“The  total  land  area  of  continental  United 
States  is  1,900,000,000  acres.  Of  this  but  little 
more  than  two-tifths  is  in  farms,  and  less  than 
one-half  of  the  farm  area  is  improved  and  made 
a source  of  crop  production.  We  have  nearly 
0,000,000  farms;  they  average  146  acres  each. 
The  value  of  the  farms  is  nearly  one-fourth  the 
wealth  of  the  United  States.  There  are  more 
than  300,000,000  acres  of  public  grazing  land. 
The  number  of  persons  engaged  in  agricultural 
pursuits  is  more  than  10,000,000.  . . . 

“There  has  been  a slight  increase  in  the  aver- 
age yield  of  our  great  staple  farm  products,  but 
neither  the  increase  in  acreage  nor  the  yield  per 
acre  has  kept  pace  with  our  increase  in  popula- 
tion. Within  a century  we  shall  probably  have 
to  feed  three  times  as  many  people  as  now  ; and 
the  main  bulk  of  our  food  supply  must  be  grown 
■on  our  own  soil. 

"The  area  of  cultivated  land  may  possibly  be 
doubled.  In  addition  to  the  land  awaiting  the 
plow,  75,000,000  acres  of  swamp  land  can  be  re- 
claimed, 40,000,000  acres  of  desert  land  irrigated, 
and  millions  of  acres  of  brush  and  wooded  land 
•cleared.  Our  population  will  increase  continu- 
ously, but  there  is  a definite  limit  to  the  increase 
•of  our  cultivated  acreage.  Hence  we  must 
greatly  increase  the  yield  per  acre.  The  average 
yield  of  wheat  in  the  United  States  is  less  than 
14  bushels  per  acre,  in  Germany  28  bushels,  and 
in  England  32  bushels.  We  get  30  bushels  of 
■oats  per  acre,  England  nearly  45,  and  Germany 
more  than  47.  Our  soils  are  fertile,  but  our 
mode  of  farming  neither  conserves  the  soil  nor 
secures  full  crop  returns.  The  greatest  unne- 
cessary loss  of  our  soil  is  preventable  erosion. 
Second  only  to  this  is  the  waste,  nonuse,  and 
misuse  of  fertilizer  derived  from  animals  and 
men.” 

CONCERNING  MINERALS. 

‘ ‘ The  available  and  easily  accessible  supplies 
■of  coal  in  the  United  States  aggregate  approx- 
imately 1,400,000,000,000  tons.  At  the  present 
increasing  rate  of  production  this  supply  will 
be  so  depleted  as  to  approach  exhaustion  before 
the  middle  of  the  next  century. 

“The. known  supply  of  high-grade  iron  ores 
in  the  United  States  approximates  3,840,000.000 
tons,  which  at  the  present  increasing  rate  of  con- 
sumption can  not  be  expected  to  last  beyond  the 
middle  of  the  present  century.  In  addition  to 
this,  there  are  assumed  to  be  59,000,000,000  tons 
•of  lower  grade  iron  ores  which  are  not  available 
for  use  under  existing  conditions. 

“ The  supply  of  stone,  clay,  cement,  lime,  sand, 
and  salt  is  ample,  while  the  stock  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  and  of  copper,  lead,  zinc,  sulphur, 
asphalt,  graphite,  quicksilver,  mica,  and  the  rare 
metals  can  not  well  be  estimated,  but  is  clearly 
exhaustible  within  one  to  three  centuries  unless 
unexpected  deposits  be  found. 

“ The  known  supply  of  petroleum  is  estimated 
at  15,000,000,000  to  20,000,000,000  barrels,  dis 
tributed  through  six  separate  fields  having  an 
aggregate  area  of  8,900  square  miles.  The  pro- 
duction is  rapidly  increasing,  while  the  wastes 
.and  the  loss  through  misuse  are  enormous.  The 


supply  can  not  be  expected  to  last  beyond  the 
middle  of  the  present  century. 

“The  known  natural-gas  fields  aggregate  an 
area  of  9,000  square  miles,  distributed  through 
22  States.  Of  the  total  yield  from  these  fields 
during  1907,  400,000,000.000  cubic  feet,  valued 
at  $62,000,000,  were  utilized,  while  an  equal 
quantity  was  allowed  to  escape  into  the  air. 
The  daily  waste  of  natural  gas  — the  most  per- 
fect known  fuel — is  over  1,000,000,000  cubic 
feet,  or  enough  to  supply  every  city  in  the  United 
States  of  over  100,000  population. 

“Phosphate  rock,  used  for  fertilizer,  repre- 
sents the  slow  accumulation  of  organic  matter 
during  past  ages.  In  most  countries  it  is  scru- 
pulously preserved  ; in  this  country  it  is  exten- 
sively exported,  and  largely  for  this  reason  its 
production  is  increasing  rapidly.  The  original 
supply  can  not  long  withstand  the  increasing 
demand.  . . . 

“ The  National  Government  should  exercise 
such  control  of  the  mineral  fuels  and  phosphate 
rocks  now  in  its  possession  as  to  check  waste  and 
prolong  our  supply.” 

CONCERNING  LIFE  AND  HEALTH 

“Since  the  greatest  of  our  national  assets  is 
the  health  and  vigor  of  the  American  people, 
our  efficiency  must  depend  on  national  vitality 
even  more  than  on  the  resources  of  the  minerals, 
lands,  forests,  and  waters.  . . . 

“ Our  annual  mortality  from  tuberculosis  is 
about  150,000.  Stopping  three-fourths  of  the 
loss  of  life  from  this  cause,  and  from  typhoid 
and  other  prevalent  and  preventable  diseases, 
would  increase  our  average  length  of  life  over 
fifteen  years.  There  are  constantly  about  3,000,  - 
000  persons  seriously  ill  in  the  United  States,  of 
whom  500,000  are  consumptives.  More  than 
half  this  illness  is  preventable.  . . . 

“The  National  Government  has  now  several 
agencies  exercising  health  functions  which  only 
need  to  be  concentrated  to  become  coordinated 
parts  of  a greater  health  service  worthy  of  the 
nation.” 

FINAL  WORDS. 

“The  inventory  of  our  natural  resources  made 
by  your  commission,  with  the  vigorous  aid  of 
all  federal  agencies  concerned,  of  many  States, 
and  of  a great  number  of  associated  and  individ- 
ual cooperators,  furnishes  a safe  basis  for  general 
conclusions  as  to  what  we  have,  what  we  use 
and  waste,  and  what  may  be  the  possible  saving. 
But  for  none  of  the  great  resources  of  the  farm, 
the  mine,  the  forest,  and  the  stream  do  we  yet 
possess  knowledge  definite  or  wide  enough  to 
insure  methods  of  use  which  will  best  conserve 
them.  . . The  pressing  need  is  for  a general 
plan  under  which  citizens.  States  and  Nation 
may  unite  in  an  effort  to  achieve  this  great  end. 
The  lack  of  cooperation  between  the  States  and 
the  Nation,  and  between  the  agencies  of  the 
National  Government,  is  a potent  cause  of  the 
neglect  of  conservation  among  the  people.  An 
organization  through  which  all  agencies,  state, 
national,  municipal,  associate,  and  individual, 
may  unite  in  a common  effort  to  conserve  the 
foundations  of  our  prosperity  is  indispensable  to 
the  welfare  and  progress  of  the  nation.  To  that 
end  the  immediate  creation  of  a national  agency 
is  essential.” 

Beginnings  of  a General  Organization  of 


151 


CONSERVATION 


CONSERVATION 


all  Conservation  Agencies.  — The  Joint  Com- 
mittee which  the  Chairman  of  the  Second  Con- 
ference of  Governors  was  instructed  to  appoint, 
for  the  preparation  of  “a  plan  for  united  action 
by  all  organizations  concerned  with  the  conser- 
vation of  natural  resources,”  met  at  Washington 
on  the  5th  of  March,  1909,  for  its  first  consul- 
tation. The  Committee,  of  eleven  members, 
consists  of  six  chairmen  of  State  Conservation 
Commissions,  and  five  who  are  members  of  the 
National  Conservation  Commission.  In  prepa- 
ration for  the  meeting  the  various  conservation 
bodies  which  have  been  actively  at  work  for 
several  months  are  sending  in  suggestions  based 
on  their  own  experience. 

Action  for  the  preservation  and  increase  of 
forests  has  been  stimulated  in  many  if  not  all  of 
the  States  of  the  Union  by  the  national  agitation 
of  the  subject  in  these  late  years.  Nowhere  has 
the  influence  been  more  effective  than  in  New 
York,  which  has  not  only  greatly  enlarged  its 
control  and  improved  its  care  and  treatment  of 
the  extensive  forest  tracts  in  the  Adirondack 
region,  but  has  done  even  more  important  refor- 
esting work  in  other  parts  of  its  territory.  ‘ ‘ J ames 
S.  Whipple,  forest,  fish  and  game  commissioner, 
has  not  only  planted  more  trees  in  this  State  than 
have  been  planted  in  any  other  State,  or  even  by 
the  national  government,  but  this  year  he  has 
made  another  great  advance  in  the  reforesting 
movement.  The  commission  has  sold  to  private 
land  owners  at  cost  1,034,050  pine  and  spruce 
trees  for  reforesting  land  within  the  State.” — 
N.  T.  Eve.  Post,  April  24,  1909.  — These  trees 
went  to  every  county  of  the  State,  in  numbers 
ranging  from  50  to  200,000. 

Threatened  Monopoly  of  Water  Power. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1909. 

Withdrawal  of  Water  Power  Sites  from 
Land  Office  Entry. — What  is  said  to  be  the 
largest  number  of  acres  of  land  withdrawn  for 
temporary  water  power  sites  in  the  history  of 
the  Interior  Department  was  made  August  13, 
1909,  when  Acting  Secretary  Wilson  withdrew 
87,360  acres  along  the  Colorado  River,  in  Utah. 
The  land  in  question  was  withdrawn  to  prevent 
“monopolies,”  and  with  a view  to  procure  leg- 
islation from  Congress  to  preserve  them  to  the 
Government. 

The  National  Conservation  Association. — 

“ Great  significance,”  said  a Press  despatch 
from  Washington,  September  16,  1906,  “is  at- 
tached here  to-day  to  the  announcement  from 
Chicago  of  the  formation  of  the  National  Con- 
servation Association,  with  Charles  W.  Eliot, 
ex-president  of  Harvard  University,  as  president. 
Friends  of  conservation  interpret  the  launching 
of  the  new  organization  to  mean  that  a national 
organization  of  the  widest  possible  membership 
and  the  greatest  possible  scope  is  to  supplant 
the  American  Forestry  Association  in  adminis- 
tration favor  as  the  educational  branch  of  the 
conservation  movement." 

Not  long  after  its  formation  the  Association 
issued  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  country  to  bring 
the  pressure  of  its  opinion  on  Congress  for 
needed  legislation.  The  special  subject  of  this 
appeal  was  the  vast  coal  field  in  Alaska,  which 
can  only  be  saved  from  monopoly  by  speedy 
amendment  of  existing  laws.  “We,  therefore,” 
said  the  Association,  “appeal  to  the  American 
people  to  bring  the  urgent  needs  of  the  situation 


to  the  attention  of  their  representatives  in  Con* 
gress,  in  order  that  comprehensive  legislation 
upon  this  vital  matter  may  be  enacted  at  the 
next  session  of  Congress.  To  this  end,  every 
individual  citizen  is  urged  to  do  his  part,  and  to 
act  at  once.” 

On  the  request  of  Dr.  Eliot,  Mr.  Gifford  Pin- 
chot,  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  latter  from  the 
office  of  Chief  Forester  of  the  United  States,  was 
made  President  of  the  Association,  in  January, 
1910,  but  Dr.  Eliot  was  named  Honorary  Presi- 
dent. 

Legislation  recommended  by  President 
Taft.  — Earnestly  upholding  the  Conservation 
policy  instituted  by  his  predecessor,  President 
Taft,  in  a Special  Message  to  Congress,  January 
14,  1910,  recommended  several  measures  of  legis- 
lation, for  which  suggested  bills  had  been  drafted 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

“One  of  the  most  pressing  needs,”  said  the 
Message,  “in  the  matter  of  public-land  reform 
is  that  lands  should  be  classified  according  to 
their  principal  value  or  use.  . . . 

“ It  is  now  proposed  to  dispose  of  agricultural 
lands  as  such,  and  at  the  same  time  to  reserve 
for  other  disposition  the  treasure  of  coal,  oil,  as- 
phaltum,  natural  gas,  and  phosphate  contained 
therein.  This  may  be  best  accomplished  by 
separating  the  right  to  mine  from  the  title  to  the 
surface,  giving  the  necessary  use  of  so  much  of 
the  latter  as  may  be  required  for  the  extraction 
of  the  deposits.  The  surface  might  be  disposed 
of  as  agricultural  land  under  the  general  agri- 
cultural statutes,  while  the  coal  or  other  min- 
eral could  be  disposed  of  by  lease  on  a royalty 
basis.  ” 

The  importance  of  an  enlargement  of  the  un- 
dertakings of  the  Government  in  the  line  of  irri- 
gation works,  for  reclaiming  arid  lands,  is  urged 
by  the  President  with  great  force,  and  he  recom- 
mends “that  authority  be  given  to  issue  not 
exceeding  $30,000,000  of  bonds  from  time  to 
time,  as  the  secretary  of  the  interior  shall  find  it 
necessary,  the  proceeds  to  be  applied  to  the  com- 
pletion of  the  projects  already  begun  and  their 
proper  extension,  and  the  bonds  running  ten 
years  or  more  to  be  taken  up  by  the  proceeds  of 
returns  to  the  reclamation  fund,  which  returns, 
as  the  years  go  on,  will  increase  rapidly  in 
amount.” 

The  Message  gives  approval  to  a Bill  which 
passed  the  lower  House  of  the  late  Congress, 
directing  that  “the  national  government  appro- 
priate a certain  amount  each  year  out  of  the  re- 
ceipts from  the  forestry  business  of  the  govern- 
ment to  institute  reforestation  at  the  sources  of 
certain  navigable  streams  to  be  selected  by  the 
Geological  Survey  with  a view  to  determining 
the  practicability  of  thus  improving  and  protect- 
ing the  streams  for  Federal  purposes.” 

Finally,  on  the  subject  of  waterway  improve- 
ment, the  Message  recommends  the  project  of 
dams  in  the  Ohio  River  from  Pittsburg  to  Cairo, 
and  in  the  Upper  Mississippi  from  St.  Paul  to 
St.  Louis. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Removal  from  office  of  Chief 
Forester  Pinchot. — Investigation  of  charges 
against  Secretary  Ballinger.  Unfortunate  dif- 
ferences between  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Mr.  Ballinger,  and  the  head  of  the  Bureau  of 
Forestry,  Mr.  Pinchot,  led  to  the  removal  of  the 
latter  from  office  early  in  January,  1910.  As  a 
further  result,  formal  charges  of  unfaithfulness 


152 


CONSERVATION 


CONSTITUTION  OF  OKLAHOMA 


to  public  interests,  in  conducting  national  mea- 
sures of  conservation,  were  brought  against 
Secretary  Ballinger,  and  are  undergoing  inves- 


tigation by  a Congressional  Committee  at  the 
time  of  the  passing  of  this  matter  to  the  printers 
(March,  1910). 


CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST 
PARTY:  Surrender  of  the  Government  in 
Great  Britain.  — Defeat  in  the  Elections.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

CONSPIRACY  LAW,  British,  as  affect- 
ing Trades  Unions.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization  : England  • A.  D.  1906  (March). 

CONSTABULARY,  The  Philippine.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1901- 
1902. 

CONSTANTINOPLE:  A.  D.  1901.— 

Loss  of  political  importance.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia  : The  Asiatic  Future. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — The  Turkish  Revolu- 
tion. See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.), 
and  after. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  AUSTRALIA: 
Proposed  Amendments.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Australia  : A.  D.  1909  and  1910. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  BRITISH  IN- 
DIAN GOVERNMENT  : The  Indian  Coun- 
cils Act.  See  (in  this  vol. ) India  : A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

CONSTITUTION  FOR  CHINA  : Nine 
years  of  approach  to  it.  — Promised  for  1907. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D.  1905-1908, 
1908  (Dec.),  and  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). 

CONSTITUTION  OF  ENGLAND: 
Resolution  of  the  Commons  contemplating  a 
change  affecting  the  Legislative  Power  of 
the  House  of  Lords.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1906  (April-Dec.),  and  1910. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  GEORGIA: 
Suffrage  Amendment.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Geor- 
gia: A.  D.  1908. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  MONTENEGRO. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian  States. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  OKLAHOMA.— 
Some  of  the  more  radical  features  of  the  Consti- 
tution under  which  Oklahoma  was  admitted  to 
the  American  Union  are  summarized  in  the  fol- 
lowing : 

“Legislative  authority  is  vested  in  a legisla- 
ture, but  the  people  reserve  to  themselves  the 
power  to  propose  laws  and  amendments  to  the 
constitution  and  to  enact  or  reject  the  same  at 
the  polls  independent  of  the  legislature,  and  also 
reserve  power  at  their  own  option  to  approve  or 
reject  at  the  polls  any  act  of  the  legislature. 

“ Eight  per  cent  of  the  legal  voters  have  the 
right  to  propose  any  legislative  measure  and  15 
percent  of  the  legal  voters  have  the  right  to  pro- 
pose amendments  to  the  constitution  by  petition. 
A referendum  may  be  ordered,  except  as  to  laws 
necessary  for  the  immediate  preservation  of  the 
public  peace,  health  or  safety,  either  by  petition 
signed  by  5 per  cent  of  the  legal  voters  or  by  the 
legislature  as  other  bills  are  enacted.  The  veto 
power  of  the  governor  does  not  extend  to  mea- 
sures voted  on  by  the  people.  The  powers  of  the 
initiative  and  referendum  are  also  reserved  to  the 
legal  voters  of  every  county  and  district  as  to 
local  legislation  or  action. 

“Every  railroad,  car  or  express  company  is  re- 
quired to  receive  and  transport  without  delay  or 
discrimination  each  other’s  cars,  loaded  or  empty, 
and  passengers  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be 
prescribed  by  law  or  any  commission  created  for 
that  purpose.  All  oil-pipe  companies  are  made 


subject  to  the  reasonable  control  and  regulation 
of  the  corporation  commission,  to  which  tele- 
phone and  telegraph  lines  are  also  subject  in  the 
same  manner.  No  public-service  corporation  may 
consolidate  with  any  other  like  corporation  hav- 
ing under  its  control  a parallel  or  competing  line 
except  by  enactment  of  the  legislature  upon  the 
recommendation  of  the  corporation  commission. 
The  legislature,  however,  shall  never  enact  any 
law  permitting  any  public-service  corporation  to 
consolidate  with  any  other  public-service  corpora- 
tion organized  under  the  laws  of  any  other  state 
or  of  the  United  States  owning  or  controlling  a 
parallel  or  competing  line  in  the  state.  The  giv- 
ing of  passes  by  railroad  or  transportation  com- 
panies is  forbidden  except  in  the  case  of  employes 
and  other  specified  persons. 

“A  corporation  commission  is  created,  to  be 
composed  of  three  persons,  elected  by  the  people 
for  terms  of  six  years.  The  commission  shall  have 
power  to  supervise  and  control  all  transportation 
and  transmission  companies  in  the  state  in  all 
matters  relating  to  the  performance  of  their  pub- 
lic duties  and  their  charges  therefor  and  of  cor- 
recting abuses  and  preventing  unjust  discrimina- 
tion and  extortion  by  such  companies;  and  to  that 
end  the  commission  shall  from  time  to  time  pre- 
scribe and  enforce  such  rates,  charges,  classifica- 
tion of  charges  and  rules  and  regulations  and  shall 
require  the  companies  to  establish  and  maintain 
until  amended  all  such  public  service,  facilities 
and  conveniences  as  may  be  reasonable  and  just. 

“ Railroads,  other  than  street  or  electric  roads, 
are  forbidden  to  charge  more  than  2 cents  a mile 
for  the  transportation  of  passengers.  The  corpora- 
tion commission  may,  however  exempt  those 
roads  which  submit  proof  that  they  cannot  earn 
a just  compensation  for  the  services  rendered  by 
them  to  the  public  if  not  permitted  to  charge 
more  than  2 cents  a mile. 

“No  corporation 'may  issue  stock  except  for 
money,  labor  done  or  property  actually  received 
to  the  amount  of  the  par  value  thereof  and  all 
fictitious  increase  of  stock  or  indebtedness  shall 
be  void. 

“No  corporation  doing  business  in  the  state 
may  be  permitted  to  influence  elections  or  official 
duty  by  contributions  of  money  or  anything  of 
value. 

“ Every  license  issued  or  charter  granted  to  a 
mining  or  public  service  corporation,  foreign  or 
domestic,  must  contain  a stipulation  that  such 
corporation  will  submit  any  difference  it  may 
have  with  employes  in  reference  to  labor  to  arbi- 
tration. 

“ The  selling  by  firms  or  corporations  of  com- 
modities at  a lower  rate  in  one  locality  than  in  an- 
other for  the  purpose  of  creating  a monopoly  or 
for  destroying  competition  is  prohibited. 

“Municipal  corporations  may  not  be  created 
by  special  but  by  general  laws,  and  every  corpo- 
ration now  existing  shall  continue  with  its  pre- 
sent rights  and  powers  until  otherwise  provided 
by  law.  The  powers  of  the  initiative  and  refer 
endum  are  reserved  to  the  people  of  every 
municipal  corporation.  No  municipal  corpora- 
tion may  ever  grant,  extend  or  renew  a franchise 
without  the  approval  of  a majority  of  the  quali- 
fied electors  residing  within  its  limits,  and  no 


153 


CONSTITUTION  OF  OKLAHOMA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


franchise  may  be  granted,  extended  or  renewed  i Women  are  qualified  to  vote  at  school -district 
for  more  than  twenty-five  years.  I elections  only. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA. 


A Constitution  for  Persia  was  signed  by  the 
Shah,  Muzaffer-ed  Deen,  December  30,  1906,  of 
which  the  following  is,  in  part,  the  text: 

In  the  name  of  God  the  all  Merciful ! Whereas 
by  our  Firman  of  the  5th  August,  1906,  we 
commanded  the  constitution  of  a National  As- 
sembly [Medjliss]  for  the  progress  and  welfare  of 
the  State  and  nation,  the  strengthening  of  the 
foundations  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  carrying 
out  of  the  laws  of  Islam ; and  whereas,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  clause  by  which  it  is  provided 
that,  as  each  individual  member  of  the  State 
has  a right  to  take  part  in  the  superintendence 
and  decision  of  public  affairs,  we  therefore  have 
permitted  the  election  and  appointment  of  Depu- 
ties on  behalf  of  the  nation  ; and  whereas  the 
National  Assembly  has  been  opened  through  our 
gracious  benevolence,  we  have  decreed  the  fol- 
lowing Articles  of  constitutional  Regulations  for 
the  National  Assembly,  including  the  duties 
and  business  of  the  Assembly  and  its  limita- 
tions and  relations  toward  Government  Depart- 
ments • 

The  Institution  of  the  Assembly. 

[Articles  1-14  declare  the  National  Assembly 
to  be  “ composed  of  members  elected  at  Tehran 
and  in  the  provinces  ” ; their  place  of  meeting 
to  be  at  Tehran ; their  number  160,  but  may  if 
necessary  be  increased  to  200  ; their  term  of  ser- 
vice two  years:  they  are  “representative  of  the 
whole  Persian  nation  ” ; the  Tehran  deputies  to 
have  “the  option  of  instituting  the  Assembly 
and  starting  discussion  and  debates,”  and  “ their 
decisions  by  majority  during  the  absence  of  the 
provincial  deputies  will  be  valid  and  are  to  be 
carried  out.”  The  Assembly  itself  is  given  the 
right  to  fix  the  time  of  its  recess  and  its  sitting ; 
its  members  cannot  be  proceeded  against  by  any 
person  ; its  proceedings  must  be  public  and  open 
to  newspaper  reporting,  but  false  reporting  shall 
be  punished.] 

The  Duties  of  the  Assembly,  its  Limita- 
tions and  Rights. 

Art.  15.  The  National  Assembly  has  the  right 
to  discuss  truthfully  and  sincerely  all  matters  it 
considers  to  be  desirable  in  the  interests  of  the 
State  and  nation  to  investigate;  and,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  a majority,  to  submit  them,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  the  utmost  safety  and  confi- 
dence, with  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  to  His 
Imperial  Majesty  the  Shah,  through  the  first 
person  of  the  Government,  for  His  Majesty’s 
signature,  and  to  be  then  put  into  execution. 

Art.  16.  In  general,  all  laws  necessary  for  the 
strengthening  of  the  Government  and  kingdom, 
and  the  regulation  of  State  affairs,  and  for  the 
Constitution  of  Ministries,  must  receive  the 
sanction  of  the  National  Assembly. 

Art.  17.  The  necessary  Bills  for  making  new 
laws,  or  for  the  alteration,  amplification,  or  can- 
cellation of  existing  laws,  will,  when  desirable, 
be  prepared  by  the  National  Assembly  to  be 
submitted  to  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Shah  for 
signature  with  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  and 
to  be  then  put  into  execution. 

Art.  18.  The  regulation  of  financial  matters, 


the  modification  of  the  Budget,  the  alteration  of 
the  arrangement  of  taxation,  the  refusal  or  ac- 
ceptance of  impositions,  as  well  as  the  inspec- 
tions which  will  be  undertaken  by  the  Govern- 
ment, will  be  done  with  the  approval  of  the 
Assembly. 

Art.  19.  The  Assembly  will  have  the  right,  for 
the  purpose  of  reforming  financial  matters  and 
facilitating  the  relations  of  the  Governors  and 
the  apportioning  of  the  provinces  of  Persia,  and 
the  reappointment  of  Governors,  after  the  Senate 
has  given  its  approval,  to  demand  from  the 
Government  authorities  that  the  decision  arrived 
at  should  be  carried  out. 

Art.  20.  The  Budget  of  each  Ministry  must 
be  finished  for  the  succeeding  year  in  the  last 
half  of  each  year,  and  must  be  ready  fifteen 
days  before  the  20th  March. 

Art.  21.  Should  it  be  necessary  with  regard 
to  the  constitutional  laws  of  the  Ministries  to 
make  a new  law,  or  to  alter  or  cancel  existing 
laws,  it  will  be  done  with  the  consent  of  the 
National  Assembly,  whether  its  necessity  be 
first  pointed  out  by  the  Assembly  or  by  the  re- 
sponsible Minister. 

Art.  22.  Whenever  a part  of  the  revenue  or 
property  of  the  Government  or  State  is  to  be 
sold,  or  a change  of  frontier  or  border  becomes 
necessary,  it  will  be  done  with  the  approval  of 
the  National  Assembly. 

Art.  23.  Without  the  approval  of  the  National 
Assembly  no  concession  whatever  for  the  forma- 
tion of  Companies  or  Associations  shall  be 
granted  by  the  Government. 

Art,  24.  Treaties,  Conventions,  the  granting 
of  concessions,  monopolies,  either  commercial, 
industrial,  or  agricultural,  whether  the  other 
party  be  a native  or  a foreigner,  can  only  be 
done  with  the  approval  of  the  National  As- 
sembly. Treaties  which  it  may  be  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Government  or  nation  to  keep  secret 
are  excepted. 

Art.  25.  All  Government  loans  of  any  nature 
whatsoever,  whether  internal  or  foreign,  will  be 
made  with  the  knowledge  and  approval  of  the 
National  Assembly, 

Art.  26.  The  construction  of  railways  or  roads, 
whether  the  cost  be  defrayed  by  the  Govern- 
ment, by  Associations  or  Companies,  whether 
native  or  foreign,  can  only  be  undertaken  with 
the  approval  of  the  National  Assembly. 

Art,  27.  Should  the  Assembly  find  in  any 
place  a fault,  in  the  laws  or  an  irregularity  in 
their  fulfilment,  it  will  draw  the  attention  of  the 
responsible  Minister  to  the  same,  and  he  will 
have  to  give  the  necessary  explanations. 

Art.  28.  Should  a Minister,  in  contravention 
of  one  of  the  laws  which  have  received  the 
Imperial  sanction,  by  misrepresentations  obtain 
the  issue  of  a written  or  verbal  order  from  II is 
Imperial  Majesty  the  Shah,  and  excuse  himself 
thereby  for  his  delay  and  negligence,  he  will  by 
law  be  responsible  to  His  Imperial  Majesty  the 
Shah. 

Art,  29.  Whichever  Minister  who  in  a matter 
or  matters  should  not  be  able  to  answer  for  his 


154 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


actions  in  accordance  with  the  laws  approved 
by  Ilis  Imperial  Majesty,  aud  if  it  should  heap- 
parent  that  lie  lias  broken  the  law  and  trans- 
gressed the  stipulated  limitations,  the  Assembly 
will  petition  Ilis  Imperial  Majesty  for  his  dis 
missal,  and  when  his  fault  has  been  determined 
by  the  Courts  of  Justice  he  will  not  again  be 
allowed  to  serve  the  Government. 

Art.  30.  The  National  Assembly  has  the  right 
whenever  it  considers  it  desirable  to  make  pe- 
titions direct  to  His  Imperial  Majesty  by  the 
means  of  a body  composed  of  the  President  and 
six  Members  elected  by  the  six  classes.  The  time 
for  the  audience  must  be  arranged  for  through 
the  Minister  of  Court. 

Art.  81.  The  Ministers  have  the  right  to  be 
present  at  the  sittings  of  the  National  Assembly, 
and  to  sit  in  the  place  set  apart  for  them,  and  to 
hear  the  debates  of  the  Assembly  ; and  should 
they  think  it  necessary,  they  may  ask  the  Pre- 
sident for  permission  to  speak  and  give  the  ne- 
cessary explanations  for  the  discussion  and  inves- 
tigation of  affairs. 

Art.  32.  Any  individual  member  of  the  public 
may  make  a statement  of  his  case,  or  complaints 
or  criticisms,  to  the  office  of  the  Assembly,  and, 
if  the  matter  concerns  the  Assembly  itself,  a 
satisfying  answer  will  be  given  to  him;  but 
should  the  matter  concern  one  of  the  Ministries, 
it  will  be  sent  to  that  Ministry  for  investigation, 
and  in  order  that  a satisfying  answer  be  given. 

Art.  33.  New  laws  which  are  necessary  will 
be  prepared  at  the  responsible  Ministries,  and 
will  be  given  to  the  National  Assembly  by  the 
responsible  Minister  or  by  the  Sadr  Azam,  and 
after  receiving  the  approval  of  the  Assembly 
will  receive  His  Imperial  Majesty’s  sign-man- 
ual and  be  put  into  execution. 

Art.  34.  The  President  of  the  Assembly  can, 
if  necessary,  of  his  own  initiative  or  by  the 
desire  of  ten  Members  of  the  Assembly  or  of  a 
Minister,  form  a Secret  Committee,  without  the 
presence  of  newspaper  reporters  or  spectators, 
composed  of  a number  of  persons  chosen  from 
among  the  Members  of  the  Assembly,  at  which 
the  other  Members  of  the  Assembly  will  not 
have  the  right  to  attend.  The  result  of  the  de- 
liberations of  the  Secret  Committee  can,  how- 
ever, only  be  put  into  execution  when  the  Secret 
Committee  in  the  presence  of  three  quarters  of 
the  persons  elected  accept  the  point  at  issue  by 
a majority  of  votes,  and  if  the  matter  be  not 
passed  by  the  Secret  Committee,  it  will  not  be 
stated  in  the  Assembly  and  will  remain  secret. 

Art.  35.  Should  the  Secret  Committee  be  in- 
stituted by  the  President  of  the  Assembly,  he 
has  the  right  to  inform  the  public  of  any  part  of 
it  he  thinks  fit;  but  if  the  Secret  Corhmittee  is 
instituted  by  a Minister,  the  publication  of  the 
debate  can  only  be  subject  to  that  Minister’s 
permission. 

[Articles  36-42  are  regulative  of  the  transaction 
of  business  between  the  Assembly  and  the  Min- 
istries of  the  Government  in  matters  of  debate, 
inquiry,  action  on  bills,  etc.] 

The  Institution  of  the  Senate. 

Art.  43.  Another  Assembly,  called  the  Senate, 
will  be  constituted,  composed  of  sixty  Members, 
whose  sittings  will  coincide,  after  its  constitu- 
tion, with  those  of  the  National  Assembly. 

Art.  44.  The  Regulations  of  the  Senate  must 
receive  the  approval  of  the  National  Assem- 
bly. 


Art.  45.  The  Members  of  the  Assembly  will 
be  chosen  from  among  the  enlightened,  intelli- 
gent, orthodox,  and  respectable  persons  of  the 
State,  thirty  persons  on  behalf  of  His  Imperial 
Majesty,  of  whom  fifteen  from  among  the  in- 
habitants of  Tehran  and  fifteen  from  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  provinces,  and  thirty  persons  on  be- 
half of  the  nation,  of  whom  fifteen  persons  elected 
by  the  people  of  Tehran  and  fifteen  persons 
elected  by  the  people  of  the  provinces. 

Art.  46.  After  the  constitution  of  the  Senate  all 
affairs  must  receive  the  approval  of  both  Assem- 
blies. If  those  affairs  are  initiated  by  the  Senate 
or  by  the  body  of  Ministers,  they  must  first  be 
determined  in  the  Senate  and  passed  by  a major- 
ity, and  then  be  sent  to  the  National  Assembly 
for  approval  ; but  affairs  initiated  in  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  will,  on  the  contrary,  pass  from 
that  Assembly  to  the  Senate,  with  the  exception 
of  financial  matters,  which  will  be  the  preroga- 
tive of  the  National  Assembly,  and  the  Senate 
will  be  informed  of  the  arrangements  made  by 
the  Assembly  regarding  these  affairs  in  order 
that  the  Senate  should  make  its  observations  on 
the  same  to  the  National  Assembly,  which  is, 
however,  at  liberty,  after  the  necessary  investi- 
gations, either  to  accept  or  to  refuse  the  propo- 
sals of  the  Senate. 

Art.  47.  So  long  as  the  Senate  is  not  consti- 
tuted affairs  will  require  only  the  approval  of 
the  National  Assembly  and  the  sign-manual  of 
His  Imperial  Majesty  to  be  put  into  execution. 

[Article  48  provides  for  the  constituting  of  a 
“ third  assembly,”  composed  of  an  equal  number 
of  members  from  the  National  Assembly  and  the 
Senate,  to  deal  with  cases  in  which  those  two 
bodies  are  in  disagreement,  and  for  the  ultimate 
dissolution  of  the  National  Assembly,  prepara- 
tory to  the  election  of  a new  one,  in  case  no  set- 
tlement of  the  disagreement  is  reached. 

Article  49  allows  the  new  Tehran  deputies 
then  elected  to  begin  their  labors,  outside  of  the 
points  at  issue,  as  soon  as  they  are  ready.  ] 

The  conclusion  of  the  Constitution  is  as  fol- 
lows -. 

Art.  50.  During  each  term  of  election  — that 
is  to  say,  during  two  years  — a general  election 
will  not  be  called  more  than  once. 

Art.  51.  It  is  decreed  that  the  Sovereign  who 
succeeds  us  should  protect  these  limitations  and 
Articles,  which  aim  at  the  strengthening  of  the 
State  and  of  the  foundations  of  the  kingdom, 
and  the  protection  of  justice  and  contentment  of 
the  nation,  which  we  have  decreed  and  put  into 
execution,  aud  which  they  must  look  upon  as 
their  duty  to  fulfil. 

In  the  month  of  Zilkade  the  Unclean,  1324. 

O God  the  Almighty ! 

The  Constitutional  Laws  of  the  National  As- 
sembly and  the  Senate,  containing  fifty  one  Arti- 
cles, are  correct. 

14th  of  the  month  of  Zilkade,  1324  (30th  De- 
cember, 1906). 

In  the  handwriting  of  Muzaffer-ed-Deen  Shah; 

It  is  correct. 

(Sealed)  Yaliahd  (Mohammed  Ali  Sliah). 
(Sealed)  Mushir-ed-Dowleh  (the  Grand  Vizier). 

The  Constitutional  Law,  as  passed  by  the 
National  Assembly  and  signed  by  the  Shah 
on  October  8,  1907. — One  hundred  and  seven 
articles  “to  complete  the  fundamental  laws  of 
the  Constitution  of  Pevsia”  were  “added  to  the 
Constitional  law  ” by  the  signature  of  the  Shah 


155 


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CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


on  the  30th  of  December,  1906.  The  first  two 
are  as  follows : 

Article  1.  The  official  religion  of  Persia  is  the 
branch  of  the  Twelve  Imams  of  the  Shia  Sect  of 
Islam.  The  Sovereign  of  Persia  must  be  of, 
and  contribute  to  the  spread  of,  this  religion. 

Art.  2.  The  National  Assembly  has  been 
founded  by  the  help  of  the  Twelfth  Imam,  the 
bounty  of  His  Islamic  Majesty,  the  watchfulness 
of  the  Mujtelieds  and  the  common  people.  The 
laws  passed  by  it  must  never  to  all  ages  be  con- 
trary to  the  sacred  precepts  of  Islam,  and  the 
laws  laid  down  by  the  Prophet.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  decision  as  to  whether  the  laws  passed 
by  the  Assembly  are  in  opposition  to  the  pre- 
cepts of  Islam  rests  with  the  Ulema.  It  is  there- 
fore officially  decreed  that  for  all  ages  a Com- 
mittee composed  of  five  persons,  who  shall  be 
Mujteheds  and  religious  doctors,  and  who  also 
must  be  acquainted  with  the  requirements  of 
the  times,  shall  be  elected  in  the  following  man- 
ner: The  Ulema  and  doctors  of  Islam  who  are 
recognized  by  the  Sliias  as  the  centre  of  imitation 
shall  make  known  to  the  National  Assembly  the 
names  of  twenty  of  the  Ulema  possessing  the 
above-mentioned  qualities.  The  National  As- 
sembly shall,  by  agreement  on  casting  of  lots, 
elect  five  of  them  or  more,  according  to  the  re- 
quirements of  the  age,  and  admit  them  as  mem- 
bers. This  Committee  shall  discuss  and  thor- 
oughly investigate  the  Bills  brought  in  by  the 
National  Assembly,  and  reject  every  one  of  these 
Bills  which  is  contrary  to  the  sacred  precepts  of 
Islam,  in  order  that  it  may  not  become  law.  The 
decision  of  this  Committee  is  final.  This  Article 
will  not  be  liable  to  change  until  the  advent  of 
the  Twelfth  Imam. 

[Articles  3-7  relate  to  boundaries  of  the  King- 
dom, its  capital,  its  flag,  protection  of  the  lives 
and  property  of  foreigners,  and  the  integrity  of 
the  Constitution. 

Articles  8-25  are  in  the  nature  of  a “ bill  of 
rights,”  affirming  equality  of  rights  to  all;  im- 
munity from  arbitrary  arrest,  punishment,  exile 
or  sequestration  of  property;  freedom  of  “the 
study  of  teaching  of  arts,  letters  and  sciences” 

‘ ‘ except  in  so  far  as  they  are  forbidden  by  the 
Sheri”;  freedom  of  publication  for  all  “ except 
heretical  works”;  freedom  of  “societies  and 
associations  which  do  n.ot  provoke  religious  or 
civil  strife  ” ; inviolability  of  postal  and  tele- 
graphic communications,  except  under  authority 
of  law.  All  primary  and  secondary  schools  are 
placed  under  the  direction  and  surveillance  of 
the  Ministry  of  Education. 

Articles  26-29  define,  as  follows:] 

The  Powers  of  the  Realm. 

Art.  26.  The  powers  of  the  realm  spring  from 
the  people.  The  Constitutional  Law  defines  the 
method  of  using  those  powers. 

Art,  27.  The  powers  of  the  realm  are  divided 
into  three  parts:  — 

Firstly,  legislative  power,  whose  province  it 
is  to  make  and  amend  laws.  This  power 
emanates  from  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Shah, 
the  National  Assembly,  and  the  Senate.  Each 
one  of  these  three  sources  possesses  the  right  of 
originating  laws;  but  their  passing  is  condi- 
tional to  their  not  being  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  the  Sheri,  and  to  the  approval  of  the  two 
Assemblies,  and  to  their  receiving  the  Imperial 
signature.  But  the  making  and  approval  of 
laws  relating  to  the  revenue  and  expenditure 


of  the  realm  belong  to  the  National  Assembly 
alone.  The  interpretation  and  commentary  of 
laws  is  the  peculiar  duty  of  the  National 
Assembly. 

Secondly,  the  judicial  power,  which  consists 
in  the  distinguishing  of  rights.  This  power 
belongs  to  the  Sheri  Tribunals  in  matters  apper- 
taining to  the  Sheri,  and  to  the  Courts  of  Justice 
in  matters  appertaining  to  the  civil  law  (“urf”). 

Thirdly,  the  executive  power,  which  rests 
with  the  Sovereign.  That  is  to  say,  the  Laws 
and  Decrees  will  be  executed  by  the  Ministers 
and  Government  officials  in  the  name  of  His 
Imperial  Majesty  in  the  manner  defined  by  law. 

Art.  28.  The  three  above-mentioned  powers 
shall  always  be  differentiated  and  separated 
from  one  another. 

Art.  29.  The  particular  revenues  of  each 
province,  department,  and  commune  shall  be 
regulated  by  the  Provincial  and  Departmental 
Assemblies  in  accordance  with  their  own  par- 
ticular laws. 

[Articles  30-34  define  the  status  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Assembly.] 

Rights  and  Powers  of  the  Crown. 

[Articles  35-57  set  forth  the  rights  and  powers 
of  the  Crown.  The  sovereignty  of  Persia  is  de- 
clared to  be  “a  trust  which,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  has  been  conferred  on  the  person  of  the 
Sovereign  by  the  people.”  The  succession  is 
vested  in  Muliammed  Ali  Shah  Kajar  and  his 
descendants ; the  Crown  Prince  to  be  “ the  eldest 
son  of  the  Sovereign  whose  mother  is  a Persian 
and  a princess.”  Provision  is  made  for  the 
election  by  a joint  committee  of  the  Senate  and 
the  National  Assembly  on  the  succession  of  a 
minor,  who  cannot  govern  personally  till  his 
age  is  eighteen.  The  powers  of  the  sovereign 
are  thus  defined :] 

Art.  43.  The  Sovereign  cannot,  without  the 
approval  and  sanction  of  the  National  Assembly 
and  the  Senate,  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  another 
country. 

Art.  44.  The  Sovereign  is  absolved  from  all 
responsibility.  The  Ministers  of  State  are  re- 
sponsible in  all  matters. 

Art.  45.  All  the  Decrees  and  Rescripts  of  the 
Sovereign  shall  only  be  put  into  execution  when 
they  have  been  signed  by  the  responsible  Minis- 
ter, who  is  responsible  for  the  accuracy  of  the 
contents  of  that  Firman  or  Rescript. 

Art.  46.  The  dismissal  and  appointment  of 
Ministers  are  by  order  of  the  Sovereign. 

Art.  47  The  conferring  of  commissions  in  the 
army  and  orders  and  honorary  distinctions,  with 
due  observance  of  law,  is  vested  in  the  person  of 
the  Sovereign. 

Art.  48.  The  Sovereign  has  the  right,  with  the 
approval  of  the  responsible  Minister,  to  choose 
the  important  officials  of  the  Government  De- 
partments, either  at  home  or  abroad,  except  in 
cases  excepted  by  law.  But  the  appointment  of 
the  other  officials  does  not  concern  the  Sovereign, 
except  in  cases  defined  by  law. 

Art.  49.  The  issuing  of  Firmans  for  the  execu- 
tion of  laws  is  one  of  the  rights  of  the  Sovereign, 
but  he  may  not  delay  or  suspend  the  execution 
of  those  laws. 

Art.  50.  The  supreme  command  of  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  forces  is  vested  in  the  person  of 
the  Sovereign. 

Art.  51.  The  declaration  of  war  and  the  con- 
clusion of  peace  rest  with  the  Sovereign. 


156 


CONSTITUTION  OF  PERSIA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


Art.  52.  Treaties  which,  in  accordance  with 
Article  24  of  the  Constitutional  Law  of  the  14th 
Zllaadeh,  1825  (80th  December,  1906),  must  be 
kept  secret,  must,  on  the  removal  of  this  neces- 
sity, and  provided  that  the  interests  and  security 
of  the  country  demand  it,  be  communicated  by 
the  Sovereign  to  the  National  Assembly  and  the 
Senate,  with  the  necessary  explanations. 

Art.  58.  The  secret  clauses  of  any  Treaty  can- 
not annul  the  public  clauses  of  that  Treaty. 

Art.  54.  The  Sovereign  can  summon  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  and  the  Senate  to  an  extraordi- 
nary Session. 

Art.  55.  Coins  shall  be  struck,  according  to 
law,  in  the  name  of  the  Sovereign. 

Art.  56.  The  expenses  of  the  Imperial  house- 
hold must  be  defined  by  law. 

Art.  57.  The  powers  and  prerogatives  of  the 
Sovereign  are  only  such  as  have  been  defined  by 
the  existing  constitutional  laws. 

[Articles  58-70  relate  to  the  Ministers,  who 
must  be  Mussulmans  and  native  Persian  subjects, 
princes  of  the  first  rank  not  eligible.  They  are 
severally  and  jointly  responsible  to  both  Assem- 
blies. Commands  of  the  sovereign  cannot  divest 
them  of  responsibility,  which  is  to  be  defined  by 
law.  The  Assembly  or  the  Senate  can  accuse 
and  prosecute  them  for  offenses  before  the  High 
Court  of  Appeal.] 

Judicial  Tribunals. 

[The  Judicial  Tribunals  of  the  Kingdom  are 
the  subject  of  Articles  71-89.  “The  Supreme 
Court  of  Justice  and  the  subsidiary  Courts”  are 
declared  to  be  “ the  official  centres  to  which  all 


suits  must  be  referred,  and  judgment  in  matters 
appertaining  to  the  Sheri  rests  with  the  fully 
qualified  Mujteheds.”  Suits  relating  to  political 
rights  concern  the  Courts  of  Justice,  excepting 
those  which  are  excepted  by  law.  No  Court  of 
Law  can  be  instituted  except  by  law.  One  Court 
of  Appeal  for  the  whole  Kingdom  is  to  be  insti- 
tuted at  the  Capital.  The  sittings  of  all  tribu- 
nals shall  be  public,  except  in  cases  when  the 
tribunal  judges  that  this  would  be  prejudicial 
to  order  or  decency.  “ The  Presidents  and  the 
members  of  the  Courts  of  Justice  will  be  chosen 
in  the  manner  decreed  by  the  law  of  the  Ministry 
of  Justice,  and  will  be  appointed  by  virtue  of  a 
royal  Firman.”  No  judge  may  be  suspended, 
temporarily,  or  permanently,  without  a trial  or 
proof  of  offence.  Military  tribunals  will  be  in- 
stituted according  to  a special  law.] 

Miscellaneous. 

[Provincial  Assemblies  of  elected  representa- 
tives are  provided  for  in  Articles  90-93. 

Articles  94-103  have  relation  to  finances. 
They  declare  that  no  taxes  may  be  levied  or  ex- 
emptions from  them  allowed  except  by  law  ; 
that  no  favor  to  individuals  shall  be  shown  in 
taxation  ; that  nothing  shall,  on  any  pretext,  be 
demanded  from  the  people,  otherwise  than  by 
law  ; and  provision  is  made  for  the  creation  of  a 
State  Accounts  Department,  to  be  chosen  by  the 
National  Assembly. 

The  last  four  articles  relate  to  the  Army, 
which  is  required  to  be  in  all  particulars  under 
regulation  of  law.  “The  army  vote  must  pass 
the  National  Assembly  every  year.”] 


CONSTITUTION  OF  RUSSIA,  The  so-  | called.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia,  A.  D.  1904-1905. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA. 


Omitting  the  preamble,  which  sets  forth  the 
desirability  and  expediency,  “for  the  welfare 
and  future  progress  of  South  Africa,  that  the 
several  British  Colonies  therein  shall  be  united 
under  one  Government  in  a legislative  union 
under  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,” 
the  provisions  of  the  enactment  for  that  purpose 
by  the  Parliament  of  the  United  Kingdom,  ap- 
proved September  20, 1909,  are  as  follows: 

I.  — Preliminary. 

1 . This  Act  may  be  cited  as  the  South  Africa 
Act,  1909. 

2.  In  this  Act,  unless  it  is  otherwise  expressed 
or  implied,  the  words  “the  Union”  shall  be 
taken  to  mean  the  Union  of  South  Africa  as  con- 
stituted under  this  Act,  and  the  words  “Houses 
of  Parliament,”  “House  of  Parliament,”  or 
“Parliament,”  shall  be  taken  to  mean  the  Parlia- 
ment of  the  Union. 

3.  The  provisions  of  this  Act  referring  to  the 
King  shall  extend  to  His  Majesty’s  heirs  and 
successors  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britian  and  Ireland. 

II.  — The  Union. 

4.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the  King,  with  the 
advice  of  the  Privy  Council,  to  declare  by  pro- 
clamation that,  on  and  after  a day  therein  ap- 
pointed, not  being  later  than  one  year  after  the 
passing  of  this  Act,  the  Colonies  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  Natal,  the  Transvaal,  and  the  Orange 
River  Colony,  hereinafter  called  the  Colonies 
shall  be  united  in  a Legislative  Union  under  one 


Government  under  the  name  of  the  Union  of 
South  Africa.  On  and  after  the  day  appointed 
by  such  proclamation  the  Government  and  Par- 
liament of  the  Union  shall  have  full  power  and 
authority  within  the  limits  of  the  Colonies,  but 
the  King  may  at  any  timeafter  the  proclamation 
appoint  a governor-general  for  the  Union. 

5.  The  provisions  of  this  Act  shall,  unless  it  is 
otherwise  expressed  or  implied,  take  effect  on 
and  after  the  day  so  appointed. 

6.  The  colonies  mentioned  in  section  four  shall 
become  original  provinces  of  the  Union  under 
the  names  of  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Natal,  Trans- 
vaal, and  Orange  Free  State,  as  the  case  maybe. 
The  original  provinces  shall  have  the  same  limits 
as  the  respective  colonies  at  the  establishment  of 
the  Union. 

7.  Upon  any  colony  entering  the  Union,  the 
Colonial  Boundaries  Act,  1895,  and  every  other 
Act  applying  to  any  of  the  Colonies  as  being 
self-governing  colonies  or  colonies  with  respon- 
sible government,  shall  cease  to  apply  to  that 
colony,  but  as  from  the  date  when  this  Act  takes 
effect  every  such  Act  of  Parliament  shall  apply 
to  the  Union. 

III.  — Executive  Government. 

8.  The  Executive  Government  of  the  Union  is 
vested  in  the  King,  and  shall  be  administered  by 
His  Majesty  in  person  or  by  a governor-general 
as  His  representative. 

9.  The  Governor-General  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  King,  and  shall  have  and  may  exercise  in 


157 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


the  Union  during  the  King’s  pleasure,  but  sub- 
ject to  this  Act,  such  powers  and  functions  of  the 
King  as  His  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  assign 
to  him. 

io.  There  shall  be  payable  to  the  King  out  of 
the  Consolidated  Revenue  Fund  of  the  Union  for 
the  salary  of  the  Governor-General  an  annual 
sum  of  ten  thousand  pounds.  The  salary  of  the 
Governor-General  shall  not  be  altered  during  his 
continuance  in  office. 

n.  The  provisions  of  this  Act  relating  to  the 
Governor-General  extend  and  apply  to  the  Gov- 
ernor-General for  the  time  being  or  such  person  as 
the  King  may  appoint  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Union.  The  King  may  authorise  the 
Governor-General  to  appoint  any  person  to  be 
his  deputy  within  the  Union  during  his  tempo- 
rary absence,  and  in  that  capacity  to  exercise  for 
and  on  behalf  of  the  Governor-General  during 
such  absence  all  such  powers  and  authorities 
vested  in  the  Governor-General  as  the  Governor- 
General  may  assign  to  him,  subject  to  any  limita- 
tions expressed  or  directions  given  by  the  King; 
but  the  appointment  of  such  deputy  shall  not 
affect  the  exercise  by  the  Governor-General  him- 
self of  any  power  or  function. 

12.  There  shall  be  an  Executive  Council  to 
advise  the  Governor-General  in  the  government 
of  the  Union,  and  the  members  of  the  council 
shall  be  chosen  and  summoned  by  the  Governor- 
General  and  sworn  as  executive  councillors,  and 
shall  hold  office  during  his  pleasure. 

13.  The  provisions  of  this  Act  referring  to  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  shall  be  construed 
as  referring  to  the  Governor-General  acting  with 
the  advice  of  the  Executive  Council. 

14.  The  Governor-General  may  appoint  offi- 
cers not  exceeding  ten  in  number  to  administer 
such  departments  of  State  of  the  Union  as  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  may  establish ; such 
officers  shall  hold  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
Governor-General.  They  shall  be  members  of 
the  Executive  Council  and  shall  be  the  King’s 
ministers  of  State  for  the  Union.  After  the  first 
general  election  of  members  of  the  House  of  As- 
sembly, as  hereinafter  provided,  no  minister  shall 
hold  office  for  a longer  period  than  three  months 
unless  he  is  or  becomes  a member  of  either  House 
of  Parliament. 

15.  The  appointment  and  removal  of  all  offi- 
cers of  the  public  service  of  the  Union  shall  be 
vested  in  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  un- 
less the  appointment  is  delegated  by  the  Gov- 
ernor-General in  Council  or  by  this  Act  or  by  a 
law  of  Parliament  to  some  other  authority. 

16.  All  powers,  authorities,  and  functions 
which  at  the  establishment  of  the  Union  are  in 
any  of  the  Colonies  vested  in  the  Governor  or  in 
the  Governor  in  Council,  or  in  any  authority  of 
the  Colony,  shall,  as  far  as  the  same  continue  in 
existence  and  are  capable  of  being  exercised  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Union,  be  vested  in  the 
Governor-General  or  in  the  Governor-General  in 
Council,  or  in  the  authority  exercising  similar 
powers  under  the  Union,  as  the  case  may  be,  ex- 
cept such  powers  and  functions  as  are  by  this 
Act  or  may  by  a law  of  Parliament  be  vested  in 
some  other  authority. 

17.  The  command  in  chief  of  the  naval  and 
military  forces  within  the  Union  is  vested  in  the 
King  or  in  the  Governor-General  as  His  repre- 
sentative. 

18.  Save  as  in  section  twenty-three  excepted, 


Pretoria  shall  be  the  seat  of  Government  of  the 
Union. 

IV.  — Parliament. 

19.  The  legislative  power  of  the  Union  shall 
be  vested  in  the  Parliament  of  the  Union,  herein 
called  Parliament,  which  shall  consist  of  the 
King,  a Senate,  and  a House  of  Assembly. 

20.  The  Governor-General  may  appoint  such 
times  for  holding  the  sessions  of  Parliament  as 
he  thinks  fit,  and  may  also  from  time  to  time, 
by  proclamation  or  otherwise,  prorogue  Parlia- 
ment, and  may  in  like  manner  dissolve  the 
Senate  and  the  House  of  Assembly  simulta- 
neously, or  the  House  of  Assembly  alone:  pro- 
vided that  the  Senate  shall  not  be  dissolved 
within  a period  of  ten  years  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Union,  and  provided  further  that 
the  dissolution  of  the  Senate  shall  not  affect 
any  senators  nominated  by  the  Governor-General 
in  Council. 

21.  Parliament  shall  be  summoned  to  meet 
not  later  than  six  months  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Union. 

22.  There  shall  be  a session  of  Parliament 
once  at  least  in  every  year,  so  that  a period  of 
twelve  months  shall  not  intervene  between  the 
last  sitting  of  Parliament  in  one  session  and  its 
first  sitting  in  the  next  session. 

23.  Cape  Town  shall  be  the  seat  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  the  Union. 

SENATE. 

24.  For  ten  years  after  the  establishment  of 
the  Union  the  constitution  of  the  Senate  shall,  in 
respect  of  the  original  provinces,  be  as  follows: 
(i)  Eight  senators  shall  be  nominated  by  the 
Governor-General  in  Council,  and  for  each  orig- 
inal province  eight  senators  shall  be  elected  in 
the  manner  hereinafter  provided:  (ii)  The  sen- 
ators to  be  nominated  by  the  Governor-General 
in  Council  shall  hold  their  seats  for  ten  years. 
One-half  of  their  number  shall  be  selected  on 
the  ground  mainly  of  their  thorough  acquaint- 
ance, by  reason  of  their  official  experience  or 
otherwise,  with  the  reasonable  wants  and  wishes 
of  the  coloured  races  in  South  Africa.  If  the  seat 
of  a senator  so  nominated  shall  become  vacant, 
the  Governor-General  in  Council  shall  nominate 
another  person  to  be  a senator,  who  shall  hold 
his  seat  for  ten  years:  (iii)  After  the  passing 
of  this  Act,  and  before  the  day  appointed  for 
the  establishment  of  the  Union,  the  Governor 
of  each  of  the  Colonies  shall  summon  a special 
sitting  of  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature,  and 
the  two  Houses  sitting  together  as  one  body 
and  presided  over  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Legis- 
lative Assembly  shall  elect  eight  persons  to  be 
senators  for  the  province.  Such  senators  shall 
hold  their  seats  for  ten  years.  If  the  seat  of  a 
senator  so  elected  shall  become  vacant,  the  pro- 
vincial council  of  the  province  for  which  such 
senator  has  been  elected  shall  choose  a person  to 
hold  the  seat  until  the  completion  of  the  period 
for  which  the  person  in  whose  stead  he  is  elected 
would  have  held  his  seat. 

25.  Parliament  may  provide  for  the  manner 
in  which  the  Senate  shall  be  constituted  after 
the  expiration  of  ten  years,  and  unless  and 
until  such  provision  shall  have  been  made  — 
(i)  the  provisions  of  the  last  preceding  section 
with  regard  to  nominated  senators  shall  con- 
tinue to  have  effect ; (ii)  eight  senators  for 
each  province  shall  be  elected  by  the  members 


158 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


of  the  provincial  council  of  such  province  to- 
gether with  the  members  of  the  House  of 
Assembly  elected  for  such  province.  Such 
senators  shall  hold  their  seats  for  ten  years 
unless  the  Senate  be  sooner  dissolved.  If  the 
seat  of  an  elected  senator  shall  become  vacant, 
the  members  of  the  provincial  council  of  the 
province,  together  with  the  members  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  elected  for  such  province, 
shall  choose  a person  to  hold  the  seat  until  the 
completion  of  the  period  for  which  the  person 
in  whose  stead  he  is  elected  would  have  held 
his  seat.  The  Governor-General  in  Council 
shall  make  regulations  for  the  joint  election  of 
senators  prescribed  in  this  section. 

26.  The  qualifications  of  a senator  shall  be 
as  follows:  — He  must  — (a)  be  not  less  than 
thirty  years  of  age;  ( b ) be  qualified  to  be  regis- 
tered' as  a voter  for  the  election  of  members  of 
the  House  of  Assembly  in  one  of  the  provinces ; 
(c)  have  resided  for  five  years  within  the  limits 
of  the  Union  as  existing  at  the  time  when  he  is 
elected  or  nominated,  as  the  case  may  be  ; ( d ) 
be  a British  subject  of  European  descent;  (e)  in 
the  case  of  an  elected  senator,  be  the  registered 
owner  of  immovable  property  within  the  Union 
of  the  value  of  not  less  than  five  hundred 
pounds  over  and  above  any  special  mortgages 
thereon.  For  the  purposes  of  this  section,  resi- 
dence in,  and  property  situated  within,  a colony 
before  its  incorporation  in  the  Union  shall  be 
treated  as  residence  in  and  property  situated 
within  the  Union. 

27.  The  Senate  shall,  before  proceeding  to  the 
dispatch  of  any  other  business,  choose  a senator 
to  be  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  as  often 
as  the  office  of  President  becomes  vacant  the 
Senate  shall  again  choose  a senator  to  be  the 
President.  The  President  shall  cease  to  hold 
office  if  he  ceases  to  be  a senator.  He  may  be 
removed  from  office  by  a vote  of  the  Senate,  or 
he  may  resign  his  office  by  writing  under  his 
hand  addressed  to  the  Governor-General. 

28.  Prior  to  or  during  any  absence  of  the 
President  the  Senate  may  choose  a senator  to 
perform  his  duties  in  his  absence. 

29.  A senator  may,  by  writing  under  his 
hand  addressed  to  the  Governor-General,  resign 
his  seat,  which  thereupon  shall  become  vacant. 
The  Governor-General  shall  as  soon  as  practi- 
cable cause-steps  to  be  taken  to  have  the  vacancy 
filled. 

30.  The  presence  of  at  least  twelve  senators 
shall  be  necessary  to  constitute  a meeting  of  the 
Senate  for  the  exercise  of  its  powers. 

31.  All  questions  in  the  Senate  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  a majority  of  votes  of  senators  present 
other  than  the  President  or  the  presiding  senator, 
who  shall,  however,  have  and  exercise  a casting 
vote  in  the  case  of  an  equality  of  votes. 

HOUSE  OF  ASSEMBLY. 

32.  The  House  of  Assembly  shall  be  composed 
of  members  directly  chosen  by  the  voters  of  the 
Union  in  electoral  divisions  delimited  as  herein- 
after provided. 

33.  The  number  of  members  to  be  elected  in  „ 
the  original  provinces  at  the  first  election  and 
until  the  number  is  altered  in  accordance  with 
the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be  as  follows : 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  fifty-one ; Natal,  seventeen ; 
Transvaal,  thirty-six  ; Orange  Free  State,  seven- 
teen. These  numbers  may  be  increased  as  pro- 


vided in  the  next  succeeding  section,  but  shall 
not,  in  the  case  of  any  original  province,  be  di- 
minished until  the  total  number  of  members  of 
the  House  of  Assembly  in  respect  of  the  pro- 
vinces herein  provided  for  reaches  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  or  until  a period  of  ten  years  has  elapsed 
after  the  establishment  of  the  Union,  whichever 
is  the  longer  period. 

34.  The  number  of  members  to  be  elected  in 
each  province,  as  provided  in  section  thirty-three, 
shall  be  increased  from  time  to  time  as  may  be 
necessary  in  accordance  with  the  following  pro- 
visions : (i)  The  quota  of  the  Union  shall  be 
obtained  by  dividing  the  total  number  of  Euro- 
pean male  adults  in  the  Union,  as  ascertained  at 
the  census  of  nineteen  hundred  and  four,  by  the 
total  number  of  members  of  the  House  of  As- 
sembly as  constituted  at  the  establishment  of 
the  Union:  (ii)  In  nineteen  hundred  and  eleven, 
and  every  five  years  thereafter,  a census  of  the 
European  population  of  the  Union  shall  be  taken 
for  the  purposes  of  this  Act:  (iii)  After  any  such 
census  the  number  of  European  male  adults  in 
each  province  shall  be  compared  with  the  num- 
ber of  European  male  adults  as  ascertained  at 
the  census  of  nineteen  hundred  and  four,  and,  in 
the  case  of  any  province  where  an  increase  is 
shown,  as  compared  with  the  census  of  nineteen 
hundred  and  four,  equal  to  the  quota  of  the 
Union  or  any  multiple  thereof,  the  number  of 
members  allotted  to  such  province  in  the  last  pre- 
ceding section  shall  be  increased  by  an  additional 
member  or  an  additional  number  of  members 
equal  to  such  multiple,  as  the  case  may  be:  (iv) 
Notwithstanding  anything  herein  contained,  no 
additional  member  shall  be  allotted  to  any  pro- 
vince until  the  total  number  of  European  male 
adults  in  such  province  exceeds  the  quota  of  the 
Union  multiplied  by  the  number  of  members  al- 
lotted to  such  province  for  the  time  being,  and 
thereupon  additional  members  shall  be  allotted 
to  such  province  in  respect  only  of  such  excess: 

(v)  As  soon  as  the  number  of  members  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  to  be  elected  in  the  original 
provinces  in  accordance  with  the  preceding  sub- 
sections reaches  the  total  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty,  such  total  shall  not  be  further  increased 
unless  and  until  Parliament  otherwise  provides  ; 
and  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  last  preced- 
ing section  the  distribution  of  members  among 
the  provinces  shall  be  such  that  the  proportion 
between  the  number  of  members  to  be  elected  at 
any  time  in  each  province  and  the  number  of 
European  male  adults  in  such  province,  as  ascer- 
tained at  the  last  preceding  census,  shall  as  far 
as  possible  be  identical  throughout  the  Union: 

(vi)  “Male  adults”  in  this  Act  shall  be  taken  to 
mean  males  of  twenty-one  years  of  age  or  up- 
wards not  being  members  of  His  Majesty’s 
regular  forces  on  full  pay : (vii)  For  the  pur- 
poses of  this  Act  the  number  of  European  male 
adults,  as  ascertained  at  the  census  of  nineteen 
hundred  and  four,  shall  be  taken  to  be  — For  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  167,546  ; for  Natal,  34,784; 
for  the  Transvaal,  106,493  ; For  the  Orange  Free 
State,  41,014. 

35.  (1)  Parliament  may  by  law  prescribe  the 
qualifications  which  shall  be  necessary  to  entitle 
persons  to  vote  at  the  election  of  members  of  the 
House  of  Assembly,  but  no  such  law  shall  dis- 
qualify any  person  in  the  province  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  who,  under  the  laws  existing  in  the 
Colony  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  at  the  estab- 


159 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


lishment  of  the  Union,  is  or  may  become  capable 
of  being  registered  as  a voter  from  being  so  regis- 
tered in  the  province  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
by  reason  of  bis  race  or  colour  only,  unless  the 
Bill  be  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament  sit- 
ting together,  and  at  the  third  reading  be  agreed 
to  by  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  total  num- 
ber of  members  of  both  Houses.  A Bill  so  passed 
at  such  joint  sitting  shall  be  taken  to  have  been 
duly  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament.  (2) 
No  person  who  at  the  passing  of  any  such  law  is 
registered  as  a voter  in  any  province  shall  be  re- 
moved from  the  register  by  reason  only  of  any 
disqualification  based  on  race  or  colour. 

36.  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  last  pre- 
ceding section,  the  qualifications  of  parliament- 
ary voters,  as  existing  in  the  several  Colonies 
at  the  establishment  of  the  Union,  shall  be  the 
qualifications  necessary  to  entitle  persons  in  the 
corresponding  provinces  to  vote  for  the  election 
of  members  of  the  House  of  Assembly : Provided 
that  no  member  of  His  Majesty’s  regular  forces 
on  full  pay  shall  be  entitled  to  be  registered  as 
a voter. 

[Section  37  of  the  Act  applies  to  the  elections 
of  members  of  the  House  of  Assembly  all  exist- 
ing election  laws  in  the  respective  provinces 
relating  to  the  elections  for  their  more  numer- 
ous Houses  of  Parliament,  excepting  that  it 
requires  all  polls  to  be  taken  on  one  and  the 
same  day  throughout  the  Union. 

Sections  38  to  43  inclusive  provide  for  the 
creation  of  a joint  commission  to  determine  the 
first  division  of  the  provinces  into  equalized 
electoral  divisions,  and  for  subsequent  commis- 
sions of  three  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
South  Africa  for  re-divisions,  as  they  may  be- 
come necessary.  ] 

44.  The  qualifications  of  a member  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  shall  be  as  follows: — He 
must — (a)  be  qualified  to  be  registered  as  a 
voter  for  the  election  of  members  of  the  House 
of  Assembly  in  one  of  the  provinces;  ( b ) have 
resided  for  five  years  within  the  limits  of  the 
Union  as  existing  at  the  time  when  he  is  elected ; 
(c)  be  a British  subject  of  European  descent. 
For  the  purposes  of  this  section,  residence  in  a 
colony  before  its  incorporation  in  the  Union 
shall  be  treated  as  residence  in  the  Union. 

45.  Every  House  of  Assembly  shall  continue 
for  five  years  from  the  first  meeting  thereof,  and 
no  longer,  but  may  be  sooner  dissolved  by  the 
Governor-General. 

46.  The  House  of  Assembly  shall,  before  pro- 
ceeding to  the  despatch  of  any  other  business, 
choose  a member  to  be  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 
and,  as  often  as  the  office  of  Speaker  becomes 
vacant,  the  House  shall  again  choose  a member 
to  be  the  Speaker.  The  Speaker  shall  cease  to 
hold  his  office  if  he  ceases  to  be  a member.  He 
may  be  removed  from  office  by  a vote  of  the 
House,  or  he  may  resign  his  office  or  his  seat  by 
writing  under  his  hand  addressed  to  the  Gov- 
ernor-General. 

47.  Prior  to  or  during  the  absence  of  the 
Speaker,  the  House  of  Assembly  may  choose  a 
member  to  perform  his  duties  in  his  absence. 

48.  A member  may,  by  writing  under  his 
hand  addressed  to  the  Speaker,  or,  if  there  is  no 
Speaker,  or  if  the  Speaker  is  absent  from  the 
Union,  to  the  Governor-General,  resign  his  seat, 
which  shall  thereupon  become  vacant. 

49.  The  presence  of  at  least  thirty  members 


of  the  House  of  Assembly  shall  be  necessary  to 
constitute  a meeting  of  the  House  for  the  exer- 
cise of  its  powers. 

50.  All  questions  in  the  House  of  Assembly 
shall  be  determined  by  a majority  of  votes  of 
members  present  other  than  the  Speaker  or  the 
presiding  member,  who  shall,  however,  have 
and  exercise  a casting  vote  in  the  case  of  an 
equality  of  votes. 

BOTH  HOUSES  OF  PARLIAMENT. 

[Section  51  prescribes  the  oath  or  affirmation 
of  allegiance  to  the  British  Sovereign  which 
each  senator  and  member  of  the  House  of  As- 
sembly must  subscribe  to  before  taking  his  seat.] 

52.  A member  of  either  House  of  Parliament 
shall  be  incapable  of  being  chosen  or  of  sitting 
as  a member  of  the  other  House : Provided  that 
every  minister  of  State  who  is  a member  of  either 
House  of  Parliament  shall  have  the  right  to  sit 
and  speak  in  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  As- 
sembly, but  shall  vote  only  in  the  House  of  which 
he  is  a member. 

53.  No  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  chosen 
or  of  sitting  as  a senator  or  as  a member  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  who  — (a)  has  been  at  any  time 
convicted  of  any  crime  or  offence  for  which  he 
shall  have  been  sentenced  to  imprisonment  with- 
out the  option  of  a fine  for  a term  of  not  less 
than  twelve  months,  unless  he  shall  have  re- 
ceived a grant  of  amnesty  or  a free  pardon,  or 
unless  such  imprisonment  shall  have  expired  at 
least  five  years  before  the  date  of  his  election; 
or  ( b ) is  an  unrehabilitated  insolvent ; or  (c)  is  of 
unsound  mind,  and  has  been  so  declared  by  a 
competent  court ; or  ( d ) holds  any  office  of  profit 
under  the  Crown  within  the  Union:  Provided 
that  the  following  persons  shall  not  be  deemed 
to  hold  an  office  of  profit  under  the  Crown  for 
the  purposes  of  this  subsection:  (1)  a minister 
of  State  for  the  Union ; (2)  a person  in  receipt 
of  a pension  from  the  Crown ; (3)  an  officer  or 
member  of  His  Majesty’s  uaval  or  military  forces 
on  retired  or  half  pay,  or  an  officer  or  member 
of  the  naval  or  military  forces  of  the  Union  whose 
services  are  not  wholly  employed  by  the  Union. 

54-  If  a senator  or  member  of  the  House  of 
Assembly  — (a)  becomes  subject  to  any  of  the 
disabilities  mentioned  in  the  last  preceding  sec- 
tion ; or  (6)  ceases  to  be  qualified  as  required  by 
law  ; or  (c)  fails  for  a whole  ordinary  session 
to  attend  without  the  special  leave  of  the  Senate 
or  the  House  of  Assembly,  as  the  case  may  be  ; 
his  seat  shall  thereupon  become  vacant. 

[Section  55  imposes  a penalty  of  £100  for  each 
day  on  which  any  disqualified  person  may  know- 
ingly sit  in  Parliament.] 

56.  Each  senator  and  each  member  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  shall,  under  such  rules  as 
shall  be  framed  by  Parliament,  receive  an  allow- 
ance of  four  hundred  pounds  a year,  to  be  reck- 
oned from  the  date  on  which  he  takes  his  seat : 
Provided  that  for  every  day  of  the  session  on 
which  he  is  absent  there  shall  be  deducted  from 
such  allowance  the  sum  of  three  pounds:  Pro- 
vided further  that  no  such  allowance  shall  be 
paid  to  a Minister  receiving  a salary  under  the 
Crown  or  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  or  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly.  A day  of 
the  session  shall  mean  in  respect  of  a member 
any  day  during  a session  on  which  the  House  of 
which  he  is  a member  or  any  committee  of  which 
he  is  a member  meets. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


[Sections  57-58  relate  to  the  privileges  of  each 
House  of  Parliament  and  its  right  to  make  rules 
and  orders  of  procedure  for  the  conduct  of  its 
business.] 

POWERS  OF  PARLIAMENT. 

59.  Parliament  shall  have  full  power  to  make 
laws  for  the  peace,  order,  and  good  government 
of  the  Union. 

60.  — (1)  Bills  appropriating  revenue  or 
moneys  or  imposing  taxation  shall  originate  only 
in  the  House  of  Assembly.  But  a Bill  shall  not 
be  taken  to  appropriate  revenue  or  moneys  or  to 
impose  taxation  by  reason  only  of  its  containing 
provisions  for  the  imposition  or  appropriation  of 
fines  or  other  pecuniary  penalties.  (2)  The  Sen- 
ate may  not  amend  any  Bills  so  far  as  they  im- 
pose taxation  or  appropriate  revenue  or  moneys 
for  the  services  of  the  Government.  (3)  The 
Senate  may  not  amend  any  Bill  so  as  to  increase 
any  proposed  charges  or  burden  on  the  people. 

61.  Any  Bill  which  appropriates  revenue  or 
moneys  for  the  ordinary  annual  services  of  the 
Government  shall  deal  only  with  such  appropria- 
tion. 

62.  The  House  of  Assembly  shall  not  originate 
or  pass  any  vote,  resolution,  address,  or  Bill  for 
the  appropriation  of  any  part  of  the  public 
revenue  or  of  any  tax  or  impost  to  any  purpose 
unless  such  appropriation  has  been  recommended 
by  message  from  the  Governor- General  during 
the  Session  in  which  such  vote,  resolution,  ad- 
dress, or  Bill  is  proposed. 

63.  If  the  House  of  Assembly  passes  any  Bill 
and  the  Senate  rejects  or  fails  to  pass  it  or  passes 
it  with  amendments  to  which  the  House  of  As- 
sembly will  not  agree,  and  if  the  House  of 
Assembly  in  the  next  session  again  passes  the 
Bill  with  or  without  any  amendments  which 
have  been  made  or  agreed  to  by  the  Senate  and 
the  Senate  rejects  or  fails  to  pass  it  or  passes  it 
with  amendments  to  which  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly will  not  agree,  the  Governor-General  may 
during  that  session  convene  a joint  sitting  of  the 
members  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Assembly. 
The  members  present  at  any  such  joint  sitting 
may  deliberate  and  shall  vote  together  upon  the 
Bill  as  last  proposed  by  the  House  of  Assent 
bly  and  upon  amendments,  if  any,  which  have 
been  made  therein  by  one  House  of  Parliament 
and  not  agreed  to  by  the  other ; and  any  such 
amendments  which  are  affirmed  by  a majority  of 
the  total  number  of  members  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Assembly  present  at  such  sitting  shall 
be  taken  to  have  been  carried,  and  if  the  Bill 
with  the  amendments,  if  any,  is  affirmed  by  a 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Assembly  present  at  such  sitting,  it  shall  be 
taken  to  have  been  duly  passed  by  both  Houses 
of  Parliament : Provided  that,  if  the  Senate  shall 
reject  or  fail  to  pass  any  Bill  dealing  with  the 
appropriation  of  revenue  or  moneys  for  the  pub- 
lic service,  such  joint  sitting  may  be  convened 
during  the  same  session  in  which  the  Senate  so 
rejects  or  fails  to  pass  such  Bill. 

64.  When  a Bill  is  presented  to  the  Governor- 
General  for  the  King’s  Assent,  he  shall  declare 
according  to  his  discretion,  but  subject  to  the 
provisions  of  this  Act,  and  to  such  instructions 
as  may  from  time  to  time  be  given  in  that  behalf 
by  the  King,  that  he  assents  in  the  King’s  name, 
or  that  he  withholds  assent,  or  that  he  reserves 
the  Bill  for  the  signification  of  the  King’s  plea- 


sure. All  Bills  repealing  or  amending  this  section 
or  any  of  the  provisions  of  Chapter  IV.  under 
the  heading  “House  of  Assembly,”  and  all  Bills 
abolishing  provincial  councils  or  abridging  the 
powers  conferred  on  provincial  councils  under 
section  eighty-five,  otherwise  than  in  accordance 
witli  the  provisions  of  that  section,  shall  be  so 
reserved.  The  Governor-General  may  return  to 
the  House  in  which  it  originated  any  Bill  so  pre- 
sented to  him,  and  may  transmit  therewith  any 
amendments  which  he  may  recommend,  and  the 
House  may  deal  with  the  recommendation. 

65-  The  King  may  disallow  any  law  within 
one  year  after  it  has  been  assented  to  by  the 
Governor  General,  and  such  disallowance,  on 
being  made  known  by  the  Governor-General  by 
speech  or  message  to  each  of  the  Houses  of  Par- 
liament or  by  proclamation,  shall  annul  the  law 
from  the  day  when  the  disallowance  is  so  made 
known. 

66.  A Bill  reserved  for  the  King’s  pleasure 
shall  not  have  any  force  unless  and  until,  within 
one  year  from  the  day  on  which  it  was  presented 
to  the  Governor-General  for  the  King’s  Assent, 
the  Governor-General  makes  known  by  speech 
or  message  to  each  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament 
or  by  proclamation  that  it  has  received  the 
King’s  Assent. 

67.  As  soon  as  may  be  after  any  law  shall  have 
been  assented  to  in  the  King’s  name  by  the  Gov- 
ernor-General, or  having  been  reserved  for  the 
King’s  pleasure  shall  have  received  his  assent, 
the  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Assembly  shall  cause 
two  fair  copies  of  such  law,  one  being  in  the 
English  and  the  other  in  the  Dutch  language 
(one  of  which  copies  shall  be  signed  by  the  Gov- 
ernor-General), to  be  enrolled  of  record  in  the 
office  of  the  Registrar  of  the  Appellate  Division 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa  ; and  such 
copies  shall  be  conclusive  evidence  as  to  the 
provisions  of  every  such  law,  and  in  case  of 
conflict  between  the  two  copies  thus  deposited 
that  signed  by  the  Governor-General  shall  pre- 
vail. 

V.  — The  Provinces. 

ADMINISTRATORS. 

68.  — (1)  In  each  province  there  shall  be  a 
chief  executive  officer  appointed  by  the  Gov- 
ernor-General in  Council,  who  shall  be  styled 
the  administrator  of  the  province,  and  in  whose 
name  all  executive  acts  relating  to  provincial 
affairs  therein  shall  be  done.  (2)  In  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  administrator  of  any  province,  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  shall,  as  far  as 
practicable,  give  preference  to  persons  resident 
in  such  province.  (3)  Such  administrator  shall 
hold  office  for  a term  of  five  years  and  shall  not 
be  removed  before  the  expiration  thereof  except 
by  the  Governor-General  in  Council  for  cause 
assigned,  which  shall  be  communicated  by  mes- 
sage to  both  Houses  of  Parliament  within  one 
week  after  the  removal,  if  Parliament  be  then 
sitting,  or,  if  Parliament  be  not  sitting,  then 
within  one  week  after  the  commencement  of  the 
next  ensuing  session.  (4)  The  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council  may  from  time  to  time  appoint  a 
deputy  administrator  to  execute  the  office  and 
functions  of  the  administrator  during  his  ab- 
sence, illness,  or  other  inability. 

69.  The  salaries  of  the  administrators  shall  be 
fixed  and  provided  by  Parliament,  and  shall  not 
be  reduced  during  their  respective  terms  of  office. 


161 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


PROVINCIAL  COUNCIL8. 

70.  — (1)  There  shall  be  a provincial  council 
in  each  province  consisting  of  the  same  number 
of  members  as  are  elected  in  the  province  for  the 
House  of  Assembly:  Provided  that,  in  any  pro- 
vince whose  representatives  in  the  House  of  As- 
sembly shall  be  less  than  twenty-five  in  number, 
the  provincial  council  shall  consist  of  twenty-five 
members.  (2)  Any  person  qualified  to  vote  for 
the  election  of  members  of  the  provincial  council 
shall  be  qualified  to  be  a member  of  such  council. 

[Sections  71-77  are  regulative  of  the  elections, 
the  terms  ( three  years),  and  the  sittings  of  the 
Provincial  Councils. 

Sections  78-84  are  creative  of  Executive  Com- 
mittees, for  which  each  Provincial  Council  shall 
elect  “ from  among  its  members,  or  otherwise,” 
four  persons,  to  be  joined  with  the  administrator 
of  the  Province,  the  latter  being  chairman  of  the 
Executive  Committee  thus  constituted.  This 
Committee,  “ on  behalf  of  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil,” being  appointed  to  “carry  on  the  adminis- 
tration of  provincial  affairs,”  and,  “subject  to 
the  provisions  of  this  Act,”  to  be  invested  with 
“all  powers,  authorities,  and  functions  which 
at  the  establishment  of  the  Union  are  vested  in 
or  exercised  by  the  Governor  in  Council,  or  any 
minister  of  the  Colony.  ”] 

POWERS  OF  PROVINCIAL  COUNCILS. 

85.  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  Act  and 
the  assent  of  the  Governor- General  in  Council  as 
hereinafter  provided,  the  provincial  council  may 
make  ordinances  in  relation  to  matters  coming 
within  the  following  classes  of  subjects  (that  is 
to  say)  : — (i)  Direct  taxation  within  the  pro- 
vince in  order  to  raise  a revenue  for  provincial 
purposes:  (ii)  The  borrowing  of  money  on  the 
sole  credit  of  the  province  with  the  consent  of  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  and  in  accordance 
with  regulations  to  be  framed  by  Parliament: 
(iii)  Education,  other  than  higher  education,  for 
a period  of  five  years  and  thereafter  until  Parlia- 
ment otherwise  provides : ( iv)  Agriculture  to  the 
extent  and  subject  to  the  conditions  to  be  defined 
by  Parliament:  (v)  The  establishment,  mainte- 
nance, and  management  of  hospitals  and  chari- 
table institutions:  ( vi)  Municipal  institutions, 
divisional  councils,  and  other  local  institutions 
of  a similar  nature : (vii)  Local  works  and  under- 
takings within  the  province,  other  than  railways 
and  harbours  and  other  than  such  works  as 
extend  beyond  the  borders  of  the  province,  and 
subject  to  the  power  of  Parliament  to  declare 
any  work  a national  work  and  to  provide  for 
its  construction  by  arrangement  with  the  pro- 
vincial council  or  otherwise:  (viii)  Roads,  out- 
spans,  ponts,  and  bridges,  other  than  bridges 
connecting  two  provinces : (ix)  Markets  and 
pounds  : (x)  Fish  and  game  preservation  : (xi) 
The  imposition  of  punishment  by  fine,  penalty, 
or  imprisonment  for  enforcing  any  law  or  any 
ordinance  of  the  province  made  in  relation  to 
any  matter  coming  within  any  of  the  classes  of 
subjects  enumerated  in  this  section  : (xii)  Gen- 
erally all  matters  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Governor-General  in  Council,  are  of  a merely 
local  or  private  nature  in  the  province:  (xiii)  All 
other  subjects  in  respect  of  which  Parliament 
shall  by  any  law  delegate  the  power  of  making 
ordinances  to  the  provincial  council. 

[Sections  86-93  are  regulative  of  the  exercise 
of  the  powers  thus  conferred.] 


94.  The  seats  of  provincial  government  shall 
be  — For  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Cape  Town  ; 
for  Natal,  Pietermaritzburg;  for  the  Transvaal, 
Pretoria;  for  the  Orange  Free  State,  Bloemfon- 
tein. 

VI. — The  Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa. 

95.  There  shall  be  a Supreme  Court  of  South 
Africa  consisting  of  a Chief  Justice  of  South  Af- 
rica, the  ordinary  judges  of  appeal,  and  the  other 
judges  of  the  several  divisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  South  Africa  in  the  provinces. 

96.  There  shall  be  an  Appellate  Division  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa,  consisting  of 
the  Chief  Justice  of  South  Africa,  two  ordinary 
judges  of  appeal,  and  two  additional  judges  of 
appeal.  Such  additional  judges  of  appeal  shall 
be  assigned  by  the  Governor-General  in  Council 
to  the  Appellate  Division  from  any  of  the  pro- 
vincial or  local  divisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
South  Africa,  but  shall  continue  to  perform  their 
duties  as  judges  of  their  respective  divisions 
when  their  attendance  is  not  required  in  the  Ap- 
pellate Division. 

97.  The  Governor-General  in  Council  may,  dur- 
ing the  absence,  illness,  or  other  incapacity  of  the 
Chief  Justice  of  South  Africa,  or  of  any  ordinary 
or  additional  judge  of  appeal,  appoint  another 
judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa  to 
act  temporarily  as  such  chief  justice,  ordinary 
judge  of  appeal,  or  additional  judge  of  appeal, 
as  the  case  may  be. 

98.  — (1)  The  several  supreme  courts  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Natal,  and  the  Transvaal, 
and  the  High  Court  of  the  Orange  River  Colony 
shall,  on  the  establishment  of  the  Union,  become 
provincial  divisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
South  Africa  within  their  respective  provinces, 
and  shall  each  be  presided  over  by  a judge-presi- 
dent. 

[Further  prescriptions  on  the  same  subject  are 
contained  in  this  and  the  next  section  of  the  Act.] 

100.  The  Chief  Justice  of  South  Africa,  the 
ordinary  judges  of  appeal,  and  all  other  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa  to  be  ap- 
pointed after  the  establishment  of  the  Union  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  Governor-General  in  Coun- 
cil, and  shall  receive  such  remuneration  as  Parlia- 
ment shall  prescribe,  and  their  remuneration  shall 
not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in 
office. 

101.  The  Chief  Justice  of  South  Africa  and 
other  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  South  Af- 
rica shall  not  be  removed  from  office  except  by 
the  Governor-General  in  Council  on  an  address 
from  both  Houses  of  Parliament  in  the  same  ses- 
sion praying  for  such  removal  on  the  ground  of 
misbehaviour  or  incapacity. 

102.  Upon  any  vacancy  occuring  in  any  divi- 
sion of  the  Supreme  Court  of  South  Africa,  other 
than  the  Appellate  Division,  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council  may,  in  case  he  shall  consider 
that  the  number  of  judges  of  such  court  may 
with  advantage  to  the  public  interest  be  reduced, 
postpone  filling  the  vacaucy  until  Parliament 
shall  have  determined  whether  such  reduction 
shall  take  place. 

[Rules  concerning  the  cases,  civil  and  criminal, 
which  may  be  appealed  from  inferior  courts  to 
the  Appellate  Division,  and  not  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  are  laid  down  in  sections  103-105.] 

106.  There  shall  be  no  appeal  from  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  South  Africa  or  from  any  divi- 
sion thereof  to  the  King  in  Council,  but  nothing 


162 


CONSTITUTION  OP  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


herein  contained  shall  be  construed  to  impair 
any  right  which  the  King  in  Council  may  be 
pleased  to  exercise  to  grant  special  leave  to 
appeal  from  the  Appellate  Division  to  the  King 
in  Council.  Parliament  may  make  laws  limiting 
the  matters  in  respect  of  which  such  special 
leave  may  be  asked,  but  Bills  containing  any 
such  limitation  shall  be  reserved  by  the  Governor- 
General  for  the  signification  of  His  Majesty’s 
pleasure:  Provided  that  nothing  in  this  section 
shall  affect  any  right  of  appeal  to  His  Majesty 
in  Council  from  any  judgment  given  by  the 
Appellate  Division  of  the  Supreme  Court  under 
or  in  virtue  of  the  Colonial  Courts  of  Admiralty 
Act,  1890. 

107.  The  Chief  Justice  of  South  Africa  and 
the  ordinary  judges  of  appeal  may,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  the  Governor-General  in  Council, 
make  rules  for  the  conduct  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Appellate  Division  and  prescribing  the 
time  and  manner  of  making  appeals  thereto. 
Until  such  rules  shall  have  been  promulgated, 
the  rules  in  force  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  at  the  establishment  of  the 
Union  shall  mutatis  mutandis  apply. 

[Other  details  concerning  the  rules  and  the 
sessions  of  the  several  provincial  and  local  divi- 
sions of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  execution  of 
their  writs  and  other  processes,  etc.,  are  set 
forth  in  sections  108-116  ] 

VII.  — Finance  and  Railways. 

1x7.  All  revenues,  from  whatever  source  aris- 
ing, over  which  the  several  Colonies  have  at 
the  establishment  of  the  Union  power  of  appro- 
priation, shall  vest  in  the  Governor-General  in 
Council.  There  shall  be  formed  a Railway  and 
Harbour  Fund,  into  which  shall  be  paid  all 
revenues  raised  or  received  by  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council  from  the  administration  of  the 
railways,  ports,  and  harbours,  and  such  fund 
shall  be  appropriated  by  Parliament  to  the  pur- 
poses of  the  railways,  ports,  and  harbours  in  the 
manner  prescribed  by  this  Act.  There  shall  also 
be  formed  a Consolidated  Revenue  Fund,  into 
which  shall  be  paid  all  other  revenues  raised  or 
received  by  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  and 
such  fund  shall  be  appropriated  by  Parliament 
for  the  purposes  of  the  Union  in  the  manner 
prescribed  by  this  Act,  and  subject  to  the  charges 
imposed  thereby. 

[Sections  118-123  provide  for  a commission 
“ to  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  financial  rela- 
tions which  should  exist  between  the  Union  and 
the  provinces”;  prescribe  the  division  to  be  made 
meantime  of  the  Consolidated  Revenue  Fund ; 
make  the  interest  of  the  public  debts  a first 
charge  on  that  fund ; transfer  to  the  Union  all 
stocks,  moneys,  and  securities,  all  crown  lands, 
public  works,  etc.,  and  all  rights  in  mines  and 
minerals  that  belonged  to  each  of  the  colonies  at 
the  establishment  of  the  Union.] 

124.  The  Union  shall  assume  all  debts  and 
liabilities  of  the  Colonies  existing  at  its  estab- 
lishment, subject,  notwithstanding  any  other 
provision  contained  in  this  Act,  to  the  conditions 
imposed  by  any  law  under  which  such  debts  or 
liabilities  were  raised  or  incurred,  and  without 
prejudice  to  any  rights  of  security  or  priority  in 
respect  of  the  payment  of  principal,  interest, 
sinking  fund,  and  other  charges  conferred  on  the 
creditors  of  any  of  the  Colonies,  and  may,  sub- 
ject to  such  conditions  and  rights,  convert,  re- 
new, or  consolidate  such  debts. 


125.  All  ports,  harbours,  and  railways  be- 
longing to  the  several  Colonies  at  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Union  shall  from  the  date  thereof 
vest  in  the  Governor-General  in  Council.  No 
railway  for  the  conveyance  of  public  traffic,  and 
no  port,  harbour,  or  similar  work,  shall  be  con- 
structed without  the  sanction  of  Parliament. 

126.  Subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Governor 
General  in  Council,  the  control  and  management 
of  the  railways,  ports,  and  harbours  of  the  Union 
shall  be  exercised  through  a board  consisting 
of  not  more  than  three  commissioners,  who  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  Governor-General  in  Coun- 
cil, and  a minister  of  State,  who  shall  be  chair- 
man. . . . 

[Of  the  remaining  sections  of  the  Act  (127-152) 
the  following  are  the  more  important  or  the  more 
significant.] 

133.  In  order  to  compensate  Pietermaritzburg 
and  Bloemfontein  for  any  loss  sustained  by  them 
in  the  form  of  diminution  of  prosperity  or  de- 
creased rateable  value  by  reason  of  their  ceasing 
to  be  the  seats  of  government  of  their  respective 
colonies,  there  shall  be  paid  from  the  Consoli- 
dated Revenue  Fund  for  a period  not  exceeding 
twenty-five  years  to  the  muncipal  councils  of 
such  towns  a grant  of  two  per  centum  per  an- 
num on  their  municipal  debts,  as  existing  on  the 
thirty-first  day  of  January  nineteen  hundred  and 
nine,  and  as  ascertained  by  the  Controller  and 
Auditor-General.  The  Commission  appointed 
under  section  one  hundred  and  eighteen  shall, 
after  due  inquiry,  report  to  the  Governor-General 
in  Council  what  compensation  should  be  paid  to 
the  municipal  councils  of  Cape  Town  and  Pre- 
toria for  the  losses,  if  any,  similarly  sustained  by 
them.  Such  compensation  shall  be  paid  out  of 
the  Consolidated  Revenue  Fund  for  a period  not 
exceeding  twenty-five  years,  and  shall  not  ex- 
ceed one  per  centum  per  annum  on  the  respect- 
ive municipal  debts  of  such  towns  as  existing 
on  the  thirty-first  January  nineteen  hundred  and 
nine,  and  as  ascertained  by  the  Controller  and 
Auditor-General. 

134.  The  election  of  senators  and  of  mem- 
bers of  the  executive  committees  of  the  provin- 
cial councils  as  provided  in  this  Act  shall, 
whenever  such  election  is  contested,  be  accord- 
ing to  the  principle  of  proportional  representa- 
tion, each  voter  having  one  transferable  vote. 
The  Governor-General  in  Council,  or,  in  the  case 
of  the  first  election  of  the  Senate,  the  Governor 
in  Council  of  each  of  the  Colonies,  shall  frame 
regulations  prescribing  the  method  of  voting 
and  of  transferring  and  counting  votes  and  the 
duties  of  returning  officers  in  connection  there- 
with, and  such  regulations  or  any  amendments 
thereof  after  being  duly  promulgated  shall  have 
full  force  and  effect  unless  and  until  Parliament 
shall  otherwise  provide. 

136.  There  shall  be  free  trade  throughout  the 
Union,  but  until  Parliament  otherwise  provides 
the  duties  of  custom  and  of  excise  leviable 
under  the  laws  existing  in  any  of  the  Colonies 
at  the  establishment  of  the  Union  shall  remain 
in  force. 

137.  Both  the  English  and  Dutch  languages 
shall  be  official  languages  of  the  Union,  and 
shall  be  treated  on  a footing  of  equality,  and  pos- 
sess and  enjoy  equal  freedom,  rights,  and  privi- 
leges; all  records,  journals,  and  proceedings  of 
Parliament  shall  be  kept  in  both  languages,  and 
all  Bills,  Acts,  and  notices  of  general  public  im- 


163 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 

portance  or  interest  issued  by  the  Government 
of  the  Union  shall  be  in  both  languages. 

138.  All  persons  who  have  been  naturalised 
in  any  of  the  Colonies  shall  be  deemed  to  be 
naturalised  throughout  the  Union. 

140.  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  next 
succeeding  section,  all  officers  of  the  public  ser- 
vice of  the  Colonies  shall  at  the  establishment  of 
the  Union  become  officers  of  the  Union. 

141.  (1)  As  soon  as  possible  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Union,  the  Governor-General  in 
Council  shall  appoint  a public  service  commis- 
sion to  make  recommendations  for  such  reor- 
ganisation and  readjustment  of  the  departments 
of  the  public  service  as  may  be  necessary.  The 
commission  shall  also  make  recommendations  in 
regard  to  the  assignment  of  officers  to  the  sev- 
eral provinces.  . . . 

142.  After  the  establishment  of  the  Union  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  shall  appoint  a per- 
manent public  service  commission  with  such 
powers  and  duties  relating  to  the  appointment, 
discipline,  retirement,  and  superannuation  of 
public  officers  as  Parliament  shall  determine. 

143.  Any  officer  of  the  public  service  of  any 
of  the  Colonies  at  the  establishment  of  the 
Union  who  is  not  retained  in  the  service  of  the 
Union  or  assigned  to  that  of  a province  shall  be 
entitled  to  receive  such  pension,  gratuity,  or 
other  compensation  as  he  would  have  received 
in  like  circumstances  if  the  Union  had  not  been 
established. 

147.  The  control  and  administration  of  native 
affairs  and  of  matters  specially  or  differentially 
affecting  Asiastics  throughout  the  Union  shall 
vest  in  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  who 
shall  exercise  all  special  powers  in  regard  to 
native  administration  hitherto  vested  in  the  Gov- 
ernors of  the  Colonies  or  exercised  by  them  as 
supreme  chiefs,  and  any  lands  vested  in  the  Gov- 
ernor or  Governor  and  Executive  Council  of  any 
colony  for  the  purpose  of  reserves  for  native 
locations  shall  vest  in  the  Governor-General  in 
Council,  who  shall  exercise  all  special  powers 
in  relation  to  such  reserves  as  may  hitherto  have 
been  exerciseable  by  any  such  Governor  or  Gov- 
ernor and  Executive  Council,  and  no  lands  set 
aside  for  the  occupation  of  natives  which  cannot 
at  the  establishment  of  the  Union  be  alienated 
except  by  an  Act  of  the  Colonial  Legislature 
shall  be  alienated  or  in  any  way  diverted  from 
the  purposes  for  which  they  are  set  apart  except 
under  the  authority  of  an  Act  of  Parliament. 

148.  — (1)  All  rights  and  obligations  under  any 
conventions  or  agreements  which  are  binding  on 
any  of  the  Colonies  shall  devolve  upon  the  Union 
at  its  establishment. 

(2)  The  provisions  of  the  railway  agreement 
between  the  Governments  of  the  Transvaal,  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  Natal,  dated  the  second 
of  February,  nineteen  hundred  and  nine,  shall, 
as  far  as  practicable,  be  given  effect  to  by  the 
Government  of  the  Union. 

IX.  — New  Provinces  and  Territories. 

149.  Parliament  may  alter  the  boundaries  of 
any  province,  divide  a province  into  two  or 
more  provinces,  or  form  a new  province  out  of 
provinces  within  the  Union,  on  the  petition  of 
the  provincial  council  of  every  province  whose 
boundaries  are  affected  thereby. 

150.  The  King,  with  the  advice  of  the  Privy 
Council,  may  on  addresses  from  the  Houses  of 
Parliament  of  the  Union  admit  into  the  Union 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 

the  territories  administered  by  the  British  South 
Africa  Company  on  such  terms  and  conditions 
as  to  representation  and  otherwise  in  each  case 
as  are  expressed  in  the  addresses  and  approved 
by  the  King,  and  the  provisions  of  any  Order 
in  Council  in  that  behalf  shall  have  effect  as  if 
they  had  been  enacted  by  the  Parliament  of  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

151.  The  King,  with  the  advice  of  the  Privy 
Council,  may,  on  addresses  from  the  Houses  of 
Parliament  of  the  Union,  transfer  to  the  Union 
the  government  of  any  territories,  other  than 
the  territories  administered  by  the  British  South 
Africa  Company,  belonging  to  or  under  the  pro- 
tection of  His  Majesty,  and  inhabited  wholly  or 
in  part  by  natives,  and  upon  such  transfer  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  may  undertake  the 
government  of  such  territory  upon  the  terms 
and  conditions  embodied  in  the  Schedule  to  this 
Act. 

X.  — Amendment  of  Act. 

152.  Parliament  may  by  law  repeal  or  alter 
any  of  the  provisions  of  this  Act : Provided  that 
no  provision  thereof,  for  the  operation  of  which 
a definite  period  of  time  is  prescribed,  shall  dur- 
ing such  period  be  repealed  or  altered  : And  pro- 
vided further  that  no  repeal  or  alteration  of  the 
provisions  contained  in  this  section,  or  in  sec- 
tions thirty-three  and  thirty-four  (until  the  num- 
ber of  members  of  the  House  of  Assembly  has 
reached  the  limit  therein  prescribed,  or  until  a 
period  of  ten  years  has  elapsed  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Union,  whichever  is  the  longer 
period),  or  in  sections  thirty-five  and  one  hundred 
and  thirty-seven,  shall  be  valid  unless  the  Bill 
embodying  such  repeal  or  alteration  shall  be 
passed  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament  sitting  to- 
gether, and  at  the  third  reading  be  agreed  to  by 
not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  total  number  of 
members  of  both  Houses.  A Bill  so  passed  at 
such  joint  sitting  shall  be  taken  to  have  been 
duly  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament. 

Schedule. 

1.  After  the  transfer  of  the  government  of  any 
territory  belonging  to  or  under  the  protection  of 
His  Majesty,  the  Governor-General  in  Council 
shall  be  the  legislative  authority,  and  may  by 
proclamation  make  laws  for  the  peace,  order, 
and  good  government  of  such  territory : Pro- 
vided that  all  such  laws  shall  be  laid  before  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  within  seven  days  after 
the  issue  of  the  proclamation  or,  if  Parliament 
be  not  then  sitting,  within  seven  days  after  the 
beginning  of  the  next  session,  and  shall  be  effec- 
tual unless  and  until  both  Houses  of  Parliament 
shall  by  resolutions  passed  in  the  same  session 
request  the  Governor-General  in  Council  to  re- 
peal the  same,  in  which  case  they  shall  be  re- 
pealed by  proclamation. 

2.  The  Prime  Minister  shall  be  charged  with 
the  administration  of  any  territory  thus  trans- 
ferred, and  he  shall  be  advised  in  the  general 
conduct  of  such  administration  by  a commission 
consisting  of  not  fewer  than  three  members  with 
a secretary,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor- 
General  in  Council,  who  shall  take  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Prime  Minister  in  conducting  all 
correspondence  relating  to  the  territories,  and 
shall  also  under  the  like  control  have  custody  of 
all  official  papers  relating  to  the  territories. 

3.  The  members  of  the  commission  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  Governor-General  in  Council, 


CONSTITUTION  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA 


CONSTITUTION  OF  TURKEY 


and  shall  be  entitled  to  hold  office  for  a period 
of  ten  years,  but  such  period  may  be  extended 
to  successive  further  terms  of  five  years.  . . . 

14.  It  shall  not  be  lawful  to  alienate  any  land 
in  Basutoland  or  any  land  forming  part  of  the 
native  reserves  in  the  Bechuanaland  protectorate 
and  Swaziland  from  the  native  tribes  inhabiting 
those  territories. 

15.  The  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  to  natives 
shall  be  prohibited  in  the  territories,  and  no  pro- 
vision giving  facilities  for  introducing,  obtain- 
ing, or  possessing  such  liquor  in  any  part  of  the 
territories  less  stringent  than  those  existing  at 
the  time  of  transfer  shall  be  allowed. 


16.  The  custom,  where  it  exists,  of  holding 
pitsos  or  other  recognised  forms  of  native  as- 
sembly shall  be  maintained  in  the  territories. 

17.  No  differential  duties  or  imposts  on  the 
produce  of  the  territories  shall  be  levied.  The 
laws  of  the  Union  relating  to  customs  and  excise 
shall  be  made  to  apply  to  the  territories. 

18.  There  shall  be  free  intercourse  for  the  in- 
habitants of  the  territories  with  the  rest  of  South 
Africa  subject  to  the  laws,  including  the  pass 
laws,  of  the  Union. 

19.  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  Schedule, 
all  revenues  derived  from  any  territory  shall  be 
expended  for  and  on  behalf  of  such  territory.  . . . 


CONSTITUTION  OF  TURKEY.— The 

following  is  a synopsis  of  the  Constitution 
promulgated  December  23,  1876,  the  first  year 
of  the  reign  of  Abd-ul  Hamid,  then  soon  with- 
drawn, and  practically  forgotten  for  thirty -two 
years,  but  brought  to  light  by  the  revolution  of 
1908  and  promulgated  anew,  on  the  24th  of  July 
in  that  memorable  year;  — see,  in  this  vol., 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.): 

The  indivisibility  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 
The  Sultan,  the  supreme  Caliph  of  the  Mussul- 
mans and  sovereign  of  all  Ottoman  subjects,  is 
irresponsible  and  inviolable.  His  prerogatives 
are  those  of  the  constitutional  sovereigns  of  the 
West.  The  subjects  of  the  empire  are  called, 
without  distinction,  Ottomans.  Individual  lib- 
erty is  inviolable,  and  is  guaranteed  by  the  laws. 

Islamism  is  the  religion  of  the  state,  but  the 
free  exercise  of  all  recognized  creeds  is  guaran- 
teed, and  the  religious  privileges  of  the  com- 
munities are  maintained.  No  provision  invest- 
ing the  institutions  of  the  state  with  a theocratic 
character  exists  in  the  constitution. 

The  constitution  establishes  liberty  of  the 
press,  the  right  of  petition  to  both  chambers  for 
all  Ottomans,  liberty  of  education,  and  the  equal- 
ity of  all  Ottomans  before  the  law.  They  all 
enjoy  the  same  rights,  and  have  the  same  duties 
toward  the  country.  Ottoman  subjects,  without 
distinction  of  religion,  are  admitted  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  state.  Taxation  will  be  equally  dis- 
tributed ; property  is  guaranteed,  and  the  domi- 
cile is  declared  inviolable.  No  person  can  be 
taken  from  the  jurisdiction  of  his  natural  judges. 

The  Council  of  Ministers  will  deliberate  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Grand-Vizier.  Each  min- 
ister is  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  affairs 
of  his  department.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies 
may  demand  the  impeachment  of  the  ministers, 
and  a high  court  is  instituted  to  try  them.  In 
the  event  of  the  Chamber  adopting  a vote  hostile 
to  the  ministry  on  any  important  question,  the 
Sultan  will  change  the  ministers  or  dissolve  the 
Chamber.  The  ministers  are  entitled  to  be  pre- 
sent at  the  sittings  of  both  Chambers,  and  to  take 
part  in  the  debates.  Interpellations  may  be  ad- 
dressed to  the  ministers.  Public  functionaries 
will  be  appointed  in  conformity  with  the  con- 
ditions fixed  by  law,  and  cannot  be  dismissed 
without  legal  and  sufficient  cause.  They  are 
not  discharged  from  responsibility  by  any  orders 
contrary  to  law  which  they  may  receive  from  a 
superior. 

The  General  Assembly  of  the  Ottomans  is  com- 
posed of  two  Chambers,  the  Senate  and  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  who  will  meet  on  the  1st 
of  November  in  each  year,  the  session  lasting 
four  months.  A message  from  the  Sultan  will  be 


sent  to  both  Chambers  at  the  opening  of  each 
session.  The  members  of  both  Chambers  are 
free  with  regard  to  their  vote  and  in  the  expres- 
sion of  their  opinions.  Electors  are  prohibited 
from  imposing  binding  engagements  upon  their 
representatives.  The  initiative  in  proposing  laws 
belongs  in  the  first  place  to  the  ministry,  and 
next  to  the  Chambers,  in  the  form  of  proposi- 
tions. Laws  must  be  first  submitted  to  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  then  to  the  Senate,  and 
finally  to  the  imperial  sanction.  The  Senate  is 
composed  of  members  nominated  by  the  Sultan 
and  chosen  from  among  the  most  eminent  per- 
sonages in  the  country.  The  Senate  votes  the 
laws  already  passed  by  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties, and  returns  to  the  latter,  or  rejects,  any 
provisions  contrary  to  the  constitution  or  to  the 
integrity  or  safety  of  the  state.  In  the  event  of 
a dissolution  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the 
general  election  shall  be  held  and  the  new  Cham- 
ber meet  within  six  months  from  the  date  of  dis- 
solution. The  sittings  of  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties are  public.  The  deputies  may  not  be  arrested 
or  prosecuted  during  the  session  without  author- 
ity from  the  Chamber.  The  Chamber  votes  the 
laws  article  by  article,  and  the  budget  by  chap- 
ters. There  is  to  be  one  deputy  for  every  fifty 
thousand  inhabitants,  and  the  elections  will  be 
made  by  secret  ballot.  A special  law  will  deter- 
mine the  mode  of  election.  The  mandate  of  a 
deputy  will  render  him  ineligible  for  any  public 
office,  except  for  a ministry.  Each  legislature 
will  continue  for  a period  of  four  years.  The 
deputies  will  receive  4,600  francs  for  every  ses- 
sion, which  will  last  from  November  to  March. 
The  senators  are  appointed  for  life  by  the  Sul- 
tan, and  will  receive  2,300  francs  monthly. 
Judges  are  irremovable. 

The  sittings  of  the  tribunals  are  public.  The 
advocates  appearing  for  defendants  are  free. 
Sentences  may  be  published.  No  interference 
can  be  permitted  in  the  administration  of  j ustice. 
The  jurisdiction  of  the  tribunals  will  be  exactly 
defined.  Any  exceptional  tribunals  or  commis- 
sions are  prohibited.  The  office  of  Public  Prose- 
cutor is  created.  The  High  Court,  which  will 
try  ministers,  members  of  the  Court  of  Cassation, 
and  other  persons  charged  with  the  crime  of 
lese  Majeste , or  of  conspiracy  against  the  state, 
will  be  composed  of  the  most  eminent  judicial 
and  administrative  functionaries. 

No  tax  can  be  established  or  levied  except  by 
virtue  of  a law.  The  budget  will  be  voted  at  the 
commencement  of  each  session,  and  for  a period 
of  one  year  only.  The  final  settlement  of  the 
budget  for  the  preceding  year  will  be  submitted 
to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in  the  form  of  a bill. 
The  Court  of  Accounts  will  send  every  year  to 


CONSTITUTION  OF  TURKEY 


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the  Chamber  of  Deputies  a report  upon  the  state 
of  public  accounts,  and  will  present  to  the  Sul 
tan,  quarterly,  a statement  showing  the  financial 
condition  of  the  country.  The  members  of  the 
Court  of  Accounts  are  irremovable.  No  dismis- 
sal can  take  place  except  in  consequence  of  a 
resolution  adopted  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

The  provincial  administration  is  based  upon 
the  broadest  system  of  decentralization.  The 
Councils-General,  which  are  elective,  will  delib- 
erate upon  and  control  the  affairs  of  the  province. 
Every  canton  will  have  a council,  elected  by  each 
of  the  different  communities,  for  the  manage- 
ment of  its  own  affairs.  The  communes  will  be 
administered  by  elective  municipal  councils. 
Primary  education  is  obligatory. 

The  interpretation  of  the  laws  belongs,  accord- 
ing to  their  nature,  to  the  Court  of  Cassation, 
the  Council  of  State,  and  the  Senate. 

The  constitution  can  only  be  modified  on  the 
initiative  of  the  ministry,  or  of  either  of  the  two 
Chambers,  and  by  a vote  of  both  Chambers, 
passed  by  a majority  of  two-thirds.  Such  modi- 
fication must  also  be  sanctioned  by  the  Sultan. 
— (Applet oris'  Annual  Cyclopaedia , 1876,  pp. 
773-774.)  See  amendments,  in  this  vol.,  under 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES:  Proposed  Income  Tax  Amend- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D. 
1909  (July). 

CONSTITUTION  OF  VENEZUELA, 
New.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Venezuela  : A.  D.  1904. 

CONSTITUTION,  A World:  The  Mak- 
ing of  it  in  Process.  See  (in  this  vol.)  World- 
Movements. 

CONSTITUTION  ISLAND.— “In  the 

Hudson  River  opposite  West  Point  lies  Constitu- 
tion Island.  It  is  a wood-covered  tract  of  nearly 
three  hundred  acres,  and  for  many  years  it  has 
been  coveted  by  the  authorities  of  the  Military 
Academy  and  the  War  Department.  Its  owner, 
Miss  Anna  Bartlett  Warner,  was  always  willing 
to  sell  to  the  Government,  but  Congress  could 
never  be  induced  to  make  the  necessary  appropri- 
ation for  its  purchase.  Now  Mrs.  Russell  Sage  has 
joined  with  Miss  Warner  in  making  a gift  of  the 
island  to  the  Nation,  to  be  used  as  a part  of  the 
military  reservation  at  West  Point.” — The  Out- 
look, September  19,  1908. 

CONSTITUTION-MAKING,  and  Un- 
making, in  Servia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan 
and  Danubian  States:  Servia. 

CONSTITUTIONAL  DEMOCRATS. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1905-1907,  and 
1906  and  1907. 

CONSULAR  SERVICE,  The  Reform  of 
the  American.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Civil  Service 
Reform:  United  States:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

CONSUMPTION.  See  Public  Health: 
Tuberculosis. 

CONVICT  LEASE  SYSTEM:  Its  aboli- 
tion in  Georgia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and 
Criminology. 

COOK,  Frederick  A.:  Claimant  of  North 
Pole  discovery.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Polar  Ex- 
ploration. 

COOLEY,  Dr.  Harris  R.:  Director  of 
Charities  and  Corrections,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology. 

COOPERATION,  Industrial  and  Com- 
mercial. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Remunera 
tion. 


COPENHAGEN:  A.  D.  1906.  — Confer- 
ence of  the  International  Woman  Suffrage 
Alliance.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Fran- 
chise : Woman  Suffrage. 

COPYRIGHT  : The  new  Law  in  the 
United  States.  — “To  the  general  surprise,  the 
new  copyright  bill  slipped  through  both  houses 
of  Congress  yesterday  [March  3,  1909],  It 
consists  of  one  complete  and  consistent  copy- 
right statute,  in  sixty  four  sections.  The  term 
of  copyright  is  lengthened.  The  bill  leaves  the 
present  first  term  of  twenty -eight  years  un- 
changed, but  provides  for  a renewal  term  of 
twenty-eight  years  instead  of  fourteen,  thus 
making  possible  a period  of  protection  of  fifty- 
six  years  from  the  publication  of  the  work. 
The  bill  also  provides  for  the  extension  of  sub- 
sisting copyrights  upon  the  same  basis. 

“ Copyright  may  now  be  secured  for  all  the 
‘ writings  ’ of  an  author,  using  the  constitu- 
tional expression.  In  enumerating  and  classify- 
ing works  protected  by  copyright,  the  bill  is 
more  explicit  than  the  present  statutes,  and  adds 
the  following  new  designations  : ‘ Lectures, 
sermons,  and  addresses,  prepared  for  oral  deliv- 
ery’; ‘ dramatico-musical  compositions’;  ‘ plas- 
tic works  of  a scientific  or  technical  character’; 

‘ reproductions  of  a work  of  art,’  and  ‘ prints 
and  pictorial  illustrations,’  in  lieu  of  ‘ engrav- 
ings,’ ‘cuts,’  and  ‘cliromos,’  and  ‘works  of 
art  ’ instead  of  the  present  specific  designations, 

‘ painting,’  ‘ drawings,’  ‘ statue,’  and  ‘ statuary.’ 
Express  provision  is  made  that  compilations, 
abridgments,  adaptations,  arrangements,  drama- 
tizations, or  translations  and  works  republished 
with  new  matter  shall  be  considered  new  works 
subject  to  copyright. 

“ As  regards  a musical  work,  the  bill  provides, 
as  does  the  present  law,  that  the  author  shall 
have  the  sole  right  to  perform  the  work  pub- 
licly for  profit,  but  adds  the  sole  right  ‘ to  make 
any  arrangement  or  setting  of  it  or  of  the  melody 
of  it  in  any  system  of  notation  or  any  form  of 
record  from  which  it  may  be  read  or  repro- 
duced.’ The  composer’s  control  of  the  repro- 
duction of  his  music  by  mechanical  instruments 
is  qualified  as  follows:  (a)  to  cover  only  music 
published  and  copyrighted  after  the  act  goes 
into  effect  ; (b)  not  to  include  music  by  a foreign 
author  or  composer  unless  the  foreign  state  or 
nation  of  which  he  is  a subject  grants  to  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  similar  rights  ; (c) 
whenever  the  owner  of  a musical  copyright  has 
used  or  permitted  or  acquiesced  in  the  use  of 
his  work  upon  parts  of  instruments  serving  to 
reproduce  mechanically  the  musical  work,  any 
other  person  may  make  similar  use  of  the  work 
upon  the  payment  of  a royalty  of  two  cents  on 
each  part  manufactured,  notice  to  be  filed  in  the 
copyright  office  of  such  use  or  license  to  use  by 
the  copyright  proprietor. 

“ American  manufacture  is  required  in  the  case 
of  a book,  not  only  as  regards  type-setting  in 
the  United  States,  but  ‘ if  the  text  be  produced 
by  lithographic  or  photo-engraving  process,  then 
by  a process  wholly  performed  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States.’  The  provision  is  also 
extended  to  illustrations  within  a book,  and  to 
separate  lithographs  and  photo  engravings,  ‘ex- 
cept where  in  either  case  the  subjects  repre- 
sented are  located  in  a foreign  country.’  The 
printing  and  binding  of  the  book  must  also  be 
performed  within  the  United  States.  Photo- 


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graphs  are  released  from  the  present  require- 
ment that  they  ‘shall  be  printed  from  negatives 
made  within  the  United  States  or  from  trans- 
fers made  therefrom.’  The  ‘original  text  of  a 
book  of  foreign  origin  in  a language  or  lan- 
guages other  than  English  ’ is  also  excepted 
from  the  requirements  of  type-setting  in  the 
United  States.  A new  ad  interim  protection  is 
given  books  printed  abroad  in  the  English  lan- 
uage.  If  one  complete  copy  of  such  book  is 
eposited  in  the  copyright  office  not  later  than 
thirty  days  after  publication  abroad,  copyright 
is  granted  for  a period  of  thirty  days  from  the 
date  of  receipt  of  the  copy.  If  an  authorized 
edition  of  the  book  is  produced  from  type  set  in 
the  United  States  during  this  second  thirty  days, 
the  full  term  of  copyright  is  secured. 

“The  much  discussed  provisions  prohibiting 
the  importation  of  copyrighted  books  are  con- 
siderably modified.  The  importation  of  piratical 
copies  of  any  work  copyrighted  is  prohibited, 
aud  the  importation  of  any  books,  'although 
authorized  by  the  author  or  proprietor,’  which 
have  not  been  produced  in  accordance  with  the 
manufacturing  provisions,  is  prohibited.  The 
Act  of  1891  permits  importation  of  books  in 
' the  case  of  persons  purchasing  for  use  and  not 
for  sale,  who  import,  subject  to  the  duty  thereon, 
not  more  than  two  copies  of  such  book  at  any 
one  time.’  The  new  law  permits  importation, 
‘ not  more  than  one  copy  at  one  time,  for  indi- 
vidual use,  and  not  for  sale,’  and  adds  the  pro- 
viso that  ‘ such  privilege  of  importation  shall 
not  extend  to  a foreign  reprint  of  a book  by 
an  American  author  copyrighted  in  the  United 
States.’  The  Act  of  1891  allows  importation  in 
good  faith  for  the  use  of  societies  incorporated 
or  established  for  educational,  philosophical,  lit- 
erary, or  religious  purposes,  or  for  the  encour 
agement  of  the  fine  arts,  or  for  any  college, 
academy,  school,  or  seminary  of  learning.  The 
new  law  confines  the  privilege  to  incorporated 
societies  or  institutions,  but  adds  scientific  so- 
cieties and  ‘ any  State,  school,  college,  univer- 
sity, or  free  public  library’  ; but  while  the  Act 
of  1891  permits  ‘ two  copies  in  any  one  invoice  ’ 
to  be  so  imported,  the  new  law  provides  for  ‘ not 
more  than  one  copy  of  any  such  book  in  one  in- 
voice’ when  ‘for  use  and  not  for  sale.’ 

“In  the  case  of  infringement,  an  injunction 
may  issue,  as  now,  and  damages  be  recovered 
as  well  as  all  the  profits  due  to  the  infringement.” 
— New  York  Evening  Post,  March  4,  1909. 

Pan-American  Convention.  See  (in  this  vol  ) 
American  Republics. 

CORINTO,  Treaty  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1902  : Cen- 
tral America. 

CORPORATE  WRONGDOING:  Sum- 
mary of  recent  Governmental  Action  against 
it  in  the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1901-1906. 

CORPORATION  TAX,  United  States. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Tariffs  : United  States. 

CORPORATIONS  : Forbidden  to  contrib- 
ute to  Political  Elections.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1907  (Jan.). 

CORPORATIONS  AND  THE  PUBLIC. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c.,  and  Railways. 

CORPORATIONS,  The  Bureau  of.  — Its 
establishment  in  the  Federal  Administration 


ofthe  United  States.  See  (in  tliisvol.)  United 
States:  A.  D.  1903  (Feb.). 

CORRAL,  Ramon  : Vice-President  of 
Mexico.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mexico  A.  D. 1904- 
1905. 

CORREGAN,  Charles  Hunter:  Nomi- 

nated for  President  of  the  United  States. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1904 
(March-Nov.). 

CORTELYOU,  George  B.:  Secretary  of 
Commerce  and  Labor  and  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A D.  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

COST  OF  LIVING.  See  (in this  vol.)  Labor 
Remuneration  : Wages,  &c. 

COSTA  RICA.  See  Central  America. 

COUNTRY  LIFE  COMMISSION,  Re- 
port of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  : 
A.  D.  1908-1909  (Aug.-Feb.). 

COURTS,  Industrial,  German.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization  : Germany  . A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

COURTS  OF  LAW.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Law' 
and  its  Courts. 

COWPER-TEMPLEISM.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education:  England:  A.  D.  1906. 

CREEK  NATION,  Alleged  frauds  on  the. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Indians,  American. 

CREMER,  William  Randal  : Originator 
ofthe  Inter-parliamentary  Union.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  190L- 
1909 ; also  Nobel  Prizes. 

CRETE:  A.  D.  1905-1906. — Insurgent  de- 
mand of  Union  with  Greece.  — Investigation 
of  discontent  by  the  Protecting  Powers.— 
Resignation  ofthe  High  Commissionership  by 
Prince  George.  — Appointment  of  Zaimis.  — 
A determined  revolutionary  movement  to  secure 
union  with  Greece  was  set  on  foot  in  March,  1905. 
Remonstrance  against  it  by  Prince  George  was 
unavailing,  and  the  National  Assembly,  newly 
elected  on  the  2d  of  April,  gave  support  to  the  in- 
surgents, proclaiming  the  desired  union  of  Crete 
with  “her  mother  Greece,”  and  ordering  the 
Greek  flag  to  be  raised  over  the  public  buildings 
of  the  island.  The  government  of  Greece,  while 
declaring  its  sympathy  with  the  feeling  which  the 
movement  expressed,  could  not  give  countenance 
to  it,  and  urged  the  insurgents  to  lav  down  their 
arms.  The  latter,  however,  continued  to  hold  the 
interior  of  the  island  and  to  make  attacks  on  the 
Mohammedan  population,  until  the  approach  of 
winter,  when,  on  the  19th  of  November,  they 
gave  up  their  arms.  The  four  protecting  Powers 
then  appointed  a commission  to  investigate  the 
grounds  of  discontent  in  the  island,  and  its  report 
made  in  the  following  spring  j ustified  a good  deal 
of  the  Cretan  complaint  of  arbitrary  rule.  In  May 
a new  Assembly  was  elected,  in  which  the  Gov- 
ernment won  78  seats,  the  Opposition  36,  and  the 
Moslems  were  represented  by  16.  In  July  a reso- 
lution in  favor  of  annexation  to  Greece  was  voted 
by  acclamation  in  the  Assembly,  and  its  sittings 
were  suspended  to  await  the  decision  of  the 
Powers.  The  latter  announced  a little  later  the 
intention  to  organize  a gendarmerie  to  take  the 
place  of  foreign  troops  in  the  island  ; and  also  to 
extend  the  operations  of  the  Greek  Finance  Com- 
mission to  Crete.  Prince  George  now  expressed 
his  unwillingness  to  continue  in  the  office  of  High 
Commissioner,  and,  on  the  request  of  the  Powers, 
the  King  of  Greece  nominated  M.  Zaimis  to  suc- 
ceed him.  The  nomination  was  accepted,  and 

I 


167 


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Prince  George  withdrew  from  the  island,  after 
issuing  a farewell  proclamation,  September  25th. 
M.  Zaimis  arrived  and  assumed  office  on  the  14th 
of  October,  being  warmly  received.  He  was  un- 
derstood to  have  the  powers  of  a Greek  Viceroy, 
with  a mission  to  prepare  the  island  for  annexa- 
tion to  Greece. 

“ I should  not  like,”  said  a writer  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1905,  “to  speak  too  positively  of  Prince 
George’s  mistakes  ; but  I have  met  no  European 
who  has  lived  in  the  island  who  had  a good  word 
to  say  for  his  administration.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  played  the  despot.  The  local  independent 
newspapers  were  destroyed,  and  the  right  of 
public  meeting  withdrawn.  Worst  of  all,  the 
mayors  and  prefects,  who  had  originally  been 
elected  by  the  inhabitants  of  their  districts,  were 
degraded  to  the  position  of  mere  officials  nomi- 
nated by  the  Prince.  At  the  same  time,  he  as- 
pired to  be  a sort  of  party  leader.  Quite  early 
in  his  term  of  office  he  contrived  to  alienate  the 
best  men  among  the  leaders  who  had  conducted 
the  insurrection  with  so  much  patience  and  wis- 
dom. The  President  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, Dr.  Sphakianakis,  an  extremely  able  and, 
what  is  rarer,  a wise  and  disinterested  man,  went 
into  retirement  when  the  Prince  arrived.  . . . 

“ By  the  summer  of  last  year.  [1904]  when  the 
Prince  cast  Professor  Jannaris,  a philologist  of 
European  reputation,  into  Canea  gaol,  the  rift 
between  himself  and  his  people  had  become  des- 
perate. ...  It  was  now  quite  clear  that  no  solu 
tion  remained  save  union  with  Greece.  To  Prince 
George  it  provided  an  honorable  and  graceful 
path  of  retreat.  He  could  retire  and  bring  with 
him  in  his  withdrawal  a great  gift  to  the  Greek 
nation,  and  confer,  at  the  same  time,  contentment 
on  Crete.  . . . Prince  George,  accordingly,  de- 
voted the  closing  months  of  1904  to  a tour  among 
the  European  courts.  The  Powers  had  never 
intended  to  make  him  the  permanent  sovereign 
of  Crete.  His  mandate  was  only  for  three  years, 
and  it  had  already  been  prolonged  for  a second 
term.  He  urged  that  the  time  had  at  length 
arrived  for  a definite  solution,  which  could  only 
be  a union  with  Greece.  But  either  his  plead- 
ing was  half-hearted  or  the  Powers  were  deaf. 
His  term  was  once  more  extended,  and  he  was 
weak  enough,  or  vain  enough,  to  accept  the  dan- 
gerous mission.  He  returned  to  Crete  and  re- 
ported his  failure. 

“What  followed  is  recent  history.  For  a 
month  or  two  the  Cretans  were  passive,  and  then 
suddenly  they  rose  in  arms.  A sort  of  provi- 
sional government  was  established  at  Therisso, 
a stronghold  in  the  mountains,  near  enough  to 
Canea  to  threaten  the  Prince’s  administration, 
far  enough  from  the  sea  to  be  out  of  range  of  the 
European  war-ships.  Dr.  Sphakianakis  and  MM. 
Venizelos  and  Foumis  are  at  its  head,  and  it  soon 
received  the  allegiance  of  the  whole  interior. 
Simultaneously,  under  very  strained  conditions,  a 
general  election  was  held ; and,  though  the  mem- 
bers were  probably  drawn  for  the  most  part  from 
the  Prince’s  party,  the  Chamber  adopted  the 
programme  of  the  insurgents  and  solemnly  pro- 
claimed the  annexation  of  the  island  to  Greece. 
The  Prince  threatened,  but  he  had  no  force  be- 
hind him ; and  he  too  could  only  reiterate  his 
prayer  that  Europe  should  assent  to  union.  It 
is  a whimsical  display  of  unanimity.  In  other 
lands,  subjects  rebel  to  emphasize  some  differ- 
ence of  opinion  with  their  rulers.  The  Cretans 


have  taken  up  arms  to  prove  how  violently  they 
all  agree.”  — H.  N.  Brailsford,  The  Future  of 
Crete  ( North  American  Review,  Aug.,  1905 j. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — How  and  why  the  Cre- 
tans have  been  restrained  by  the  F our  Protect- 
ing Powers.  — In  February,  1907,  the  Cretans 
framed  and  adopted  a new  Constitution,  pro- 
viding for  an  Assembly  of  sixty-four  Deputies, 
elected  every  two  years,  and  continuing  the  exec- 
utive office  of  High  Commissioner,  with  a Council 
of  three.  They  were  fully  exercising  all  the  rights 
of  independent  self-government,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  four  Powers  which  still  maintained 
the  old  “Concert,”  namely,  Great  Britain, 
France,  Russia,  and  Italy.  The  Turkish  Govern- 
ment touched  them  in  no  other  way  than  through 
the  theoretical,  intangible  suzerainty  which  the 
Sultan  claimed.  But  that  claim,  acknowledged 
by  their  potent  protectors,  barred  them  from  an- 
nexation to  the  kingdom  of  their  fellow  Greeks, 
which  was  their  heart’s  desire.  If  Turkey  had 
continued  in  the  condition  to  which  it  had  sunk 
when  the  Powers  set  them  free  from  all  but  a 
fiction  of  feudal  law  (see  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work,  Turkey:  A.  D.  1897-1899)  there  seems 
little  doubt  that  they  would  have  won  their  wish 
in  no  long  time,  with  the  help  of  those  Powers; 
but  the  great  change  in  Turkish  conditions  which 
came  about  in  1908  was  not  favorable  to  Cretan 
hopes. 

To  the  Cretans,  in  October,  1908,  the  Turkish 
Revolution  appeared  to  have  brought  them  the 
best  of  opportunities  for  breaking  the  irksome 
thread  of  an  unexercised  Ottoman  sovereignty. 
Bulgaria  snapped  the  thread;  why  should  not 
they  ? But  Bulgaria  had  no  responsible  guardians 
to  look  after  her  conduct;  while  Crete  was,  un- 
fortunately at  this  juncture,  the  ward  of  an  inter- 
national trust  company,  whose  responsibilities  for 
her  were  made  immeasurably  more  serious  by 
the  very  circumstances  which  invited  her  to  an 
escapade.  The  revolutionary  undertaking  of  the 
Young  Turks,  to  reform  their  own  nation,  claimed 
the  sympathy  and  good  will  of  every  right-feeling 
government  in  the  world.  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Italy,  at  least,  could  not  afford  to  lay,  or  con- 
sent to  the  laying,  of  a straw  of  difficulty  in  its 
way.  A declaration  of  Cretan  independence  and 
annexation  to  Greece,  countenanced  by  the  Pow- 
ers, would  have  raised  excitements  in  Turkey 
more  than  likely  to  wreck  the  reform  movement 
in  a catastrophe  of  war,  which  might  involve 
much  larger  fields  than  those  that  lie  between 
Turkey  and  Greece.  The  action  of  Bulgaria  and 
that  of  Austria  in  annexing  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina had  put  a dangerous  strain  on  the  sit- 
uation ; but  neither  of  these  had  tried  Turkish 
feeling  as  it  would  have  been  tried  if  Crete  and 
Greece  had  been  suffered  to  follow  their  exam- 
ple by  the  four  protecting  Powers. 

The  attempt  was  made  in  Crete  on  the  12th  of 
October,  1908,  when  the  Assembly  voted  union 
with  Greece,  and  elected  a committee  of  six 
members  to  conduct  the  Government  in  the  name 
of  the  King  of  Greece,  under  Greek  laws.  The 
four  Powers  intervened  in  a soothing  way,  agree- 
ing to  treat  with  the  Turkish  Government  on 
the  subject,  provided  that  order  in  the  island 
should  be  maintained  and  protection  afforded  to 
the  Mohammedan  population.  In  the  previous 
May  they  had  decided  to  withdraw  the  forces 
they  were  jointly  keeping  in  Crete,  and  had  an- 
nounced that  their  evacuation  of  the  island  should 


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CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


be  completed  by  the  end  of  July,  1909.  When 
the  time  thus  appointed  drew  near  there  was 
some  anxiety  as  to  what  might  follow  the  with- 
drawal of  troops;  but  the  Powers  adhered  to 
their  agreement.  Meantime  the  Turkish  Gov- 
ernment was  giving  plain  expression  to  its  de- 
termination to  “ maintain  Ottoman  rights  in 
Crete.”  Early  in  July,  1909,  the  intentions  of  the 
four  Powers  were  made  known  by  an  announce- 
ment to  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  from 
the  Foreign  Minister  of  that  Government.  The 
international  contingents  of  troops,  he  stated, 
would  be  recalled  by  the  contemplated  date  of 
July  27 ; but  four  war  ships  ( stationnaires ) would 
be  sent,  one  by  each  Power,  “to  guard  the  Ot- 
toman flag  and  the  flags  of  the  four  Powers,  as 
well  as  to  ensure,  in  case  of  trouble,  the  protec- 
tion of  the  population.  A declaration  would  be 
addressed  to  the  people  of  Crete  promising,  in 
particular,  that  the  Powers  will  continue  to  oc- 
cupy themselves  with  the  Cretan  question  in  a 
benevolent  spirit,  but  adding  that  it  is  their  duty 
to  see  that  order  is  maintained  and  the  safety  of 
the  Mussulmans  in  Crete  assured;  that  with  this 
object  they  reserve  the  right  of  adopting  such 
measures  as  may  be  expedient  for  the  restoration 
of  tranquillity,  in  case  disturbances  should  break 
out  which  the  local  authorities  were  unable  to 
quell.  The  declaration  addressed  to  the  Cretans 
to  be  communicated  to  the  Porte  and  a declara- 
tion to  be  made  at  Constantinople,  in  order  to 
give  an  exact  account  of  the  spirit  in  which  the 
foregoing  measures  have  been  adopted.  ” 

This  decision  was  communicated  formally  to 
the  Greek  and  Turkish  governments  a little  later. 
The  latter,  in  reply,  thanked  the  four  Powers 
for  their  promise  to  safeguard  Ottoman  interests 
in  the  island,  but  declared  that  it  could  not 
tolerate  “ any  extension  of  the  privileges  of  the 
Cretans  beyond  those  guaranteed  by  their  auto- 
nomy, least  of  all  any  such  extension  as  might 
give  rise  to  the  supposition  that  Crete  was  in 
any  way  politically  connected  or  dependent  on 
the  Hellenic  kingdom.” 

The  attitude  of  the  four  Powers  in  their  action 
was  stated  very  distinctly  to  the  British  House 
of  Commons  on  the  22d  of  July,  by  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  as  follows  : 
“ The  status  quo  maintained  in  Crete  is  that  Crete 
remains  in  trust  to  the  four  Powers  who  hold  the 
island  in  trust,  and  continue  to  maintain  the 
obligations  of  preserving  the  supreme  rights  of 
Turkey.  That  is  the  status  quo,  and  to  put  any 


other  interpretation  upon  it  and  say  that  it  means 
this  or  that,  or  that  it  amounts  to  virtual  annexa- 
tion, is  misleading  and  is  not  true.  That  is  not 
intended.  The  question  of  Crete  has  been  ex- 
ceedingly difficult,  partly  for  the  very  reasons 
which  I have  already  named,  that  it  was  raised 
at  a time  when  the  Turkish  Government  itself 
was  passing  through  a stage  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult, but  exceedingly  hopeful.  What  we  have 
desired  to  do  with  regard  to  Crete  is  to  secure 
that  nothing  shall  happen  which  will  be  damag- 
ing to  the  prestige  of  the  new  regime  in  Turkey, 
and  by  being  damaging  to  that  jjrestige  make 
the  prospects  of  reform  and  of  the  increasing 
welfare  of  Turkey  less  hopeful.” 

The  last  of  the  international  contingents  left 
Crete  on  the  26th  of  July ; whereupon  the  Cretans 
ran  up  the  Greek  flag  on  the  fortress  evacuated. 
Some  days  passed  before  the  naval  stationnaires 
of  the  four  Powers  arrived  on  the  scene,  and 
Turkey  opened  a somewhat  sharp  correspond- 
ence with  Greece.  The  Powers  intervened,  as- 
suming responsibility  for  conditions  in  Crete,  and 
asking  that  communications  on  the  subject  be 
addressed  to  them.  At  the  same  time,  the  Cre- 
tans were  admonished  to  take  down  the  Greek 
flag.  As  they  did  not  do  so,  sailors  from  the  war 
ships  were  landed  on  the  18tli  of  August,  who 
lowered  the  flag  and  cut  the  flag-staff  down. 
Sixty  were  left  on  guard  to  prevent  further 
demonstrations  of  a provocative  kind.  To  the 
time  of  this  writing  (February  1,  1910)  nothing 
has  occurred  since  to  disturb  the  quiet  in  Crete. 
In  November,  however,  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment addressed  to  the  four  Powers  a request  for 
a definite  settlement  of  the  status  of  Crete.  The 
reply,  given  on  the  9th  of  December,  was  as 
follows : 

“ The  protecting  Powers  do  not  deem  the  mo- 
ment opportune  for  diplomatic  negotiations  tend- 
ing to  establish  a definite  regime  in  the  island. 
The  circumstances  have  not  changed  since  the 
date  of  evacuation  of  the  island  by  the  inter- 
national troops.  Though  infractions  of  the 
status  quo  had  been  committed,  they  were  at 
once  suppressed,  and  if  more  serious  infractions 
occurred  the  Powers  would  meet  them  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  standpoint  expressed  in  their 
Notes  of  July  last  with  regard  to  the  supreme 
rights  of  the  Sultan.  In  present  conditions  ne- 
gotiations on  the  Cretan  question  might  excite 
public  opinion  in  Turkey  and  elsewhere,  and 
lead  to  dangerous  complications.” 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY:  THEIR  PROBLEMS. 


“Black  Hand,”  The:  Sicilian  Blackmail 
Terrorism  brought  to  the  United  States. — 

“ Toward  the  end  of  the  last  century  the  Sicilian 
gangs  which  made  their  living  by  blackmail  be- 
came aware  that  not  a few  Italians  who  had  left 
their  home  country  as  peasants  had  acquired 
wealth  across  the  Atlantic.  Even  the  ordinary 
workman,  they  learnt,  who  could  gain  only  40 
cents  a day  in  Sicily,  could  make  about  four 
times  that  wage  in  New  York.  Accordingly 
they  hastened  to  exploit  by  their  familiar  methods 
the  rich  field  of  the  Italian  colony  in  that  city. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  American  police  found 
themselves  faced  by  an  elaborate  machinery  of 
crime  far  more  ingenious  and  complicated  than 


anything  with  which  they  had  previously  had  to 
deal.  The  Black  Hand,  as  the  society  called  it- 
self, proceeded  normally  to  extort  what  it  wanted 
by  frank  demands  and  threats,  and  it  did  not 
hesitate  at  kidnapping,  outrage,  and  murder 
when  these  means  seemed  necessary  to  its  ends.” 
— N.  7.  Cor.  London  Times,  March  16,  1909. 

Cleveland’s  Farm  Colony.  — “A  City  in  the 
Life  Saving  Business”  is  the  title  given  by  Mr. 
Frederick  C.  Howe  to  an  article  in  The  Outlook 
of  January  18,  1908,  descriptive  of  the  Farm 
Colony  which  the  City  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  has 
substituted  for  the  old  time  “work-house”  or 
“penitentiary  ” for  the  detention  and  treatment 
of  its  vagabonds  and  petty  offenders.  The  change 


169 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


has  been  wrought  within  the  past  seven  years 
by  the  City  Director  of  Charities  and  Corrections, 
Dr.  Harris  R.  Cooley.  The  following  facts  of  it 
are  summarized  from  Mr.  Howe’s  article: 

The  colony  occupies  the  larger  part  of  a 1900 
acre  farm,  on  which  some  other  institutions,  such 
as  a city  infirmary,  are  to  be  placed  ; but  the  ex- 
workhouse-prisoners are,  so  far,  the  interesting 
occupants  of  the  farm.  They  are  prisoners  with 
no  prison.  They  wear  no  convict  garb,  drag  no 
ball  and  chain,  are  surrounded  by  no  wall  or 
stockade,  are  watched  by  no  armed  guards. 
They  are  working  a quarry,  making  roads  and 
sewers,  gathering  stone,  doing  all  descriptions 
of  farm  work,  as  free  in  their  movements  as  farm 
laborers  who  work  for  hire.  And  out  of  hun- 
dreds on  whom  this  treatment  has  been  tried  for 
nearly  seven  years  “only  a handful,”  it  is  said, 
“ have  ever  taken  advantage  of  their  liberty. 
And  it  was  the  other  prisoners  who  were  most 
incensed  at  their  escape.” 

These  unimprisoned  prisoners  are  put  on 
honor;  they  are  treated  as  men  to  whom  society 
would  like  to  do  good.  It  gives  them  a few 
weeks  or  months  of  healthful,  honestly  laborious 
life,  in  the  midst  of  wholesome  and  beautiful 
surroundings  (for  the  farm  is  nobly  situated); 
and  when  they  are  dismissed  from  it  they  do  not 
go  dispirited  and  weakened  and  marked  with  a 
prison  brand,  as  they  would  go  from  a work- 
house,  but  strengthened  in  body,  helped  to  self- 
respect,  and  encouraged  to  a change  of  life  by 
the  experience  they  have  had.  It  is  not  punish- 
ment they  have  received,  but  a revelation,  in 
most  cases,  of  a better  side  of  life  than  they  had 
known.  And  this  treatment  is  proving  its  suc- 
cess. 

There  are  classes  for  instruction,  on  various 
lines,  at  the  farm,  and  some  come  back,  foreven- 
ing  study,  after  their  release.  Two  years  ago 
one  of  the  released  colonists  began  the  formation 
of  a Brotherhood  among  those  who  came  out,  to 
assist  their  fellows  and  take  care  of  them  till  they 
got  a new  footing  in  the  world ; and  no  less  than 
427  had  received  that  helping  hand  of  fellowship 
when  Mr.  Howe  wrote  his  account.  The  Bro- 
therhood was  then  occupying  a rented  house,  on 
the  furnishing  of  which  it  had  expended  over 
$2000,  made  up  within  its  own  ranks. 

Besides  its  Farm  Colony,  Cleveland  has  estab- 
lished another,  somewhat  similar,  farm  for  boys. 
This,  called  Boyville,  is  285  acres  in  extent,  and 
the  young  delinquents  sent  to  it  live  in  cottages, 
named  Washington  Cottage,  Lincoln  Cottage, 
etc.,  each  with  a motherly  woman  in  charge. 
They  are  kept  in  attendance  at  a school  pursuing 
the  same  studies  as  in  the  city  schools ; their  big 
playground  affords  them  all  kinds  of  healthful 
sports.  They  have  horses,  cattle,  goats  and  dogs 
to  take  care  of,  and  they  are  drilled  in  a fire  com- 
pany which  is  expected  to  protect  the  property 
of  Boyville. 

The  Convict  Lease  System  : Its  abolition 
in  Georgia.  — During  the  Civil  War  the  Peni- 
tentiary buildings  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  at 
Milledgeville,  were  destroyed,  and  for  many 
years  subsequently  the  prevailing  conditions 
were  not  favorable  to  their  replacement.  There 
grew  up,  in  consequence,  an  evil  practiceof  work- 
ing convicts  in  chain-gangs,  leading  finally  to  the 
leasing  of  such  gangs  to  contractors.  A fright- 
ful brutalizing  of  all  concerned  in  the  operation 
of  the  vicious  system  — convicts,  overseers,  and 


lessees  alike — is  said  to  have  been  the  result, 
as  it  could  hardly  fail  to  be.  Within  late  years 
public  attention,  in  Georgia  and  outside  of  the 
State,  was  increasingly  drawn  to  the  treatment 
and  condition  of  the  chain-gangs,  by  shocking 
stories  of  barbarity  and  depravity;  yet  the  evil 
was  hard  to  reform,  because  of  the  profit  which 
the  State  derived  from  the  hire  of  its  criminals. 
Years  of  agitation  and  exertion  by  right-minded 
people  in  Georgia  were  required  to  overcome  the 
sordid  influence  of  this  fact,  and  it  was  not  until 
September,  1908,  that  the  Legislature,  called  in 
special  session  by  Governor  Hoke  Smith  to  deal 
with  the  question,  passed  an  Act  which  brought 
the  lease  system  to  an  end  on  the  31st  of  March, 
1909.  Provision  was  made  at  this  important  ses- 
sion for  an  establishment  of  State  farms  on  which 
convicts  can  be  employed;  for  introducing  a 
parole  system  into  the  penological  policy  of  the 
State,  and  for  the  institution  of  juvenile  courts. 
The  legislative  session  was  a memorable  one. 

English  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Law  and  its  Courts:  England. 

The  English  Prevention  of  Corruption  Act. 
— The  object  of  the  English  Prevention  of  Cor- 
ruption Act,  passed  in  1906,  is  to  check  the  prac- 
tice of  giving  and  taking  secret  commissions, 
which,  as  the  late  Lord  Russell  of  Killowen 
caused  the  country  to  realize,  was  widely  pre- 
valent in  commercial  and  professional  circles,  as 
well  as  in  the  humbler  sphere  of  the  “ servants’ 
hall.”  Before  the  passing  of  the  Act,  of  course, 
it  was  illegal  to  give  and  receive  secret  commis- 
sions. After  the  Act  came  into  force,  it  became 
criminal.  The  provisions  of  the  measure  make 
it  a misdemeanour,  punishable,  on  summary  con- 
viction or  on  indictment,  with  fine  or  imprison- 
ment— 

(1)  For  any  agent  corruptly  to  receive  any 
gift  or  consideration  for  doing  or  not  doing  any 
act,  or  showing  or  not  showing  favour  or  disfa- 
vour, in  relation  to  his  principal’s  affairs; 

(2)  For  any  person  corruptly  to  offer  such  gift 
or  consideration  to  any  agent  ; 

(3)  For  any  person  to  give  to  an  agent,  or  for 
any  agent  to  use,  any  false  or  defective  receipt 
or  other  business  document  with  intent  to  de- 
ceive the  principal. 

Two  years  after  the  Act  came  into  force  its 
effects  were  discussed  by  a writer  in  the  London 
Times,  who  said  : ‘ The  circumstances  that  the 
fiat  of  the  Attorney-General  must  be  obtained 
before  any  prosecution  can  be  instituted  under 
the  Act,  and  that,  until  recently,  there  was  no 
organization  qualified  to  take  active  steps  to  pre- 
vent the  Act  from  becoming  a dead  letter,  account 
for  the  comparatively  small  number  of  cases  in 
which  proceedings  have  been  taken  under  the 
Act  during  the  past  two  years.  Fifteen  prose- 
cutions have  been  authorized  by  the  Attorney- 
General.  In  12  cases  there  have  been  convictions, 
one  case  has  been  abandoned,  and  two  are  still 
pending.  These  figures  show,  at  any  rate,  that 
prosecutions  are  not  lightly  instituted,  and  that 
the  charges  which  have  been  preferred  against 
offenders  have  been,  as  a rule,  well  founded. 

“It  is  undoubtedly  true,  in  this  matter  as  in 
others,  that  ‘everybody’s  business  is  nobody’s.’ 
Soon  after  the  passing  of  the  Act  it  was  realized 
that,  if  it  was  to  prove  effective  ‘for  the  better 
prevention  of  corruption,’  some  organization 
must  be  formed  to  give  effect  to  the  measure  — 
to  furnish  information  in  respect  to  its  provi- 


170 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


sions,  to  investigate  complaints,  and,  if  neces- 
sary, to  institute  prosecutions.  A society  was 
formed,  therefore,  with  the  title  of  ‘The  Secret 
Commissions  and  Bribery  Prevention  League,’ 
to  work  on  lines  similar  to  those  of  the  societies 
which  strengthen  the  arm  of  the  law  so  effect- 
ively in  respect  of  cruelty  to  children  and  cruelty 
to  animals.  . . The  committee  have  investi- 

gated a large  number  of  cases  which  have  been 
brought  to  their  knowledge,  they  have  given 
advice  freely  to  members  and  others  interested 
in  the  working  of  the  Act,  they  have  issued 
thousands  of  circulars  and  letters,  as  well  as 
occasional  ‘ news  sheets,’  they  have  made  repre- 
sentations to  the  War  Office  and  other  public 
bodies  as  opportunities  occurred,  and  have  sum- 
moned various  trade  conferences  for  the  consid- 
eration of  points  of  importance  arising  out  of 
the  Act.  The  value  of  the  League’s  work  is 
emphasized  by  the  fact  that  the  members  in- 
clude many  important  limited  liability  compa- 
nies and  trade  associations,  and  that  the  League 
is  becoming  in  a special  sense  representative  of 
the  commercial  community  as  a whole.” 

Indeterminate  Sentence  and  the  Parole 
System  of  New  York  State.— The  first  pro- 
vision in  New  York  for  indeterminate  sentences 
was  by  Section  74,  Chapter  382  of  the  Laws  of 
1889,  as  follows:  “Whenever  any  male  person 
over  sixteen  years  of  age,  shall  be  convicted  of  a 
felony  which  is  punishable  by  imprisonment  in  a 
State  prison,  for  a term  to  be  fixed  within  certain 
limits  by  the  court  pronouncing  sentence,  the 
court  authorized  to  pronounce  judgment  upon 
such  offender,  instead  of  pronouncing  upon  such 
offender  a definite  sentence  of  imprisonment  in 
a State  prison  for  a fixed  term,  may  pronounce 
upon  such  offender  an  indeterminate  sentence  of 
imprisonment  in  a State  prison  for  a term  with 
minimum  and  maximum  limits  only  specified, 
without  fixing  a definite  term  of  sentence  within 
such  limits  named  in  the  sentence,  but  the  max- 
imum limit  so  specified  in  the  sentence  shall 
not  exceed  the  longest  period  for  which  such 
offender  might  have  been  sentenced,  and  the 
minmum  limit  in  said  sentence  specified  shall  not 
be  less  than  the  shortest  term  for  which  such 
offender  might  have  been  sentenced.  The  maxi- 
mum term  specified  in  such  indeterminate  sen- 
tence shall  be  limited  in  the  same  manner  as  a 
definite  sentence  in  compliance  with  the  provi- 
sions of  section  six  hundred  and  ninety-seven  of 
the  Penal  Code.” 

A Parole  Board  was  constituted  under  this 
Act,  composed  of  the  Superintendent  of  Prisons 
and  the  chief  officers  of  the  four  State  Prisons. 

“It  will  be  noted  that  this  law  permitted  the 
indeterminate  but  did  not  abolish  the  definite 
sentence.  Its  provisions  applied  to  all  classes  of 
male  felons  over  sixteen  years  of  age.  No  dis- 
tinction was  made  between  the  first  offenders 
and  the  professional  and  persistent  criminals. 
The  court  in  its  discretion  could  impose  either 
form  of  sentence  on  any  convicted  male  felon 
provided  he  was  more  than  sixteen  years  old. 
How  general  the  preference  of  the  judges  was 
for  the  definite  sentence  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  during  the  twelve  years  that  this  law  was 
in  force  approximately  13,000  prisoners  were 
received  at  the  prisons,  only  115  of  whom  had 
indeterminate  terms.  . . . 

“As  there  were  but  60  men  paroled  during 
the  life  of  this  statute  (1889  to  1901),  there  was 


naturally  but  slight  progress  made  during  that 
period  toward  organizing,  systematizing  and 
perfecting  the  parole  system  ; but  some  experi- 
ence was  gained  and  data  secured  that  has  since 
been  useful.  . . . 

“The  Legislature  of  1901  passed  two  impor- 
tant and  effective  laws  relative  to  the  parole  of 
prisoners  which  became  operative  September  1, 

1901.  The  first  amended  Section  74  of  Chapter 
382,  Laws  of  1889,  to  read  as  follows:  — ‘ Every 
person  now  confined  in  a state  prison,  or  in  the 
Eastern  New  York  Reformatory,  under  sentence 
for  a definite  term  for  a felony,  the  maximum 
penalty  for  which  is  imprisonment  for  five  years 
or  less,  exclusive  of  fines,  who  has  never  before 
been  convicted  of  a crime  punishable  by  impris- 
onment in  a state  prison  shall  be  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  board  of  commissioners  of 
paroled  prisoners  and  may  be  paroled  in  the 
same  manner  and  subject  to  the  same  conditions 
and  penalties  as  prisoners  confined  under  inde- 
terminate sentences.  The  minimum  and  maxi- 
mum terms  of  the  sentences  of  said  prisoners  are 
hereby  fixed  and  determined  to  be  as  follows: 
The  definite  term  for  which  each  person  is  sen- 
tenced shall  be  the  maximum  limit  of  his  term, 
and  one-third  of  the  definite  term  of  his  sentence 
shall  be  the  minimum  limit  of  his  term.”  (A« 
amended  by  ch.  260,  L.  1901,  and  by  ch.  508,  L. 

1902. ) 

“ By  this  Act  the  members  of  the  State  Com- 
mission of  Prisons  were  constituted  a Board  of 
Commissioners  for  Paroled  Prisoners  and  they 
were  to  meet  at  each  of  the  prisons  four  times 
a year.  The  Superintendent  of  State  Prisons  was 
authorized  to  appoint  a parole  officer  for  each 
prison 

‘ ‘ The  other  law  amended  the  Penal  Code  by 
adding  a new  section.  § 687  a.  — A person  never 
before  convicted  of  a crime  punishable  by  im- 
prisonment in  a state  prison,  who  is  convicted  in 
any  court  in  this  state  of  a felony,  the  maximum 
penalty  for  which,  exclusive  of  fines,  is  imprison- 
ment for  five  years  or  less,  and  sentenced  to  a 
state  prison,  shall  be  sentenced  thereto  under  an 
indeterminate  sentence,  the  minimum  of  which 
shall  not  be  less  than  one  year ; or  in  case  a mini- 
mum is  fixed  by  law,  not  less  than  such  mini* 
mum,  and  the  maximum  of  which  shall  not  be 
more  than  the  longest  period  fixed  by  law  for 
which  the  crime  is  punishable  of  which  the  of- 
fender is  convicted.  The  maximum  limit  of  such 
sentence  shall  be  so  fixed  as  to  comply  with  the 
provisions  of  section  697  of  the  Penal  Code.” 

“This  Act  was  amended  in  1902  to  provide 
also  that  any  first  offender  convicted  of  a felony 
other  than  murder  first  and  second  degrees,  the 
maximum  penalty  for  which  exceeded  five  years, 
might  be  sentenced  to  an  indeterminate  term. 
Few  prisoners,  however,  were  so  sentenced  for 
crimes  that  carried  a penalty  of  more  than  five 
years. 

“The  passage  of  these  Acts  put  the  parole  sys- 
tem in  active  operation  in  1901.  Many  prisoners 
then  in  the  prisons  whose  terms  thus  became 
indeterminate  were  immediately  eligible  for  pa- 
role. Others  became  eligible  from  month  to 
month.  ...  In  the  first  year  under  this  law  the 
Board  considered  the  applications  of  583  prison- 
ers and  granted  parole  to  272. 

“The  scope  of  the  parole  system  was  materi- 
ally enlarged  and  the  work  of  the  Board  vastly 
increased  by  the  legislation  of  1907.  Chapter 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


737,  Laws  of  1907,  provides,  that  all  first  offend- 
ers convicted  of  felonies  other  than  murder  first 
and  second  degrees  and  sentenced  to  a state 
prison  must  be  sentenced  to  indeterminate  terms. 
As  a result  of  this  law  the  class  of  prisoners  sub- 
ject to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Board  will  gradu- 
ally increase  to  more  than  double  the  present 
number.  . . . 

“Chapter  738,  Laws  of  1907,  changed  the 
penalty  for  murder  second  degree  from  life  im- 
prisonment to  an  indeterminate  term  having  a 
minimum  of  20  years  and  a maximum  of  life. 
Also,  by  this  Act  the  sentences  of  all  prisoners 
then  in  the  prisons  serving  life  sentences  for 
murder  second  degree  were  made  indeterminate 
terms  with  limits  as  above  given  [and  12,  out  of 
17,  were  soon  released  on  parole], 

“Chapter  645,  Laws  of  1907,  provides,  that  a 
person  convicted  for  the  fourth  time  for  felony 
shall  be  sentenced  to  an  indeterminate  term,  the 
maximum  of  which  shall  be  life. 

“It  is  the  intent  of  this  law  that  the  man  who 
has  demonstrated  the  fact  that  he  is  a persistent 
criminal  shall  be  kept  under  supervision  dur- 
ing life.  That  the  counties  shall  be  saved  the 
expense  of  repeatedly  trying  him  and,  more 
important  still,  that  the  baneful  effects  of  his 
association  with,  and  influence  over,  prisoners  in 
the  jails,  shall  be  avoided.  If  at  any  time  after 
he  has  served  his  minimum  term  there  is  a rea- 
sonable probability  that  he  will  remain  at  liberty 
without  violating  the  law,  the  Board  may  parole 
him.” 

The  Act  of  1907,  which  became  effective 
June  10,  in  that  year,  provides  that  “the  board 
of  parole  for  state  prisons  shall  be  composed  of 
the  superintendent  of  state  prisons  and  two  citi- 
zens appointed  by  the  governor  and  confirmed 
by  the  senate ; and  that  said  board  shall  meet 
at  each  of  the  prisons  every  month.  It  shall 
also  make  examination  and  report  to  the  gov- 
ernor with  its  recommendations  on  all  applica- 
tions for  pardon  referred  to  them  by  the  gov- 
ernor. ” — Report  of  the  Board  of  Parole  for  State 
Prisons,  1907. 

To  serve  with  the  Superintendent  of  Prisons 
as  the  Board  of  Parole  the  Governor  of  New 
York  appointed  the  Hon.  George  A.  Lewis  and 
the  Hon.  Albion  V.  Wadhams,  for  five  years. 

In  the  annual  report  of  the  Superintendent  of 
Prisons  for  1908  he  discusses  the  working  of  the 
law,  in  part  as  follows:  “The  results  attained 
with  State  prison  convicts  under  the  indetermi- 
nate sentence  law  have  been  satisfactory  so  far 
as  the  term  limits  fixed  by  the  courts  have  per- 
mitted the  proper  application  of  the  parole  fea- 
tures of  the  law.  In  many  cases,  however,  the 
terms  of  the  sentences  have  been  so  inconsistent 
with  the  evident  purpose  and  intent  of  the  law 
as  to  render  its  parole  provisions  wholly,  or  to 
a good  degree,  inoperative. 

“In  several  sentences  imposed  by  the  courts, 
the  maximum  and  minimum  terms  have  been 
identical  as  ‘ Not  less  than  three  years  or  more 
than  three  years.’  As  will  be  seen,  this  is  really 
a definite  sentence  and  no  parole  period  is  pro- 
vided for.  In  a very  great  number  of  cases, 
the  margin  between  the  minimum  and  maximum 
terms  is  but  one,  two  or  three  months.  While 
prisoners  so  sentenced  may  be  paroled,  the  pe- 
riod of  their  probation  is  so  limited  that  there 
is  little  opportunity  to  influence  and  train  the 
man.  . . . 


“The  Superintendent  is  satisfied  that  the  in- 
determinate has  many  advantages  over  the  defi- 
nite sentence,  but  its  full  benefit  cannot  be  had 
under  the  law  as  it  now  stands  and  is  applied. 
It  should  be  amended  so  as  to  provide  for  longer 
parole  periods  and  for  minimum  sentences  never 
exceeding  the  maximum  penalty  for  the  crime 
of  which  the  prisoner  is  convicted  less  the  com- 
mutation allowed  on  definite  sentences.” 

In  May,  1909,  Governor  Hughes  signed  a re- 
tro-active law  which  extends  to  all  convicts  now 
in  prison,  who,  being  first  offenders,  have  been 
sentenced  for  crimes  committed  prior  to  Septem- 
ber 1st,  1907. 

Pan-American  Extradition  Convention. 

See  (in  this  vol. ) American  Republics. 

Preventive  Detention  in  Great  Britain. — 
The  Borstal  System  of  Discipline  and  T rain- 
ing for  Young  Offenders.  — An  Act  entitled 
The  Prevention  of  Crime  Act,  passed  by  the 
British  Parliament  in  December,  1908,  came  into 
force  on  the  1st  of  August,  1909.  It  is  described 
in  the  preamble  as  an  “Act  to  make  better  pro- 
vision for  the  prevention  of  crime,  and  for  that 
purpose  to  provide  for  the  reformation  of  young 
offenders,  and  the  prolonged  detention  of  habit- 
ual criminals,  and  for  other  purposes  incidental 
thereto.”  “The  principle  of  ‘ preventive  deten- 
tion’ is  accepted  and  embodied  in  the  Act,  such 
detention  to  continue  until  the  offender  gives 
sufficient  assurance  that  he  will  take  to  an  hon- 
est life,  or  until  by  age  or  infirmity  he  becomes 
physically  incapable  of  resuming  a life  of  crime. 
In  no  case  is  life  imprisonment  contemplated, 
but  when  a man  is  convicted  on  indictment  of  a 
crime  and  is  sentenced  to  penal  servitude,  if  the 
jury  find  that  he  is  an  habitual  criminal  the 
Court  may  pass  a further  sentence.  They  must 
first  be  satisfied,  however,  that  by  reason  of  his 
criminal  antecedents  and  his  mode  of  life  it  is 
expedient  for  the  protection  of  the  public  that 
he  should  be  kept  in  detention  for  an  extended 
period.  The  jury  will  have  to  be  satisfied,  first 
that  the  man  just  convicted  of  an  offence  has 
been  convicted  of  at  least  three  serious  crimes, 
and,  secondly,  that  when  convicted  he  was  lead- 
ing an  habitually  dishonest  life.  The  charge  of 
being  an  habitual  criminal  cannot  be  made  ex- 
cept by  the  consent  of  the  Director  of  Public 
Prosecutions.  The  accused  man  will  have  an 
unqualified  right  of  appeal.  After  serving  his 
term  of  penal  servitude  he  will  be  committed  to 
a place  of  detention  which  will  be  a prison  spe- 
cially adapted  for  the  purposes  of  the  Act.  The 
prison  discipline  will  be  less  rigorous  than  that 
now  prevailing,  alike  as  regards  hours,  talking, 
recreation,  occupations,  and  food. 

“The  Act  provides  that  the  Secretary  of  State 
[the  Home  Secretary]  shall  once  at  least  in  every 
three  years  during  which  the  person  is  detained 
in  custody  under  a sentence  of  preventive  deten- 
tion, take  into  consideration  the  condition,  his- 
tory, and  circumstances  of  that  person  with  a 
view  to  determining  whether  he  shall  be  placed 
out  on  license,  and  if  so,  on  what  conditions. 
Directors  of  convict  prisons  are  to  report  period- 
ically to  the  Secretary  of  State  upon  the  conduct 
and  industry  of  persons  undergoing  preventive 
detention,  and  their  prospects  and  probable  be- 
haviour on  release.  For  this  purpose  they  are 
to  be  assisted  by  a committee  at  each  prison, 
consisting  of  such  members  of  the  board  of  vis- 
itors and  such  other  persons  of  either  sex  as  the 


172 


CHIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


CHIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


Secretary  of  State  may  from  time  to  time  ap- 
point. Every  such  committee  is  to  hold  meet- 
ings at  intervals  of  not  more  than  six  months,  as 
may  be  prescribed,  for  the  purpose  of  personally 
interviewing  persons  undergoing  preventive  de- 
tention in  the  prison  and  preparing  reports  for 
the  assistance  of  the  directors.” 

The  part  of  the  Act  which  relates  to  the  re- 
formation of  young  offenders  provides  for  the 
establishment  and  regulation  of  what  are  named 
“Borstal  institutions.”  “These  are  places  in 
which  young  offenders  may  be  given  during  their 
detention  such  industrial  training  and  other  in- 
struction and  be  subjected  to  such  disciplinary 
and  moral  influences  as  will  conduce  to  their  re- 
formation and  the  prevention  of  crime.  The  Act 
will  apply  to  persons  of  not  less  than  16  or  more 
than  21  years  of  age  who  may  be  convicted  on 
indictment  of  an  offence  for  which  they  are  liable 
to  be  sentenced  to  penal  servitude  or  imprison- 
ment. In  such  cases  ...  it  will  be  lawful  for 
the  Court,  instead  of  passing  a sentence  of  penal 
servitude  or  imprisonment,  to  pass  one  of  deten- 
tion under  penal  discipline  in  a Borstal  institu 
tion.  Such  detention  will  not  be  less  than  for  one 
year  or  more  than  three  years.  Power  is  given  to 
detain  in  Borstal  institutions  youthful  offenders 
sentenced  to  detention  in  reformatory  schools. 

. . Powers  are  also  given  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  transfer  persons  in  certain  cases  from 
prison  to  Borstal  institutions. 

“Subject  to  regulations  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  the  Prison  Commissioners  may,  after  six 
months,  or  in  the  case  of  a female  three  months, 
from  the  commencement  of  the  term  of  detention, 
if  satisfied  that  there  is  reasonable  probability 
that  the  offender  will  abstain  from  crime  and 
lead  a useful  and  industrious  life,  by  license 
permit  him  to  be  discharged  from  the  Borstal 
institution,  on  condition  that  he  be  placed  under 
the  supervision  or  authority  of  any  society  or 
person  named  in  the  license  who  may  be  willing 
to  take  charge  of  the  case.  Every  person  sen- 
tenced to  detention  in  a Borstal  institution  shall, 
on  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  his  sentence, 
remain  for  a further  period  of  six  months  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Prison  Commissioners.” 

The  introduction  of  this  system  has  been 
brought  about  by  the  efforts  of  an  organization 
which  bears  the  name  of  the  Borstal  Association, 
concerning  whose  experimental  undertakings  the 
London  Times  said,  lately,  in  an  editorial  arti- 
cle: “Those  who  have  hitherto  been  sceptical 
as  to  effective  treatment  of  the  criminal  classes 
would  do  well  to  consult  the  report  for  1909  of 
the  Borstal  Association.  They  can  scarcely  fail 
to  admit  that  new  and  powerful  agencies  for 
good  are  at  work.  The  experiment,  which  has 
been  more  successful  than  its  authors  anticipated, 
began  in  a small  way  at  Bedford  Prison,  and  has 
been  gradually  extended.  At  first  it  was  applied 
to  selected  offenders  in  the  metropolitan  prisons 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty-one  who 
had  been  committed  for  six  months.  It  was 
soon  discovered  that  little  good  could  be  done 
with  criminals  under  successive  short  sentences. 
This  has  been  rectified.  . . . Speaking  lately  of 
the  Borstal  methods,  the  Bishop  of  Wakefield 
said  truly  that  the  problem  is  how  to  combine 
in  the  treatment  of  young  criminals  ‘ tenderness 
and  strength,’ to  ‘draw  the  line  between  stern- 
ness and  sympathy.’  In  the  past  the  tendency 
was  to  be  punctiliously  severe.  . . . To-day  the 


tendency,  the  danger,  is  to  forget  that  the  prison 
is  not  a place  of  recreation;  to  dwell  too  much 
on  the  hardships  of  its  inmates;  to  plead  a little 
too  much  for  their  comforts;  to  ask  and  expect 
too  much  ; to  be  unduly  critical  of  prison  author- 
ities. The  advocates  of  the  Borstal  system  claim 
to  have  avoided  these  mistakes.  ‘ It  is  not,’ 
they  say,  ‘a  namby-pamby  system;  only  those 
who  accept  its  strong  incentive  and  reformative 
methods  find  it  tolerable;  those  who  do  not, 
entreat  for  removal  to  other  prisons  where  less 
development  and  improvement  of  their  latent 
capacities  are  demanded.’  It  seeks  to  inure  to 
hard  work  the  lads  subject  to  its  discipline  ; it 
would  make  them  strong  and  fit  to  handle  tools 
intelligently;  it  would  turn  them  into  healthy 
and  well  set-up  men.  The  fact  that  they  may 
quit  Borstal  with  some  proficiency  in  a trade 
counts  for  much.” 

Probation  System,  as  established  by  recent 
legislation  in  New  York.  — “Probation,  as 
authorized  by  the  laws  of  New  York  State,  is  a 
system  of  discipline  and  correction,  or,  in  some 
cases,  of  moral  guardianship,  applied  by  courts 
to  suitable  offenders,  after  conviction,  for  the 
purpose  of  improving  their  conduct  and  circum- 
stances without  committing  them  to  institutions. 
The  defendants  are  released  conditionally  on 
their  good  behavior,  under  suspended  sentence, 
and  under  the  friendly  but  authoritative  super- 
vision of  a representative  of  the  court,  known 
as  a probation  officer.  The  probation  law  con- 
templates that  in  placing  a defendant  on  proba- 
tion certain  terms  and  conditions  shall  be  im- 
posed, and  it  provides  that  if  the  probationer 
violate  these  conditions,  his  probation  officer 
may  return  him  to  court  for  the  execution  of 
sentence.  Besides  usually  requiring  each  proba- 
tioner to  report  to  him  from  time  to  time,  the 
probation  officer  is  expected  to  visit  the  proba- 
tioner at  frequent  intervals  and  to  do  whatever 
seems  essential  to  improve  his  surroundings  and 
habits.  The  probation  officer  should  report  regu- 
larly to  the  court  concerning  the  progress  of  each 
probationer.  When  so  directed  by  the  court,  the 
probation  officer  also  investigates  cases,  particu- 
larly with  reference  to  the  history,  circumstances 
and  character  of  the  defendants,  in  order  to  lay 
before  the  court  facts  which  may  be  important 
in  determining  whether  they  should  be  placed  on 
probation. 

“ It  is  desirable  to  keep  the  distinction  between 
probation  and  parole  clearly  in  mind.  Under  the 
New  York  laws  the  word  probation  refers  to  the 
supervision  of  defendants  who,  after  conviction, 
are  released  under  suspended  sentence.  The  sus- 
pension of  sentence  alone  does  not  constitute 
probation;  there  must  also  be  oversight  by  a 
probation  officer.  The  word  parole,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  applied  to  two  entirely  different  sys- 
tems. In  some  courts  before  convictions  are 
found,  cases  are  adjourned  from  time  to  time 
and  the  defendants  conditionally  released  ; and 
this  is  called  parole.  There  is  no  authority  to 
apply  the  term  probation  to  this  practice,  be- 
cause under  the  New  York  State  laws  a person 
cannot  be  placed  on  probation  until  after  convic- 
tion. Parole  is  the  appropriate  word  to  use  also 
in  connection  with  the  conditional  release  of 
inmates  from  penal  or  reformatory  institutions 
before  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  commit- 
ment. . . . 

“Twenty-seven  hundred  and  fifty-four  boys 


173 


CRIME  AND  CRIMINOLOGY 


CUBA 


and  girls,  and  7,680  adults,  making  a total  of 
10,434  persons,  were  reported  by  probation  offi- 
cers as  on  probation  during  1908.  Of  these  8,762 
were  placed  on  probation  during  the  year.  On 
December  31,  1908,  there  were  2,378  persons  re- 
maining on  probation.  The  corresponding  num- 
ber for  December  31, 1907,  was  1,672.  Three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  probation  officers  supervised 
probationers  during  the  year,  which  is  more  than 
double  the  number  of  active  probation  officers 
reported  in  the  last  report  of  this  Commission. 
During  1908  the  probation  system  was  used  in 
the  courts  of  26  cities  as  against  16  cities  reported 
in  1907,  in  8 town  and  village  courts  in  1908  as 
against  1 village  court  in  1907,  in  23  county 
courts  as  against  11  in  1907,  and,  as  far  as  the 
reports  of  probation  officers  indicate,  in  the  Su- 
preme Court  in  6 counties  as  against  none  in 
1907.”  — Second  Rept.  of  N.  Y.  State  Probation 
Commission,  March  15,  1909. 

As  amended  in  May,  1909,  “the  law  creates 
the  position  of  county  probation  officer,  and  makes 
the  services  of  such  an  officer  available  not  only 
in  the  county  court,  but  also  in  the  Supreme 
Court  and  the  courts  of  all  towns,  villages  and 
third-class  cities  within  the  county.” 

The  English  “ Probation  of  Offenders  Act.” 
— This  Act,  which  became  law  in  August,  1907, 
provides  that,  “ where  any  person  is  charged  be- 
fore a court  of  summary  jurisdiction  with  an 
offence  punishable  by  such  court,  and  the  court 
thinks  that  the  charge  is  proved,  but  is  of  opin- 
ion that,  having  regard  to  the  character,  antece- 
dents, age,  health,  or  mental  condition  of  the  per- 
son charged,  or  to  the  trivial  nature  of  the  offence, 
or  to  the  extenuating  circumstances  under  which 


CRISES,  Financial,  of  1903  and  1907.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D. 
1901-1909. 

CROCKER,  George:  Bequest  for  Cancer 
Research.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health  : 
Cancer  Research. 

CROMER,  Sir  Evelyn  Baring,  Viscount: 


the  offence  was  committed,  it  is  inexpedient  to 
inflict  any  punishment  or  any  other  than  a nomi- 
nal punishment,  or  that  it  is  expedient  to  release 
the  offender  on  probation,  the  court  may,  without 
proceeding  to  conviction,  make  an  order  either 

— (i)  dismissing  the  information  or  charge;  or 
(ii)  discharging  the  offender  conditionally  on  his 
entering  into  a recognizance,  with  or  without 
sureties,  to  be  of  good  behaviour  and  to  appear 
for  conviction  and  sentence  when  called  on  at  any 
time  during  such  period,  not  exceeding  three 
years,  as  may  be  specified  in  the  order.” 

Similarly  after  conviction  of  the  offender,  when 
a court  deems  punishment  inexpedient,  it  may, 
“in  lieu  of  imposing  a sentence  of  imprisonment, 
make  an  order  discharging  the  offender  condi- 
tionally on  his  entering  into  a recognizance,  with 
or  without  sureties,  to  be  of  good  behaviour  and 
to  appear  for  sentence  when  called  on  at  any  time 
during  such  period,  not  exceeding  three  years, 
as  may  be  specified  in  the  order  ; ” and  it  may,  in 
addition,  order  the  offender  to  pay  damages  for 
injury  or  compensation  for  loss  that  is  consequent 
on  his  offence. 

The  Act  provides  further  that  a recognizance 
ordered  in  such  a case  may  contain  a condition 
that  the  offender  shall  be  under  the  supervision 
of  such  person  as  shall  be  named,  during  the 
specified  period  of  probation;  that  certain  persons 
of  either  sex  may  be  appointed  as  probation  of- 
ficers,— some  such,  when  circumstances  permit, 
to  be  specially  “children’s  probation  officers,” 

— and  that  salaries  in  the  discretion  of  the  courts 
may  be  paid  to  these  officers. 

See,  also,  Children,  under  the  Law  : As 
Offenders,  and  Law  and  its  Courts. 


Crowned  King  by  the  Sudanese.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Sudan,  The. 

What  he  saw  on  the  Nile  border  of  the 
Congo  State.  See  Congo  State  : A.  D.  1903- 
1905. 

Statement  of  conditions  in  Egypt.  See 

Egypt  : A.  D.  1907  (Jan.). 


CUBA. 


Gains  to  Spain  from  its  loss.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Spain  : A.  D.  1898-1906. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Organization  of  Free 
Government  under  a Republican  Constitu- 
tion. — Transfer  of  Executive  Authority  from 
the  provisional  Military  Governor  to  the 
President-elect.  — Official  correspondence  of 
the  occasion.  — Events  in  and  relating  to 
Cuba,  after  the  surrender  of  the  island  by  Spain 
and  the  organization  of  a provisional  military 
government  by  the  United  States  are  narrated 
in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  down  to  the  adop- 
tion by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  the 
stipulations  known  as  “ The  Platt  Amendment  ” 
(see  pages  189-190  in  that  volume),  which  the 
constitutional  government  for  Cuba  then  in 
process  of  formation  was  asked  to  agree  to,  in 
order  to  define  the  future  relation  of  the  pro- 
posed new  republic  with  the  United  States. 
This  enactment  was  approved  by  the  President 
on  the  2d  of  March,  1901,  and  communicated, 
through  the  provisional  Military  Governor  of 
the  island,  General  Leonard  Wood,  to  the  Cuban 
Constitutional  Convention.  Doubt  as  to  possi- 


ble interpretations  of  the  third  clause  of  the 
Platt  Amendment  having  then  arisen  in  the 
Convention,  the  following  despatch  went  from 
Washington  to  the  Military  Governor  April  3d  : 

“You  are  authorized  to  state  officially  that  in 
view  of  the  President  the  intervention  described 
in  the  third  clause  of  the  Platt  amendment  is 
not  synonymous  with  intermeddling  or  inter- 
ference with  the  affairs  of  the  Cuban  Govern- 
ment, but  the  formal  action  of  the  United  States, 
based  upon  just  and  substantial  grounds,  for 
the  preservation  of  Cuban  independence  and  the 
maintenance  of  a government  adequate  for  the 
protection  of  life,  property,  and  individual  lib- 
erty, and  adequate  for  discharging  the  obliga- 
tions with  respect  to  Cuba  imposed  by  the 
treaty  of  Paris  on  the  United  States.” — Elihu 
Root,  Secretary  of  War. 

On  the  12tli  of  June,  1901,  the  convention 
adopted  an  ordinance  making  provisions  identi- 
cal with  those  of  the  Platt  Amendment,  a part 
of  the  constitution  of  Cuba. 

“ On  October  1,  1901,  the  convention  per- 
formed its  remaining  duty  by  adopting  an  elec- 


174 


CUBA,  1901-1902 


CUBA,  1901-1902 


toral  law  providing  for  a general  election 
throughout  the  island,  to  be  held  on  the  31st 
day  of  December,  1901,  to  choose  governors  of 
provinces,  provincial  councilors,  members  of 
the  house  of  representatives,  and  presidential 
and  senatorial  electors.  The  law  also  provided 
that  on  the  24th  day  of  February,  1902,  the  sev- 
eral bodies  of  electors  thus  chosen  should  meet 
and  elect  a president,  vice-president  and  sen- 
ators. The  elections  were  to  be  held  under  the 
direct  supervision  of  a central  board  of  scrutiny, 
composed  of  the  president  of  the  convention 
and  four  other  members  selected  for  that  pur- 
pose. The  law  was  promulgated  by  a general 
order  of  the  military  governor  on  the  14th  of 
October,  1901. 

“The  constitution  thus  adopted  and  perfected 
was  treated  by  the  United  States  as  an  accept- 
able basis  for  the  formation  of  the  new  govern- 
ment to  which,  when  organized  and  installed, 
the  control  of  the  island  was  to  be  transferred. 

“ In  conformity  to  the  Cuban  constitution  and 
electoral  law,  elections  were  held  by  the  Cuban 
people  on  the  31st  of  December,  1901,  and  by 
the  electoral  college  on  the  24th  of  February, 
1902,  when  a president  [T.  Estrada  Palma],  vice- 
president,  senate,  and  house  of  representatives 
were  chosen. 

“ The  situation  at  this  important  juncture  in 
the  affairs  of  Cuba  is  described  by  Secretary 
Root  in  his  annual  report  for  1902  as  follows: 

“ ‘The  whole  governmental  situation  in  Cuba 
was  quite  unprecedented,  with  its  curious  device 
of  a suspended  sovereignty  given  up  by  Spain, 
but  not  in  terms  vested  in  anybody  else,  and 
if  vested  remaining  dormant,  while  a practical 
working  government  of  military  occupation  in 
time  of  peace,  deriving  its  authority  from  the 
sovereignty  of  another  country,  claimed  tempo- 
rary allegiance,  made  and  enforced  laws,  and 
developed  a political  organization  of  the  Cuban 
people  to  take  and  exercise  the  suspended  or 
dormant  sovereignty.  It  was  important  that  in 
inaugurating  the  new  government  there  should 
be  no  break  in  the  continuity  of  legal  obliga- 
tion, of  rights  of  property  and  contract,  of  juris- 
diction, or  of  administrative  action.  It  would 
not  do  to  wait  for  the  new  government  to  pass 
laws  or  to  create  offices  and  appoint  adminis- 
trative officers  and  vest  them  with  powers,  for 
the  instant  that  the  new  government  was  cre- 
ated the  intervening  government  ceased,  and 
the  period  of  waiting  would  be  a period  of 
anarchy. 

“‘It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  take  such 
steps  that  the  new  Government  should  be  created 
as  a going  concern,  every  officer  of  which  should 
be  able  to  go  on  with  his  part  of  the  business  of 
governing  under  the  new  sovereignty  without 
waiting  for  any  new  authority.  That  everything 
necessary  to  this  end  should  be  done,  and  that 
it  should  be  done  according  to  a consistent  and 
maintainable  legal  theory,  caused  the  Depart- 
ment a good  deal  of  solicitude.  It  is  gratifying 
to  report  that  it  was  done,  and  that  the  Govern- 
ment which,  until  noon  of  May  20,  was  proceed- 
ing under  the  authority  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  went  on  in  the  afternoon  of  that 
day  and  has  ever  since  continued  under  the 
sovereignty  which  had  been  abandoned  by  Spain 
in  April,  1899,  without  any  more  break  or  con- 
fusion than  accompanies  the  inauguration  of  a 
new  President  in  the  United  States.  This  could 


not  have  been  done  without  the  most  perfect 
good  understanding,  mutual  confidence,  and 
sympathetic  cooperation  on  the  part  of  our 
officers  who  were  about  to  retire,  and  the  newly 
elected  officers  of  Cuba,  who  were  about  to  take 
the  reins  of  Government.’  ” 

One  of  the  most  interesting  pages  in  history 
is  that  which  records  the  peaceful  withdrawal 
of  the  flag  and  forces  of  the  United  States  from 
Cuba,  and  the  inauguration  of  the  Government 
of  the  Republic  of  Cuba.  The  story  cannot  be 
told  in  more  interesting  form  or  manner  than  as 
it  is  presented  in  the  orders  of  Secretary  Root  and 
the  exchange  of  letters  between  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the 
President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba.  These  docu- 
ments in  part  are  as  follows  : 

“ Washington,  D.  C.,  March  24,  1902. 
“Brig.  Gen.  Leonard  Wood, 

Military  Governor  of  Cuba. 

“ Sir  : You  are  authorized  to  provide  for  the 
inauguration,  on  the  20th  of  May  next,  of  the 
government  elected  by  the  people  of  Cuba ; and, 
upon  the  establishment  of  said  government,  to 
leave  the  government  and  control  of  the  island 
of  Cuba  to  its  people  pursuant  to  the  provisions 
of  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  ‘ An  act  making 
appropriation  for  the  Army  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1902,’  approved  March  2,  1901. 

“ Upon  the  transfer  of  government  and  control 
to  the  President  and  Congress  so  elected,  you 
will  advise  them  that  such  transfer  is  upon  the 
express  understanding  and  condition  that  the 
new  government  does  thereupon,  and  by  the  ac- 
ceptance thereof,  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of 
the  appendix  to  the  constitution  of  Cuba,  adopted 
by  the  constitutional  convention  on  the  12th  of 
June,  1901,  assume  and  undertake  all  and  several 
the  obligations  assumed  by  the  United  States 
with  respect  to  Cuba  by  the  treaty  between  the 
United  States  of  America  and  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  signed  at  Paris  on 
the  10th  day  of  December,  1898. 

“ It  is  the  purpose  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment, forthwith  upon  the  inauguration  of  the 
new  government  of  Cuba,  to  terminate  the  oc- 
cupancy of  the  island  by  the  United  States,  and 
to  withdraw  from  that  island  the  military  forces 
now  in  occupancy  thereof  : but  for  the  preser- 
vation and  care  of  the  coast  defenses  of  the 
island,  and  to  avoid  leaving  the  island  entirely 
defenseless  against  external  attack,  you  may 
leave  in  the  coast  fortifications  such  small  num- 
ber of  artillerymen  as  may  be  necessary,  for  such 
reasonable  time  as  may  be  required  to  enable  the 
new  Government  to  organize  and  substitute 
therefor  an  adequate  military  force  of  its  own : 
by  which  time  it  is  anticipated  that  the  naval 
stations  referred  to  in  the  statute  and  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  the  constitution  above  cited,  will  have 
been  agreed  upon,  and  the  said  artillerymen  may 
be  transferred  thereto. 

“You  will  convene  the  Congress  elected  by 
the  people  of  Cuba  in  joint  session  at  such  rea- 
sonable time  before  the  20th  of  May  as  shall  be 
necessary  therefor,  for  the  purpose  of  perform- 
ing the  duties  of  counting  and  rectifying  the 
electoral  vote  for  President  and  Vice-President 
under  the  fifty-eighth  article  of  the  Cuban  con- 
stitution At  the  same  time  you  will  publish 
and  certify  to  the  people  of  Cuba  the  instru- 
ment adopted  as  the  constitution  of  Cuba  by 
the  constitutional  convention  on  the  21st  day  of 


175 


CUBA,  1901-1902 


CUBA,  1901-1902 


February,  1901,  together  with  the  appendix 
added  thereto  and  forming  a part  thereof 
adopted  by  the  said  convention  on  the  12th 
day  of  June,  1901.  It  is  the  understanding  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  that  the 
government  of  the  island  will  pass  to  the  new 
President  and  Congress  of  Cuba  as  a going  con- 
cern; all  the  laws  promulgated  by  the  govern- 
ment of  occupation  continuing  in  force  and 
effect,  and  all  the  judicial  and  subordinate 
executive  and  administrative  officers  continuing 
in  the  lawful  discharge  of  their  present  func- 
tions until  changed  by  the  constitutional  officers 
of  the  new  government.  At  the  same  moment 
the  responsibility  of  the  United  States  for  the 
collection  and  expenditure  of  revenues  and  for 
the  proper  performance  of  duty  by  the  officers 
and  employees  of  the  insular  government  will 
end,  and  the  responsibility  of  the  new  govern- 
ment of  Cuba  therefor  will  commence. 

“In  order  to  avoid  any  embarrassment  to  the 
new  President,  which  might  arise  from  his 
assuming  executive  responsibility  with  subordi- 
nates whom  he  does  not  know,  or  in  whom  he 
has  not  confidence,  and  to  avoid  any  occasion 
for  sweeping  changes  in  the  civil-service  per- 
sonnel immediately  after  the  inauguration  of 
the  new  Government,  approval  is  given  to  the 
course  which  you  have  already  proposed  of  con- 
sulting the  President-elect,  and  substituting, 
before  the  20th  of  May,  wherever  he  shall  so 
desire,  for  the  persons  now  holding  official  posi- 
tions, such  persons  as  he  may  designate.  This 
method  will  make  it  necessary  that  the  new 
President  and  yourself  should  appoint  repre- 
sentatives to  count  and  certify  the  cash  and 
cash  balances  and  the  securities  for  deposits 
transferred  to  the  new  government.  The  con- 
sent of  the  owner  of  the  securities  for  deposits 
to  the  transfer  thereof  you  will  of  course 
obtain. 

‘ ‘ The  vouchers  and  accounts  in  the  office  of 
the  Auditor  and  elsewhere,  relating  to  the  re- 
ceipt and  disbursement  of  moneys  during  the 
government  of  occupation,  must  necessarily 
remain  within  the  control,  and  available  for  the 
use,  of  this  Department.  Access  to  these  papers 
will,  however,  undoubtedly  be  important  to  the 
officers  of  the  new  government  in  the  conduct 
of  their  business  subsequent  to  the  20th  of  May. 
You  will  accordingly  appoint  an  agent  to  take 
possession  of  these  papers  and  retain  them  at 
such  place  in  the  island  of  Cuba  as  may  be 
agreed  upon  with  the  new  government  until 
they  can  be  removed  to  the  United  States  with- 
out detriment  to  the  current  business  of  the 
new  government. 

“ I desire  that  you  communicate  the  contents 
of  this  letter  to  Mr.  Palma,  the  President-elect, 
and  ascertain  whether  the  course  above  de- 
scribed accords  with  his  views  and  wishes.  Very 
respectfully,  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War." 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1902,  the  transfer  of  ex- 
ecutive authority  from  the  American  Military 
Governor,  General  Wood,  to  President  elect 
Palma  was  made  in  due  form,  and  the  following 
correspondence  passed  between  President  Palma, 
General  Wood,  President  Roosevelt,  and  Secre- 
tary Root: 

“Habana,  May  20,  1902. 
“Hon.  Gen.  Leonard  Wood. 

‘ ‘ Sir  : As  President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba,  I 
hereby  receive  the  Government  of  the  Island  of 


Cuba  which  you  transfer  to  me  in  compliance 
with  orders  communicated  to  you  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  take  note  that  by 
this  act  the  military  occupation  of  Cuba  ceases. 

“ Upon  accepting  this  transfer  I declare  that 
the  Government  of  the  Republic  assumes,  as 
provided  for  in  the  constitution,  each  and  every 
one  of  the  obligations  concerning  Cuba  imposed 
upon  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  the  treaty 
entered  into  on  the  10th  of  December,  1898,  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  Regent  of  Spain. 

“ I understand  that,  as  far  as  possible,  all  pe- 
cuniary responsibilities  contracted  by  the  mili- 
tary government  up  to  this  date  have  been  paid ; 
that  §100,000,  or  such  portion  thereof  as  maybe 
necessary,  have  been  set  aside  to  cover  the  ex- 
penses that  may  be  occasioned  by  the  liquidation 
and  finishing  up  of  the  obligations  contracted  by 
said  government,  and  that  there  has  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  Government  of  the  Republic  the 
sum  of  $689,191.02,  which  constitutes  the  cash 
balance  existing  to-day  in  favor  of  the  State.  . . . 

“I  take  this  solemn  occasion,  which  marks 
the  fulfillment  of  the  honored  promise  of  the 
Government  and  people  of  the  United  States  in 
regard  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  in  which  our 
country  is  made  a ruling  nation,  to  express  to 
you,  the  worthy  representative  of  that  grand 
people,  the  immense  gratitude  which  the  people 
of  Cuba  feel  toward  the  American  nation,  to- 
ward its  illustrious  President,  Theodore  Roose- 
velt, and  toward  you  for  the  efforts  you  have 
put  forth  for  the  successful  accomplishment- of 
such  a precious  ideal. 

T.  Estrada  Palma.” 

“ Habana,  May  20, 1902. 

“Theodore Roosevelt,  President,  Washington. 

“The  government  of  the  island  having  been 
just  transferred,  I,  as  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
Republic,  faithfully  interpreting  the  sentiments 
of  the  whole  people  of  Cuba,  have  the  honor  to 
send  you  and  the  American  people  testimony  of 
our  profound  gratitude  and  the  assurance  of  an 
enduring  friendship,  with  wishes  and  prayers 
to  the  Almighty  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  the  United  States. 

T.  Estrada  Palma.” 

“ Washington,  May  20,  1902. 

“ President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  : 

“Believe  in  my  heartfelt  congratulations  upon 
the  inauguration  of  the  Republic  which  the 
people  of  Cuba  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States  have  fought  and  labored  together  to 
establish.  With  confidence  in  your  unselfish 
patriotism  and  courage  and  in  the  substantial 
civic  virtues  of  your  people,  I bid  you  godspeed, 
and  on  this  happy  day  wish  for  Cuba  for  all 
time  liberty  and  order,  peace  and  prosperity. 

Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War." 

“ Habana,  May  21,  1902. 
“Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington. 

“I  am  deeply  moved  by  your  heartfelt  mes 
sage  of  congratulation  on  the  inauguration  of 
the  Republic  of  Cuba,  to  the  birth  of  which  the 
people  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
have  contributed  with  their  blood  and  treasure. 
Rest  assured  that  the  Cuban  people  can  never 
forget  the  debt  of  gratitude  they  owe  to  the 
great  Republic,  with  which  we  will  always  cul- 
tivate the  closest  relations  of  friendship  and  for 


17G 


CUBA,  1902 


CUBA,  1903 


the  prosperity  of  which  we  pray  to  the  Al- 
mighty. 

T.  Estrada  Palma.” 

On  the  10th  of  June,  General  Wood,  at  Wash- 
ington, made  the  following  report  to  the  Adju- 
tant-General of  the  U.  S.  Army  ■ 

‘ ‘ Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the 
Republic  of  Cuba  was  established  at  12  o’clock 
noon,  May  20,  1902.  The  transfer  was  made 
upon  the  lines  indicated  in  the  instructions  of 
the  honorable  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the 
autograph  letter  of  the  President  read  to  Presi- 
dent Palma  and  presented  to  him.  President 
Palma  responded,  expressing  his  sincere  appre- 
ciation of  the  work  done  by  the  United  States 
in  Cuba,  and  the  lasting  gratitude  of  himself 
and  the  people  of  Cuba. 

“ The  transfer  was  made  in  the  main  reception 
hall  of  the  palace  of  the  military  governor.  There 
were  present  the  President-elect  and  his  cabi- 
net, the  military  governor  and  the  officers  of 
his  staff,  civil  and  military,  the  Cuban  Congress, 
the  judiciary,  officers  of  the  British  and  Italian 
navies,  the  captain  and  staff  of  the  U.  S.  S. 
Brooklyn,  and  the  consular  representatives  of 
foreign  countries.  . . . 

“ I left  the  palace  at  twenty-five  minutes  past 
12  o’clock,  accompanied  by  the  officers  of  my 
personal  and  departmental  staff.  We  were  ac- 
companied to  the  capitania  del  puerto  by  Presi- 
dent Palma  with  his  cabinet,  the  Cuban  Con- 
gress, and  all  others  who  had  been  present  at  the 
ceremonies.  President  Palma  bade  us  farewell 
at  the  wharf  after  again  expressing  his  most 
sincere  and  lasting  good  will  and  appreciation. 

“ Accompanied  by  my  personal  staff,  I imme- 
diately embarked  upon  the  U.  S.  S.  Brooklyn. 
The  officers  of  the  department  staff  embarked 
on  the  8.  S.  Moro  Castle,  which  sailed  at  a quarter 
past  3.  The  U.  S.  S.  Brooklyn  sailed  at  about 
3.45. 

Leonard  Wood,  Brig.  Gen.  TJ.  S.  Army." 

The  above  account  of  the  “ Establisnment  of 
Pree  Government  in  Cuba  ” is  taken  wholly  from 
a narrative  thus  entitled,  compiled  by  the 
Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  U.  S.  War  Depart- 
ment, and  published  as  Document  No.  312,  in 
Volume  7 of  Senate  Documents,  58th  Congress, 
2d  Session. 

A.  D.  1902. — Tomas  Estrada  Palma,  the 
First  President  of  the  Cuban  Republic. — 

“There  was  such  manifest  propriety  in  the  se- 
lection of  Gen.  Estrada  Palma  to  be  the  first 
president  of  the  Cuban  Republic  that  the  attempt 
to  bring  forward  another  candidate  was  unavail- 
ing. There  was  no  excitement  at  the  popular 
election,  and  the  voting  was  light,  because  the 
result  was  a foregone  conclusion.  The  two  most 
important  men  in  the  last  struggle  for  Cuban 
freedom  were  Gen.  Maximo  Gomez  and  Gen. 
Estrada  Palma.  Gomez  commanded  the  armies 
in  the  field,  and  employed  methods  which,  as 
we  have  repeatedly  said,  entitle  him  to  rank  as 
one  of  the  greatest  of  all  modern  commanders. 
Palma  was  the  agent  of  the  Cuban  patriots  in 
the  United  States,  and  he,  more  than  any  other 
man,  is  to  be  credited  with  having  kept  alive 
the  military  movement  in  Cuba  by  means  of 
material  aid  and  assistance  sent  from  the  outside. 
Most  important  of  all,  he  addressed  himself  with 
success  to  bringing  about  that  awakening  of 
public  opinion  in  the  United  States  which  finally 


took  the  form  of  an  irresistible  moral  crusade  on 
behalf  of  Cuban  freedom.  If  these  two  men 
had  died,  or  were  otherwise  ineligible,  Cuba 
would  not,  indeed,  have  been  left  without  trained 
and  patriotic  sons  who  could  have  filled  the 
presidential  office  with  ability  and  success.  But 
since  Gomez  and  Palma  were  both  alive,  and 
available  in  every  sense,  they  were  the  two  men 
to  whom  Cuba  might  naturally  turn,  rather  than 
to  any  others,  as  candidates  for  the  presidency. 
The  military  hero  is  always  the  man  to  be  first 
considered,  and  Gomez  for  a time  was  the  candi- 
date whose  name  was  upon  all  lips.  But  he  de- 
clared that  he  had  no  ambition  for  political  office, 
and  in  due  time  it  appeared  that  Gomez  was 
shaping  things  in  Cuba  for  the  nomination  of 
Palma.  . . . 

“Tomas  Estrada  Palma  is  sixty-six  years  of 
age.  His  father  was  a wealthy  planter  in  the 
easternmost  province  of  Cuba,  and  the  son  was 
well  educated  in  Cuba  and  in  Spain,  and  became 
a lawyer,  with  a view  not  so  much  to  the  prac- 
tice of  his  profession  as  to  the  better  management 
of  the  affairs  of  a large  estate.  His  patriotic 
sympathies  led  him  to  active  service  in  the  ten 
years’  struggle  for  independence  which  began 
in  1868  and  ended  in  1878,  and  early  in  that  pe- 
riod he  became  a general  in  the  insurgent  army. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  war,  he  became  the  presi- 
dent of  the  provisional  government,  a position 
which  at  least  indicated  the  confidence  in  which 
he  was  held  by  the  Cuban  people.  He  was  made 
a prisoner,  taken  to  Spain,  at  the  risk  of  his  life 
refused  to  swear  allegiance,  witnessed,  in  con- 
sequence, the  confiscation  of  his  estates,  and 
some  time  after  the  final  termination  of  the 
struggle  regained  his  personal  liberty,  at  the 
loss,  however,  of  his  Cuban  property  and  home. 
When  he  goes  to  Cuba,  two  or  three  months 
hence,  to  assume  the  duties  and  high  honors  of 
the  presidency,  it  will  be  after  an  absence  of 
twenty  four  years.  After  his  release,  at  the  end 
of  the  Ten  Years  War,  Palma  traveled  in  Span- 
ish-American  countries,  and  settled  in  Honduras, 
where  he  married  the  daughter  of  the  president 
of  that  republic  and  became  postmaster-general. 
Subsequently  he  came  with  his  wife  and  one 
little  child  to  New  York,  and  saw  an  opportu- 
nity to  establish  a school  for  young  people  from 
the  Spanish-American  countries.  His  institute 
was  located  in  the  little  town  of  Central  Valley, 
in  Orange  County,  N.  Y.,  some  forty  miles  from 
the  metropolis.  He  has  now  lived  in  Central 
Valley  for  eighteen  years,  and  his  six  children, 
five  of  whom  were  born  there,  have  known  no 
other  home.” — Am.  Review  of  Reviews,  Feb., 
1902. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Lease  of  Coaling  and  Naval 
Stations  to  the  United  States.  — Reciprocity 
with  the  U.  S. — Cession  of  the  Isle  of  Pines. 

— In  consonance  with  Article  VII.  of  the  so- 
called  “ Platt  Amendment,”  which  became  an 
Appendix  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  of 
Cuba,  an  Agreement  between  the  United  States 
and  Cuba  for  the  lease  to  the  former,  in  Guan- 
tanamo and  Bahia  Honda,  of  lands  for  coaling 
and  naval  stations,  was  signed  in  February,  1903. 
The  consequent  lease  was  signed  and  ratifications 
exchanged  in  the  following  July  and  October. 
According  to  the  terms  of  the  Agreement 
“ while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  United  States  re- 
cognizes the  continuance  of  the  ultimate  sover- 
eignty of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  over  the  above 


CUBA,  1903 


CUBA,  1906 


described  areas  of  land  and  water,  on  the  other 
hand  the  Republic  of  Cuba  consents  that  during 
the  period  of  the  occupation  by  the  United  States 
of  said  areas  under  the  terms  of  this  agreement 
the  United  States  shall  exercise  complete  juris- 
diction and  control  over  and  within  said  areas 
with  the  right  to  acquire  (under  conditions  to 
be  hereafter  agreed  upon  by  the  two  Govern- 
ments) for  the  public  purposes  of  the  United 
States  any  land  or  other  property  therein  by  pur- 
chase or  by  exercise  of  eminent  domain  with  full 
compensation  to  the  owners  thereof.”  The  yearly 
rental  to  be  paid  for  the  use  of  the  lands  defined 
in  the  Agreement  is  $2000. 

An  arrangement  of  reciprocity  between  Cuba 
and  the  United  States,  conceding  to  Cuban  sugar 
a rebate  of  20  per  cent,  from  the  Dingley  tariff 
rate,  and  giving  20  to  40  per  Cent,  of  reduction  in 
Cuba  on  American  goods,  was  ratified  by  the 
U.  S.  Senate  in  December. 

A treaty  ceding  all  claims  of  the  United  States 
to  the  Isle  of  Pines  was  signed  in  December,  and 
awaited  ratification  by  the  Senate  when  the  year 
closed. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Participation  in  Third  Inter- 
national Conference  of  American  Republics. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1906  (Aug.-Oct.).  — Outbreak  of  in- 
surrection.— Appeal  of  President  Palma  for 
American  intervention. — The  Republic  prac- 
tically without  a Government.  — Secretary 
Taft,  sent  to  the  Island,  establishes  a Provi- 
sional Government. — Governor  Magoon. — 
The  first  report  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  an  outbreak  of  insurrection  in  Cuba 
was  sent  from  the  American  Legation  at  Ha- 
vana on  the  21st  of  August,  1906.  Between 
1000  and  1500  men  were  then  said  to  be  in  arms 
in  Pinar  del  Rio,  under  Colonel  Pino  Guerra,  “ a 
Liberal  member  of  the  present  Congress  and  a 
veteran  of  the  War  of  Independence.”  The  in- 
surgents represented  the  political  party  called 
Liberal,  hostile  to  the  party  called  Moderate 
which  controlled  the  Government  and  enjoyed 
the  favor  of  President  Palma.  They  complained 
of  unfairness  in  late  elections  and  demanded  a 
new  electoral  law  with  a new  election  to  be  held 
under  it.  The  Government  had  no  effective 
armed  forces  to  use  against  them,  and  some  effort 
by  business  men  of  Havana  and  by  “ veterans” 
to  mediate  between  the  parties  and  pacify  the 
revolutionists  were  without  avail.  Events,  there- 
fore, moved  rapidly  to  the  producing  of  a sit- 
uation in  which  President  Palma,  on  the  12th 
of  September,  asked  for  American  intervention, 
and  begged  ‘‘that  President  Roosevelt  send  to 
Havana  with  rapidity  2000  or  3000  men,  to  avoid 
any  catastrophe  in  the  capital.”  Two  days 
later  the  request  was  repeated  with  more  urgency, 
the  Consul-General  at  Havana  stating  in  a tele- 
gram to  the  State  Department  at  Washington: 
‘‘President  Palma  has  resolved  not  to  continue 
at  the  head  of  the  Government,  and  is  ready  to 
present  his  resignation,  even  though  the  present 
disturbances  should  cease  at  once.  The  vice- 
president  has  resolved  not  to  accept  the  office. 
Cabinet  ministers  have  declared  that  they  will 
previously  resign.  Under  these  conditions  it  is 
impossible  that  Congress  will  meet,  for  the  lack 
of  a proper  person  to  convoke  same  to  designate 
a new  president.  The  consequences  will  be 
absence  of  legal  power,  and  therefore  the  pre- 
vailing state  of  anarchy  will  continue  unless 


the  United  States  Government  will  adopt  the 
measures  necessary  to  avoid  this  danger.” 

The  action  then  taken  by  President  Roosevelt 
was  recounted  by  him  in  his  next  annual  Mes- 
sage to  Congress,  as  follows:  ‘‘It  was  evident 
that  chaos  was  impending,  and  there  was  every 
probability  that  if  steps  were  not  immediately 
taken  by  this  Government  to  try  to  restore  order, 
the  representatives  of  various  European  nations 
in  the  island  would  apply  to  their  respective 
governments  for  armed  intervention  in  order  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  their  citizens. 
Thanks  to  the  preparedness  of  our  Navy,  I was 
able  immediately  to  send  enough  ships  to  Cuba  to 
prevent  the  situation  from  becoming  hopeless ; 
and  I furthermore  dispatched  to  Cuba  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  and  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  State, 
in  order  that  they  might  grapple  with  the  situa- 
tion on  the  ground.  All  efforts  to  secure  an  agree- 
ment between  the  contending  factions,  by  which 
they  should  themselves  come  to  an  amicable  un- 
derstanding and  settle  upon  some  modus  vivendi 
— some  provisional  government  of  their  own  — 
failed.  Finally  the  President  of  the  Republic 
resigned.  The  quorum  of  Congress  assembled 
failed  by  deliberate  purpose  of  its  members,  so 
that  there  was  no  power  to  act  on  his  resignation, 
and  the  Government  came  to  a halt.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  so-called  Platt  amendment,  which 
was  embodied  in  the  constitution  of  Cuba,  I 
thereupon  proclaimed  a provisional  government 
for  the  island,  the  Secretary  of  War  acting  as 
provisional  governor  until  he  could  be  replaced 
by  Mr.  Magoon,  the  late  minister  to  Panama 
and  governor  of  the  Canal  Zone  on  the  Isthmus  ; 
troops  were  sent  to  support  them  and  to  relieve 
the  Navy,  the  expedition  being  handled  with 
most  satisfactory  speed  and  efficiency.  The  in- 
surgent chiefs  immediately  agreed  that  their 
troops  should  lay  down  their  arms  and  disband ; 
and  the  agreement  was  carried  out.” 

From  an  “ Epitome  of  events  attendant  upon 
the  establishment  of  the  Provisional  Government 
of  Cuba,”  published  in  Part  1 of  “ Papers  relat- 
ing to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United 
States,”  for  1906,  the  following  is  taken: 

“On  Saturday,  September  29,  1906,  a provi- 
sional government  exercising  Cuban  sovereignty 
under  the  authority  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  established,  and  a proclama- 
tion was  issued  to  the  Cuban  people  setting  forth 
the  causes  for  this  action  and  defining  the  posi- 
tion of  the  United  States  toward  Cuba. 

“Since  the  American  commissioners  under- 
stand that  the  Republic  of  Cuba  is  continuous 
and  that  they  are  only  the  ad  interim  executives, 
the  various  departments  continue  to  function  as 
before  with  the  assistant  secretaries  as  acting 
heads,  the  only  officials  discharged  being  those 
taken  on  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  revolution. 

“ At  the  time  the  commissioners  assumed  con- 
trol there  were  many  political  prisoners  in  the 
jails  throughout  the  island.  These,  of  whom 
several  were  prominent  liberals  who  had  several 
times  been  consulted  by  the  commissioners  while 
on  parole,  were  immediately  set  at  liberty 
“ The  disbanding  and  disarming  of  the  rebel 
forces  and,  incidentally,  the  government  militia, 
enlisted  specially  for  the  revolution,  has  been 
the  chief  concern  of  the  provisional  government 
from  its  establishment  until  now.  It  was  car- 
ried out  by  a commission  of  American  and  Cu- 
ban military  officers,  of  which  Gen.  Frederick 


178 


CUBA,  1906-1909 


CUBA,  1906-1909 


Funston  was  head,  and  has  been  practically  com- 
pleted. 

“ On  the  10th  instant  [October]  Provisional 
Governor  Taft  issued  a general  amnesty  procla- 
mation to  the  people  of  Cuba,  thus  indicating 
that  quiet  and  peace  have  been  restored.  Save 
for  sporadic  local  disturbances,  the  entire  coun- 
try is  tranquil. 

“On  Tuesday,  the  9th  instant,  Governor  Ma- 
goon,  who  has  succeeded  Mr.  Taft  as  provisional 
governor,  and  General  Bell,  who  is  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  military  forces  of  the  United  States 
in  the  island,  reached  Habana,  and  on  Saturday, 
the  13th,  Governor  Taft  issued  a proclamation 
transferring  the  provisional  governorship  to  Gov- 
ernor Magoon.” 

In  his  proclamation  of  September  29th,  on 
taking  possession  of  the  Government,  Secretary 
Taft  used  these  clear  and  distinct  words:  “The 
provisional  government  hereby  established  will 
be  maintained  only  long  enough  to  restore  order, 
peace,  and  public  confidence,  by  direction  of 
and  in  the  name  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  then  to  hold  such  elections  as  may  be 
necessary  to  determine  on  those  persons  upon 
whom  the  permanent  government  of  the  repub- 
lic should  be  devolved. 

“ In  so  far  as  is  consistent  with  the  nature  of 
a provisional  government  established  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  this  will  be  a Cu- 
ban Government,  conforming  with  the  constitu- 
tion of  Cuba.  The  Cuban  flag  will  be  hoisted 
as  usual  over  the  government  buildings  of  the 
island,  all  the  executive  departments  and  pro- 
vincial and  municipal  governments,  including 
that  of  the  City  of  Havana,  will  continue  to  be 
administered  as  under  the  Cuban  Republic;  the 
courts  will  continue  to  administer  justice,  and 
all  the  laws  not  in  their  nature  inapplicable  by 
reason  of  the  temporary  and  emergent  character 
of  the  government  will  be  in  force.” 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Under  the  Provisional 
American  Government.  — Election  of  a new 
Congress  and  a new  President.  — Restoration 
of  the  Republic.  — In  his  Message  to  Congress, 
December,  1907,  President  Roosevelt  described 
the  conditions  that  had  prevailed  in  the  island 
for  two  years  under  the  provisional  government, 
instituted  by  Secretary  Taft  and  over  which 
Governor  Magoon  had  presided,  in  a few  words, 
as  follows : “Absolute  quiet  and  prosperity  have 
returned  to  the  island  because  of  this  action. 
We  are  now  taking  steps  to  provide  forelections 
in  the  island  and  our  expectation  is  within  the 
coming  year  to  be  able  to  turn  the  island  over 
again  to  a government  chosen  by  the  people 
thereof.  Cuba  is  at  our  doors.  It  is  not  possible 
that  this  Nation  should  permit  Cuba  again  to 
sink  into  the  condition  from  which  we  rescued 
it.  All  that  we  ask  of  the  Cuban  people  is  that 
they  be  prosperous,  that  they  govern  themselves 
so  as  to  bring  content,  order  and  progress  to  their 
island,  the  Queen  of  the  Antilles ; and  our  only 
interference  has  been  and  will  be  to  help  them 
achieve  these  results.” 

Provincial  elections  held  in  the  following  Au- 
gust went  generally  in  favor  of  the  Conservative 
party,  and  that  party  was  accordingly  expected 
to  win  the  presidential  election,  appointed  to 
occur  in  November,  1908  ; but  such  was  not  the 
result.  Three  parties  were  in  the  field,  Conser- 
vatives, Miguelistas,  and  Zayistas.  TheMiguel- 
istas  were  political  follow'ers  of  General  Jose 


Miguel  Gomez,  whose  middle  name  they  took 
for  their  party  designation  ; the  Zayistas  were 
partisans  of  Dr.  Alfredo  Zayas;  the  Conserva- 
tives were  reputed  to  be  substantially  identical 
with  the  party  known  as  Moderates  in  the  pol- 
itics of  the  First  Republic.  Their  leader  was 
General  Menocal.  The  Liberals  of  former  con- 
tests were  now  divided  between  Miguelistas  and 
Zayistas.  They  were  reunited  in  the  national 
election  of  November,  and  swept  the  Moderates 
into  the  background,  electing  both  their  leaders, 
Gomez  and  Zayas,  the  one  to  be  President,  the 
other  to  be  Vice-President,  of  the  reconstituted 
Republic  : electing,  at  the  same  time,  an  effective 
majority  in  the  Congress  for  their  support. 

January  28,  1909,  was  the  day  fixed  for  dis- 
solving the  provisional  government  and  reinvest- 
ing the  Cubans  with  political  independence  ; but 
the  Congress  was  organized  and  held  its  initial 
session  on  the  13th.  The  President  and  Vice- 
President  elect  were  inaugurated  with  simple 
ceremonies  on  the  28tli.  President  Roosevelt, 
on  that  day,  sent  a message  to  the  President  and 
the  Congress  in  these  words  : 

“Gov.  Magoon  will,  by  my  direction,  turn 
over  to  you  on  the  28tli  of  this  month  the  con- 
trol and  government  of  the  island  of  Cuba,  and 
he  will  thereupon  declare  the  provisional  admin- 
istration of  the  affairs  of  the  island  by  the  United 
States  to  be  at  an  end.  Upon  the  occasion  of 
this  final  act,  I desire  to  reiterate  to  you  the  sin- 
cere friendship  and  good  wishes  of  the  United 
States  and  our  most  earnest  hopes  for  the  sta- 
bility and  success  of  your  government.  Our 
fondest  hope  is  that  you  may  enjoy  the  blessing 
of  peace,  prosperity,  justice,  and  orderly  liberty, 
and  that  the  friendship  which  has  existed  be- 
tween the  republic  of  the  United  States  and  the 
republic  of  Cuba,  may  continue  for  all  time  to 
come.” 

Governor  Magoon,  in  his  brief  address,  sur- 
rendering the  reins  of  government  to  President 
Gomez,  said,  in  part : 

“ It  is  the  understanding  of  the  United  States, 
and  it  now  declares  that  all  the  executive  and 
legislative  decrees  and  rulings  of  the  provisional 
government  now  in  force  shall  continue  in  force 
and  effect  until  such  time  as  the  same  shall  be 
legally  revoked  by  Cuba. 

“All  money  obligations  of  the  provisional 
government  down  to  this  date  have  been  paid  as 
far  as  practicable.  Such  claims  and  obligations, 
however,  as  may  remain  unpaid  are  to  be  re- 
garded as  claims  and  obligations  of  Cuba,  and 
the  United  States  understands  that  these  claims 
and  obligations  will  be  so  treated.” 

President  Gomez  replied : 

“We  receive  from  you  the  government  of 
Cuba  which  you  turn  over  to  us  in  compliance 
with  the  instructions  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  All  acquired  rights  shall  be  re- 
spected in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  inter- 
national law,  the  principles  of  our  constitution 
and  the  provisions  of  the  appendix  of  the  con- 
stitution. The  constitution  shall  be  upheld  in 
all  its  integrity  because  our  chief  concern  will 
be  to  preserve  it  inviolate. 

“We  are  indebted  to  your  nation  for  its  gen- 
erous aid  in  the  maintenance  of  our  institutions 
and  the  cordial  relations  existing  will  never  grow 
less  through  any  act  of  ours.  Once  again  we 
are  masters  of  our  fate  and  there  is  not  a Cuban 
heart  but  swears  to  maintain  for  all  time  the 


179 


CUBA,  1907 


CUBA,  1907 


newly-acquired  integrity  of  the  nation,  and 
who  does  not  at  the  same  time  feel  the  pro- 
foundest  gratitude  towards  those  who,  after 
governing  them,  have  faithfully  performed  their 
agreement  and  now  leave  us  in  the  full  enjoy 
ment  of  our  sovereignty.” 

According  to  newspaper  reports,  however, 
the  popular  feeling  was  somewhat  different 
from  the  sentiment  expressed  by  President  Go- 
mez, if  the  coldness  with  which  the  Cuban 
crowd  of  that  day  watched  the  departure  of 
Governor  Magoon  and  his  associates  could  be 
taken  for  a sign.  They  sailed  for  home  immedi- 
ately, on  the  new  battleship  Maine.  About 
3000  American  troops  remained  on  the  island, 
under  command  of  Major-General  Thomas  L. 
Barry,  until  the  1st  of  April  following.  On  the 
departure  of  these,  President  Gomez  said  to 
General  Barry : “ It  is  pleasing  to  me  to  ac- 
knowledge the  great  aptitudes  and  qualities  of 
the  Army  of  Pacification  under  your  command, 
which  has  brought  to  a happy  conclusion  its 
honorable  mission  of  watching  over  our  country 
in  the  difficult  days,  now  happily  past,  and  in 
maintaining  and  reaffirming  the  most  friendly 
relations  with  our  people,  in  whose  name  I as- 
sure you  your  efforts  have  been  crowned  with 
the  most  flattering  success.  I pray  you,  gen- 
eral, to  express  to  your  valiant  soldiers  the  ex- 
treme gratitude  and  admiration  which  the  gov 
ernment  and  the  people  of  Cuba  have  for  them.” 
Of  President  Gomez  the  following  account 
was  given  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration  by 
the  New  York  Evening  Post : “Major-Gen.  Jose 
Miguel  Gomez,  the  first  President  of  the  new 
Cuban  Republic,  is  fifty-three  years  of  age,  and 
a native  of  Santa  Clara  province,  where  he  has 
always  enjoyed  extraordinary  popularity  and 
influence.  He  participated  in  two  Cuban  revo- 
lutions against  Spain,  in  the  first  of  which  he 
reached  the  rank  of  major  and  in  the  second 
that  of  major-general.  He  was  selected  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Santa  Clara  province  by  the  govern 
ment  of  intervention,  and  when  his  term  expired 
he  was  elected  Governor. 

“In  May,  1905,  the  general  was  nominated 
for  the  Presidency  by  the  National  Liberal  Con- 
vention, but  resigned  his  candidacy  four  months 
later,  giving  as  the  reason  for  this  action  that  it 
was  impossible  to  continue  the  campaign  within 
the  bounds  of  the  law,  and  laying  part  of  the 
blame  on  the  United  States,  owing  to  the  Platt 
amendment.  An  uprising  in  Cuba  followed, 
which  ended  with  the  deposition  of  President 
Palma  and  the  intervention  of  the  United  States. 

“In  August,  1906,  Gen.  Gomez  was  arrested, 
charged  with  conspiring  against  the  Administra- 
tion of  the  late  President  Palma,  but  he  denied 
the  allegation,  and  was  released  from  custody 
after  a month’s  imprisonment.  In  December 
of  the  same  year  Gov.  Magoon  appointed  him 
secretary  of  a commission  to  revise  the  laws  of 
Cuba.  These  included  the  drafting  of  an  elec- 
toral law,  new  provincial  and  municipal  laws,  a 
law  defining  the  organization  and  functions  of 
the  judiciary,  a civil  service  law,  and  also  laws 
on  such  other  subjects  as  may  be  referred  to  it 
by  the  provisional  Governor.” 

A.  D.  1907. — Population. — Remarkable 
increase  in  eight  years.  — “The  population 
of  Cuba  on  September  30,  1907,  was  2,048,980; 
at  the  census  next  preceding,  taken  under  the 
American  administration  in  1899,  at  the  close  of 


the  Spanish- American  War,  the  population  wa3 

I, 572,797.  The  rate  of  increase  in  these  eight 
years  is  not  less  than  30  per  cent,  or  at  the  rate 
of  39  per  cent  per  decade.  This  is  a very  rapid 
rate  of  increase  — greater  than  that  of  any  other 
country  with  which  I am  acquainted.  This  in- 
crease has  not  been  brought  about  by  immigra- 
tion, for  in  the  eight  years  the  net  immigration 
(that  is,  the  excess  of  arrivals  over  departures) 
numbered  only  75,000,  and  the  element  of  foreign 
birth  increased  from  11  per  cent  to  11.2  per  cent 
only,  but  it  has  been  brought  about  almost  en- 
tirely by  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths.  . . . 
One  peculiar  phenomenon  of  this  increase  is 
that  the  rural  population  has  gained  much  more 
rapidly  than  has  the  urban  — a condition  which 
rarely  exists,  as  in  nearly  every  country  in  the 
world  the  drift  of  population  is  toward  the 
cities.  The  urban  population,  including  all 
places  of  1,000  inhabitants  and  over,  was  43.9 
per  cent  of  the  total  population.  In  1899  it  was 
47.1  per  cent.  If  the  urban  population  be  limited 
to  towns  of  8,000  inhabitants,  the  proportion  was 
30.3  per  cent.  The  chief  cities  are  Habana,  with 
297,159  inhabitants,  or  about  one-seventh  of  the 
population  of  Cuba  ; Santiago  de  Cuba,  45,470  ; 
Matanzas,  36,009;  Cienfuegos,  30,100;  and  Ca- 
maguey,  29,616.  The  number  of  inhabitants  per 
square  mile  in  the  island  as  a whole  was  46.5,  or 
about  the  same  as  in  Missouri,  Virginia,  or  South 
Carolina.  The  foreign-born  population  formed 

II. 2  per  cent  of  the  total.  Of  this  element  four- 
fifths  were  born  in  Spain  and  less  than  three  per 
cent  in  the  United  States  ; Chinese  and  Africans 
were  more  numerous  than  United  States  peo- 
ple. . . . 

“ As  to  color,  about  seven-tenths  of  the  popu- 
lation were  white,  the  remaining  three-tenths 
being  colored,  including  negroes,  mixed,  and  a 
few  thousand  Chinese.  As  in  the  United  States, 
the  colored  element  is  increasing  less  rapidly 
than  is  the  white  population.” — Henry  Gannett, 
National  Geographic  Magazine , Feb. , 1909. 

As  reported  from  Washington,  nearly  57  per 
cent,  of  the  population  of  Cuba,  at  least  ten  years 
of  age,  can  read,  the  percentage  in  the  large 
cities  being  82.6  and  in  the  rest  of  the  island 
47.9  according  to  figures  obtained  in  the  census 
recently  taken.  This  census  shows  that  in  1907 
almost  one-third  of  the  children  were  attending 
school,  as  compared  with  less  than  one-sixtli  in 
1899.  See  also  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  Cuba. 

A.  D.  1907  (April).  — Decision  of  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  respecting  the 
Isle  of  Pines.  — A decision  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  rendered  on  the  8th 
of  April,  1907,  determined  that  the  Isle  of  Pines 
is  foreign  territory,  in  the  view  of  the  United 
States  customs  laws,  and,  inferentially,  that 
the  United  States  has  practically  no  title  to  the 
island. 

A.  D.  1909  (June). — 111  conditions  along 
with  material  prosperity.  — “What  may 
prove  to  be  the  largest  sugar  crop  in  Cuba’s  his- 
tory— certainly  it  is  the  most  profitable  she  has 
harvested  in  many  along  year  — is  almost  in.  It 
is  estimated  at  a million  and  a half  tons.  It  has 
obtained  the  very  satisfactory  average  price  of  4| 
reales,  reckoning  from  January  1 to  date.  . . . 
Ordinarily,  this  condition  of  affairs  as  regards 
her  biggest  crop  would  be  equivalent  to  the 
best  of  times  for  Cuba,  especially  since  last 
year  also  was  a good  year  for  sugar  men,  and 


CUBA,  1909 


DAVIS 


this  year  the  tobacco  crop,  too,  is  fair  in  quan- 
tity and  quality  and  going  at  satisfactory  prices. 
But,  so  extraordinary  is  the  present  situation, 
times  were  never  harder  in  all  the  history  of 
this  island  than  they  are  to-day,  material  evi- 
dences of  prosperity  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. 

“Yet  values  have  not  dropped.  This  is  no 
panic.  It  is  merely  a standing  still  — a waiting 
for  something  to  happen.  Just  what  it  is  that  is 
due  to  occur  nobody  will  say.  Asked  what  he  is 
afraid  of,  the  Spaniard,  who  is  the  business  man 
of  Cuba,  shrugs  his  shoulders  and  shifts  his  eyes  ; 
pressed  for  a reply,  he  answers  enigmatically: 
‘There  is  no  confidence.’  The  feeling  grows 
that  the  present  government  will  be  forced  into 
the  hands  of  a receiver,  like  any  other  bankrupt 
concern,  before  even  its  liveliest  opponents  can 
organize  to  end  it  more  heroically.  . . . 

“ In  1906,  when  Cuba’s  customs  receipts,  which 
are  almost  her  sole  source  of  revenue,  were  at 
their  maximum,  her  budget  stood  at  §17,915,- 
013.25.  In  1909,  weakened  as  she  is,  she  is  bur- 
dened with  a budget  of  §33,825,448.53  — Presi- 
dent Gomez’s  estimate  of  expenditure  necessary 
in  the  first  fiscal  year  of  his  Administration  ! 
In  other  words,  while  collections  have  fallen  off, 
the  governmental  expenditures  they  must  cover 
have  increased  100  per  cent.”  — Havana  Cor.  N. 
T.  Eve.  Post , June  19,  1909. 

“The  Senate  and  House  abruptly  adjourned 


CUNARD  COMPANY:  Agreements  with 
the  British  Government.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Com- 
binations, Industrial:  International. 

“CURB  MARKET,”  The,  of  New  York: 
Report  on  its  operations.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Finance  and  Trade  : United  States  . A.  D. 
1909. 

CURIA,  New  Apostolic  Constitution  of 
the  Roman.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D. 
1908. 

CURIE,  Marie  Sklodovska.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

CURIE,  Pierre.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

CURIE,  Professor  and  Madame:  Their 
discovery  of  Radium.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence, Recent  : Radium  ; also,  Physical. 

CURRENCY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance 
and  Trade. 

CURRY,  J.  L.  M.:  Originator  of  the  An- 
nual Conferences  for  Education  in  the  South. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1898-1909. 

CURTIS,  Glenn  H.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention,  Recent:  Aeronautics. 


this  evening.  Tiiis  was  the  final  day  of  the  reg- 
ular session  of  Congress,  but  no  definite  action 
was  taken  on  the  question  of  the  approval  of  the 
budget.  . . . The  House  yesterday  approved 
the  budget  in  its  entirety,  and  it  was  expected 
that  the  Senate  would  approve  it  to-day.  The 
latter  body,  however,  after  devoting  much  time 
to  a bill  legalizing  cockfighting,  which  was 
passed,  made  sundry  minor  modifications  in  the 
budget,  sending  it  again  to  the  House,  in  the 
apparent  expectation  that  the  modifications 
would  be  accepted  by  the  House,  which,  in  the 
meantime,  had  adjourned.  The  adjournment 
of  the  House  was  not  known  until  after  the 
Senate  had  also  adjourned.”  — Havana  Telegram 
to  Associated  Press,  June  30,  1909. 

“Owing  to  the  failure  of  the  Cuban  Senate 
to  pass  the  budget,  President  Gomez,  early  this 
morning,  issued  a decree  making  effective  Gov. 
Magoon’s  budget  of  1908-09  amounting  to  §24,- 
285,000.  The  deficiency  to  cover  the  cost  of  the 
army  and  other  increased  expenses  of  the  repub- 
lic, amounting  to  nearly  §10,000,000,  will  be 
supplied  by  Presidential  decree.  This  will  prac- 
tially  repeat  the  conditions  of  the  last  year  of 
the  Palma  regime,  when,  in  default  of  a budget, 
the  decrees  to  this  same  end  issued  by  President 
Palma  were  declared  to  violate  the  Constitution, 
and  precipitated  the  revolution  of  August,  1906.” 
— Havana  Telegram,  July,  1. 


CURZON,  George  N.,  Lord:  Partition  of 
Bengal.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

Resignation  of  Viceroyalty  of  India.  See 
India:  A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). 

CURZON-WYLLIE,  Sir,  Assassination 
of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1909  (July). 

CUSTOMS  ADMINISTRATION:  Pro- 
posals of  the  Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

CUSTOMS  COURT  OF  APPEALS,  U. 
S.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tariffs:  United  States. 

CUSTOMS  SERVICE,  United  States: 
Corruptions  disclosed.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1909  (Oct.-Nov.). 

CUSTOMS  UNION,  Serbo-Bulgarian. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  States:  Bulgaria 
and  Servia  : A.  D.  1905. 

CZECHS:  Struggle  with  Austrian  Ger- 
mans over  the  language  question.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1902-1903,  and 
1904. 

CZOLGOSZ,  Leon:  Assassin  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Buffalo: 
A.  D.  1901. 


D. 

DAIDO  CLUB.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 

A.  D.  1909. 

DALGETY:  Rejected  Site  for  Australian 
Capital.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia:  A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

DALNY : Russian  Evacuation.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D 1904  (Feb. -July),  and  1904- 
1905  (May-Jan.). 

When  Dalny,  by  the  Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  be- 
came the  property  of  Japan  its  name  was  changed 
to  Tairen. 

DAMASCUS:  Railway  to  Mecca.  See  (in 


this  vol.)  Railways:  Turkey,  Asiatic:  A.  D. 
1908. 

DARWIN,  Charles:  Centenary  Commemo- 
ration of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention : Anniversary  Celebrations. 

DARWINISM,  Bearing  of  Mendel’s  Law 
on.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Science  and  Invention, 
Recent  : Biological. 

DAVENPORT,  Dr.  Charles  B.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : Carne- 
gie Institution. 

DAVIS,  General  George  B.:  Commissioner 


181 


DAVIS 


DEATH  DUTIES 


Plenipotentiary  to  the  Second  Peace  Confer- 
ence. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against  : A.  D.  1907. 

DAVIS,  Henry  G. : Delegate  to  Second  In- 
ternational Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

DAVIS,  Jefferson:  Unveiling  of  Monument 
to.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Richmond.  Va. 

DAYANAND  SARASWATI.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Arya  Samaj. 

DAYLIGHT  SAVING  MOVEMENT.— 

What  is  known  as  the  Daylight  Saving  Move- 
ment, which  has  acquired  much  strength  in  Eng- 
land and  has  gained  some  favor  in  the  United 
States  and  elsewhere,  is  said  to  have  been  first 
mooted  by  a builder  in  London,  Mr.  Willet,  who 
suggested  the  possibility  of  securing  a most  im- 
portant general  advantage  to  the  whole  commu- 
nity by  establishing  a legal  difference  between 
summer  and  winter  in  the  numbering  of  the 
hours.  The  proposition  is  to  retain  the  standard 
clock  time  for  all  the  year  except  between  a 
given  date  in  April  and  a given  date  in  Sep- 
tember, within  which  period  the  clocks  shall  be 
set  forward  one  hour,  making  six  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  for  example,  become  seven. 

At  first  the  proposition  excited  little  but 
laughter;  but  the  more  it  has  been  considered 
the  more  advocacy  it  has  won.  A bill  to  realize 
it  has  been  twice  before  Parliament,  failing  to 
be  passed,  but  gaining  votes.  The  main  diffi- 
culty is  to  make  people  see  why  there  should  be 
legislation  on  the  subject ; why  those  who  wish 
to  begin  the  labors  of  the  day  an  hour  earlier  in 
the  summer  than  in  the  winter  may  not  do  so 
without  any  meddling  of  law  with  the  clocks. 
The  reasons  why  were  set  forth  very  clearly  in 
one  of  the  debates  of  Parliament  on  the  subject. 
Said  one  speaker:  “The  Bill  was  intended  to 
benefit  town  dwellers.  Two- thirds,  if  not  three- 
fourths,  of  the  population  dwelt  in  towns,  and 
it  was  these  who  suffered  from  failure  to  take 
advantage  of  the  summer  daylight.  It  had  been 
asked  why  it  was  necessary,  in  order  to  induce 
town  populations  to  follow  the  example  of  agri- 
culturists, to  proceed  by  way  of  legislation.  The 
answer  was  simple.  There  were  140  statutes  in 
which  various  phases  of  town  life  were  regu- 
lated by  the  clock,  and  if  they  desired  those  who 
lived  in  towns  to  take  advantage  of  the  summer 
daylight  by  beginning  work  earlier  in  the  morn- 
ing, it  was  surely  easier  to  accomplish  that  end 
by  passing  a general  Act  of  this  kind  than  by 
bringing  in  Bills  to  amend  each  of  the  statutes 
in  which  particular  hours  were  specified.” 

As  another  (Mr.  Winston  Churchill)  explained : 
“It  was  quite  impossible  for  an  individual  to 
make  alterations  in  the  hours  at  which  he  dis- 
charged particular  duties,  while  every  one  else 
remained  unchanged,  without  subjecting  him- 
self to  a great  deal  of  inconvenience,  and  the 
fact  that  particular  firms  had  already  adopted 
this  early  rising  system,  in  spite  of  the  enormous 
inconvenience  which  attended  all  alterations 
from  the  regular  habits  of  the  community  as  a 
whole,  was  not,  as  the  hon.  member  for  Rye 
suggested,  an  argument  against  the  necessity 
of  the  Bill.  It  was,  in  his  judgment,  very  good 
evidence  of  the  real,  natural  pressure  that  there 
was  behind  a measure  of  this  character.  If  all 
the  world  were  to  change  clock  time  together, 
no  one  would  be  conscious  that  that  change  had 
occurred,  except  at  the  moment  of  change.  But 


where  a change  of  clock  time  came  into  contact 
with  unchanged  times,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
American  markets  or  of  the  Continental  mails 
and  trains,  there,  undoubtedly,  they  would  get 
friction  and  discordance.  He  was,  however, 
not  at  all  sure  that  that  friction  and  discordance 
bore  any  sensible  proportion  to  the  interests 
which  might  be  beneficially  affected  or  that  that 
friction  and  discordance  could  not  be  adjusted 
without  any  very  serious  inconvenience.  But 
whether  that  was  so  or  not,  he  was  quite  clear 
that  any  such  change  as  this  must  be  made  by 
legislation,  or  it  could  not  be  made  at  all.” 

DEAKIN,  Alfred:  Premier  of  Australia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia  : A.  D.  1903-1904, 
and  after. 

At  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See 
British  Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

Defeat  and  resignation  in  1908.  — Recov- 
ery of  the  Premiership  in  1909.  See  Austra- 
lia : A.  D.  1908,  and  1909  (May-June). 

DEATH  DUTY,  or  Inheritance  Tax. — 
Defeated  proposal  in  Germany.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

DEATH  DUTIES:  Treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  to  prevent  frauds  in 
connection  with  Succession  or  Death  Du- 
ties. — The  following  Treaty  between  the  Gov- 
ernments of  Great  Britain  and  France  was 
signed  November  15,  1907,  and  ratified  Decem- 
ber 9: 

“ The  Government  of  His  Britannic  Majesty 
and  the  Government  of  the  French  Republic, 
being  desirous  of  preventing  as  far  as  possible 
frauds  in  connection  with  succession  duties,  have 
authorized  the  Uudersigned  to  conclude  the  fol- 
lowing Agreement : — 

“ Article  1.  The  Government  of  His  Britan- 
nic Majesty  undertake,  in  the  case  of  the  decease 
of  all  persons  domiciled  in  France,  to  furnish  an 
extract  from  the  affidavit,  containing  the  full 
name,  domicile,  date  and  place  of  death  of  the 
deceased;  all  information  relating  to  his  succes- 
sors, and  the  details  respecting  that  portion  of 
the  estate  which  is  moveable.  This  extract  shall 
be  furnished,  however,  only  in  cases  where  the 
value  of  the  moveable  estate  shall  amount  to  a 
sum  of  not  less  than  lOOf. 

“ Article  2.  The  Government  of  the  French 
Republic  undertake,  in  the  case  of  the  decease  of 
all  persons  domiciled  in  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  to  furnish  an  extract 
from  the  declaration  de  mutation  through  death, 
containing  the  particulars  enumerated  in  Article 
1.  This  extract  shall  be  furnished,  however, 
only  in  cases  where  the  value  of  the  moveable 
estate  declared  shall  amount  to  a sum  of  not  less 
than  2,520  fr. 

“ Article  3.  The  extracts  from  affidavits  or 
declarations  de  mutation  shall  be  certified  by  the 
officers  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  receiving  or 
registering  these  affidavits  or  declarations. 

“In  the  event,  however,  of  either  of  the  two 
Governments  deeming  it  necessary,  the  certify- 
ing and  authentication  of  the  signatures,  as 
required  according  to  the  procedure  customary 
in  that  country,  shall,  upon  request  and  with- 
out fee,  be  affixed  to  these  extracts. 

“Article  4.  The  extracts  from  affidavits  or 
declarations  received  or  registered  during  each 
quarter  shall  be  forwarded  directly,  within  a 
period  of  six  weeks  from  the  last  day  of  the 
quarter,  by  the  Board  of  Inland  Revenue  to  the 


182 


DEATH  DUTIES 


DENMARK,  1905-1909 


Direction  Generate  de  l’Enregistrement,  and  re- 
ciprocally. 

“All  correspondence  respecting  the  said  ex- 
tracts shall  also  be  conducted  directly  between 
those  two  Central  Administrations.” 

DEATH  STATISTICS  : Fatal  Accidents 
to  Workmen  in  the  United  States.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Labor  Protection. 

DEBTS,  Public:  Compulsory  collection. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Drago  Doctrine. 

DEBS,  Eugene  V. : Nomination  for  Presi- 
dent of  the  U.  S.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.),  and  1908 
(April-Nov.). 

DEEP  WATERWAYS,  Movement  for. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  op  Natural 
Resources  : United  States. 

DE  LAVAL,  Gustave  Patrick.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Tur- 
bine Engine. 

DELAGRANGE,  M.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention,  Recent  : Aeronaut- 
ics. 

DELBRUCK,  Herr.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ger- 
many : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

DELCASSE,  Theophile : French  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France  : A.  D.  1902  (April-Oct.). 

Resignation  forced  by  the  German  Govern- 
ment. See  Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

Controversy  with  M.  Clemenceau  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  which  threw  the  latter 
out  of  office.  See  France  : A.  D.  1909  (July). 

DELHI  : A.  D.  1903.  — Great  Durbar.  See 
(in  this  vol.).  India:  A.  D.  1903  (Jan.). 

DELYANNIS,  Theodoros : Assassina- 

tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Greece  : A.  D.  1905. 

DEMOCRACY,  Political:  Involved  in  the 
South  African  Labor  Question.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

Triumphant  in  Denmark.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Denmark:  A.  D.  1901. 

DEMOCRATAS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

DEMOCRISTIANA.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization  : Italy. 

DENMARK:  A.  D.  1909.  — Democracy  in 
Power  after  a thirty-years’  struggle  with 
Landlordism. — Landlordism  in  Denmark,  en- 
trenched in  the  upper  house  of  the  Parliament, 
was  dislodged  from  the  control  of  Government 
by  the  Democratic  party,  in  the  elections  of 
April,  1901,  after  a struggle  of  thirty  years.  A 
Danish  correspondent  of  The  American  Review 
of  Reviews  a spirited  account  of  the  victory 
to  that  magazine  in  the  following  October,  from 
which  the  following  is  taken  : 

“At  the  elections  of  April,  1901,  out  of  114 
members  in  the  lower  house  only  5 were  won  by 
the  Conservatives,  with  small  majorities,  and 
even  the  strong  Conservative  majority  in  the 
upper  house  was  reduced  to  one  vote  through 
the  rebellion  of  the  Conservatives.  The  Danes 
are  now  a thoroughly  radical  and  democratic 
people,  with  a more  perfect  system  of  self-gov- 
ernment in  politics  and  business  than  perhaps 
any  other  nation.  The  population  has  increased 
so  much  that  it  is  now  as  large  as  the  whole 
population  of  the  kingdom  and  duchies  before 
1864  After  England,  it  is  also  the  richest 
country  in  the  world  per  head  of  the  population, 
and  the  excellence  of  its  educational  system  is 
matter  of  common  knowledge.  Denmark,  there- 


fore, enters  the  new  century  steaming  full  speed 
ahead,  and  with  the  best  hopes  for  the  future. 

“The  victory  of  April  3 last  was  as  complete 
over  the  Moderates  as  over  the  Government. 
Before  the  poll  the  Moderates  were  twenty-two 
strong,  but  Mr.  Bojesen,  the  evil  genius  of  the 
democracy,  withdrew  his  candidature  and  re- 
tired into  private  life,  while  several  of  his  sup- 
posed adherents  declared  during  the  campaign 
that,  if  reelected,  they  would  join  the  Radicals. 
Mr.  Bojesen’s  constituency,  which  he  had  re- 
presented since  1869,  was  taken  by  the  Radicals, 
and  the  Moderates,  now  reduced  to  twelve  or 
thirteen  — of  whom  about  half  will  join  the 
Radicals  if  allowed — have  lost  all  their  former 
importance.  The  premier  and  minister  of  jus- 
tice is  M.  Deuntzer,  professor  of  law  at  the  uni- 
versity, an  old  Radical  who  in  1885  publicly 
opposed  the  government.  The  minister  of  agri- 
culture is  Mons.  Ole  Hansen.  He  is  a common 
farmer  from  a village  in  Seeland,  owner  of  a 
farm  of  about  one  hundred  acres ; M.  P.  since 
1890.  . . . The  law  officer  of  the  crown  is  Mons. 
Alberti,  who  is  a leader  of  many  cooperative 
undertakings  of  the  peasantry  ; M.  P.  since  1892. 

“Mr.  Jens  Christian  Christensen  is  the  most 
important  member  of  the  new  cabinet.  He  was 
born  in  West  Jutland,  in  1856,  the  son  of  a 
farmer,  and  earned  his  living  when  a boy  as  a 
shepherd.  He  passed  the  examination  for  village 
schoolmaster  in  Jutland,  and  taught  till  recently 
in  the  little  village  of  Stadil,  in  West  Jutland.  In 
1890  he  wasreturned  for  Parliament,  and  in  1895 
became  leader  of  the  opposition.  Of  late  years, 
the  Conservative  Government  being  so  utterly 
weak,  he  practically  ruled  the  country  in  his  ca- 
pacity of  president  of  the  finance  committee  of 
the  Folkething.  A few  months  ago  he  resigned 
his  post  as  schoolmaster,  succeeded  in  being 
elected  a ‘revisor  of  the  state,’  and  is  now  min- 
ister of  religion  and  education.  After  Mr.  Chris- 
tensen, Mr.  Harup  is  considered  the  greatest 
triumph  for  the  Democrats.  Born  in  1841,  the 
son  of  a schoolmaster  in  an  Iceland  village,  he 
became  a law  student , taking  his  degree  in  1867 
at  the  university.  . . . He  is  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant and  best  known  of  Danish  journalists  — 
the  most  brilliant,  according  to  George  Brandes.” 

A.  D.  1902.  — Proposed  sale  of  Danish 
West  Indies  to  the  United  States.  — Nego- 
tiations for  the  sale  of  the  Danish  islands  in  the 
West  Indies  to  the  United  States  were  brought 
to  a point  of  agreement  between  the  two  govern- 
ments which  the  Danish  Ministry  submitted  to 
the  two  chambers  of  the  Rigsdag.  The  Folke- 
thing — the  popular  branch  of  the  parliament  — 
assented  to  the  sale,  while  the  other  chamber, 
the  Landsthing,  rejected  the  proposed  terms. 
The  Rigsdag  was  then,  in  May,  1902,  prorogued, 
and  assembled  again  in  the  following  October. 
Meantime  an  election  of  one  half  of  the  member- 
ship of  the  Landsthing  had  taken  place,  and  the 
Conservatives  had  lost  ground  in  it ; notwith- 
standing which  fact  the  proposition  was  defeated 
in  that  body  again,  and  the  projected  sale  came 
to  naught. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Fortification  and 
Naval-Defense  Question  in  Danish  Politics. 

— “ That  German y within  recent  times  has  paid 
considerably  more  than  passing  attention  to  the 
defense  plans  of  Denmark  has  not  escaped  the 
Danes,  whose  military  astuteness  is  proverbial. 
At  the  instigation  of  the  Kaiser  himself,  Lieut. 


183 


DENMARK,  1905-1909 


DENMARK,  1905-1909 


Col.  R.  von  Bieberstein  inspected  the  quite 
openly  exposed  fortifications  of  Copenhagen,  and 
what  he  has  written  regarding  the  vulnerability, 
or  otherwise, of  the  Danish  capital  has  been  taken 
to  heart  in  Denmark’s  military  circles.  Beyond 
a doubt,  Denmark  to-day  is  much  more  favorably 
situated  than  when  Prussia  despoiled  the  country 
of  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  while  little  apprehen- 
sion exists  on  the  score  of  Germany  again  attack- 
ing her  northern  neighbor,  should  a war  break 
out  between  England  and  the  German  Empire  it 
might  prove  impossible  for  either  belligerent  to 
keep  Danish  territory  inviolate.  Denmark’s  neu- 
trality would  be  thrown  to  the  winds  where  the 
fate  of  empires  would  be  at  stake.  Still,  in  her 
defense  of  such  neutrality,  Denmark  would  gain 
time  sufficient  to  make  any  trespasser  pause  be- 
fore advancing.  Meanwhile,  the  Scandinavian 
allies  of  the  Danes  would  be  enabled  to  assert 
themselves  effectively. 

“ Following  the  recent  Danish  cabinet  crisis, 
when  the  portfolios  of  war  and  navy  were  given 
into  the  hands  of  a civilian,  J.  C.  Christensen,  the 
former  minister  for  instruction  of  the  Deuntzer 
Regime,  a special  defense  commission  has  had 
under  consideration  ways  and  means  best  suited 
for  the  protection  of  the  country.  . . . The  Dan- 
ish Defense  Commission  is  far  from  being  unani- 
mous as  to  what  is  the  best  plan  making  for  a 
complete  protection  of  the  capital.  The  majority 
of  the  members  are  for  the  abandoning  of  the 
land  defenses  and  the  strengthening  of  Seeland’s 
coast  line  by  adding  more  forts  and  introducing 
a mining  system  covering  all  the  adjacent  wa- 
ters. The  minority  of  the  commission,  however, 
and  the  leading  military  experts  of  the  country 
are  for  the  retention  of  the  present  land  fortifica- 
tions, in  order  that  the  capital  may  be  securely 
protected  against  an  enemy  invading  Seeland 
from  the  north  or  the  west.  The  very  circum- 
stance that  Seeland’s  coast  line  in  its  entirety 
does  not  lend  itselflto  a complete  protection 
through  either  forts,  mines,  or  torpedo  equip- 
ment speaks  favorably  for  the  claim  of  the  Dan- 
ish military  experts  in  their  assertion  that,  apart 
from  what  is  done  toward  protecting  Copenha- 
gen from  the  sea,  the  land  fortifications  must  be 
retained.  Nearly  one  hundred  million  kroner 
have  been  expended  on  the  land  defenses,  which 
sum  it  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  raise  a 
second  time  were  it  a question  of  abandoning 
the  forts  for  the  present  and  removing  the  guns, 
and  in  after  years  restoring  them  to  serviceable 
condition.”  — Julius  Moritzen,  Denmark,  the 
Buffer  State  of  the  North  ( American  Review  of 
Reviews,  Sept.,  1905). 

Since  the  above  was  written  the  question  of 
defense,  between  land  fortification  and  naval 
development,  has  not  only  been  the  burning  one 
in  Danish  politics,  but  has  excited  much  inter- 
est in  Europe  at  large.  Politically,  the  contro- 
versy was  curiously  altered  in  February,  1909, 
by  a sudden  change  of  front  on  the  part  of  the 
Premier,  M.  Neergaard,  of  which  the  Copen- 
hagen correspondent  of  the  London  Times  gave 
the  following  account: 

“ The  Premier,  who  represents  the  majority  in 
the  House,  declared  that  he  had  changed  his 
opinion  and  now  shared  the  views  of  the  small 
group  of  the  Right  on  a question  which  is  the 
most  urgent  of  the  day — namely,  that  of  na- 
tional defence,  or,  to  speak  precisely,  how  Den- 
mark can  be  placed  in  a position  effectively  to 


maintain  her  neutrality  if  threatened  by  any 
Power.  He  adopted  the  opinion  that  Copen- 
hagen must  be  fortified  on  the  land  side  as  well 
as  on  that  of  the  sea,  and  that  Denmark,  in  view 
of  her  difficult  strategical  situation,  should  avoid 
showing  any  favour  to  Russia,  Germany,  or 
Great  Britain.  The  surprise  which  the  Premier’s 
speech  caused  in  all  political  circles  was  un- 
bounded. M.  Neergaard  had  kept  the  secret  of 
his  scheme  so  well  that  only  a few  persons  knew 
that  the  Premier  might  enter  into  negotiations 
with  the  Right,  which  has  its  main  support  in 
the  Upper  House.  That  he  would  go  so  far  as 
to  adopt  the  Conservative  view  was  wholly  un- 
expected. 

“The  Defence  Committee,  which  had  been 
sitting  for  seven  years,  issued  a report  which 
contained  no  very  clear  recommendations.  But 
M.  Neergaard,  who  is,  by  the  way,  himself  no 
soldier,  working  in  conjunction  with  the  Dan- 
ish general  staff  upon  the  material  which  the 
committee  had  collected,  drew  up  a scheme  of 
Danish  defence,  based  upon  practical  views  and 
considerations  of  international  law,  but  almost 
the  direct  contrary  of  the  proposals  which  his 
own  party,  the  Left,  had  adopted  only  one  year 
ago.  And  this  position  was  taken  up  so  defi- 
nitely that  at  the  general  election  in  May  the 
people  will  have  to  decide  definitely  for  or 
against  the  Premier.  It  is  evident  that  M.  Neer- 
gaard himself  must  be  aware  that  his  action  will 
split  up  his  party,  the  allied  Centre  groups  in 
the  Folkething,  that  some  members  will  go  over 
to  the  Right,  and  that  others  will  approach  the 
Radicals  and  Socialists.  The  comments  of  the 
Government  Press  already  clearly  show  this. 

“For  land  and  sea  fortifications,  the  construc- 
tion of  20  torpedo-boats  and  six  submarines,  im- 
provements in  the  system  of  mines,  &c. , the  sum 
of  42,200,000  kr.  (£2,344,444)  is  demanded  im- 
mediately, while  an  annual  increase  in  the  mili- 
tary budgets  of  about  3,327,000  kr.  (£184,833)  is 
also  proposed.  This  is  a large  amount  of  money 
for  a small  country  with  but  2,600,000  inhabit- 
ants ; but,  as  is  well  known,  the  country  is  in  a 
strong  financial  position  — exceptionally  strong, 
in  the  opinion  of  some  observers.” 

In  May,  as  the  elections  approached,  the  same 
correspondent  wrote  : “All  parties  unite  in  the 
view  that  Denmark  must  adhere  to  a policy  of 
the  strictest  neutrality.  But  while  the  Conser- 
vatives urge  that  this  policy  must  be  observed 
by  a system  of  fortifications,  strong  enough  to 
show  that  Denmark  is  ready  to  defend  her  neu- 
trality if  she  is  threatened,  the  Socialists  preach 
the  gospel  of  disarmament  as  a step  towards 
eternal  peace,  and  urge  furthermore  that  Den- 
mark is  too  weak  and  small  to  organize  any  real 
defence,  and  must  therefore  rely  upon  the  gen- 
erosity of  her  stronger  neighbours. 

“In  addition  to  the  two  main  parties  there 
are  a number  of  political  groups  which  are  des- 
tined to  play  an  important  part  in  the  elections 
and  may  in  fact  decide  their  issue.  These  groups 
consist  of  the  Moderate  Left,  the  Reform  Left, 
and  the  Radical  Left.  The  Moderate  Left,  the 
party  of  the  present  Premier,  Mr.  N.  Neergaard, 
has,  however,  already  adopted  the  policy  of  the 
Conservatives  and  needs  little  more  than  men- 
tion. The  Reform  Left,  the  party  of  the  former 
Premier,  Mr.  F.  C.  Christensen,  numbered  until 
a few  months  ago  56,  or  nearly  one  half  of  the 
Folkething,  which  has  114  members.  Now  it 


184 


DENMARK,  1906-1909 


DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA 


has  been  split  up  on  the  defence  question.  Of 
its  members  14  agree  with  Mr.  Neergaard  and 
the  Conservatives,  and  33  are  reorganized  under 
the  leadership  of  Mr.  Christensen,  who  wants 
Copenhagen  fortified,  but  not  on  the  lines  of  the 
Neergaard  scheme  with  its  new  land  fortifica- 
tions.” 

The  elections  were  held  on  the  25th  of  May 
and  the  following  was  reported  next  morning  to 
the  press:  “The  election  campaign  has  been 
heated.  The  returns  up  to  the  present  show 
that  the  ministerials  have  elected  38  adherents, 
M.  Christensen’s  party  34,  the  parties  of  the  So- 
cialists and  the  Radicals,  which  opposed  forti- 
fications, 39,  and  that  eleven  are  doubtful.  The 
ministers  of  finance,  justice  and  commerce  have 
been  unseated.  Premier  Neergaard  and  the  other 
ministers  have  been  re-elected.” 

An  extraordinary  session  of  the  new  Parliament 
was  summoned  by  the  King  on  the  9th  of  Sep- 
tember. Premier  Neergaard  lacked  a majority 
in  the  Folkething,  and  failed  to  arrange  an 
agreement  with  ex-Premier  Christensen  on  the 
defence  question.  He  and  his  Ministry  resigned 
office,  accordingly,  in  a few  weeks,  and  a new 
Cabinet  was  formed  under  Count  Holstein-Led- 
reborg,  in  which  M.  Christensen  was  included  as 
Minister  of  Defence.  The  appointment  of  the 
latter  was  offensive  to  a large  part  of  the  public, 
which  held  him  responsible  for  gross  frauds  in 
the  public  service,  committed  b3r  a former  Minis- 
ter of  Justice,  M.  Alberti.  An  immense  popular 
demonstration  against  the  obnoxious  Minister  of 
Defence  was  carried  out  at  Copenhagen  on  Au- 
gust 29th;  but  he  stayed  in  office  some  weeks 
longer,  until  a scheme  of  defence  had  been  agreed 
upon  between  ex-Premier  Neergaard  and  him- 
self, and  carried  through  Parliament,  September 
24th.  The  scheme  provides  for  strong  sea  fortifi- 
cations for  Copenhagen,  while  the  land  defences 
of  the  eighties  will  be  maintained  and  somewhat 
strengthened  by  two  new  forts,  which  are,  how- 
ever, officially  characterized  as  sea  forts. 

Three  weeks  after  the  passage  of  the  Defence 
Act  M.  Christensen  resigned,  and  was  followed 
out  of  office  by  the  whole  Holstein-Ledreborg 
Ministry  before  the  end  of  October.  For  the 
first  time  in  Denmark  a Radical  Ministry  was 
then  formed,  under  M.  Zahle. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Death  of  King  Christian  IX. 
— Succession  of  Frederick  VIII. — Gains  by 
Social  Democrats  in  the  elections  of  the 
spring.  — Visit  from  the  Icelandic  Parlia- 
ment.— On  the  29th  of  January,  1906,  King 
Christian  IX.  died,  at  the  age  of  eighty  eight. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Frederick  VIII., 
who  is  said  to  have  inherited  his  father’s  char- 
acter and  ability  in  a marked  degree.  He  had 
already  reached  the  age  of  sixty-three  when  he 
came  to  the  throne.  When  his  accession  was 
proclaimed  he  spoke  from  the  balcony  of  the 
palace  at  Copenhagen  to  the  multitude  of  people 
assembled  in  these  words  : “ Our  old  King,  my 
dearly  beloved  father,  has  closed  his  eyes.  He 
fell  asleep  peacefully  and  calmly,  having  faith- 
fully discharged  his  royal  duties  to  the  last.  In 
taking  over  the  heavy  heritage  placed  on  my 
shoulders,  I cherish  the  confident  hope,  and  offer 
a sincere  prayer,  that  the  Almighty  may  grant 
me  strength  and  happiness  to  carry  on  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  spirit  of  my  dearly  beloved 
father,  and  that  I may  have  the  good  fortune  to 
reach  an  understanding  with  the  people  and  their 


chosen  representatives  on  all  that  tends  to  the 
good  of  the  people  and  the  happiness  of  our  be- 
loved fatherland.  Let  us  join  in  the  cry,  ‘ Long 
live  the  fatherland  1 ’ ” 

At  a general  election  for  the  Folkething,  the 
lower  house  of  the  Danish  Rigsdag,  in  May, 
the  Social  Democrats  made  heavy  gains,  raising 
their  representation  in  the  chamber  from  sixteen 
to  twenty-four.  The  Government  party,  known 
as  the  Left  Reform  party,  lost  three  seats,  the 
Moderate  Left  lost  three,  and  the  Radical  Left 
lost  four.  The  Conservatives  gained  two  seats. 
Later,  when  half  of  the  elective  part  of  the  upper 
house  was  chosen,  the  Social  Democrats  made 
gains  there,  too,  of  three  seats,  and  the  Govern- 
ment lost  five. 

In  September,  on  the  invitation  of  King  Fred- 
erick, the  members  of  the  Icelandic  Parliament 
visited  Denmark,  and  their  entertainment  was  an 
interesting  event.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Iceland. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Municipal  Suffrage  extended 
to  Women.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Fran- 
chise : Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1908.  — North  Sea  and  Baltic  agree- 
ments. See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — T reaty  with  England, 
France,  Germany,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Sweden,  for  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo 
on  the  North  Sea.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : 
A.  D.  1907-1908 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Murder  of  General 
Beckman.  — In  June,  1909,  during  a visit  of  the 
Tsar  of  Russia  to  the  Danish  Court,  at  Copen- 
hagen, a Swedish  anarchist,  Adolf  Vang,  who  had 
planned  an  attempt  at  the  murder  of  the  Russian 
sovereign,  and  was  enraged  on  being  baffled  by 
the  police,  fired  at  two  officers  whom  he  met,  pro- 
voked by  nothing  but  their  uniforms,  and  slew 
one,  General  Beckman. 

DENVER,  Colorado  : The  Juvenile  Court 
of  Judge  Lindsey.  See  (inthisvol.)  Children, 
under  the  Law  : As  Offenders. 

DEPEW,  Chauncey  M. : United  States 
Senator  from  New  York.  — Annual  retainers 
from  the  Equitable  Life  Assurance  Society. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

DES  MOINES  CHARTER,  The.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Municipal  Government  : Galveston. 

DEUNTZER,  M.:  Premier  of  Denmark. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark  : A.  D.  1901. 

DE  VRIES,  Dr.  Hugo:  His  biological  dis- 
coveries. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention, Recent  : Carnegie  Institution. 

DEVELOPMENT  AND  ROAD  IM- 
PROVEMENT FUNDS  ACT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources: 
Great  Britain. 

DIAMOND  FIELDS  : In  German  South- 
west Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa:  Ger- 
man Colonies. 

DIAZ,  Porfirio:  The  President  of  Mexico 
enters  his  seventh  term.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Mexico  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

Meeting  with  President  Taft.  See  United 
States:  A.  D.  1909  (Sept. -Oct.). 

DICKINSON,  James  M.:  Secretary  of 
War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  : A.  D. 
1909  (March). 

DIRECT  PRIMARY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Elective  Franchise  : United  States. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA  : A.  D.  1908. 
— Enactment  against  Race-track  Gambling. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Gambling. 


185 


DOGGER  BANK  INCIDENT 


EARTHQUAKES 


DOGGER  BANK  INCIDENT,  of  the 
voyage  of  the  Russian  Baltic  Fleet.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904^1905  (Oct. -May). 

DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  San  Domingo. 

DOMINICANS:  Forbidden  to  teach  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1903. 

DORE,  Pfere  Le.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

DOUGLAS,  A.  Akers  : Home  Secretary  in 
the  British  Government.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England  : A.  D.  1902  (July). 

DOUGLAS,  Dr.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent  : Opsonins. 

DOWAGER-EMPRESS,  of  China:  Her 
death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1908 
(Nov.). 

DRAGA,  Queen : Assassination.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian  States  : 
Servia. 

DRAGO  DOCTRINE,  The.  — So  named 
from  Dr.  Luis  Drago,  Argentine  Minister  of 
Foreign  Relations,  who  rallied  the  South  Ameri- 
can Republics  to  the  support  of  it  at  the  Rio  de 
Janeiro  Pan-American  Conference  and  at  the 
Second  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  American  Republics:  Third 
International  Conference;  and  War,  The 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907  (Second  Con- 
vention). 

DREADNOUGHTS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Preparations  for. 

DREIBUND.  See  Triple  Alliance. 


DREYFUS,  Alfred:  Justice'and  repara- 
tion of  the  great  wrong  done  him. — His 
reinstatement  in  the  Army. — His  decora- 
tion as  a Chevalier  of  the  Legion  of  Honor. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1906. 

DRUDE,  General : Operations  in  Morocco. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

DRY  FARMING.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention  : Agriculture. 

DRYGALSKI,  Dr.  : Commanding  Antarc- 
tic Expedition.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Polar  Ex- 
ploration. 

DU  BOIS,  Professor  W.  E.  Burghardt. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : United 
States. 

DUCOMMUM,  Elie.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

DUFF,  Grant:  British  Minister  to  Per- 
sia : See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia  : A.  D.  1905- 
1907. 

DUMA,  Russia  : The  First  and  Second.  — 
Their  dissolution.  — Election  of  the  Third. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1906  and  1907. 

DUNANT,  Henri.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes 

DURBAR  AT  DELHI.  See  (in  this  vol  ) 
India  . A.  D.  1903  (Jan.). 

DURHAM,  Israel  W.  : Political  “ Boss  ” 
of  Philadelphia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal 
Government. 

DWIGHT,  James  H.  and  William  B.  : 
Founders  of  Robert  College.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education  : Turkey. 


E. 

EAGLE’S  NEST  FORT,  Capture  of.  See  I (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904- 1905  (May- 

| Jan.). 


EARTHQUAKES. 


California  : A.  D.  1906.  — Consequent  de- 
structive fire  at  San  Francisco  and  great  dis- 
tress. See  (in  this  vol.)  San  Francisco  . A.  D. 
1906. 

Chile:  A.  D.  1906. — Destructiveness  of 
life  and  property  at  Valparaiso. — One  of  the 

most  destructive  of  the  many  appalling  earth- 
quake shocks  of  the  pastdecade  was  experienced 
in  Chile  on  the  16th  of  August,  1906.  It  was 
widely  felt,  even  to  the  distant  Hawaiian  Islands ; 
but  its  most  deadly  effects  were  concentrated  on 
the  unfortunate  city  of  Valparaiso.  The  wreck 
of  buildings  in  the  city  was  followed,  as  in  San 
Francisco,  by  fires,  which  the  disabled  inhab- 
itants were  almost  powerless  to  combat.  The 
total  loss  of  life,  there  and  elsewhere,  was  es- 
timated finally,  when  all  was  known  that  could 
be  known,  at  2000.  The  homeless  for  a time 
were  substantially  the  whole  population  of  the 
city.  Relief  was  sent  to  the  afflicted  city  and 
country  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 

The  prediction  of  another  earthquake  on  the 
Pacific  coast  of  America  within  some  short  time 
had  been  made  by  Dr.  Becker,  of  the  U.  S.  Geo- 
logical Survey,  in  a letter  to  the  New  York  Tri- 
bune written  the  dayafterthe  shock  at  San  Fran- 
cisco. Such  a severe  upheaval  at  one  point  on  the 
earthquake  belt  which  follows  the  rim  of  the 
Pacific  from  Singapore,  through  Japan,  the  Aleu- 


tian Islands,  the  coast  of  Alaska,  California,  and 
South  America  to  Valparaiso,  was  sure,  he  said, 
to  be  followed  by  sympathetic  movements  at 
other  points  on  the  circuit. 

Formosa:  A.  D.  1906. — Over  6000  persons 
are  reported  to  have  been  killed  or  injured  by  an 
earthquake  that  occurred  in  the  island  of  For- 
mosa in  March,  1906. 

France:  A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Serious  con- 
vulsion along  the  Mediterranean  coast. — A 

shock  which  ran  through  Southern  France  on  the 
night  of  June  11  was  most  severe  in  the  Bouches- 
du  Rhone,  but  extended  over  a very  wide  area, 
including  the  whole  Mediterranean  coast  of 
France,  and  was  also  felt  in  Spain  and  Portugal. 
Official  reports  stated  that  55  lives  were  known 
to  have  been  lost.  A great  amount  of  damage  had 
been  done,  especially  in  the  villages;  in  the  towns 
the  buildings  for  the  most  part  withstood  the 
shock,  though  it  was  sufficiently  violent  to  cause 
panic  among  the  population  in  Marseilles,  Tou- 
lon, and  other  places. 

Greece:  A.  D.  1909  (July).  — Destruction 
in  Ellis.  — An  earthquake  which  occurred,  on 
the  15th  of  July,  in  the  province  of  Ellis,  the 
seat  of  the  most  famous  of  the  ancient  Olympic 
games,  was  reported  to  have  killed  or  injured 
over  300  persons.  Despatches  from  Athens  to 
Loudon  made  the  following  statements:  “At 


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EARTHQUAKES 


the  village  of  Iiavari  400  houses  have  been  com- 
pletely destroyed.  Some  30  persons  are  known 
to  have  perished  there,  while  many  others  have 
been  injured.  The  neighbouring  villages  have 
also  suffered  severely.  All  the  houses  of  Ama- 
liada  have  been  rendered  uninhabitable.  Vol- 
canic eruptions  have  occurred  in  the  village  of 
Ponhioti.  Shocks  of  earthquake  have  also  been 
felt  at  Patras,  Pyrgos,  Kalamas,  Tripoli,  and 
Missolonghi.  People  have  been  killed  and  in- 
jured in  about  ten  villages.  Assistance  has  been 
sent  to  the  affected  districts.” 

India:  A.  D.  1905.  — In  the  Punjab  and 
the  United  Provinces. — One  of  the  most 
terrific  of  earthquakes  occurred  in  Northern 
India  on  the  4th  of  April,  1905.  Its  most  vio- 
lent and  destructive  effects  were  in  the  Kangra 
District  of  the  Punjab,  and  its  neighborhood ; 
but  the  area  of  shock  extended  over  several 
thousand  square  miles.  The  finally  ascertained 
and  estimated  loss  of  human  life  was  no  less  in 
number  than  373,000.  The  villages  destroyed 
numbered  409.  As  for  the  destruction  of  pro- 
perty, including  houses,  bridges,  irrigation 
works,  cattle,  and  crops,  it  was  beyond  com- 
putation. In  the  central  region  of  the  earth- 
quake every  habitation  and  human  structure 
of  any  description  went  instantly  down.  The 
shocks,  as  described,  were  first  from  north  to 
south,  then  immediately  reversed,  and  followed 
by  a horrible  sinking  of  the  earth.  The  Em- 
press,  a monthly  periodical  published  at  Cal- 
cutta, gave  the  following,  among  other  per- 
sonal experiences  of  the  disaster.  The  narrator 
was  a manager  of  large  tea  estates  near  Palam- 
pour: 

“On  the  morning  of  the  4th  April,  at  about 
6 A.  m.,  we  were  disturbed  in  our  sleep  by  a 
slight  earthquake,  quickly  followed  by  a severe 
one,  and  lastly  by  the  worst  shock  of  all,  which 
appeared  to  come  from  the  northeast  and  hav- 
ing a sudden  circular  action  traveling  toward 
the  west.  The  first  one  I took  no  notice  of, 
thinking  it  was  one  of  the  many  slight  shocks 
off  and  on  experienced  up  here.  When  the 
second  shock  came,  I sat  up  in  bed  and  called 
out  to  my  wife  to  come  to  the  window.  I had 
hardly  done  so  when  I saw  the  highest  wall  of 
our  bedroom  fall  in  like  a torrent  on  my  poor 
sleeping  child ; then  all  became  dark  with  fear- 
ful dust  from  the  falling  walls.  I felt  suffo- 
cated, and  pushed  my  hand  through  the  panes 
of  glass  in  the  window  into  which  I had  crept; 
had  I not  done  so  I should  have  been  killed  by 
the  wall  that  fell  in  on  the  head  of  my  bed.  I 
shall  never  forget  those  few  moments  that  ap- 
peared like  years,  — the  noise  of  the  falling 
masonry,  smashing  of  beams,  planks,  and  slates. 

I had  fully  made  up  my  mind  that  we  should 
all  perish.  When  the  shock  was  over  I opened 
the  window  and  dropped  into  the  lower  veranda, 
rushed  out,  and  cried  out  for  help.  No  one 
could  be  seen,  — all  had  fled  to  the  villages  to 
help  their  friends  and  relations.  A fearful  sight 
presented  itself  to  my  eyes.  All  our  houses 
(with  the  exception  of  the  mail's  hut)  were 
leveled  to  the  ground,  including  a magnificent 
factory  built  of  cut  stone  which  my  poor  old 
father  had  lately  built.  All  was  still  as  death 
save  for  the  wailing  of  a man  who  afterward 
turned  out  to  be  my  head  clerk.  After  a few 
minutes  had  elapsed  1 succeeded  in  getting  a 
few  of  my  household  servants  together  and  dug 


with  bare  fingers  among  limestone  and  plaster 
for  my  only  child.  We  had  to  make  a coffin 
out  of  planks  taken  from  the  d&bris,  bury  her 
without  ceremony  in  a quiet  sequestered  spot 
on  the  tea  estate.  To  look  around  the  valley, 
nothing  but  desolation  meets  the  eye.  The  once 
pretty  little  villages,  with  their  bluish-white 
walls  and  slated  roofs,  mixed  here  and  there 
with  thatched  buildings,  all  leveled  to  the 
ground.  We  have  been  ruined;  lost  tens  of 
thousands  of  rupees.  As  for  our  loss  in  machin- 
ery, it  is  unknown,  being  all  buried  beneath  the 
ruins.  And  this  is  not  all.  We  are  afraid  we 
shall  lose  thousands  yet,  owing  to  our  terror- 
stricken  workmen  and  coolies,  who  believe  that 
this  picturesque  valley  is  to  be  totally  destroyed. 
They  have  made  little  thatch  sheds  for  their 
families  and  cattle,  and  pass  the  day  in  sorrow 
and  fear,  refusing  to  return  to  work  or  even 
work  at  their  own  fields.  A great  many  fami- 
lies have  been  wiped  out.” 

The  same  magazine  tells  of  the  destruction  of 
the  very  ancient  temple  of  Bhowan  — one  of  the 
oldest  in  the  world — burying  2000  worshippers 
in  its  ruins:  “On  the  night  of  the  3d  April, 
about  two  thousand  pilgrims  arrived  in  the  small 
town  of  Bhowan,  which  is  about  three  miles  from 
Kangra  town,  to  worship  at  the  temple.  On  the 
morning  of  the  4th,  at  6 o’clock,  a rumbling 
noise  was  heard,  and  before  the  people  could 
realize  what  it  was,  they  felt  the  terrible  shock, 
and  within  four  seconds  the  whole  town  was  de- 
stroyed. The  shock  lasted  three  minutes,  but 
all  the  damage  was  done  in  the  first  few  seconds. 
About  two  thousand  people  were  buried  beneath 
the  ruins  of  the  temple,  and  under  the  adjacent 
buildings.  The  Guru,  or  High  Priest  of  the 
Temple,  was  dug  out  of  the  ruins  and  buried 
near  the  site  of  the  Toshakhana,  adjoining  the 
temple.” 

Italy:  A.  D.  1905.  — In  Calabria.  — A terri- 
ble earthquake,  accompanied  by  storms  and  vol- 
canic disturbances,  occurred  in  Calabria  on 
September  8th.  “ Hundreds  of  dead  were  swal- 
lowed up,  and  ruin  was  spread  far  and  wide  in 
a country  already  sorely  tried  by  an  unfortunate 
system  of  land  ownership.  The  public  authori- 
ties, the  provinces  and  towns  of  Italy,  strained 
every  nerve  to  soften  the  misery  of  the  Calabrian 
population,  and  the  King  eagerly  hastened  to 
the  scene  of  the  disaster.  The  public  mind,  how- 
ever, was  embittered  by  reports  that  the  rich  Cala- 
brian landowners  had  shown  great  want  of  con- 
sideration for  their  unhappy  tenants,  and  that 
the  work  of  restoration  was  greatly  hindered  by 
absurd  disputes  between  civil  and  military  au- 
thorities.”— Annual  Register,  1905,  p.  278. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.).  — In  Calabria  and  Sicily. 
— Destruction  of  Messina  and  Reggio.  — The 
most  appalling  in  history.  — Of  all  catastrophes 
of  earthquake  recorded  in  history,  the  one 
which  has  seemed  most  appalling  to  the  Euro- 
pean and  American  world  was  that  which  de- 
stroyed the  cities  of  Messina  and  Reggio  and  many 
smaller  towns  in  northeastern  Sicily  and  south- 
ern Italy,  on  both  sides  of  the  Straits  of  Messina, 
on  the  early  morning  of  Monday,  December  28, 
1908.  The  time  favored  an  exceptionally  great 
harvest  of  death.  From  Christmas  until  Twelfth 
Night  is  a period  of  feasting  among  the  Southern 
Italians,  when  the  members  of  scattered  families 
come  together  as  fully  as  they  are  able  to  do. 
The  doomed  cities,  accordingly,  contained  on  the 


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EARTHQUAKES 


fatal  day  a large  number  of  guests,  and  were 
emptied,  at  the  same  time,  of  large  numbers  of 
their  residents;  but  the  merry-making  of  the  pre- 
vious days  had  induced  later  slumbers,  generally, 
on  that  dread  Monday  morning,  and  few  had 
risen  from  their  beds  when  the  shock  came  which 
buried  them  in  the  ruins  of  their  dwellings.  It 
shook  Messina  at  twenty  minutes  past  five 
o’clock,  long  before  day  had  begun  to  dawn. 
The  late  F.  Marion  Crawford,  who  wrote,  three 
months  after  the  occurrence,  for  The  Outlook , a 
carefully  prepared  account  of  it,  derived  from 
personal  inquiries  and  investigations  on  the  spot, 
describes  the  overwhelming  moment  thus: 

“ A southwest  wind  was  blowing  and  the  sky 
was  black  when  the  fatal  moment  came,  but  it 
was  not  yet  raining.  Those  who  were  awake 
and  survived  remember  hearing  the  horrible 
subterranean  thunder  that  preceded  the  shock 
and  might  have  been  a warning  to  many  in 
waking  hours;  it  seemed  to  begin  far  away  and 
to  approach  very  quickly,  swelling  to  a terrific 
roar  just  before  the  crash.  Another  instant 
and  the  solid  earth  rose  and  fell  in  long  waves, 
twice,  three  times,  four  times  perhaps,  and  the 
houses  and  churches  swayed  from  side  to  side, 
in  the  darkness;  for  the  young  moon  had  set  be- 
fore midnight,  and  it  lacked  more  than  an  hour 
of  dawn.  The  whole  city  and  the  towns  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Straits  fell  at  once  with  a 
crash  that  no  language  can  describe ; then  fol- 
lowed the  long-resounding  rumble  of  avalanches 
of  masonry  ; and  when  those  awful  moments 
were  over,  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  human 
beings  were  dead,  on  both  sides  of  the  Straits. 

‘ ‘ Almost  at  the  same  moment  another  sound 
was  heard,  almost  more  terrible  than  the  first  — 
the  sound  of  a moving  mountain  of  water  ; for 
the  sea  had  risen  bodily  in  a monstrous  wave 
and  was  sweeping  over  the  harbor,  carrying 
away  hundreds  of  tons  of  masonry  from  the 
outer  pier,  tearing  ships  and  iron  steamers  from 
their  moorings  like  mere  skiffs  and  hurling  them 
against  the  ruins  of  the  great  Palazzata  that  was 
built  along  the  semicircular  quay,  only  to  sweep 
them  back,  keel  upwards  and  full  of  dead  and 
dying  men,  as  the  hill  of  water  sank  down  and 
ebbed  away.  When  it  had  quite  subsided,  the 
inner  portion  of  the  harbor  was  half  full  of  sand 
and  mud  and  stranded  wrecks. 

“Those  who  say  that  they  ‘saw  ’ these  things 
are  either  untruthful,  or  else,  in  vivid  recollec- 
tion of  sensation,  but  without  the  true  memory 
of  events,  they  confuse  what  they  heard  and  felt 
with  what  they  might  have  felt  and  seen ; for 
though  some  of  the  gaslights  in  the  streets  con- 
tinued to  burn  for  a few  minutes,  the  darkness 
was  almost  total.” 

The  American  Vice-consul  at  Messina,  Mr. 
Stuart  K.  Lupton,  who  escaped  unhurt  from  the 
ruins  of  the  hotel  in  which  he  lodged,  carrying 
his  clothing  in  his  hands,  and  hastened  in  the 
darkness  to  give  aid,  if  possible,  to  his  chief, 
Dr.  Cheney,  made  a report  of  his  experiences  to 
the  Department  at  Washington,  from  which  the 
following  is  taken  : “I  had  not  proceeded  more 
than  fifty  yards  when  I found  myself  walking 
in  water  up  to  my  knees  in  a place  which  should 
have  been  eight  feet  above  the  water  level.  Next 
I came  to  a pile  of  rubbish  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
feet  high  over  which  I clambered  on  my  hands 
and  knees.  By  this  time  I began  to  see  that 
the  affair  was  much  more  serious  than  I had  at 


first  believed,  but  I was  still  in  inky  darkness, 
so  I could  not  form  any  ideas  as  to  the  extent  of 
the  disaster.  After  three-quarters  of  an  hour  I 
arrived  where  I supposed  the  consulate  to  be 
and  waited  for  daylight,  which  came  in  a few 
minutes.  I looked  for  the  consulate,  but  could  see 
nothing  that  reminded  me  of  it.  Half  the  water 
front  appeared  to  be  down.  Here  and  there  the 
walls  were  standing,  while  the  interior  had  col- 
lapsed. A few  fires  were  breaking  out,  but  ow- 
ing to  the  solid  construction  of  the  town  they 
made  little  progress. 

“ At  the  place  I supposed  the  consulate  to  be 
there  was  nothing  but  a heap  of  ruins,  iron 
beams,  splintered  wood,  bricks,  and  stones  in 
hapless  confusion.  I was  not  sure  of  the  spot 
and  climbed  over  the  ruins  to  see  if  I could  find 
anything  familiar.  Finally  I came  across  a bat- 
tered teapot,  which  I recognized  as  the  property 
of  Mrs.  Cheney,  and  remembering  the  spot  where 
it  had  stood,  was  able  to  get  my  bearings.  I 
climbed  directly  over  the  spot  where  their  room 
had  been,  and  called,  in  the  hope  that  if  they 
were  still  alive,  they  would  answer.  I heard 
nothing,  however,  and  further  search  revealed 
a piano  covered  to  a depth  of  about  ten  feet  in 
rubbish.  I knew  that  the  Cheneys  had  no  piano, 
so  it  must  have  come  down  from  one  of  the  up- 
per stories.  As  the  shock  was  so  strong  that  no 
one  could  stand,  and  the  consulate  went  down 
almost  immediately,  it  was  absolutely  an  im- 
possibility for  Dr.  Cheney  to  have  opened  four 
doors  and  gone  down  a long  flight  of  steps  which 
had  three  sections.  Nothing  belonging  to  the 
office  could  be  seen  except  the  teapot.  . . . 

“People  were  beginning  to  appear  by  this 
time,  some  half-clothed,  others  entirely  naked. 

I gave  part  of  my  clothes  away,  but  found  I 
could  do  nothing,  there  were  so  many.  People 
were  calling  from  upper  windows,  asking  that 
some  one  should  aid  them,  but  ladders  and  ropes 
were  necessary,  and  they  had  to  be  left.  Some 
men  were  trying  to  lower  an  old  lady  from  the 
fourth  floor,  but  as  soon  as  the  weight  came 
upon  the  cord,  it  broke,  precipitating  the  poor 
soul  to  the  pavement  below.  Another  up- 
per window  was  choked  with  rubbish,  out  of 
which  stuck  a man’s  arm.  He  was  unable  to 
call  out,  but  rattled  against  the  railing  with  a 
stick,  trying  to  attract  attention.  Without  men 
and  tools  it  was  impossible  to  do  anything,  so  I 
kept  on,  trying  to  shut  my  ears. 

“Almost  all  the  natives  were  hysterical, 
shrieking  and  moaning.  Some  were  held  by 
their  friends,  as  they  seemed  to  be  absolute 
maniacs.  . . . Light  shocks  were  felt  every  few 
minutes,  adding  to  the  alarm  of  the  people. 
About  eleven  o’clock  I went  on  board  the  steamer 
Chesapeake,  belonging  to  the  Anglo-American 
Oil  Company,  and  managed  to  get  a cup  of  tea 
and  a sandwich.  Capt.  Mort  was  very  kind,  and 
told  me  to  send  people  in  need  on  board,  and 
he  would  do  anything  he  could  for  them.  I 
went  again  to  the  shore  to  see  what  could  be 
done,  and  by  that  night  over  seventy,  principally 
women  and  children,  were  on  board.  About 
three  o’clock  rain  began  to  fall,  adding  to  the 
misery  of  the  people.  Scores  and  hundreds  of 
them  were  to  be  seen  sitting  in  all  the  squares 
or  wider  streets,  and  looking  as  if  they  had 
abandoned  all  hope.” 

From  all  directions,  by  all  communities  and 
governments,  relief  to  the  stricken  cities,  for 


188 


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EARTHQUAKES 


the  rescue,  feeding  and  shelter  or  removal  of  the 
survivors,  was  hastened  with  the  greatest  pos- 
sible speed.  War  ships  from  many  navies, 
Italian,  French,  Russian,  British  and  German, 
were  quickly  at  the  scene,  their  sailors  and 
marines  performing  heroic  work  in  discovering 
and  saving  many  still  living  people,  who  had 
been  entombed  under  mountains  of  ruin  for 
many  days.  Even  after  such  burial  for  thirteen 
and  fourteen  days  some  victims  were  found 
alive.  The  rescuing  forces  were  soon  in  excess 
of  the  need,  and  a want  of  systematic  organiza- 
tion and  direction  among  them  became  a subject 
of  complaint.  But  the  outflow  of  sympathy  and 
eager  generosity  of  helpful  desire  in  all  the  world 
was  the  noblest,  without  doubt,  that  has  ever 
been  called  forth. 

By  good  fortune,  when  news  of  the  disaster 
came,  a supply  ship  of  the  United  States  Navy 
was  being  laden  at  New  York  with  a million 
and  a half  of  rations,  destined  for  the  fleet  of 
American  battle-ships  then  voyaging  round 
the  world.  The  supply-ship  was  to  meet  the 
fleet  at  Gibraltar  ; but  orders  were  given  imme- 
diately for  dispatching  it  to  Messina,  with  an 
added  shipment  of  tents,  clothing,  blankets  and 
medical  supplies.  Furthermore,  from  the  fleet 
itself,  which  was  about  to  enter  the  Suez  Canal, 
a store  ship  was  hastened  forward  to  Messina 
for  such  offerings  as  it  could  make.  The  Amer- 
can  Congress,  reassembled  on  the  4th  of  January 
after  the  Christmas  recess,  by  action  of  both 
Houses  that  day,  appropriated  $800,000  for  fur- 
ther relief  of  the  Italian  need,  and  a large  part 
of  this  sum  was  expended  according  to  the  fol- 
lowing statement  made  public  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  January  16  : “ The  Navy  Depart- 
ment has  arranged  for  the  expenditure  of  approx- 
imately $500,000  in  the  purchase  of  building 
materials,  including  all  articles  necessary  for  the 
construction  of  substantial  frame  houses  for  the 
Italian  sufferers,  and  the  shipments  will  begin  by 
the  sailing  of  two  steamers  probably  on  Monday. 
This  lumber  is  being  delivered  to-day  in  New 
York,  and  the  sailing  of  the  vessels  will  proceed 
as  fast  as  they  can  be  loaded.  Each  ship  will 
carry  all  the  materials  for  the  construction  of 
about  500  houses,  and  it  will  require  not  less 
than  six  steamers  for  the  entire  amount  pur- 
chased. If  possible,  the  department  intends  to 
send  with  each  vessel  several  civilian  house  car- 
penters, with  plans,  to  assist  in  the  erection  of 
these  houses.” 

With  this  material  a suburb  of  1500  de- 
tached frame  houses,  of  two  or  four  rooms,  were 
built  at  Messina  ; 500  were  constructed  at  Reg- 
gio, and  the  remainder  at  other  towns  and  vil- 
lages. 

The  Italian  Parliament  appropriated  30,000,- 
000  lire  ($5,000,000)  for  immediate  relief  and  for 
the  reconstruction  of  the  ruined  cities.  The 
plans  formed  by  the  Italian  Government  in- 
cluded measures  to  provide  for  the  temporary 
protection  of  the  orphaned  young,  the  deserted, 
and  the  insane ; to  prosecute  the  recovery  of 
personal  property  : to  draw  up  official  lists  of 
the  dead  ; to  rewrite  the  civil  registers  and  the 
records  of  property  transfers ; to  reestablish, 
provisionally,  administrative  and  judicial  dis- 
tricts within  the  provinces  of  Messina  and 
Reggio.  New  building  regulations  were  to  be 
enacted  by  a royal  commission  in  conjunction 
with  the  Ministry  of  Public  Works.  To  en- 


courage the  reconstruction  of  the  ruined  places, 
all  new  buildings  were  exempted  from  taxation 
for  a period  of  fifteen  years.  Loans  from  state 
and  private  financial  institutions  to  be  made  at 
a rate  of  interest  not  exceeding  4 per  cent.,  to 
be  repaid  within  thirty  years  in  semi-annual  in- 
stalments, the  Government  to  contribute  half 
of  these  periodical  payments. 

To  the  effective  help  and  relief  rendered  by 
her  Mediterranean  squadron,  Great  Britain  added 
large  contributions  of  money,  mainly  collected 
as  a “ Mansion  House  Fund  ” by  the  Lord  Mayor 
of  London.  There,  and  everywhere,  the  Red 
Cross  Societies  were  instant  in  the  field  and  un- 
tiring, receiving  and  expending  immense  funds 
and  sending  large  corps  of  trained  workers  to 
the  scene  of  distress.  No  summary  has  yet  been 
made  of  the  whole  outpour  of  gifts  and  service 
to  the  suffering  people,  and  it  is  imposible  even 
to  indicate  what  a world-feeling  it  expressed; 
but  its  like  was  never  known  before. 

Estimates  of  the  total  destruction  of  life  by 
the  earthquake  are  still  uncertain.  Mr.  Craw- 
ford, when  he  wrote,  thought  it  doubtful 
whether  as  many  as  fifteen  per  cent,  of  the  pop- 
ulation of  Messina  were  then  alive,  scattered  in 
groups  throughout  Italy.  That  would  mean 
that  only  about  20,000  out  of  150,000  in  the  one 
city  escaped.  Of  the  loss  of  life  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Straits  he  said:  “The  proportion  of  those 
saved  on  the  Calabrian  side  is  certainly  larger — 
principally,  I think,  because  the  houses  in  Reg- 
gio, Villa  San  Giovanni,  Palmi,  and  the  other 
towns  destroyed  were  much  lower  than  those  in 
the  city.  Moreover,  as  will  be  seen  before  long, 
many  persons  died  of  hunger  and  thirst  in  Mes- 
sina, where  the  whole  water  supply  was  cut  off 
by  the  ruin  of  the  first  shock,  and  bread  was  not 
obtainable  at  any  price  for  many  days ; but  on 
the  Calabrian  side  the  survivors  camped  out  in 
the  orange  groves,  and  the  fruit,  which  is  almost 
ripe  at  Christmas  in  that  latitude,  stayed  their 
hunger  and  assuaged  their  thirst.” 

Generally,  the  total  of  deaths  from  the  earth- 
quake, in  Sicily  and  Calabria,  seems  now  to  be 
estimated  at  200,000. 

A report  from  Rome,  issued  on  the  3d  of  Au- 
gust, 1909,  by  the  Central  Relief  Committee, 
of  which  the  Duke  of  Aosta  is  president,  an- 
nounced that  the  receipts  of  the  Committee  to 
that  time  had  been  25,100,000  lire  (£1,004,000, 
or  $5,020,000).  The  fund  for  the  orphans  had 
all  been  handed  over  to  the  Queen  Helena  Home. 

For  the  building  of  shelters  the  sum  of  4,000,- 
000  lire  had  been  paid  over  to  the  Minister  of 
Public  Works  for  the  construction  of  3,000  shel- 
ters. The  number  of  persons  assisted  had  been 
14,000,  but  it  would  eventually  reach  20,000. 

A.  D.  1909  (July  1).  — A second  shock  at 
Messina  and  Reggio.  — During  six  months  fol- 
lowing the  great  catastrophe,  Messina  had  been 
so  far  rebuilt  and  reoccupied  as  to  have  acquired 
a population  of  somewhat  more  than  25,000.  To 
them,  on  the  evening  of  June  30  and  the  morning 
of  July  1,  came  once  more  the  dread  quaking  of 
their  unstable  portion  of  the  earth.  The  shocks 
as  described  in  despatches  to  the  Press  “were 
similar  to  the  fatal  disturbances  of  December, 
and  were  accompanied  by  the  same  roaring  noises. 
The  people  fled  with  cries  of  terror.  They  hurried 
to  the  open  places  of  the  city  and  the  surround- 
ing country,  praying  to  the  saints  that  their  lives 
be  spared.  ...  So  far  as  is  known,  however. 


189 


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EARTHQUAKES 


only  a few  people  were  hurt,  and  this  undoubt- 
edly is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  city  was  only  par- 
tially rebuilt.  Had  the  walls  of  all  the  houses 
been  standing  the  loss  of  life  would  have  been 
heavy.  One  woman  was  killed  by  a falling  wall, 
and  a child  was  seriously  injured.”  Reggio,  as 
before,  shared  the  experience,  but  there  is  said 
to  have  been  no  loss  of  life. 

Late  in  the  year  it  was  reported  to  a London 
newspaper  that  “at  Reggio  a very  fair  advance, 
has  been  made,  and  the  city  is  already  acquiring 
some  air  of  its  former  busy  prosperity;  but  in 
Messina  and  its  neighborhood,  little  or  nothing 
has  been  done  in  the  way  of  permanent  work, 
while  the  temporary  accommodations  for  the  sur- 
vivors still  leave  much  to  be  desired.” 

Jamaica:  A.  D.  1907.  — The  destruction 
of  Kingston  by  earthquake  and  fire. — ‘On 
Monday  afternoon,  the  14th  January,  1907,  at 
about  3.30  p.  m.,  the  city  of  Kingston  and  its 
suburbs  was  almost  entirely  destroyed  by  heavy 
earthquake  shocks.  There  was  little  or  no  wind 
at  the  time;  what  little  there  was  was  from  the 
east,  and  the  atmospherical  conditions  were  quite 
normal.  The  shocks  apparently  approached  from 
the  south  at  first  and  then  from  the  west.  They 
are  variously  estimated  to  have  lasted  from  ten 
to  thirty  seconds,  the  latter  estimate  being  the 
general  opinion.  On  the  other  hand,  several 
Englishmen  who  were  in  the  open  at  the  time 
and  in  no  immediate  danger  from  falling  houses, 
&c.,  consider  20  seconds  the  outside  limit  of  time 
taken  by  the  shocks.  During  this  period  an 
enormous  amount  of  damage  was  done  to  life 
and  property.  Large  numbers  of  buildings  at 
once  collapsed.  As  is,  unfortunately,  usual  in 
such  cases,  fires  broke  out  in  several  places  in 
the  commercial  portion  of  the  town.  . . . 

“ Unfortunately,  the  Central  Fire  Station  was 
destroyed  by  earthquake,  so  the  fire  engine  was 
not  available.  The  means  at  hand  were  thus 
very  inadequate  for  fighting  the  flames,  although 
they  were  supplemented  greatly  by  fire-extin- 
guishing appliances  from  the  various  shipsalong- 
side  the  wharves,  and  those  belonging  to  the 
wharves  themselves.  The  fire,  however,  spread 
with  terrible  rapidity,  and  all  efforts  were  di- 
rected towards  isolating  the  burning  area.  Dur- 
ing this  time  the  light  wind  blowing  was  about 
north-east,  but  it  later  in  the  afternoon  went 
round  to  the  north  and  north-west,  thus  lending 
tremendous  assistance  to  the  people  in  their  ef- 
forts to  extinguish  the  fire.  Many  injured  per- 
sons, buried  in  the  falling  debris,  were  burnt  to 
death.  Meanwhile,  vast  numbers  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  flying  northwards  to  the  racecourse 
and  open  spaces  outside  the  town,  where  they 
spent  the  night  — small  earthquake  shocks  being 
felt  at  frequent  intervals  during  that  time.  It 
may  be  said  that  the  whole  of  Kingston  and  its 
suburbs  are  either  destroyed  or  in  ruins.  A few 
of  the  substantially  built  houses  are  still  stand- 
ing, but  so  shaken  and  injured  by  the  shocks 
that  it  will  be  impossible  to  repair  them.  . . . 

“It  is  extremely  difficult  to  estimate  the  total 
loss  of  life  in  the  earthquake  and  fire.  The 
Government  have  called  on  the  inhabitants  to 
register  the  names  of  their  killed  and  missing, 
but  up  to  this  date  [January  29]  there  has  been 
little  response.  On  the  25th  January,  some 
eleven  days  after  the  catastrophe,  the  numbers 
recorded  at  the  Registrar’s  Office  were  only  121, 
although  at  least  four  times  that  number  are 


known  to  have  been  buried  or  cremated.  The 
careful  opinion  of  prominent  officials  in  Kings- 
ton is  that  the  loss  of  life  will  be  about  1000. 
Of  the  injured  the  daily  number  of  in-patients 
at  the  hospital  is  about  300,  mostly  cases  of 
concussions  and  legs  amputated.  . . . 

“ The  large  numbers  of  women,  children,  and 
old  or  disabled  men  encamped  in  the  Public 
Gardens  and  racecourse,  &c.,  were  supplied  with 
food  rations  daily,  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Relief  Committee.  Over  3,000  people  daily  have 
been  receiving  this  relief.  At  no  time  does  there 
appear  to  have  been  a scarcity  of  food  or  water. 
A tremendous  strain  at  once  came  on  the  staff  of 
the  hospital,  the  place  being  besieged  with  the 
injured  and  their  relatives.  Large  numbers  of 
medical  men  from  the  out  districts  at  once  pro- 
ceeded to  Kingston  and  assisted  in  attending  to 
the  wounded.  With  the  aid  of  their  ready  as- 
sistance, and  that  of  many  volunteer  nurses  from 
the  civil  population,  the  hospital  staff  were  en- 
abled to  cope  with  the  situation,  and  at  the  pre 
sent  time  work  is  proceeding  there  with  great 
smoothness  and  regularity.  The  American  ships 
‘Indiana,’  ‘Missouri,’  and  ‘Whipple,’  also,  on 
arrival,  landed  their  surgeons,  who  at  once  es- 
tablished a hospital  on  shore  and  rendered  great 
assistance.  . . . 

“ Directly  after  the  earthquake,  and  while  the 
fire  was  in  progress,  the  greater  portion  of  the 
black  and  coloured  population  were  stupefied 
with  terror  and  amazement,  and  lent  little  or  no 
aid  to  the  white  members  of  the  community  and 
the  troops  and  firemen  in  their  rescue  work.  Vast 
numbers  of  them  fled  from  the  city.  Some  be- 
came frenzied  and  ran  here  and  there  declaring 
the  end  of  the  world  had  arrived,  impeding  the 
work  and  terrifying  the  workers.  Others  formed 
groups  and  commenced  praying.  At  the  Peni- 
tentiary, the  prisoners,  who  remained  seated  in 
their  ranks  on  the  parade  ground  all  night,  spent 
the  time  in  singing  hymns  without  ceasing.  As 
soon  as  the  first  panic  had  subsided,  the  black 
population  became  quite  apathetic,  and  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  that  the  Government  were 
able  to  get  able-bodied  men  to  take  part  in  the 
work  of  demolition  and  clearing  the  streets. 
This,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  wages  offered 
were  25  per  cent,  more  than  the  usual  rate.  . . . 

“ Considering  the  magnitude  and  widespread 
nature  of  the  disaster,  the  loss  of  life  might 
easily  have  been  on  a much  larger  scale.  The 
earthquake  came  at  a time  of  day  when  the  la- 
bouring part  of  the  population  were  at  work 
away  from  their  houses,  and  the  streets  in  the 
busy  commercial  quarter  presented  the  com- 
paratively deserted  appearance  so  usual  in  the 
afternoons  in  tropical  places.  As  the  streets  in 
this  quarter  were  very  narrow  and  the  buildings 
on  each  side  of  them  lofty  and  of  solid  construe 
tion  the  loss  of  life  must  have  been  largely  in- 
creased had  the  earthquake  happened  during 
the  busy  portion  of  the  day.  . . . 

“ Owing  to  the  dry  weather  now  prevailing 
here,  the  homeless  population,  roughly  en- 
camped on  the  open  spaces,  are  suffering  little 
or  no  hardship.  It  is  to  be  hoped  they  may  be 
permanently  sheltered  before  the  wet  season 
commences.”  — Report  by  Major  Chown,  R.  M. 
L.  /.,  of  H.  M.  S.  “ Indefatigable  dated 
Kingston,  January  29,  1907. 

Relief  to  the  stricken  island  came  so  swiftly 
and  profusely  from  all  parts  of  America,  Eu- 


190 


EARTHQUAKES 

rope,  and  almost  every  part  of  the  world,  that 
Governor  Swettenham  was  able  to  telegraph  on 
the  23d  of  January  : “Money  and  provisions 
more  than  ample  for  relief.  Except  for  rebuild- 
ing no  funds  needed.”  Three  ships  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  despatched  by  Admiral 
Evans  from  a Cuban  port  on  the  instant  of  re- 
ceiving news  of  the  disaster,  reached  Jamaica 
on  the  17th  and  gave  assistance  in  clearing  the 
ruins,  besides  rendering  hospital  service  and 
furnishing  food  and  medical  supplies.  For  the 
general  lifting  of  the  community  from  its  pros- 
tration, the  British  Government,  in  May,  by 
vote  of  Parliament,  made  a free  grant  to  it  of 
£150,000,  and  a loan  to  the  Colonial  Government 
of  £800,000  more.  — Correspondence  relating  to 
the  Earthquake  at  Kingston,  Jamaica  ( Parlia ■ 
jnentary  Papers,  Cd.  3560). 

Persia:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Destructive 
shock  in  Luristan.  — Seismographs  in  many 
parts  of  the  world  gave  token  of  a violent 
earthquake  on  the  23d  of  January,  1909  ; but 
three  weeks  passed  before  the  locality  of  the 
shock  was  learned.  It  proved  to  have  been 
centered  in  Western  Persia,  in  the  mountainous 
province  of  Luristan,  and  to  have  been  heavily 
destructive  of  life.  Its  greatest  severity  was 


ECHEGARAY,  Jose.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 

ECONOMIC  FORESTRY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

ECUADOR:  A.  D.  1901-1906.  — From 

revolution  to  revolution.  — General  Eloy  Al- 
faro, who  was  made  President  by  the  revolu- 
tion of  1895  (see  in  Volume  VI.),  was  succeeded 
peacefully  in  1901  by  General  Leonidas  Plaza, 
and  the  latter,  in  turn,  by  Lugardo  Garcia  ; but 
in  1906  the  revolutionary  method  was  revived  in 


EDUCATION 

reported  to  have  been  in  a region  at  two  days 
journey  from  Burujurd.  Many  villages  were 
wholly  or  partly  destroyed,  several  having  been 
completely  engulfed,  and  the  loss  of  life  is  es- 
timated to  have  been  between  5000  and  6000 
people. 

Portugal:  A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Lisbon 
and  its  neighborhood  upheaved.  — Lisbon  and 
the  country  surrounding  it  were  shaken  violently 
on  the  evening  of  Friday,  April  23d,  1909  There 
were  no  fatalities  in  the  city,  but  the  outlying 
districts  suffered  severely,  especially  the  towns 
of  Benavente,  Samora,  and  Santo  Estevan.  Re- 
ports three  days  after  the  disaster  announced  46 
killed  and  38  injured  at  Benavente  and  Samora. 
Both  villages  were  completely  destroyed,  and 
their  6000  inhabitants,  starving  and  homeless, 
were  encamped  in  the  fields 

Sumatra:  A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Shocks 
and  sea-wave  in  Upper  Padang  district. — 
News  was  received  at  The  Hague  in  June,  1909, 
of  severe  shocks  of  earthquake,  on  the  3d  of  that 
month,  at  Korinchi,  Upper  Padang,  Sumatra. 
The  shocks  were  accompanied  by  an  enormous 
sea-wave.  Two  hundred  and  thirty  people  were 
killed  and  many  injured.  Much  damage  was 
done. 


favor  of  General  Alfaro,  and  he  ousted  Senor 
Garcia  from  the  presidential  chair. 

A.  D.  1901-1906. — Participation  in  Sec- 
ond and  Third  International  Conferences  of 
American  Republics,  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  See 

(in  this  vol. ) American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Arbitration  of  boundary  ques- 
tion with  Peru.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Peru:  A.  D. 
1905. 

EDMONTON  : Capital  of  the  Province  of 
Alberta.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1905. 


EDUCATION. 


Australia:  A.  D.  1907.  — Latest  Statistics 
of  State  Schools.  — Statistics  published  in  July, 
1909,  by  the  Commonwealth  Government  show 
that  over  £2,500,000  was  spent  on  education  by 
the  Australian  States  in  1907  in  7500  State 
schools.  The  total  daily  average  attendance  at 
the  schools  for  the  year  was  444,000.  The  dis- 
bursements of  the  States  on  University  education 
amounted  to  £113,000. 

Canada:  A.  D.  1905.  — The  question  of 
State  Support  to  Sectarian  Schools  revived 
on  the  creation  of  two  new  Provinces.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1905. 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  founding  and  endow- 
ment of  Macdonald  College.  — On  the  16tli  of 
October,  1907,  there  was  opened  a new  college  of 
fine  character  and  great  importance,  on  a noble 
site,  overlooking  the  Ottawa  river,  at  Sainte  de 
Bellevue,  twenty  miles  west  of  Montreal.  It 
bears  the  name  of  its  founder.  Sir  William  Mac- 
donald, from  whom  it  received  an  endowment  of 
S4, 000, 000.  This  Macdonald  College  is  divided 
into  three  schools : The  School  for  Teachers,  the 
School  of  Agriculture,  the  School  of  Household 
Science.  Its  main  purposes  are  announced  to 
be:  (1)  “ The  carrying  on  of  research  work  and 
investigation  and  the  dissemination  of  know- 
ledge, with  particular  regard  to  the  interests  and 
needs  of  the  population  in  rural  districts”;  and 


(2)  the  providing  of  “suitable  and  effective 
training  for  teachers,  especially  for  those  whose 
work  will  directly  affect  the  education  in  schools 
in  rural  districts.”  It  thus  appropriates  to  itself 
a field  of  education  for  the  betterment  of  farm 
life  and  work,  the  important  need  of  which, 
looking  to  everything  in  national  character  and 
prosperity,  is  only  beginning  to  be  understood. 

China:  A.  D.  1887-1907. — Christian  Mis- 
sion Schools. — “In  the  historical  volume  pre- 
sented in  1907  at  the  Shanghai  Conference  [see, 
in  this  vol.,  Missions,  Christian]  Dr.  Arthur H. 
Smith  makes  the  following  interesting  compari- 
son of  the  statistics  presented  at  the  three  Pro- 
testant Missionary  Conferences  held  in  China  in 
1887,  1890,  and  1907: 


1876. 

1889. 

1907. 

Number  of  societies.  . . 

29 

41 

82 

Foreign  teachers 

473 

1,296 

3,833 

Stations  and  substations 

602 

5,734 

Pupils  in  schools 

4,909 

16,836 

57,683 

“ The  above  statistics,  although  incomplete, 
do  serve  as  an  indication  of  the  vigorous  growth 
of  Protestant  missionary  educational  activity  in 
China.  In  this  work  the  various  missionary 
foundations  made  their  most  notable  advance  in 
interdenominational  cooperation.  In  many  in- 
stances several  denominations  have  combined  in 


191 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


union  schools  or  colleges.  . . . One  of  the  chief 
agencies  in  reaching  this  unity  and  effective  co- 
operation has  been  the  Educational  Association 
of  China,  founded  as  early  as  1887.  . . . 

“No  survey  of  missionary  education  in  China 
would  be  complete  without  mention  of  the  wide- 
spread, well-organized  Roman  Catholic  activi- 
ties. Of  the  eleven  different  Catholic  .orders 
having  representatives  in  China,  the  Jesuits  are 
carrying  on  the  largest  educational  work.  In 
1907,  in  their  five  colleges  and  seventy-two 
schools,  a total  of  25,335  students  were  enrolled. 
All  the  Catholic  orders  together  supervise  the 
instruction  of  over  75,000  Chinese  students;  this 
total,  it  will  be  seen,  being  somewhat  higher 
than  that  of  Protestant  missions.”  — George 
Marvin,  The  American  Spirit  in  Chinese  Educa- 
tion ( The  Outlook , Non. , 1908). 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Edicts  of  Reform.— 
Modernizing  of  Examinations  for  Literary 
Degrees  and  for  Military  Degrees.  — New 
Universities,  Colleges,  and  Schools.- — Stu- 
dents sent  abroad.  — “ An  Edict  on  Reform  in 
Education,  published  by  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment on  the  29th  of  August,  1901,  commanded 
the  abolition  of  essays  or  homilies  on  the  Chinese 
classics  in  examinations  for  literary  degrees, 
and  substituted  for  them  essays  and  articles  on 
modern  matters,  Western  laws,  and  political 
economy.  The  same  procedure  was  also  to  be 
observed  in  the  future  in  the  examination  of 
candidates  for  office.  By  the  same  Edict  it  was 
ordered  that  as  the  methods  in  use  for  gaining 
military  degrees  — namely,  trials  of  strength 
with  stoneweights,  agility  with  the  great  sword, 
and  marksmanship  with  the  bow  and  arrow  on 
foot  and  on  horseback — were  not  of  the'slightest 
value  in  turning  out  men  for  the  army,  where 
knowledge  of  strategy  and  military  science  were 
the  sine  qua  non  for  military  officers,  these  trials 
of  strength,  etc.,  should  be  thenceforth  abolished 
forever. 

“ Another  Edict  for  the  establishment  of  new 
universities,  colleges,  and  schools  in  China  was 
published  on  the  12th  of  September,  1901.  It 
commanded  all  existing  colleges  in  the  empire 
to  be  turned  into  schools  and  colleges  of  Western 
learning.  ' Each  provincial  capital  was  to  have  a 
University  like  the  Peking  University,  whilst  the 
colleges  in  the  prefectures  and  districts  of  the 
various  provinces  were  to  be  schools  and  colleges 
of  the  second  and  third  classes. 

“ Another  Edict,  for  sending  students  to  be 
educated  abroad,  was  published  on  the  17th  of 
September,  1901.  It  commanded  the  Viceroys 
and  Governors  of  other  provinces  of  the  Empire 
to  follow  the  example  of  the  Viceroy  Liu  Kun-yi 
of  Liangkiang,  Chang  Chihtung  of  Hukuang, 
and  Kuei  Chun  (Manchu)  of  Szechuen,  in  send- 
ing young  men  of  scholastic  promise  and  ability 
abroad  to  study  any  branch  of  Western  science 
or  art  best  suited  to  their  abilities  and  tastes,  so 
that  they  might  in  time  return  to  China  and 
place  the  fruits  of  their  knowledge  at  the  service 
of  the  empire. 

“ Those  who  are  acquainted  with  China  know 
very  well  that  many  of  the  Edicts  of  the  Govern- 
ment do  not  amount  to  much  more  than  waste 
paper.  In  this  case,  however,  it  has  not  been  so. 
The  Imperial  College  in  Shansi  has  been  opened, 
with  some  300  students,  in  the  hope  that  it  will 
develop  into  one  of  the  provincial  universities. 
It  is  divided  into  a Chinese  and  a Foreign  De- 


partment. . . The  Edicts  have  not  been  a 

dead  letter  in  the  other  provinces  either,  though 
there  has  been  enormous  difficulty  in  getting  a 
sufficient  number  of  professors  to  teach  or  of 
text-books  to  use.  Some  Chinamen  who  under 
the  old  system  of  education  would  not  have  got 
more  than  £30  per  annum  now  get  £240,  and 
there  are  not  enough  of  them.  At  the  lowest 
estimate  text-books  and  books  of  general  know- 
ledge of  the  West  to  the  value  of  £25,000  must 
have  been  sold  during  this  year  alone.  Books  to 
the  value  of  £6,000  were  sold  by  the  Society  for 
the  Diffusion  of  Christian  Knowledge. 

“ I subjoin  a list  of  the  new  colleges  opened 
in  ten  different  provinces  in  1901-2: 


Provinces.  Funds  provided. 

Chekiang 50,000  strings  of  cash  per  annum 

(about  Taels  50,000,  or  over  £6,000). 

Honan 30,000  Taels  per  annum. 

Kweichow. . . .20,000  Taels  per  annum. 

Fookien 50,000  Mex.  Dollars  per  annum. 

(about  £5,000). 

Kiangsi over  60,000  Mex.  Dollars  per  an- 

num. 

Kwangtung. . . 100,000  Taels  per  annum. 

Soochow several  tens  of  thousands  of  Taels. 

Nanking 

Shantung 50,000  Taels  per  annum. 

Shansi 50,000  Taels  per  annum. 

Chihli 


Prefectural  Colleges  in  Soochow. . .Taels  10,000. 
Prefectural  Colleges  in  Shantung 

under  R.  C.  Bishop  Anzer Taels  2,000 

“This  comes  to  about  half  a million  of  Taels 
annually  for  the  whole  Empire  for  modern  edu- 
cation. Such  is  the  new  departure,  which  dates 
from  1901-2.”  — Timothy  Richard,  The  New 
Education  in  China  (Contemporary  Review,  Jan., 
1903). 

A.  D.  1906.  — Chinese  Students  in  Japan. 

— The  following  is  from  a communication  to 
the  State  Department  at  Washington  from  the 
American  Legation  at  Tokyo,  under  date  of 
January  3,  1906:  “During  the  past  year 
Chinese  students  have  come  to  this  country  in 
continually  increasing  numbers.  Last  summer 
the  number  was  estimated  at  5000,  of  whom 
2000  had  been  sent  at  the  expense  of  the  Chi- 
nese Government.  In  November  the  number  is 
said  to  have  reached  8000.  In  addition  to  the 
supervision  of  the  Chinese  legation  the  students 
are  looked  after  by  eight  superintendents  sent 
to  reside  here  by  their  Government. 

“ Until  recently  the  Japanese  authorities  seem 
to  have  done  nothing  in  this  matter,  but  the 
magnitude  of  the  number  of  Chinese  students 
finally  made  a certain  degree  of  supervision  on 
their  part  seem  wise.  Accordingly,  regulations 
for  controlling  schools  open  to  the  Chinese  were 
promulgated  by  the  minister  for  education  on 
November  2,  to  go  into  effect  from  the  1st 
instant.  . . . The  publication  of  these  regu- 
lations was  greeted  by  a storm  of  protest. 
Bodies  of  Chinese  students  passed  indignant 
resolutions,  saying  that  their  liberty  was  being 
assailed  and  seemed  to  find  in  the  new  rules  an 
indignity  to  their  nationality.  The  restriction 
in  choosing  schools  and  lodgings  and  the  need 
of  a letter  of  recommendation  annoyed  them 
most.  The  agitation  was  so  great  that  over  a 
thousand  students  returned  to  China ; and  no 
more  have  been  coming  since  the  trouble.” 


192 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


A.  D.  1908. — The  administration  of  the  De- 
partment of  Education  in  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment.— Under  the  date  of  November  9, 1908,  the 
Peking  correspondent  of  the  London  Times  wrote 
■of  the  administration  of  the  governmental  De- 
partment of  Education  as  follows  : “ The  Minis- 
try of  Education  is  under  the  presidency  of  a 
learned  scholar  of  the  old  type,  Chang  Chih-tung. 
The  old  system  of  examination  has  entirely  been 
abolished.  Education  is  improving,  but  there  is 
little  attempt  at  uniformity.  There  is  no  lack  of 
•desire  to  learn,  but  the  teaching  outside  of  the 
mission  schools  or  of  colleges  under  foreign  con- 
trol is  quite  unsatisfactory.  No  attempt  is  made 
to  obtain  the  services  of  the  best  man.  Japan 
engaged  the  best  foreign  teachers  that  money 
could  find,  with  the  result  that  the  standard  of 
■education  is  there  very  high.  But  China  seems 
to  think  any  teacher  good  enough  so  long  as  he 
is  a shade  better  educated  than  the  pupil  he  has 
to  teach.” 

On  the  other  hand,  Professor  Thomas  C.  Cham- 
berlin, of  the  University  of  Chicago,  who  spent 
four  months  of  the  past  year  in  China,  investigat- 
ing educational  conditions,  has  reported  that  “ the 
old.  education  has  practically  passed  away,  and 
the  government  is  making  strenuous,  and  on  the 
whole  remalkably  successful,  efforts  to  build  up 
a system  of  education  modelled  on  that  of  Europe 
and  America.  In  all  the  larger  cities  of  China 
buildings  have  been  erected,  teachers  and  pupils 
gathered,  and  schools  of  the  modern  type  organ- 
ized. In  not  a few  cases,  as,  for  example,  at  Foo- 
■chow  and  in  the  far  west  at  Chentu,  the  old  ex- 
amination halls  have  been  torn  down  to  make 
place  for  schools  modelled  on  those  of  the  west.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Chinese  Students  in  America. 
— “The  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
■Government  to  send  picked  students  to  America 
for  tlieireducation,  although  interrupted  formally 
years  after  the  first  set  of  twenty  came  in  1872, 
Las  since  1890  shown  a comparatively  steady 
growth.  During  the  past  year  155  Chinese  stu- 
dents were  maintained  at  various  educational  in- 
stitutions in  this  country  on  foundations  provided 
either  by  the  Imperial  or  the  Provincial  Govern- 
ments. Out  of  this  number  seventy -one  are  under 
the  charge  of  the  Imperial  Chinese  Legation  at 
Washington;  twenty-seven  are  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Chang-Chuan,  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion for  the  Viceroyalties  of  Hupuh  and  Kiang- 
man ; fifty-seven  others  have  beenduring  the  past 
year  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Tenny,  at  present 
Chinese  Secretary  of  our  Legation  at  Peking. 
These  last,  although  coming  from  various  parts 
of  the  Empire,  all  received  their  elementary  edu- 
cation at  the  Peyang  College  in  Tientsin,  of  which 
Dr.  Tenny  was  formerly  principal.  At  the  request 
of  Yuan-Shih-Kai,  then  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  of 
which  province  Tientsin  is  the  chief  city,  Dr. 
Tenny  in  1906  assumed  charge  at  Cambridge  of 
the  Peiyang  candidates  sent  to  America,  includ- 
ing those  now  at  Harvard  and  the  various  other 
colleges  where,  at  his  suggestion,  they  were 
quartered.  Since  Dr.  Tenny’s  return  in  July  last 
to  Peking,  his  position  has  been  filled  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  Mr.  H.  F.  Merrill,  for  many  years 
Commissioner  of  Customs  at  Tientsin.  . . . 

“Quite  apart  from  this  official  recognition  of 
the  advantages  of  an  American  education,  many 
Chinese  families  send  their  sons  at  their  own  ex- 
pense to  schools  and  colleges  in  this  country.  It 
has  been  impossible  to  procure  exact  statistics  of 


the  numberof  these  privately  supported  students, 
but,  according  to  the  best  advices  obtainable  at 
the  Chinese  Legation,  there  are  about  two  hun- 
dred. . . . 

“More  important  than  anything  that  has  yet 
taken  place  in  this  movement  of  Chinese  educa- 
tion in  America  is  the  recent  determination  on 
the  part  of  the  I imperial  Government  to  devote 
a sum  equal  to  that  placed  at  their  disposal  by 
the  remission  of  the  Boxer  indemnity  to  the 
founding  of  an  Educational  Mission  in  this  coun- 
try. . . . According  to  the  terms  of  the  agree- 
ment contained  in  the  note  of  Prince  Ch’ing  to 
Mr.  Rockliill  last  July,  by  the  end  of  the  fourth 
year  from  the  inauguration  of  the  scheme  four 
hundred  students,  sent  by  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, will  be  added  to  the  large  and  growing 
number  of  their  young  fellow-countrymen  al- 
ready coming  to  America.”  — George  Marvin, 
The  American  Spirit  in  Chinese  Education  ( The 
Outlook , Nov.,  1908). 

An  English  correspondent,  writing  from  Pe- 
king, Sept.  24,  1909,  reported:  “This  week  47 
students  selected  by  examination  for  proficiency 
in  English  and  Chinese  are  leaving  Peking  for  the 
United  States  to  enter  upon  studies  paid  for  by 
funds  from  the  unexpended  balance  of  the  Boxer 
indemnity.  They  have  been  selected  from  nearly 
500  candidates  who  competed  for  this  great  re- 
ward from  many  provinces  of  the  Empire.  An 
excellent  body  of  young  men,  they  ought  to  do 
credit  to  their  country.”  See,  also  (in  this  vol.) 
China:  A.  D.  1901-1908. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Progress  in  Technical  Ed- 
ucation. — The  following  statements  were  in 
a Press  despatch  from  Tien-tsin,  July,  1909  : 
“Technical  education  in  China  shows  unmistak- 
able signs  of  extension.  A very  few  years  ago 
nothing  existed  which  was  worthy  of  the  name, 
while  now  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  in  the 
course  of  a few  years  the  engineering  schools  of 
China  will  be  second  only  to  the  best  in  Europe 
and  America.  Engineering  courses  are  nowT  being 
given  at  the  following  institutions:  Imperial 
Polytechnic  Institute,  Shanghai ; Imperial  Uni- 
versity of  Shansi,  Tai-yuan-fu ; Tangshan  En- 
gineering and  Mining  College,  Tangshan;  and 
Imperial  Pei  Yang  University,  Tien-tsin.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Formation  in  Great  Britain 
and  America  of  the  China  Emergency  Appeal 
Committee.  — “ Speaking  at  the  Mansion  House 
meeting  [London]  of  the  China  Emergency 
Committee  held  under  the  presidency  of  the 
Lord  Mayor  on  March  16,  1909,  Sir  Robert  Hart, 
whose  long  work  as  Inspector-General  of  the 
Imperial  Chinese  Customs  has  given  him  the 
profoundest  knowledge  of  China  and  its  people, 
said:  ‘We  are  alarmed  lest  Western  knowledge 
and  Western  science  may  give  the  Chinese  peo- 
ple strength  without  principle,  and  may  even 
bring  in  a crude  materialism  without  that  higher 
teaching  and  higher  guidance  which  are  neces- 
sary for  the  best  welfare  of  any  people.’ 

“It  is  the  realization  of  that  danger,  but  even 
more  a realization  of  the  needs  of  China,  which 
have  led  to  the  formation  of  the  China  Emer- 
gency Appeal  Committee.  ...  It  is  the  object 
of  this  Committee  to  utilize  to  the  full  the  un- 
exampled present  opportunity  of  establishing  in 
China  institutions  through  which  the  Chinese 
people  may  be  trained  to  educate  themselves  in 
the  Western  knowledge  and  civilization  which 
they  have  set  themselves  to  acquire. 


193 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


“There  is,  first,  China’s  crying  need  of  med- 
ical education  — of  schools  and  hospitals  in 
which  Chinese  students  will  be  taught  and  prac- 
tise medicine  and  surgery.  . . . Not  less  needed 
is  the  establishment  of  colleges  and  centres  for 
the  training  of  Chinese  teachers  for  the  primary 
and  secondary  schools  which  are  being  estab- 
lished everywhere  throughout  this  Empire  of 
400,000,000  inhabitants.  The  China  Emergency 
Committee  appeals  for  £40,000  to  build  and 
equip  these  training  colleges.  Thirdly,  there  is 
a demand  throughout  China  for  translations  of 
European  books.  The  demand  far  exceeds  the 
supply,  though  it  is  only  through  literature  that 
the  Chinese  gentleman  will  acquaint  himself 
with  Western  thought  and  learning.  The  books 
sell  in  vast  numbers,  but  the  work  of  transla- 
tion involves  heavy  preliminary  expenses.  . . . 
These  are  the  three  objects  for  the  attainment 
of  which  the  China  Emergency  Committee  has 
been  established.”  — London  Times,  July  17, 
1909. 

On  the  initiative  of  the  English  Committee,  of 
which  Sir  Robe  rt  Hart  is  chairman,  a proposal 
to  move  similarly  in  America  came  before  a re- 
cent conference  of  foreign  mission  boards  of  the 
United  States  aud  Canada.  A committee,  Rev. 
Dr.  Arthur  J.  Brown,  chairman,  to  whom  the 
proposition  was  referred,  reported  favorably. 
The  conference  approved  the  report,  and  pro- 
vided that  a permanent  committee  be  appointed, 
to  consist  of  those  serving  with  Dr.  Brown,  to- 
gether with  twelve  laymen,  to  be  chosen  by  the 
committee.  This  new  committee  is  “to  pro- 
mote a larger  interest  in  Christian  education  in 
China.”  It  will  assist  the  boards  and  other 
Christian  agencies  and  cooperate  with  the  general 
education  committee  appointed  by  the  Shanghai 
conference  and  with  the  China  Educational  As- 
sociation. 

Cuba:  A.  D.  1899-1907.  — Organization  of 
Schools  during  the  American  Occupation.  — 
Census-showing  of  resultsin  1907. — “ During 
the  American  occupation  of  Cuba  especial  atten- 
tion was  given  to  the  establishment  of  common 
schools  and  other  educational  institutions.  The 
enrollment  of  the  public  schools  of  Cuba  imme- 
diately before  the  last  war  shows  36,306  scholars, 
but  an  examination  of  the  reports  containing 
these  figures  indicates  that  probably  less  than 
half  the  names  enrolled  represented  actual  at- 
tendance. There  were  practically  no  separate 
school  buildings,  but  the  scholars  were  collected 
in  the  residences  of  the  teachers.  There  were 
few  books  and  practically  no  maps,  blackboards, 
desks,  or  other  school  apparatus. 

“The  instruction  consisted  solely  in  learning 
by  rote,  the  catechism  being  the  principal  text- 
book, and  the  girls  occupying  their  time  chiefly 
in  embroidery.  The  teachers  were  allowed  to 
eke  out  their  unpaid  salaries  by  accepting  fees 
from  the  pupils.  ...  At  the  end  of  the  first  six 
monthsof  American  occupation  the  public  school 
enrollment  of  the  island  numbered  143,120.  The 
schools  were  subjected  to  a constant  and  effect- 
ive inspection  and  the  attendance  was  practically 
identical  with  the  enrollment.  . . . 

“ All  over  the  island  the  old  Spanish  barracks 
and  the  barracks  occupied  by  the  American 
troops  which  had  been  withdrawn  were  turned 
into  schoolrooms  after  thorough  renovation. 
The  pressure  for  education  was  earnest  and  uni- 
versal. The  appropriations  from  the  insular 


treasury  for  that  purpose  during  the  first  year 
of  American  occupation  amounted  to  four  and 
a half  millions. 

‘ 1 At  the  close  of  American  occupation  there 
were  121  boards  of  education  elected  by  the  peo- 
ple (the  system  was  kept  out  of  politics);  the 
work  of  changing  the  old  barracks  throughout 
the  island  into  schoolhouses  had  been  completed  ; 
a thoroughly  modern  school  building  costing 
$•50,000  had  been  erected  at  Santiago;  one  school 
building  in  Habana  had  33  rooms,  with  a mod- 
ern kindergarten,  manual-training  branch,  two 
gymnasiums,  and  baths;  large  schools  had  been 
established  by  changes  in  government  buildings 
at  Guineas,  Pinar  del  Rio,  Matanzas,  Cieguo  de 
Avila,  and  Colon  ; over  3600  teachers  were  sub- 
jected to  examination,  and  approximately  6000 
persons  applied  for  and  received  examination  as 
teachers.  For  six  weeks  during  the  summer 
vacation  of  1901,  4000  teachers  were  collected 
in  teachers’ institutes.” — Establishment  of  Free 
Government  in  Cuba  (58 (h  Congress,  2d  Session, 
Senate  Document  no.  312). 

“ The  public-school  system  organized  under 
the  first  intervention  in  Cuba,  is  producing  ex- 
cellent results.  Of  the  population  10  years  of 
age  and  over,  56.6  per  cent  could  read,  showing 
a decided  gain  in  that  respect  since  1899.  Of 
the  native  whites,  58.6  per  cent  could  read,  and 
of  the  colored  45  per  cent  were  similarly  edu- 
cated.”— National  Geographic  Magazine,  Feb., 
1909,  p.  202. 

Egypt:  A.  D.  1901-1905.  — Recent  De- 
velopment of  Public  Primary  Schools.  — 
Schools  for  Girls.  — “Before  the  English  oc- 
cupation great  masses  of  Egyptians  remained 
ignorant.  Over  91  per  cent,  of  the  males  and 
almost  99  j per  cent,  of  the  females  could  neither 
read  nor  write.  Until  within  the  last  five  years 
public  primary  education  for  the  poorer  classes, 
aside  from  the  mere  learning  of  the  Koran,  was 
almost  unknown.  At  the  present  time  public 
schools  are  being  established  everywhere,  and 
grants  in  aid  of  these  schools  are  paid  in  propor- 
tion to  the  attendance  and  the  records  made  by 
the  pupils.  Likewise,  certain  positions  in  the 
civil  service  can  be  filled  only  by  those  who  hold 
certificates  from  schools  of  certain  grades.  As 
a consequence  there  has  been  a great  awakening 
of  interest.  Most  of  the  teachers  of  these  public 
schools  are  Mohammedan,  and  the  schools  are 
non-Christian  in  their  instruction.  The  Koran 
is  still  used  as  a text-book  for  many  purposes, 
but  the  education  is  practical  in  its  general 
nature.  The  children  are  taught,  besides  read- 
ing and  writing,  the  elements  of  the  sciences, 
and  they  choose  either  French  or  English  as  the 
foreign  language  which  they  will  learn,  and 
that  in  which  they  will  receive  instruction  in  the- 
more  advanced  studies  where  Arabic  text-books 
cannot  readily  be  provided.  It  is  a noteworthy 
fact  that  while,  in  the  earlier  days,  French  was 
the  language  more  frequently  chosen,  nearly  all 
the  pupils  are  now  selecting  English.  There- 
are  also  provisions  for  training  in  law,  medicine, 
agriculture , engineering,  etc.  The  law  school 
is  the  most  popular,  while  the  agricultural  col- 
lege— although  the  basis  of  Egyptian  wealth 
and  prosperity  is  and  must  always  be  agriculture 
— suffers  from  lack  of  pupils.  Female  education 
has  not  been  neglected,  and  we  may  expect  in 
the  near  future  that  instead  of  991  per  cent,  of 
the  women  being  unable  to  write,  a very  large- 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


per  cent,  of  the  mothers  of  the  country  will  be 
able  to  give  their  children  the  rudiments  of  edu- 
cation at  home.”  — Prof.  J.  W.  Jenks,  The  Egypt 
of  To-day  ( International  Quarterly  Iiev.,  Oct., 
i902). 

“A  revolution  is  a growth,  not  a cataclysm  : 
the  seeds  of  the  Egyptian  Revolution  were  sown 
in  the  autumn  of  1901  when  Miss  Amina  Hafiz 
Maghrabi  was  admitted  to  the  Stockwell  Road 
Training  College  for  Teachers.  Miss  Amina  is 
the  daughter  of  one  of  the  Officials  in  the  Ministry 
of  Public  Instruction  at  Cairo,  and  after  passing 
a preliminary  examination  was  sent  to  England 
to  be  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  Egyptian 
Government.  . . . Miss  Amina  spent  nearly 
three  years  at  Stockwell ; then  she  returned  to 
her  own  people  ; now  she  is  a teacher  at  the 
Abbas  Public  Girls’  School  at  Cairo,  and  the 
right  hand  of  Miss  Spears,  the  Principal ; this 
seed  is  bearing  fruit.  No  Revolution  can  be  a 
success  unless  the  women  take  it  up,  and  it  is 
the  women  who  are  going  to  turn  Egypt  upside 
down  ; it  is  the  Mussulman  women  who  have 
already  begun  to  do  so.  . . . 

‘‘The  really  astonishing  work  that  has  been 
going  on  for  nearly  two  years  is  the  education 
for  the  teaching  profession  of  girls  of  the  better 
class  aged  from  about  fourteen  to  twenty.  There 
are  two  or  three  schools  where  these  girls  are 
received  as  boarders,  and  carefully  tended  by 
European  mistresses  ; the  amazing  thing  is  that 
they  throw  aside  their  veils  and  consent  to  be 
taught  by  men.  ...  In  all  the  State  schools 
of  Egypt  the  Koran  is  taught.  In  one  corner  of 
the  garden  is  a small  room  built  to  serve  as  a 
mosque;  attendance  is  voluntary,  but  three  times 
a day  each  girl  retires  there  for  private  prayer. 

“These  schools  have  been  recently  founded 
to  provide  female  teachers ; they  have  not  been 
in  existence  long  enough  for  any  girls  to  have 
completed  the  two-years’ course  ; it  may  be  they 
will  fail  in  their  primary  object ; it  is  possible 
that  the  girls  who  have  been  educated  will  none 
of  them  persevere  in  the  teaching  profession  ; 
nevertheless,  as  Egyptian  wives  and  mothers, 
they  must  become  the  leaders  of  the  revolution.” 
— Edmund  Yerney,  A Revolution  in  Egypt  ( Con- 
temporary Review,  July,  1905). 

A.  D.  1908.  — Gordon  Memorial  College  at 
Khartoum.  — From  the  eighth  annual  report  of 
the  Director  of  Education  in  the  Sudan  it  ap- 
pears that  the  Gordon  Memorial  College,  founded 
at  Khartoum  in  1899  (see,  in  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work, 
Egypt:  A.  D.  1898-1899),  is  now  composed  of 
the  following  educational  units  : “ The  primary 
school,  which  has  been  attended  by  190  pupils, 
the  training  college  — vernacular  and  English  — - 
by  178,  of  which  150  belong  to  the  vernacular 
side,  and  the  uppfer  school  for  the  training  of 
engineers  and  surveyors  by  28  students.  One 
hundred  and  seventy-two  are  on  the  roll  of  the 
instructional  workshops.  There  is,  he  remarks, 
no  doubt  whatever  about  the  popularity  of  the 
military  school  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  both  Arab  and  Sudanese.  Some  20 
young  men  have  now  received  commission  in  the 
famous  black  battalions,  or  in  the  new  Arab 
levies  now  being  raised.  They  have  almost  all 
been  well  reported  on.  He  understood  that  the 
responsible  Army  authorities  propose  to  increase 
this  school  substantially,  and  to  render  it  capable 
of  holding  twice  the  present  number  of  cadets.” 
The  College  is  reported  to  have  “ felt  the  strain 


of  existing  financial  difficulties  very  keenly,  and 
the  rate  of  progress  has  hardly  been  maintained 
this  year.”  — 1908. 

England:  A.  D.  1902. — The  Education 
Act,  in  the  interest  of  the  Voluntary  or 
Church  Schools.  — Text  of  its  provisions 
most  obnoxious  to  the  Nonconformists. — 
“ Passive  resistance  ” among  them  to  the 
law.  — Under  the  Education  Act  of  1870,  which 
created  in  England  for  the  first  time  a system 
of  officially  regulated  and  publicly  supported 
elementary  schools  (see,  in  Volume  I.  of  this 
work,  Education:  Modern:  England:  A.  D. 
1699-1870),  those  schools  divided  the  work  of 
elementary  education  with  schools  of  another, 
older  system,  founded,  maintained,  and  managed 
by  the  churches  of  the  country, — mainly  by 
the  predominant  Established  Church  of  Eng 
land.  The  public  elementary  schools,  supported 
out  of  local  rates  and  governed  by  locally-elected 
school  boards  were  called  Board  Schools  ; the 
others  were  called  Voluntary  Schools.  The 
latter  received  some  public  money  from  an 
annual  Parliamentary  grant,  but  nothing  from 
the  local  taxation  which  supported  the  former. 
In  the  Voluntary  Schools  under  church  control 
religious  teaching  was  prescribed  and  given 
systematically  ; in  the  Board  Schools  it  was  not. 
Those  who  held  religious  teaching,  of  their  own 
denominational  orthodoxy,  to  be  a vital  part  of 
education,  were  ardent  partisans  of  the  Volun 
tary  Schools.  Those  who  approved  the  exclu- 
sion of  theological  differences  from  the  teach- 
ing of  the  Board  Schools  were  equally  ardent 
champions  of  those.  As  a rule,  the  adherents 
of  the  Established  Church  and  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  were  opponents  of  the  public 
system,  while  the  Dissenters  or  Nonconformists 
of  all  sects  gave  it  strenuous  support.  Thus 
the  two  systems  were  mischievously  antago- 
nized, and  almost  from  the  beginning  of  the 
operation  of  the  Act  of  1870  it  had  been  mani- 
fest that  one  or  the  other  must  ultimately  give 
way  to  its  rival. 

In  1902  the  Conservative  party,  in  which  the 
Established  Church  of  England  is  most  largely 
represented,  found  itself  strong  enough  in  Par- 
liament to  undertake  the  nationalizing  of  the 
Voluntary  Schools  in  England  and  Wales,  in- 
corporating them  with  their  rivals  in  one  recon- 
structed national  system,  but  securing  their 
domination  in  it,  along  with  equal  sharing  from 
the  public  purse.  A Bill  for  the  purpose  was 
proposed  to  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  24th 
of  March  by  Mr.  Balfour,  then  the  Administra- 
tion leader  in  the  House.  In  his  speech  on  a 
motion  for  leave  to  bring  it  in  he  spoke  of  the 
need  of  a single  authority  for  education,  pri- 
mary, secondary,  and  technical  ; of  the  disad- 
vantages of  the  two  organizations  of  elementary 
schools,  and  of  the  absurdity  of  supposing  that 
the  great  number  of  Voluntary  Schools  and 
Endowed  Schools  could  be  swept  away  and  re- 
placed at  enormous  public  cost.  The  proposed 
Bill,  based  on  these  views,  would  extinguish 
the  local  School  Boards  and  make  the  County 
Council  in  counties  and  the  Borough  Council  in 
county  boroughs  the  one  local  education  author- 
ity. As  introduced  subsequently  and  enacted, 
after  heated  and  long  debate,  the  Bill  accom- 
plished its  leading  objects,  so  far  as  concerned 
elementary  education,  by  provisions  of  which 
the  following  is  the  text : 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


“Part  III.  Elementary  Education.  5. 
The  local  education  authority  shall  throughout 
their  area  have  the  powers  and  duties  of  a school 
board  and  school  attendance  committee  under 
the  Elementary  Education  Acts,  1870  to  1900, 
and  any  other  Acts,  including  local  Acts,  and 
shall  also  be  responsible  for  and  have  the  control 
of  all  secular  instruction  in  public  elementary 
schools  not  provided  by  them,  and  school  boards 
and  school  attendance  committees  shall  be  abol- 
ished. 

“6.  — (1)  All  public  elementary  schools  pro- 
vided by  the  local  education  authority  shall, 
where  the  local  education  authority  are  the  coun- 
cil of  a county,  have  a body  of  managers  consist- 
ing of  a number  of  managers  not  exceeding  four 
appointed  by  that  council,  together  with  a num- 
ber not  exceeding  two  appointed  by  the  minor 
local  authority.  Where  the  local  education  au- 
thority are  the  council  of  a borough  or  urban 
district  they  may,  if  they  think  tit,  appoint  for 
any  school  provided  by  them  a body  of  managers 
consisting  of  such  number  of  managers  as  they 
may  determine. 

“ (2)  All  public  elementary  schools  not  pro- 
vided by  the  local  education  authority  shall,  in 
place  of  the  existing  managers,  have  a body  of 
managers  consisting  of  a number  of  foundation 
managers  not  exceeding  four  appointed  as  pro- 
vided by  this  Act,  together  with  a number  of 
managers  not  exceeding  two  appointed  — ( a ) 
where  the  local  education  authority  are  the  coun- 
cil of  a county,  one  by  that  council  and  one  by 
the  minor  local  authority  ; and  ( b ) where  the 
local  education  authority  are  the  council  of  a 
borough  or  urban  district,  both  by  that  authority. 

“ (3)  Notwithstanding  anything  in  this  section 
— (a)  Schools  may  be  grouped  under  one  body 
of  managers  in  mauner  provided  by  this  Act; 
and  (b)  Where  the  local  education  authority  con- 
sider that  the  circumstances  of  any  school  require 
a larger  body  of  managers  than  that  provided 
under  this  section,  that  authority  may  increase 
the  total  number  of  managers,  so,  however,  that 
the  number  of  each  class  of  managers  is  propor- 
tionately increased. 

“7.  — (1)  The  local  education  authority  shall 
maintain  and  keep  efficient  all  public  elementary 
schools  within  their  area  which  are  necessary, 
and  have  the  control  of  all  expenditure  required 
for  that  purpose,  other  than  expenditure  for 
which,  under  this  Act,  provision  is  to  be  made 
by  the  managers  ; but,  in  the  case  of  a school  not 
provided  by  them,  only  so  long  as  the  following 
conditions  and  provisions  are  complied  with:  — 

“ (a)  The  managers  of  the  school  shall  carry 
out  any  directions  of  the  local  education  author- 
ity as  to  the  secular  instruction  to  be  given  in 
the  school,  including  any  directions  with  respect 
to  the  number  and  educational  qualifications  of 
the  teachers  to  be  employed  for  such  instruction, 
and  for  the  dismissal  of  any  teacher  on  educa- 
tional grounds,  and  if  the  managers  fail  to  carry 
out  any  such  direction  the  local  education  au- 
thority shall,  in  addition  to  their  other  powers, 
have  the  power  themselves  to  carry  out  the  di- 
rection in  question  as  if  they  were  the  managers; 
but  no  direction  given  under  this  provision  shall 
be  such  as  to  interfere  with  reasonable  facilities 
for  religious  instruction  during  school  hours: 

“(b)  The  local  education  authority  shall  have 
power  to  inspect  the  school ; 

“ (c)  The  consent  of  the  local  education  au- 


thority shall  be  required  to  the  appointment  of 
teachers,  but  that  consent  shall  not  be  withheld 
except  on  educational  grounds;  and  the  consent 
of  the  authority  shall  also  be  required  to  the  dis- 
missal of  a teacher  unless  the  dismissal  be  on 
grounds  connected  with  the  giving  of  religious 
instruction  in  the  school.  . . [Here  follow  pro- 
visions relative  to  schoolhouses  and  teachers’ 
dwellings.] 

“ (3)  If  any  question  arises  under  this  section 
between  the  local  education  authority  and  the 
managers  of  a school  not  provided  by  the  author- 
ity, that  question  shall  be  determined  by  the 
Board  of  Education. 

“ (4)  One  of  the  conditions  required  to  be  ful- 
filled by  an  elementary  school  in  order  to  obtain 
a parliamentary  grant  shall  be  that  it  is  main- 
tained under  and  complies  with  the  provisions 
of  this  section. 

“ (5)  In  public  elementary  schools  maintained 
but  not  provided  by  the  local  educational  author- 
ity, assistant  teachers  and  pupil  teachers  may  be 
appointed,  if  it  is  thought  fit,  without  reference 
to  religious  creed  and  denomination,  and,  in  any 
case  in  which  there  are  more  candidates  for  the 
post  of  pupil  teacher  than  there  are  places  to  be 
tilled,  the  appointment  shall  be  made  by  the  local 
education  authority,  and  they  shall  determine 
the  respective  qualifications  of  the  candidates 
by  examination  or  otherwise. 

“(6)  Religious  instruction  given  in  a public 
elementary  school  not  provided  by  the  local  edu- 
cation authority  shall,  as  regards  its  character, 
be  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  (if  any)  of 
the  trust  deed  relating  thereto,  and  shall  be  under 
the  control  of  the  managers  : Provided  that  no- 
thing in  this  subjection  shall  affect  any  provi- 
sion in  a trust  deed  for  reference  to  the  bishop 
or  superior  ecclesiastical  or  other  denomina- 
tional authority  so  far  as  such  provision  gives  to 
the  bishop  or  authority  the  power  of  deciding 
whether  the  character  of  the  religious  instruction 
is  or  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
the  trust  deed. 

“(7)  The  managers  of  a school  maintained  but 
not  provided  by  the  local  education  authority 
shall  have  all  powers  of  management  required  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  out  this  Act,  and  shall 
(subject  to  the  powers  of  the  local  education 
authority  under  this  section)  have  the  exclusive 
power  of  appointing  and  dismissing  teachers. 

“ 8.  — (1)  Where  the  local  education  authority 
or  any  other  persons  propose  to  provide  a new 
public  elementary  school,  they  shall  give  public 
notice  of  their  intention  to  do  so,  and  the  man- 
agers of  any  existing  school,  or  the  local  edu- 
cation authority  (where  they  are  not  themselves 
the  persons  proposing  to  provide  the  school),  or 
any  ten  rate  payers  in  the  a#ea  for  which  it  is 
proposed  to  provide  the  school,  may,  within  three 
months  after  the  notice  is  given,  appeal  to  the 
Board  of  Education  on  the  ground  that  the  pro- 
posed school  is  not  required,  or  that  a school 
provided  by  the  local  education  authority,  or 
not  so  provided,  as  the  case  may  be,  is  better 
suited  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  district  than  the 
school  proposed  to  be  provided,  and  any  school 
built  in  contravention  of  the  decision  of  the  Board 
of  Education  on  such  appeal  shall  be  treated  as 
unnecessary. 

“(2)  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, any  enlargement  of  a public  elementary 
school  is  such  as  to  amount  to  the  provision  of  a 


196 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


new  school,  that  enlargement  shall  be  so  treated 
for  the  purposes  of  this  section. 

“ (3)  Any  t ransfer  of  a public  elementary  school 
to  or  from  a local  education  authority  shall  for  the 
purposes  of  this  section  be  treated  as  the  provision 
of  a new  school. 

“9.  The  Board  of  Education  shall,  without 
unnecessary  delay,  determine,  in  case  of  dispute, 
whether  a school  is  necessary  or  not,  and,  in  so 
determining,  and  also  in  deciding  on  any  appeal 
as  to  the  provision  of  a new  school,  shall  have 
regard  to  the  interest  of  secular  instruction,  to 
the  wishes  of  parents  as  to  the  education  of  their 
children,  and  to  the  economy  of  the  rates;  but  a 
school  for  the  time  being  recognized  as  a public 
elementary  school  shall  not  be  considered  un- 
necessary in  which  the  number  of  scholars  in 
average  attendance,  as  computed  by  the  Board 
of  Education,  is  not  less  than  thirty.” 

The  main  contentions  were  raised  by  these 
sections  of  the  Bill,  and  as  soon  as  their  bearing 
and  effect  were  discerned  the  Nonconformist 
opposition  was  rallied  in  strong  force.  “The 
main  ground  of  objection  taken,”  says  the  An- 
nual Register,  “was  that,  while  throwing  the 
whole  charge  of  the  maintenance  of  denomina- 
tional schools  (apart  from  that  of  the  fabrics)  on 
public  funds,  it  failed  to  secure  to  the  local  pub- 
lic any  real  control  over  the  management  of  the 
schools  so  maintained,  and  amounted  in  effect  to 
a new  endowment  of  the  Church  of  England ; 
also  that  it  perpetuated  and  enhanced  the  injus- 
tice of  the  pressure  of  the  system  of  religious 
tests  in  the  profession  of  elementary  teaching, 
which  would  now,  it  was  said,  if  the  Bill  should 
pass,  be  the  permanent  monopoly  of  Anglicans 
in  the  schools  educating  more  than  half  of  the 
children  of  the  working  classes.  Denunciatory 
resolutions  based  generally  on  grounds  of  this 
character,  were  passed  by  the  National  Free 
Church  Council,  the  London  Congregational  Un- 
ion (April  8),  the  General  Committee  of  the  Pro- 
testant Dissenting  Deputies,  and  other  bodies ; 
and  at  an  early  date  a disposition,  to  which  both 
encouragement  and  expression  were  vigorously 
administered  by  the  British  Weekly,  was  some- 
what extensively  shown  to  urge  that  it  would  be 
the  duty  of  Nonconformists  to  refuse  to  pay  the 
education  rate  if  the  Bill  should  become  law. 
Dr.  Parker,  of  the  City  Temple,  in  a letter  to  the 
Times  (April  5),  avowed  himself  earnestly  in 
favour  of  this  policy,  which  was  also  defended 
by  the  Rev.  H.  Price  Hughs.  It  was  opposed 
by  the  Rev.  John  Watson,  of  Liverpool  (known 
in  the  literary  world  as  ‘ Ian  Maclaren  ’),  but  the 
voices  of  restraint  among  the  Nonconformist  op- 
position were  less  audible  than  those  of  indig- 
nant reproach  and  menace.”  — Annual  Register, 
1902,  p.  107. 

The  following  from  an  article  by  Rev.  J. 
Guinness  Rogers  shows  the  attitude  and  feeling 
of  the  Nonconformist  opposition : 

“Hitherto  a certain  proportion  of  the  cost 
of  these  schools  has  been  borne  by  Churchmen 
themselves,  and  Nonconformists  have  been  con- 
tent to  regard  that  as  fairly  providing  for  the 
sectarian  teaching  that  was  given.  They  did 
not  regard  the  arrangement  as  wise  or  salutary. 
But  they  acquiesced  considering  that  they  had 
no  responsibility  whatever  for  the  denomina- 
tional teaching  that  was  given.  The  new  Act 
altered  all  the  conditions.  The  State  now  as- 
sumes all  the  responsibility  for  the  support  of 


these  schools.  The  last  vestige  of  voluntary 
support  is  swept  away,  and  they  become  in 
every  sense  part  of  the  National  School  system. 
The  burden  of  their  support  is  thrown  upon 
the  public  funds.  Only  in  the  matter  of  control 
and  of  their  religious  teaching  do  they  retain 
anything  of  their  private  character.  . . . They 
are  to  be  supported  out  of  the  public  funds. 
But  they  constitute  a privileged  class  of  schools 
under  private  managers,  and  their  chief  teach- 
ers have  to  belong  to  a particular  Church  and  to 
give  instruction  in  its  principles  and  doctrines. 
It  is  this  which  has  stirred  the  indignation  of 
Nonconformists.  They  conscientiously  object 
to  pay  for  the  support  of  schools  staffed  by 
Anglican  teachers  and  employed  in  the  dissem- 
ination of  Anglican  doctrines.  . . . 

“ For  thirty  years  the  Free  Churches  of  Eng- 
land have  quietly  submitted  to  an  arrangement 
which  practically  left  thousands  of  the  schools 
under  the  absolute  sway  of  the  clergy.  There 
were  thus  vast  districts  of  the  country,  and  those 
the  districts  least  open  to  the  free  play  of  public 
opinion,  in  which  Nonconformist  children  were 
forced  into  the  ranks  of  the  pupils,  while  Non- 
conformist teachers  were  just  as  resolutely  kept 
out  of  these  favoured  preserves  of  sectarianism. 
But  even  this  did  not  satisfy  the  clergy  and  their 
friends.  During  almost  the  whole  of  the  period 
in  question  there  have  been  continual  attempts 
to  secure  better  terms  for  those  already  so  highly 
privileged.  At  length  came  the  period  for  de- 
cided action.  . . . The  whole  character  of  our 
educational  apparatus  has  been  changed,  and 
changed  in  a manner  as  unfavourable  to  consti- 
tutional liberty  as  to  religious  equality.  School 
boards  were  institutions  in  which  Nonconform- 
ists had  taken  a deep  interest  and  in  which  in 
many  of  the  large  towns  they  had  achieved  con- 
spicuous success.  They  have  been  ruthlessly 
swept  away,  and  henceforth  the  work  of  educa- 
tion in  our  large  towns  and  cities  is  entrusted  to 
committees  chosen  by  County  Councils  ; Mr.  Bal- 
four showing  here  the  same  dislike  of  popular 
control  as  characterises  his  administration  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  Can  it  be  thought  wonder- 
ful that  Nonconformists  have  been  goaded  into 
resistance  by  a policy  so  high-handed  and  so  de- 
termined ? We  have  heard  enough  of  the  intoler- 
able strain  put  upon  the  supporters  of  the  volun- 
tary schools.  The  strain  of  clerical  intolerance 
and  Tory  partiality  has  become  still  more  intoler- 
able.” — J.  Guinness  Rogers,  The  Nonconform- 
ist Uprising  {Nineteenth  Century,  Oct.,  1903). 

A weightier  and  more  statesman  like  objection 
to  the  Act  was  set  forth  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  James 
Bryce  in  the  following  : 

“ Of  all  the  causes  which  have  kept  education 
in  England,  secondary  as  well  as  elementary, 
below  the  level  it  has  reached  in  such  countries 
as  Switzerland  and  Scotland  and  New  England, 
the  most  deep  seated  is  the  want  of  popular  in- 
terest and  popular  sympathy.  The  people  have 
not  felt  the  schools  to  be  their  own,  have  not 
been  associated  with  the  management,  have  not 
realised  how  largely  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  the  nation  depend  on  the  instruction  which 
each  generation  receives.  Since  1870  something 
has  been  done  to  stimulate  popular  interest  by 
the  creation  of  School  Boards  (whose  admirable 
work  in  the  large  towns  is  admitted  even  by  the 
Ministry  which  proposes  to  destroy  them),  by 
the  introduction  of  a large  representative  ele- 


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ment  upon  the  governing  bodies  of  endowed 
secondary  schools,  and  by  entrusting  County 
and  Borough  Councils  with  power  to  spend 
money  upon  technical  instruction.  What  can  be 
plainer  than  that  a wise  statesmanship  ought  to 
follow  in  the  same  path  endeavouring  to  create 
everywhere  local  educational  authorities  chosen 
by  the  people  and  responsible  to  the  people, 
keeping  these  local  authorities  up  to  the  mark 
by  making  a share  in  the  imperial  grant  condi- 
tional upon  full  efficiency,  but  teaching  them  to 
look  upon  the  schools  as  their  own,  and  to  feel 
that  it  is  their  own  interest  as  parents  and  citizens 
to  make  their  schools  worthy  of  an  advancing 
nation?  No  such  idea  has  been  present  to  those 
who  framed  this  Bill.  It  reduces,  instead  of  in 
creasing,  the  element  of  popular  interest  and 
popular  control. 

“School  Boards  are  to  be  swept  away,  and 
with  them  those  elected  women  members  who 
have  been  so  valuable  and  influential  an  element. 
The  substituted  County  and  Borough  Councils 
are,  no  doubt,  elective  bodies.  But  they  have 
so  many  functions  already  besides  those  educa- 
tional functions  which  are  now  to  be  thrown  on 
them  that  the  latter  will  play  a small  part,  and 
their  discharge  of  those  functions  cannot  be  ef- 
fectively reviewed  by  the  people  at  an  election. 
Moreover,  every  Council  is  directed  to  act 
through  an  Education  Committee  largely,  or 
possibly  entirely,  consisting  of  persons  outside 
their  own  bodies.  It  is  certainly  desirable  to  se- 
cure an  element  of  special  knowledge.  But  the 
policy  of  these  committees  — and  policy  (except 
as  regards  finance)  is  to  rest  with  them  — will 
never  be  subject  to  any  review  by  the  electors, 
to  whom  the  committees  are  nowise  responsible. 
The  fault  is  still  worse  when  we  come  to  the 
local  managers.  Where  there  exist  only  denom- 
inational schools,  there  will  be  no  popular  con- 
trol at  all,  for  the  permissive  appointment  by  the 
Education  Committee  of  not  more  than  one-tliird 
of  the  local  managers  is  a merely  nominal  con- 
cession, quite  illusory  for  the  purpose  of  secur- 
ing any  local  power,  any  local  interest,' any  local 
sympathy.  In  most  cases  this  permissive  right 
of  appointment  will  probably  be  used  to  add  to 
the  denominational  managers  some  person  or  per- 
sons recommended  by  them,  or  one  of  them,  to 
the  Education  Committee,  which  sits  in  the  dis 
tant  county  town  and  may  know  nothing  about 
the  locality. 

“ It  is  not  from  any  superstitious  faith  in  pop- 
ular election  or  in  what  are  called  ‘ democratic 
principles’  that  I deplore  these  provisions  of  the 
Bill.  It  is  because  they  tend  to  withdraw  from 
education  one  of  its  most  valuable  propulsive 
forces.  Let  us  hear  the  Schools  Inquiry  Com- 
missioners of  1868,  among  whom  were  the  pre- 
sent Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  late  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  and  another  eminent  ecclesiastic. 

“ ‘ No  skill  in  organisation,  no  careful  adapta- 
tion of  the  means  in  hand  to  the  best  ends,  can 
do  as  much  for  education  as  the  earnest  co-oper- 
ation of  the  people.  The  American  schools  ap- 
pear to  have  no  great  excellence  of  method.  But 
the  schools  are  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and 
from  this  fact  they  derive  a force  which  seems 
to  make  up  for  all  their  deficiencies.  ...  In 
Zurich  the  schools  are  absolutely  in  the  hands 
of  the  people,  and  the  complete  success  of  the 
system  must  be  largely  ascribed  to  this  cause.  . . . 
It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  in  England  also  in- 


ferior management,  if  it  were  backed  up  by  very 
hearty  sympathy  from  the  mass  of  the  people, 
would  often  succeed  better  than  much  greater 
skill  without  such  support.’ 

“ These  words  were  spoken  of  secondary  edu- 
cation. They  apply  with  even  greater  force  to 
elementary.  The  experience  of  thirty-four  years 
confirms  them.  But  there  is  nothing  in  this  Bill 
to  give  effect  to  their  principle.  ” — James  Bryce, 
A Few  Words  on  the  Few  Education  Bill  {Nine- 
teenth Century,  May,  1902). 

The  Education  Bill  passed  its  third  reading  in 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  3d  of  December, 
by  a vote  of  246  against  123,  being  a majority 
of  exactly  two-thirds.  In  the  House  of  Lords  it 
received  brief  discussion  and  a few  amendments, 
which  the  Commons  accepted,  and  it  was  sent 
quickly  to  the  King,  receiving  the  royal  assent 
December  18.  And  now  there  came  into  action 
the  stubborn  revolt  which  took  the  name  of 
“passive  resistance,”  — the  refusal,  that  is,  of  a 
considerable  body  of  people  to  pay  the  rates 
levied  for  school  purposes  under  a law  which 
they  held  to  be  unjust.  Their  attitude,  and  the 
consequences  they  suffered,  in  imprisonment  and 
the  seizure  and  sale  of  their  property,  are  de- 
scribed in  the  following  passages  from  an  article 
by  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  movement : 

“ It  is  difficult  to  believe  that,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  twentieth  century,  Englishmen  of  high 
character  and  indisputable  loyalty  are  being 
sent  to  prison  for  exactly  the  same  reasons  as 
those  which  were  urged  for  committing  John 
Bunvan  to  Bedford  Gaol ; for  exposing  Richard 
Baxter  to  the  browbeating  of  Judge  Jeffreys  and 
a sentence  of  eighteen  months  incarceration; 
and  for  sending  George  Fox  to  the  noisome  dun- 
geons of  Carlisle  and  Derby,  Lancaster  and  Lon- 
don. Americans  cannot  credit  it.  The  colonists 
of  Canada  and  Australia  say,  ‘ Can  these  things 
be  ? and  even  Englishmen  would  never  accept 
the  humiliating  conclusion,  if  they  were  not  con- 
fronted by  the  undeniable  fact.  The  fact  is  that 
nearly  one  hundred  freemen  of  England,  respect- 
able and  God-fearing  citizens,  have  been  sen- 
tenced to  different  periods  of  imprisonment  since 
November,  1903.  . . . 

“ Imprisonment  is  only  one  phase  of  this  ad- 
vancing cause ; another  is  that  of  the  public  sale 
of  the  furniture,  pictures  and  books  of  those  who 
refuse  to  submit.  The  first  sale  was  at  Wirks- 
worth,  in  Derbyshire,  on  June  26th,  1903;  and 
it  has  been  followed  by  about  1,600  more  in  dif- 
ferent towns  and  villages,  all  over  England.  . . . 
In  one  extremely  flagrant  instance,  one  hundred 
pounds’  worth  of  goods  were  taken  for  the  sum 
of  fifteen  shillings,  and  in  many  cases  fidelity 
to  conscience  has  meant  loss  of  trade  and  of 
position,  i . . No  less  than  40,000  summonses 
have  been  sent  forth  by  the  overseers  to  compel 
recalcitrant  rate-payers  to  appear  before  the 
magistrates  and  ‘show  cause’  why  they  will 
not  pay.  . . . 

“ Now,  it  is  for  that  process  we  cannot  and 
will  not  pay  any  rate  whatever.  We  object  to 
many  of  the  provisions  of  the  Education  Acts. 
They  are  anti  democratic,  unfair,  unjust;  they 
are  destructive  of  educational  efficiency  and  so 
c.ial  peace ; but  the  one  thing  that  has  created 
the  Passive  Resistance  movement  is  not  the  de- 
struction of  the  School  Board,  not  the  loss  of  pop- 
ular control,  but  this  intrusion  into  the  realm 
of  conscience  by  the  State.  That  is  the  prime 


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EDUCATION 


factor  in  this  situation.  To  that  ‘ wc  will  not 
submit,’  declared  l)r.  Fairbairn  to  Mr.  Balfour 
when  the  Bill  was  before  the  House.  In  short,  we 
say  with  Bunyan  to  our  persecutors,  ‘ Where 
I cannot  obey  actively,  there  I am  willing  to 
lie  down,  and  to  suffer  what  they  shall  do  unto 
me.’”  — John  Clifford,  Passive  Resistance  in 
England  and  Wales  ( North  American  Review, 
March,  1905). 

In  Wales,  where  the  Nonconformists  are  very 
strong,  the  resistance  became  more  than  passive. 
The  County  Councils  refused  generally  to  put  the 
Act  into  operation,  and  Parliament,  in  August, 
1904,  passed  what  was  described  as  the  “Welsh 
Coercion  Act,”  to  compel  their  obedience  to  it. 
This  Act  authorized  the  central  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, in  the  case  of  a county  proclaimed  in  de- 
fault to  provide  for  Church  schools  and  to  de- 
duct such  appropriation  from  the  Government 
rant  for  educational  uses  to  the  county.  As  the 
eficit  thus  caused  in  the  sum  available  for  the 
National  schools  would  have  to  be  made  up  by 
the  county,  the  recalcitrant  county  would  thus 
indirectly  be  saddled  with  the  maintenance  of 
the  Church  schools.  But  Welsh  resistance  was 
not  so  easily  overcome  ; for  a new  plan  was 
devised,  according  to  which  every  proceeding 
under  the  Coercion  Act  would  be  met  by  the  re- 
signation of  county  education  committees  and 
managers  of  the  National  schools.  This  would 
paralyze  the  central  Board,  which  has  no  power 
to  fill  the  places  thus  vacated. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Church  Attendance  in  School 
Hours. — A circular  issued  by  the  Board  of  Ed- 
ucation, in  July,  relative  to  the  taking  of  chil- 
dren from  Church  schools,  during  school  hours, 
to  attend  Church  services  on  Saints'  days,  caused 
great  dissatisfaction  and  complaint  in  Church 
circles.  The  practice  had  been  permitted  hitherto ; 
but  the  Board  ruled  that  school  time-tables  mak- 
ing provision  for  this  must  have  the  sanction 
of  the  local  school  authorities,  which  in  many 
cases  were  opposed  to  the  practice.  A “Church 
Schools  Emergency  League  ” was  now  organized 
to  contest  the  action  of  the  Board. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Underfed  School  Children.  — 
An  order  issued  by  the  Local  Government  Board, 
in  April,  directed  that,  in  the  case  of  school 
children  under  sixteen,  found  to  be  underfed, 
who  were  not  blind,  deaf  or  dumb,  and  who 
were  living  with  a father  not  in  receipt  of  relief, 
there  must  be  application  for  relief  made  to  the 
guardians  of  the  poor  by  a teacher  empowered 
by  the  managers,  or  by  an  officer  authorized  by 
the  education  authorities.  The  guardians  must 
then  investigate  the  case  and  decide  whether 
relief  should  be  given  as  a loan  or  in  the  ordi- 
nary mode,  and  notify  the  father  accordingly ; 
thus  giving  the  parent  the  opportunity  to  make 
the  needed  provision  himself.  If  he  did  not  do 
so,  the  guardians  were  empowered  to  recover 
from  him  the  cost  of  the  necessary  relief  by 
county  court  process. 

The  report  of  the  Board  of  Education  for  the 
year  1907-1908,  published  in  March,  1909,  states 
with  reference  to  the  feeding  of  necessitous 
school  children  that:  “From  December  21,  1906, 
when  the  Education  (Provision  of  Meals)  Act, 
1906,  came  into  operation,  to  July  31,  1908,  51 
local  education  authorities  have  been  authorized 
to  spend  money  from  the  rates  in  providing 
food  for  school  children.  Of  the  20  authorities 
referred  to  in  last  year’s  report  as  having  taken 


power  to  spend  money  for  this  purpose  14  have 
obtained  sanction  to  spend  money  in  a second 
year.’’ 

A.  D.  1906. — Education  Bill  passed  by  the 
House  of  Commons  and  killed  by  amend- 
ments in  the  House  of  Lords.  — The  defeat  of 
the  Conservatives  and  Unionists  in  the  Parlia- 
mentary elections  of  January,  1906,  was  as- 
cribed very  largely  to  popular  dissatisfaction 
with  the  Education  Act  of  1902.  Hence,  on 
the  resignation  of  the  Balfour  Ministry  and  the 
call  of  the  Liberals,  under  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 
Bannerman,  to  the  administration  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the  new  masters  of  legislative  authority 
were  held  to  have  received  a mandate  from  the 
people  to  amend  the  objectionable  law.  On  the 
9th  of  April  a Bill  to  that,  end  was  brought  for- 
ward by  Augustine  Birrell,  President  of  the 
Board  of  Education  and  again  the  old  disputes 
over  denominational  religious  teaching  in  schools 
supported  by  the  public  at  large  were  re-en- 
livened and  re-lieated,  in  Parliament  and  out. 
In  December  it  passed  the  House  of  Commons 
by  a majority  of  192,  and  went  to  the  Lords.  A 
succinct  and  clear  statement  of  the  intent  of  the 
Bill,  as  framed  by  the  Government,  was  given  in 
an  article  contributed  to  The  Outlook  of  August 
4,  1906,  by  Dr.  Clifford  Webster  Barnes,  Special 
Commissioner  of  the  Religious  Education  Asso- 
ciation to  investigate  moral  and  religious  instruc- 
tion in  European  schools.  In  the  framing  of  the 
Bill  it  had  been  assumed  that  the  overwhelming 
majority  which  swept  the  new  Government  into 
power  had  determined  that  the  following  prin- 
ciples should  be  enacted  into  law:  1.  Unification 
of  the  public  school  system.  2.  Complete  local 
control  where  public  funds  are  received.  3. 
Abolition  of  religious  tests  for  teachers. 

“The  new  bill  by  its  first  clause,”  wrote  Dr. 
Barneg,  “has  virtually  met  these  three  require- 
ments. It  makes  it  impossible  for  the  State, 
hereafter,  to  recognize  or  provide  for  any  school 
unless  it  comes  under  the  absolute  control  of  the 
local  authority ; and  as  church  boards  are  thus 
supplanted,  religious  tests  for  teachers  need  no 
longer  be  feared.  In  later  clauses,  also,  special 
safeguards  are  arranged  to  protect  the  teachers 
from  this  sort  of  test.  If  the  bill,  after  providing 
the  necessary  machinery  with  which  to  carry 
out  its  first  clause,  went  no  further,  the  extreme 
Nonconformist  would  undoubtedly  have  given  it 
most  hearty  support,  and  the  wrath  of  the  Church 
party  might  possibly  have  been  no  greater.  But 
love  for  fair  play  has  prevailed  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  the  Liberal  Government  has  proved  its  right 
to  the  title  by  introducing,  in  clauses  2,  3,  and  4, 
special  provisions  for  leasing  the  denominational 
schools  and  for  permitting  their  owners  to  give 
the  religious  instruction  distinctive  of  the  church 
to  which  they  belong.  . . . 

“The  bill,  therefore,  makes  the  following  con- 
cessions : 

“ 1.  For  the  purpose  of  continuing  any  exist- 
ing voluntary  school  it  permits  the  local  author- 
ity, on  some  arrangement  being  made  with  the 
owners,  to  take  over  such  school,  provided  it  is 
structurally  fit.  The  State  will  then  pay  the  en- 
tire cost  of  maintenance,  keep  the  property  in 
good  repair,  and  use  it  only  between  the  hours 
of  9 a.  m.  and  4 p.  m.,  from  Monday  to  Friday 
inclusive.  At  all  other  times  the  owners  are 
privileged  to  do  with  it  as  they  see  fit.  On  two 
mornings  of  the  week,  between  9 and  9.45,  the 


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EDUCATION 


religious  teaching  peculiar  to  the  denomination 
owning  the  property  may  be  given,  but  children 
whose  parents  do  not  wish  such  teaching  are  to 
be  excused  during  that  time. 

“2.  In  urban  areas  where  there  is  a population 
of  five  thousand  or  over,  a Church  school  may 
remain  as  denominational  as  at  present,  the  dis- 
tinctive dogmas  of  the  Church  being  taught  as 
much  as  may  be  desired,  provided  the  parents  of 
four-fifths  of  the  children  vote  in  favor  of  this 
arrangement,  and  provided,  also,  that  there  are 
accommodations  in  some  neighboring  school  for 
those  whose  parents  prefer  undenominational  in- 
struction. In  every  case  that  portion  of  the  re- 
ligious teaching  which  is  distinctively  denomi- 
national must  be  paid  for  by  the  church  giving 
it.  Statistics  show  that  by  this  concession  one 
hundred  per  cent,  of  the  Jewish  schools  will  be 
able  to  preserve  their  denominational  character, 
seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  Catholic  schools, 
fifty  per  cent,  of  the  Wesleyan,  and  twenty-five 
per  cent,  of  the  Church  of  England.  By  the 
previous  concession,  of  course,  all  the  remaining 
schools  of  the  various  denominations  will  be  able 
to  give  their  distinctive  theological  teaching  on 
two  mornings  of  each  week. 

“ But  this  denominational  instruction  is  not 
the  only  religious  education  which  the  schools 
will  provide.  By  the  bill  of  1870  local  authori- 
ties were  permitted  to  introduce  a kind  of  sim- 
ple Bible  teaching  which  has  been  nicknamed, 
front  the  author  of  the  act,  ‘ Cowper-Temple- 
ism.’  It  consists  of  Bible  lessons  covering 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments  arranged  accord- 
ing to  some  well-planned  syllabus,  the  majority 
of  these  being  modeled  after  that  of  the  London 
County  Council.  The  exercise  opens  with 
prayer  and  a hymn,  after  which  the  children  tell 
the  Bible  story  of  the  day  and  are  assisted  by 
the  teacher  to  draw  from  it  some  suitable  moral 
lesson,  but  no  creed  or  religious  formulary  dis- 
tinctive of  any  denomination  can  be  used.  This 
teaching  must  be  given  in  the  first  hour  of  the 
morning,  between  9 and  9.45,  and  any  child 
may  be  excused  from  attendance  upon  the  re- 
quest of  its  parent.  It  is  a significant  fact  that 
the  Nonconformists  of  1870  were  unanimously 
opposed  to  the  Cowper-Temple  clause,  and  that 
it  was  put  through  only  by  the  strong  and 
united  effort  of  the  bishops.  Now  it  is  the  Non- 
conformists who,  to  a man,  favor  this  kind  of 
instruction,  while  some  at  least  of  the  bishops, 
in  their  eagerness  to  preserve  denominational- 
ism,  go  so  far  as  to  say  ‘ this  teaching  under- 
mines the  foundations  of  Christianity.’” 

In  the  House  of  Lords  the  Bill  came  under  the 
Church  influences  which  had  dictated  the  Act 
of  1902,  and  it  was  slashed  with  amendments 
which  would  totally  reverse  its  operation  on  all 
the  controverted  points.  That  procedure  killed 
the  measure,  of  course;  and  so  the  burning 
school  question  remains  unsettled,  while  Eng- 
land gives  much  thought  to  another  question, 
— What  to  do  with  the  House  of  Lords  ? — See 
England  : A.  D.  1906  (April-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.).  — Failure  to  compro- 
mise the  Religious  Sectarian  Differences 
concerning  Public  Education.  — Attempts 
to  negotiate  a compromise  with  the  religious 
bodies  whose  antagonism  wrecked  the  Educa- 
tion Bill  of  1906  went  so  far  as  to  induce  the 
Government,  in  November,  1907,  to  introduce  a 
Bill  embodying  the  points  on  which  agreement 


had  been  reached.  The  outcome  was  stated  in 
the  report  of  the  Board  of  Education  for  1907-8, 
as  follows:  “It  became  apparent  after  some 
progress  had  been  made  in  Committee  that  de- 
nominational assent  could  only  be  obtained  by- 
still  further  concessions,  including  a substantial 
increase  in  the  grant  to  contracting-out  schools. 
Your  Majesty’s  Government  have  always  main- 
tained that  the  number  of  schools  availing  them- 
selves of  the  privilege  of  contracting-out,  must 
be  strictly  limited,  that  the  grant  provided  by 
the  Bill  was  sufficient  to  afford  a limited  num- 
ber of  schools  a reasonable  chance  of  existence,, 
and  that  to  increase  the  grant  beyond  this  sum 
would  enable  the  great  majority  of  schools  to- 
take  advantage  of  the  privilege,  and  would  in- 
volve the  establishment  of  a system  of  contract- 
ing-out as  the  rule  instead  of  the  exception. 
In  view  of  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  agree- 
ment without  such  amendments  as  were,  in  the 
opinion  of  your  Majesty’s  Government,  inad- 
missible, it  was  found  necessary  to  withdraw 
the  Bill.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Provisions  of  the  Children 
Act  relating  to  Industrial  and  Reformatory 
Schools.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Children,  under 
the  Law. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Oxford  Teaching  for 
Working  People.  — In  1908  the  Convocation  of 
the  University  of  Oxford  passed  a statute  which 
gave  the  University  Extension  Delegacy  power 
to  form  a committee  consisting  of  working-class 
representatives  in  equal  numbers  with  members 
of  the  Delegacy,  with  the  object  of  enabling 
Oxford  to  take  its  proper  share  in  the  work  of 
providing  higher  education  for  the  manual  work- 
ing classes.  In  January,  1909,  the  committee 
organized  eight  tutorial  classes,  at  Chesterfield, 
Glossop,  Littleborough,  Longton,  Oldham,  Roch- 
dale, Sv^don  and  Wrexham.  At  the  end  of 
the  firs(^^fc|lve  weeks  of  the  work  results  were 
reportec^^Mollows:  “The  number  of  students 
enrolled  \^fcabout  234,  among  whom  were  20 
women ; |^Bgll  of  these  pledged  themselves 
to  study.^^^fcuously  under  the  supervision  of 
the  tutorsJHBided  by  Oxford  for  a period  of 
three  yeai^l^rlie  subjects  studied  were  indus- 
trial history  and  economics.  . . . The  members 
with  few  exceptions  are  men  and  women  engaged 
in  manual  labour  during  the  day.  Out  of  169 
students  48  were  engineers,  35  were  engaged  in 
the  textile  industries,  17  belonged  to  the  build- 
ing trades,  12  were  labourers,  ten  were  potters, 
seven  were  in  the  clothing  trades,  five  were 
miners,  and  four  were  printers.  Sixty  per  cent, 
of  the  234  students  were  under  the  age  of  34. 
Many  of  them  were  members' of  working-class 
organizations.  . . . Few  students  abandoned 
the  classes  after  beginning  to  attend  them,  ex- 
cept for  reasons  such  as  illness,  overtime  or 
unemployment.  The  average  attendances  are 
about  90  per  cent,  of  the  maximum,  possible. 
The  paper  work  in  some  cases  would  probably 
compare  with  the  work  done  by  first-class  stu- 
dents in  the  final  honours  schools  at  Oxford.  . . . 
The  committee  consider  that  any  movement  to- 
shorten  the  hours  of  labour  would  enormously 
increase  the  opportunities  for  higher  education 
among  work  people.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Official  Reports  and  State- 
ments of  the  extent  and  operation  of  the 
English  agencies  of  Public  Education.  — 
On  the  2d  of  March,  the  President  of  the  Board 


200 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


of  Education,  Mr.  Ilunciman,  received  a depu- 
tation of  the  Parliamentary  Committee  of  the 
Trade  Union  Congress,  who  presented  a resolu- 
tion passed  at  the  Congress  stating  that  no  so- 
lution of  the  educational  problem  would  be  sat- 
isfactory that  did  not  give  free  education  from 
the  elementary  school  to  the  University,  and 
demanding  the  immediate  abolition  of  fees  in 
secondary  schools  and  technical  colleges.  One 
of  the  speakers  of  the  deputation  complained 
that  secondary  school  fees  were  mounting  so 
high  that  working  people  could  not  afford  to 
pay  them,  and  that  in  some  cases  the  rule  as  to 
the  reservation  of  25  per  cent,  of  free  places  in 
secondary  schools  had  not  been  observed.  Mr. 
Ilunciman,  in  reply,  said  that  the  difficulties 
which  had  been  raised  centered  around  local 
finance.  The  Board  of  Education  had  not  been 
idle  during  the  last  three  years  in  assisting  local 
authorities,  especially  for  secondary  education. 
In  the  year  1906-7  the  grant  for  this  purpose 
amounted  to  £480,000  ; £691,000  was  granted  in 
1907-8  ; and  in  the  estimate  for  1908-9  £802,000 
was  put  aside  for  secondary  education ; and  as 
far  as  he  could  see  at  present  the  amount  to  be 
granted  for  secondary  education  purposes  next 
year  would  be  even  larger.  ...  Of  the  total 
number  of  secondary  schools  which  were  now 
required  to  comply  with  the  free  places  regula- 
tion, 368,  or  more  than  half,  provided  in  1907-8 
more  than  the  stipulated  25  per  cent.,  and  the 
great  majority  of  the  whole  of  them  provided 
the  25  per  cent.  There  were,  it  was  true,  a num- 
ber of  cases  where  a smaller  number  of  free 
places  had  been  granted,  but  that  fact  was  due 
purely  to  local  considerations.  . . . He  should 
do  all  he  could  to  prevent  secondary  schools 
from  becoming  class  schools,  but  it  was  not 
every  child  who  was  suitable  to  enter  a^second- 
ary  school,  and  they  must  have  a fa®fc  good 
standard  examination  for  the  chl^Hr  who 
wished  to  enter.  He  would  very  mi^^leplore 
indeed  if  the  cost  of  secondary  eduea^^Lwere  to 
make  it  prohibitive,  or  so  to  restri  allow 

it  to  be  open  only  to  the  children  ^^Hrl-to-do- 
parents.  He  hoped,  before  the  nejj^^ulations 
were  published,  to  clear  away  some  of  the  ob- 
stacles in  the  direction  of  throwing  open  a larger 
number  of  free  places  to  scholars  and  towards 
making  the  secondary  schools  as  much  schools 
for  the  clever  poor  children  as  for  the  clever 
rich  children. 

A few  days  later  in  March  the  report  of  the 
general  Board  of  Education  for  the  school  year 
1907-8  was  issued,  bringing  statistical  informa- 
tion of  the  English  schools  down  to  the  31st  of 
July  in  the  latter  year.  During  the  year  then 
ended,  the  number  of  new  public  elementary 
schools  sanctioned  under  the  Education  Act, 
1902,  was,  in  England,  215,  giving  accommoda- 
tion for  80,351  children,  and  in  Wales  64,  ac- 
commodating 13,942  students.  Enlargements, 
numbering  94  and  21  respectively,  provided  ac- 
commodation for  17,697  children  in  England  and 
3,407  in  Wales.  During  the  year  ending  July 
31,  1907,  the  number  of  ordinary  public  element- 
ary schools  in  England  and  Wales  increased  by 
44,  the  council  schools  increasing  by  223,  while 
the  number  of  voluntary  schools  decreased  by 
179.  One  hundred  voluntary  schools  were  trans- 
ferred to  local  education  authorities.  During 
the  next  12  months  the  number  of  schools  grew 
by  47,  the  number  of  council  schools  having 


increased  by  205,  and  the  number  of  voluntary 
schools  having  decreased  by  158. 

As  regards  higher  elementary  schools,  35 
schools  of  the  new  type  existed  on  August  1, 
1907,  by  which  date  there  were  left  26  such 
schools  of  the  old  type.  The  changes  during 
the  succeeding  year  brought  the  total  number 
of  higher  elementary  schools  of  the  new  type 
to  38,  and  the  number  of  such  schools  of  the  old 
type  to  21  by  August  1,  1908.  The  number  of 
scholars  on  the  registers  of  elementary  schools 
decreased  during  1906-7  by  22,584,  due  mainly 
to  a continued  diminution  in  the  number  of 
scholars  under  five  years  of  age.  During  1907-8 
the  number  of  scholars  on  the  registers  increased 
by  12,166,  a further  decrease  in  the  number  of 
scholars  under  five  being  more  than  balanced 
by  a large  increase  in  the  number  of  scholars 
between  the  ages  of  five  and  twelve. 

The  report  records  a growth  of  secondary 
schools  receiving  grants  from  the  Board,  both  in 
the  numbers  of  such  schools  and  of  the  pupils 
attending  them,  and  also  in  their  effectiveness. 
The  Board  adds:  “There  are  still  areas  where 
the  amount  of  public  secondary  school  provision 
is  wholly  inadequate,  or  where  its  quality  falls 
much  short  of  any  standard  that  can  be  regarded 
as  even  provisionally  satisfactory.  But  there  is 
no  area  in  which  the  Board  have  to  note  actual 
retrogression.” 

As  regards  evening  schools,  the  report  says : 
“ The  total  number  of  students  enrolled  in  these 
schools  during  1906-7  diminished  from  749,491 
to  736,512;  but  there  was  a considerable  increase 
in  the  number  of  efficient  students.” 

Statistics  of  the  elementary  schools  of  London 
for  the  year  1907-8,  published  in  March,  1909, 
in  the  annual  report  of  the  education  officer  of 
the  London  County  Council,  showed  that  the 
average  number  of  children  on  the  rolls  of  schools 
maintained  by  the  Council  during  the  year  was 
731,706.  Of  this  number,  566,086  were  on  the 
rolls  of  London  County  Council  schools  and  165,  - 
620  on  the  rolls  of  non-provided  schools.  The 
average  number  of  children  in  attendance  during 
the  year  was  650,861,  of  whom  505,698  were  at 
London  County  Council  schools  and  145,163  at 
non-provided  schools.  The  total  number  of 
teachers  engaged  on  March  31,  1908,  was  17,562, 
of  whom  13,030  were  in  London  County  Council 
schools  and  4,532  in  non-provided  schools.  The 
salaries  of  these  teachers  amounted  to  £1.820,816 
and  £443,468  respectively.  On  March  31, 1908, 
the  average  salaries  of  head  teachers  and  certi- 
ficated assistants  (excluding  teachers  “on  sup- 
ply ”)  were  — for  masters  in  London  County 
Council  schools,  £174  13s.  4d.,  and  for  mistresses, 
£125  11s. ; for  masters  in  non-provided  schools, 
£144  Is.  7d.,  and  for  mistresses,  £104  6s.  3d. 

With  reference  to  the  size  of  classes  the  report 
states  that  the  number  of  pupils  per  class  teacher 
was,  in  the  case  of  London  County  Council 
schools,  ,44.8,  and  in  the  case  of  non-provided 
schools  37.5.  Ten  years  ago  the  number  was 
55.2. 

The  gross  expenditure  on  elementary  schools 
was,  approximately,  £4,000,000.  The  cost  of 
London  County  Council  schools  was  about  £3,- 
400,000,  and  of  non-provided  schools  £600,000. 
About  £1,257,000  of  Government  grant  was 
earned  and  of  this  £971,000  was  in  respect  of 
London  County  Council  schools  and  £286,000 
in  respect  of  non-provided  schools. 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


Under  the  Education  (Administrative  Provi- 
sions) Act,  1907,  the  London  County  Council  is 
empowered  to  provide  vacation  schools  or  classes 
during  the  holidays,  or  assist  voluntary  agencies 
formed  for  this  purpose.  Hitherto  the  council 
has  given  assistance  to  voluntary  agencies,  but 
in  1909  it  was  proposed  by  the  Children’s  Care 
(Central)  Sub-Committee  of  the  Education  Com- 
mittee of  the  council  that  the  council  should 
itself  organize  vacation  schools. 

Debate  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  Edu- 
cation Estimates  was  opened  by  the  President  of 
the  Board  of  Education,  Mr.  Runciman,  on  the 
14th  of  July.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  he 
made  the  following  statements: 

“The  Board  of  Education  is  now  one  of  the 
greatest  of  the  spending  departments,  and  a 
rough  estimate  of  the  amount  of  public  money 
spent  on  public  education  in  this  country  shows 
that  we  have  cognizance  of  an  expenditure  of 
something  like  £28,000,000  on  elementary,  sec- 
ondary, and  higher  education,  and  over  and 
above  that  of  a sum  of  probably  £8,000,000  to 
£10,000,000  spent  by  other  authorities  and  other 
persons.  These  estimates  affect  no  fewer  than 
3,000,000  parents  and  about  6,000,000  children. 
The  improvement  which  has  been  made  in  the 
elementary  education  system  during  the  last 
five  years  has  been  mainly  machinery  improve- 
ment rather  than  improvement  in  the  curricu- 
lum. 

“The  secondary  and  technical  branches  of  the 
work  which  were  formerly  under  the  control 
of  South  Kensington  are  now  treated  as  two  dif- 
ferent departments.  In  the  old  days  technical 
education  was  too  teclmicalized  and  too  little  in 
touch  with  the  practical  affairs,  necessities,  and 
actual  circumstances  of  life.  It  has  been  the 
object  of  the  Board  of  Education  therefore  to 
generalize  secondary  education,  and  so  far  as  it 
comes  under  the  control  of  the  Board  to  make 
technical  education  more  practical  with  a closer 
bearing  on  the  duties  likely  to  be  required  from 
the  young  men  and  women  who  pass  through 
these  classes.  The  improvement  has  been  led, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  in  the  North  of 
England,  where  classes  have  been  definitely 
graded.  . . . 

“The  secondary  schools  of  England  and  Wales 
have  shown  a most  marked  improvement,  both 
in  numbers  and  character,  during  the  last  few 
years.  Progress  has  been  noted  in  several  direc- 
tions. First  of  all,  the  number  of  schools  aided 
by  grants  and  the  number  of  pupils  attending 
those  schools  have  gone  up  year  by  year  since 
1902.  The  272  secondary  schools  of  that  year 
have  increased  to  800,  and  even  since  1905-06  the 
increase  has  been  at  the  same  rate.  I think  in 
1905-06  there  were  only  about  600  secondary 
schools  in  this  country  ; now  there  are  over  800. 
About  60  new  secondary  schools  are  being  added 
every  school  year,  and  the  number  of  pupils  is 
increasing  to  an  even  greater  extent.  The  increase 
during  the  years  1902-05  was  about  6,000  per 
annum,  and  the  increase  now  has  risen  to  over 
10,000  per  annum,  so  that  the  total  number  of  pu- 
pils in  secondary  schools  is  now  134,000,  or  very 
nearly  135,000.  The  grants  which  have  been 
made  to  secondary  schools  have,  of  course,  in- 
creased very  considerably.  It  is  impossible  to 
expect  local  authorities  to  spend  much  of  their 
money  on  the  expenses  of  secondary  schools 
unless  they  receive  a large  measure  of  State  aid. 


The  grants  have  gone  up  during  the  seven  years 
from  1902  to  the  present  time  from  £129,000  per 
annum  to  over  half  a million  ; and  this  great  in- 
crease in  pupils,  in  the  amount  of  money  spent 
on  the  schools,  and  in  the  number  of  schools  in 
the  country,  has  been  marked  at  the  same  time 
by  a raising  of  the  standard  of  the  teachers  em- 
ployed in  those  schools,  by  an  increase  in  the 
length  of  the  school  life  of  the  pupils  who  attend 
those  schools,  and  by  an  incalculable  improve- 
ment in  the  curriculum  and  the  efficiency  of 
those  schools.  1 think  we  may  look  back  with 
satisfaction  on  the  increase  of  the  secondary 
schools  over  which  we  have  control.’’ 

At  the  annual  conference  of  the  National  Union 
of  Teachers,  held  at  Morecambe,  in  April,  1909, 
with  about  2000  in  attendance,  the  address  of  the 
incoming  President  contained  some  interesting 
statements  relative  to  the  national  teaching  staff . 
“ The  character  of  the  teaching  staff  in  the  ele- 
mentary schools  of  England  and  Wales,”  he  re- 
marked, “ as  shown  by  the  latest  available  return 
of  the  Board  of  Education,  was:  Of  certificated 
teachers,  89,078, or 49  percent.;  of  uncertificated 
teachers,  40,569,  or  22  per  cent.;  of  supplement- 
ary teachers,  21,984,  or  12  per  cent.;  and  of  pu- 
pil teachers,  27,227,  or  15  per  cent.  The  22,000 
so-called  supplementary  teachers,  possessing 
scarcely  any  educational  equipment,  were  utterly 
unfitted  in  most  cases  for  the  important  duties 
they  were  called  upon  to  perform.  Their  sole 
passports  to  the  teaching  profession  were  that 
they  must  be  at  least  one  year  over  17  and  had 
been  successfully  vaccinated;  yet  they  were  an- 
swerable for  the  education  of  nearly  600,000  chil- 
dren. The  Board  of  Education  proposed  that  in 
future  each  member  of  this  class  of  teacher  should 
count  on  the  staff  for  20  instead  of  30  children, 
while  other  regulations  provided  for  the  limitation 
of  the  numbers  to  be  employed  in  the  schools,  and 
for  the  withdrawal  by  the  board  of  the  recogni- 
tion of  a supplementary  teacher  at  any  time  if 
not  efficient.  This  was  indeed  a step  in  the  right 
direction,  and  showed  that  Mr.  Runciman  was 
really  solicitous  that  there  should  be  an  improve- 
ment in  the  quality  of  the  teachers  at  work  in  the 
schools.  There  were  also  many  young  persons 
termed  student  teachers  whose  academic  training 
was  unexceptionable.  They  were  really  appren- 
tices, but  the  Board  of  Education  had  regarded 
each  of  these  young  people,  who  might  never  have 
been  in  an  elementary  school  before,  or  done  a 
day’s  teaching  anywhere,  and  who  were  away  one 
day  out  of  every.five,  as  an  efficient  teacher  equal 
to  educating  45  children  on  every  occasion  on 
which  the  school  was  opened.  . . . There  were 
some  500  well-equipped  college-trained  certifi- 
cated teachers  waiting  to  fill  the  gap  which  would 
be  caused  by  the  new  regulations  of  the  Board 
of  Education,  and  an  additional  4,000  would  be 
seeking  employment  in  August.” 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Revival  of  Passive 
Resistance  to  the  Act  of  1902. — The  defeat 
of  the  Education  Bill  of  1906  wakened  the  spirit 
of  “passive  resistance”  afresh;  but  it  was  not 
until  May,  1909,  that  a reorganization  of  the 
movement  was  undertaken.  As  the  result  of  a 
conference  then  held  in  London,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Dr.  Clifford,  resolutions  were  adopted 
for  the  “organizing  of  the  whole  passive  resist- 
ance forces  of  the  country  into  a new  league,” 
to  act  on  the  following  lines  : “ (1)  Suffering 
imprisonment  where  the  resister  has  no  distrain- 


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EDUCATION 


able  goods  ; (2)  suffering  the  distraint  of  goods 
without  repurchase  ; (3)  suffering  distraint  of 
goods  and  afterwards  buying  them  back  ; (4) 
protesting  before  the  magistrates  and  then  pay- 
ing, on  order,  the  rate.”  It  was  also  resolved  to 
urge  upon  the  Government  “the absolute  neces- 
sity of  encouraging  from  national  funds  the 
building  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  of 
council  schools  in  those  areas  in  which  there  are 
no  undenominational  schools,  and  also  the  pro- 
vision of  unsectarian  colleges  in  all  parts  of  the 
country  where  these  are  needed.” 

To  a delegation  from  the  League  which 
waited,  subsequently,  on  the  Head  of  the  Board 
of  Education,  Mr.  Runciman,  the  latter  said, 
with  reference  to  the  Act  of  1902,  that  it  “could 
not  be  got  rid  of  by  administration.  It  would 
be  a mischievous  precedent  for  any  Minister  to 
attempt  to  undo  what  Parliament  had  done.  He 
was,  however,  prepared  to  administer  the  Act 
fairly  and  justly,  and  he  was  not  going  to  show 
any  favour  to  any  particular  class  of  school. 
Dealing  with  the  question  of  the  improvements 
in  the  conditions  governing  the  existence  of 
training  colleges,  he  said  that  during  the  past 
12  months  the  accommodation  in  training  col- 
leges for  Nonconformist  teachers,  or  those  who 
were  not  prepared  to  be  bound  by  any  denomina- 
tional creed,  had  greatly  increased.  Since  1905 
there  had  been  a gradual  increase,  until  there 
now  existed  3,800  more  places  for  that  class  of 
teacher  than  existed  when  the  Government  came 
into  power.” 

A.  D.  1909. — Educational  demands  of  the 
Trade  Unions.  — The  British  Trade  Union  Con- 
gress, at  Ipswich,  in  September,  1909,  adopted 
a resolution  urging  workers  to  continue  their 
efforts  to  secure  Parliamentary  and  municipal 
recognition  of  the  trade  union  education  policy, 
which  demanded : — “ (1)  The  State  maintenance 
of  school  children ; (2)  scientific  physical  educa- 
tion, with  individual  medical  inspection  and 
records  of  the  physical  development  of  all  chil- 
dren attending  State  schools,  and  skilled  medical 
attendance  and  treatment  for  any  requiring  it ; 
and  in  order  to  secure  this  : — (a)  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Medical  Department  at  the  Board 
of  Education,  the  head  of  wThich  should  be  di- 
rectly responsible  to  the  Board  of  Education,  to 
whom  he  shall  report  annually  ; ( b ) the  payment 
of  an  adequate  grant  from  the  Imperial  Excheq- 
uer for  purposes  of  medical  inspection  and  for 
the  establishment  under  every  education  author- 
ity of  properly  equipped  centres  for  medical 
treatment ; ( c ) the  establishment  under  every 
education  authority  of  scientifically  organized 
open  air  recovery  schools,  the  cost  to  be  borne 
by  the  community  as  a whole  and  not  in  any 
part  by  charitable  contributions  ; (3)  the  complete 
dissociation  of  these  reforms  from  Poor  Law  ad- 
ministration ; (4)  that  secondary  and  technical 
education  be  an  integral  part  of  every  child’s 
education  and  be  secured  by  such  a reform  and 
extension  of  the  scholarship  system  as  would 
place  a maintenance  scholarship  within  the  reach 
of  every  child,  and  thus  make  it  possible  for  all 
children  to  be  full  time  day  pupils  up  to  the  age 
of  16  ; (5)  that  the  best  intellectual  and  technical 
training  be  provided  for  the  teachers  of  the  chil- 
dren, that  each  educational  district  be  required 
to  train  the  number  of  pupil  teachers  demanded 
by  local  needs  and  to  establish  training  colleges, 
preferably  in  connexion  with  Universities  or 


University  colleges;  (6)  that  the  provision  of 
educational  buildings  and  facilities  be  obligatory 
upon  the  local  authority,  who  should  always 
maintain  administrative  control  of  the  buildings 
and  the  facilities  so  provided  ; (7)  that  the  cost 
of  education  be  met  by  grants  from  the  Imperial 
Exchequer  and  by  the  restoration  of  misappro- 
priated educational  endowments  ; and  further, 
having  regard  to  the  increasing  cost  of  popular 
education,  and  also  to  the  increasing  value  and 
notoriously  undemocratic  administration  of  the 
University  and  public  school  endowments,  the 
Congress  called  upon  the  Parliamentary  Com- 
mittee to  press  the  Government  to  appoint  a 
Royal  Commission  to  inquire  into  and  report 
upon  the  educational  endowments  of  the  coun- 
try.” 

France:  A.  D.  1903.  — Execution  of  the 
Associations  Law.  — Closing  of  the  schools 
of  the  Religious  Orders.  — State  Monopoly 
of  Education  established.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France  : A.  D.  1901  (April-Oct.),  and  1903. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Enlistment  of  teachers  in 
the  Syndicalist  (Labor  Union)  Movement. 
See  Labor  Organization  : France  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A late  awakening  to  the  need 
of  better  technical  and  industrial  training.  — 
France  has  been  slow  in  understanding  the  mod- 
ern necessity  of  systematic  industrial  training 
and  technical  education,  in  order  to  keep  her 
workmen  abreast  of  the  more  alert  and  enter- 
prising peoples  in  efficiency  and  skill.  She  has 
trusted  too  long,  it  seems,  to  the  old  customs  of 
apprenticeship,  and  apprenticeship  has  decayed 
in  her  workshop  practice,  as  it  has  decayed  every- 
where else.  The  situation,  as  brought  recently 
to  notice,  was  described  as  follows  in  a Paris 
letter  to  the  London  Times,  in  May,  1909  : 

“ Legislative  enactments  of  recent  date,  limit- 
ing the  hours  of  labour  for  young  people  and 
placing  under  strict  regulations  those  workshops 
where  children  and  adults  are  employed  together, 
have  led  to  so  much  discontent  among  employers 
who  take  apprentices  that  the  majority  of  the 
masters,  especially  those  who  obtain  no  immedi- 
ate profit  from  the  work  of  the  apprentices,  have 
abandoned  the  practice  of  endeavouring  to  train 
young  people  likely  to  be  of  use  to  them  in  the 
future.  The  consequences  are  that  the  level  of 
professional  skill  and  competence  is  becoming 
lowered  among  the  rising  generation  of  work- 
men, and  all  are  now  agreed  that  the  discovery 
of  some  remedy  is  a matter  of  extreme  urgency. 
It  seems  to  be  admitted  that  in  a very  few  years 
this  evil  may  become  one  of  fatal  importance  in 
the  case  more  especially  of  the  art  industries  and 
of  those  involving  mechanical  skill. 

“ The  report  of  the  Parliamentary  Commission 
appointed  to  make  inquiry  into  this  question  has 
just  been  published,  together  with  the  draft  of 
the  proposed  legislation  on  this  subject,  while 
the  resolutions  adopted  at  a Congress  of  Com- 
merce and  National  Industries,  which  lias  just 
taken  place  at  Paris,  are  entirely  in  accord  with 
the  views  and  suggestions  of  the  above  Commis- 
sion. 

“The remedies  unanimously  demanded  are  as 
follows  : — 1.  That  it  be  made  compulsory  for 
all  young  persons  of  both  sexes,  under  18  years 
of  age,  who  may  be  employed  either  in  commerce 
or  industry,  to  attend  courses  of  technical  in- 
struction ( cours  de  perfectionnement).  2.  These 
courses  are  to  take  place  in  the  daytime,  upon 


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EDUCATION 


days  and  at  hours  determined  for  each  locality 
by  committees  composed  of  representatives  of 
the  municipal  authorities,  the  associations  of 
manufacturers,  and  of  the  workpeople.  The 
selection  of  the  dates  and  hours  in  question  is  to 
be  made  in  such  a way  as  to  accord  best  with 
the  respective  interests  of  the  manufacturers 
and  the  educational  requirements.  Employers 
will  be  bound  to  enable  their  workpeople  to 
set  apart  sufficient  time  to  attend  the  classes. 
3.  The  course  of  instruction  is  to  be  adapted  in 
each  district  to  the  requirements  of  the  local 
trades.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Clerical  attack  on  the  Sec- 
ular or  Neutral  Schools. — Antagonism  be- 
tween the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  Gov- 
ernment was  newly  accentuated  in  October,  1909, 
by  a clerical  attack  on  the  so-called  “neutral” 
schools, — that  is,  the  secular  or  lay  schools, 
publicly  maintained  and  administered.  This 
was  opened  by  a pastoral  letter,  signed  by 
French  cardinals,  archbishops,  and  bishops,  in 
which  those  faithful  to  the  Church  were  warned 
against  sending  their  children  to  these  schools, 
whose  religious  neutrality  was  said  to  be  in  real- 
ity a bitter  opposition  to  religion  and  church. 
The  Catholic  schools,  it  was  urged,  must  be 
kept  up  if  the  Church  is  to  be  kept  up.  “In 
proportion  as  the  schools  from  which  religious 
instruction  is  banished  keep  on  filling  up,  our 
churches  will  grow  empty.”  The  pastoral  let- 
ter put  the  ban  on  more  than  a dozen  text-books 
on  French  history  and  civics  whose  views  it 
found  pernicious.  “If,  therefore,”  the  letter 
concluded,  “parents  perceive  that  the  souls  of 
their  children  are  imperilled  in  the  so-called  neu- 
tral schools,  they  must  not  hesitate,  under  pain 
of  forfeiting  the  sacraments  of  the  church.” 

This  roused  anti-clerical  extremists  to  demand 
the  establishing  of  a State  monopoly  of  educa- 
tion, making  the  lay  school  compulsory  and 
suppressing  all  private  schools  in  which  religion 
is  taught.  But  the  sounder  republicans,  in  pub- 
lic life  and  in  journalism,  gave  no  countenance 
to  this.  The  Petite  Republiqxie  reminded  its  ad- 
vocates that  there  are  at  present  1,122,375  chil- 
dren who  attend  private  schools,  and  that  to 
establish  Government  schools  for  them  would 
cost  some  §75,000,000;  or,  if  secondary  schools 
be  included,  $88,000,000.  In  addition  an  annual 
expenditure  of  $15,000,000  would  be  necessi- 
tated for  upkeep  and  salaries.  The  Temps, 
taking  higher  grounds  of  principle,  condemned 
the  scheme  as  one  that  would  essentially  parallel 
the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  France, 
it  declared,  is  a free  country ; every  creed  has 
the  perfect  right  to  provide  for  its  adherents 
the  kind  of  religious  education  which  it  thinks 
proper.  At  the  same  time  the  Temps  pointed 
out  that  the  opponents  of  the  lay  schools  are  not 
merely  attacking  abuses  that  may  have  crept 
into  them,  but  mean  to  strike  at  the  principle 
of  religious  neutrality.  It  admitted  the  existence 
of  wrongs  that  need  righting,  saying  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  some  of  the  school  books  are  dis- 
figured by  partiality  on  various  points  affecting 
history,  patriotism,  and  religion,  and  that  this  is 
contrary  both  to  the  letter  and  to  the  spirit  of 
the  law.  This  evil  must,  the  Temps  urges,  be 
eradicated.  But  the  ecole  la'ique,  says  the  Temps, 
cannot  be  destroyed  without  destroying  the  Re- 
public. 

This,  too,  was  the  fundamental  proposition  of 


Premier  Briand,  in  a speech  of  admirable  tone 
which  he  made,  October  30th,  at  a great  banquet 
in  Paris  which  inaugurated  the  new  buildings 
of  La  Ligue  de  V Enseignement.  The  neutral 
school,  he  declared,  was  the  corner  stone  of  the 
Republic.  As  reported  in  Tluz  Times  of  London, 
he  went  on  to  say : “It  was  natural  that  the  ad- 
versaries of  the  Republic  should  attack  the 
school  — the  mould  in  which  the  Republican 
spirit  and  the  character  of  Frenchmen  and 
Frenchwomen  was  formed.  Certain  people 
were  pleading  the  dictates  of  conscience  as  the 
explanation  of  the  campaign  which  they  had 
just  started.  Why  had  they  not  attacked  the 
school  before?  He  would  remind  them  that  the 
icole  la'ique  existed  before  the  recent  separation 
of  Church  and  State;  it  had  existed  under  the 
Concordat.  Why  did  not  the  conscience  of  its 
opponents  seek  any  expression  till  now  ? . . . 
The  Government  was  determined  to  give  the 
country  the  means  of  defending  the  "neutral’ 
school,  and  measures  to  that  end  had  been  pre- 
pared by  the  Ministry.  But  the  most  effective 
defence  was  that  which  would  be  conducted  by 
private  initiative  like  that  of  the  Ligue  de  l’En- 
seignement  and  by  the  male  and  female  teachers 
themselves.  The  teaching  in  the  schools,  M. 
Briand  continued,  ‘ ought  not  to  be  directed 
against  any  one;  in  order  to  secure  the  confi- 
dence of  the  parents  it  ought  not  to  be  of  a 
polemical  character;  in  order  to  be  effective  it 
must  not  let  the  passions  of  the  street  invade 
the  schoolroom.’  Let  them  leave  violent  lan- 
guage to  their  opponents  and  not  play  the  game 
of  their  opponents  by  indulging  in  violent  meth- 
ods.” 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  spirit  in  which 
the  matter  was  brought  officially  before  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  by  M.  Steeg,  the  reporter 
on  the  Budget  of  Public  Instruction.  The  fol- 
lowing is  from  a summary  of  his  remarks  on  this 
subject:  “He  says  that  it  would  be  difficult  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  Bishops  of  the  disestab- 
lished Roman  Catholic  Church,  who  will  never, 
he  thinks,  agree  to  recognize  with  good  will  the 
neutral  school.  He  remarks,  however,  that  no 
pretext  must  be  furnished  to  the  Bishops  for 
their  attacks  upon  the  school,  and  that  they 
must  not  be  enabled  to  appeal  against  the  Re- 
publican Government  to  the  idea  of  ‘neutral- 
ity’ itself.  As  to  the  associations  of  parents, 
which  are  now  being  formed  in  accordance  with 
the  Episcopal  views,  M.  Steeg  recognizes  that 
they  are  quite  lawful.  He  only  fears  that  they 
may  sometimes  transgress  by  reason  of  excessive 
zeal ; but  he  declares  that  the  best  way  of  avoid- 
ing their  interference  is  to  make  the  management 
of  the  schools  irreproachable.  The  objections 
raised  against  some  of  the  school-books  are,  he 
thinks,  obviously  exaggerated.  But  he  consid- 
ers that  scrupulous  care  ought  to  be  exercised  in 
resisting  all  temptation  to  borrow  for  the  pur- 
poses of  the  neutral  school  the  weapons  of  sec- 
tarian propagandism.  . . . He  continues;  ‘We 
should  not  desire  that  the  book  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a school  child  should  in  any  sense  what- 
ever contain  a single  proposition  that  is  perilous 
or  open  to  suspicion.  Let  there  be  no  veiled 
proselytism  supported  by  ingenious  distortions 
of  fact  or  interpretations  with  an  object.’  ” 

The  Temps  remarks;  “M.  Steeg’s  language 
does  him  credit,  and  it  is  a pleasure  to  see  a pol- 
itician of  the  Extreme  Left  recognizing,  with 


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EDUCATION 


a strong  sense  of  philosophic  truth,  that  re- 
spect for  the  past  is  perfectly  compatible  with 
justice  to  the  present  and  preparation  for  the 
future.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Appointment  of  the  Abbe 
Loisy,  Professor  of  Religions  in  the  College 
de  France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Franck  : A.  D. 
1909  (March). 

Germany:  Technical  Education. — Causes 
of  its  great  development  and  wonderful  indus- 
trial results.  — Its  influence  on  International 
Trade. — “How  much  Germany  owes  to  her 
system  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  estimate. 
Certainly  no  other  country  has  turned  the  edu- 
cation of  children  and  young  people  to  such 
enormous  advantage.  A good  and  efficient  edu- 
cation has  been  made  not  only  accessible  but  also 
compulsory  in  every  corner  of  the  country,  and 
one  of  the  most  priceless  features  of  this  educa- 
tion has  been  and  is  the  inculcation  of  real,  per- 
sonal interest  in  the  national  welfare.  Further, 
the  fullest  possible  use  has  been  made  of  scien- 
tific investigations,  and  all  sciences  have  been 
drawn  into  the  service  of  the  nation.  The  result 
of  this  has  been  truly  amazing;  in  fact,  wholly 
undreamt  of.  There  can  no  longer  be  any  doubt 
that  Germany’s  industrial  advance  is  mainly  due 
to  the  extent  and  thoroughness  with  which  tech- 
nical education  is  being  conducted.  Briefly 
stated,  the  secret  of  the  pronounced  success  of 
the  technical  colleges  in  the  Fatherland  lies  in 
the  fact  that  they  have  kept  pace  with  the  ever- 
increasing  scope  of  all  branches  of  science  in 
general,  and,  to  the  same  extent,  with  the  ever- 
increasing  demands  of  the  present  day  industrial 
enterprises  upon  scientific  investigation  and 
research.” — Louis  Elkind,  Germany's  Commer- 
cial Relations  ( Fortnightly  Review,  July,  1906). 

What  seems  to  be  the  most  satisfying  expla- 
nation that  has  been  given  of  causes  or  reasons 
lying  behind  the  extraordinary  development  of 
scientific  training  on  practical  lines  in  Germany, 
resulting  in  so  wonderful  a speed  of  industrial 
progress  within  the  passing  generation,  was 
cited  from  a German  scientist  by  President 
Pritchett,  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Tech- 
nology, in  an  article  contributed  to  the  Review  of 
Revie'tcs,  February,  1906.  “ About  a year  ago,” 

said  President  Pritchett,  “I  heard  a famous 
chemist  in  Germany  explain  the  present  indus- 
trial supremacy  of  his  country  in  words  some- 
thing like  these : ‘ Forty  years  ago,’  said  he,  ‘ the 
scientific  men  of  the  various  German  states  de- 
voted their  study  almost  wholly  to  theoretical 
subjects.  They  were  humorously  described  as 
given  up  to  investigations  of  the  dative  case  and 
similar  impractical  problems.  In  a measure  this 
was  true.  The  investigators  of  that  day  had  a 
wholesome  contempt  for  anything  which  pro- 
mised direct  utilitarian  results.  But  the  devel- 
opment of  the  spirit  of  research  throughout  the 
German  universities  trained  a great  army  of  men 
to  be  expert  investigators,  and  when  a united 
Germany  arose  to  crown  the  labors  of  William  I. 
and  of  Bismarck,  with  it  came  a great  national 
spirit  in  which  the  men  of  science  shared.  They 
realized  that  to  them  were  committed  the  great 
industrial  problems  which  must  be  solved  in 
order  to  make  the  nation  strong,  and  scientific 
research,  which  up  till  then  had  been  mainly 
theoretical,  was  turned  to  the  immediate  solu- 
tion of  the  industrial  problems  of  the  nation.  No 
longer  the  dative  case  alone,  but  the  development 


of  the  chemical,  electrical,  and  mineral  resources 
of  the  country  formed  the  avenues  of  scientific 
activity,  and  scientific  research,  which  had  till 
then  been  looked  upon  as  theoretical  accomplish- 
ment, became  the  greatest  financial  asset  of  the 
Fatherland.’ 

“There  is  truth  in  this  statement.  The  re- 
search habit,  long  cultivated  in  German  univer- 
sities, had  nourished  a body  of  men  trained  to 
research,  men  who  had  acquired  the  research 
habit  and  the  spirit  of  investigation.  When, 
therefore,  the  problems  of  industrial  develop- 
ment began  to  appeal  strongly  to  the  national 
spirit,  the  country  had  a trained  body  of  men  to 
call  upon  who  threw  themselves  heartily  and  en- 
thusiastically into  these  practical  industrial  prob- 
lems.” 

A correspondent  of  the  London  Times,  writing 
in  May,  1909,  draws  attention  to  an  influence  on 
international  trade  exerted  by  the  German  tech- 
nical schools  which  is  generally  overlooked: 
“ In  the  German  technical  high  schools,”  he 
writes,  “an  appreciable  proportion  of  the  stu- 
dents are  foreigners  from  various  countries  in 
Europe.  Among  these  foreign  students  the 
Russians  and  Poles  hold  the  first  place  in  Ger- 
many as  regards  numbers,  there  being  about 
2,000.  There  are  also  an  appreciable  number  of 
Scandinavians  and  Dutchmen,  with  a few  Bel- 
gians, Spaniards,  Italians,  South  Americans, 
and  Slavs  from  Austria  and  the  Balkan  States. 
There  are  very  few  Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  or 
Americans.  ...  At  present  quite  a large  pro- 
portion of  the  engineers  and  manufacturers  in 
the  neutral  countries  on  the  Continent  have 
been  educated  in  Germany  or  Switzerland,  and 
as  a result  there  is  a great  bias  in  favour  of  Ger- 
man machinery  and  productions.  ...  As  the 
outcome  of  this  feeling  it  is  a difficult  matter 
for  British  manufacturers  of  machinery  to  ob- 
tain a hearing  when  tenders  are  being  considered 
on  the  Continent,  as  the  prejudice  in  favour  of 
German  or  Swiss  machinery  is  strong.” 

A.  D.  1898-1904.  — Rise  of  Commercial 
Universities. — A report  on  Commercial  In- 
struction in  Germany  by  Dr.  Frederic  Rose, 
British  Consul  at  Stuttgart,  presented  to  Parlia- 
ment in  September,  1904  (Cd.  2237),  gives  the 
following  account  of  the  rise  of  the  Commercial 
Universities  which  have  been  developed  in  Ger- 
many since  1898,  carrying  the  process  of  train- 
ing young  men  for  business  life  to  a higher 
point  than  had  been  aimed  at  in  the  older  com- 
mercial schools: 

“ The  commercial  universities  for  higher  com- 
mercial instruction  (Handelshochschulen)  have 
been  founded  within  the  last  six  years  [1898- 
1904]  and  mark  a further  step  in  the  develop- 
ment of  commercial  instruction  in  Germany. 
Their  aim  is  to  afford  persons  engaged  in  busi- 
ness and  industry  on  a large  scale  (Grosskauf- 
leute  and  Grossindustrielle),  masters  at  com- 
mercial schools,  administration  officials,  bank 
officials,  Consular  officials,  secretaries  to  Cham- 
bers of  Commerce,  and  so  forth,  a deeper  and 
broader  measure  of  instruction  in  commercial 
and  national  economical  matters  than  that  pro- 
vided by  the  various  commercial  schools.  The 
special  province  of  the  commercial  universities 
lies  less  in  the  mere  acquisition  of  commercial- 
technical  knowledge  and  attainments  for  imme- 
diate practical  detailed  application,  than  in  the 
attempt  to  provide  a general  mental  schooling 


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EDUCATION 


for  the  higher  branches  of  the  commercial  pro- 
fession. They  are  intended  to  awaken  and  de- 
velop the  mental  faculties  of  a merchant,  to 
enable  him  to  grasp  the  inner  working  and 
meaning  of  national  and  international  economy, 
and  to  understand  and  judge  its  causes  and  re- 
sults, its  temporary  and  permanent  phenomena; 
as  far  as  commercial  officials  are  concerned  they 
are  intended  to  impart  general  knowledge  and 
understanding  of  the  economic  conditions  of 
commerce  and  industry  with  their  manifold  aims 
and  requirements. 

“This  measure  of  university  education  (Ak- 
ademische  Bildung)  is  also  intended  to  raise  the 
social  position  of  the  mercantile  profession,  and 
to  increase  its  political  importance  and  influence 
in  public  life.  Generally  speaking  the  instruc- 
tion is  arranged  to  include  the  following  sub- 
jects:— Political  economy,  commercial  history 
and  geography,  commercial  law  in  all  its  aspects, 
the  organisation  and  management  of  commercial 
undertakings  and  their  technical  details,  indus- 
trial law,  financial  science,  bank,  exchange, 
monetary,  and  credit  operations,  State  and  ad- 
ministrative law,  and  so  forth.” 

At  the  writing  of  Dr.  Rose’s  report  there  were 
four  of  these  commercial  universities.  The  old- 
est, at  Leipsic  and  Aix,  were  founded  in  1898, 
the  former  in  connection  with  the  Leipsic  Uni- 
versity, the  latter  connected  with  the  Aix  Tech- 
nical University.  The  other  two,  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main  and  at  Cologne,  were  opened  in 
1901.  The  Frankfort  University,  which  bears 
also  the  name  of  “ Academy  of  Social  and  Com- 
mercial Science,”  and  the  Cologne  University, 
are  both  independently  organized.  “The  ini- 
tiative for  the  foundation  of  the  commercial  uni- 
versities,” says  Dr.  Rose,  “has  been  taken  by 
Chambers  of  Commerce  and  municipalities,  and 
not  by  the  governments  of  the  German  States. 
The  latter,  however,  are  now  becoming  aware 
of  the  importance  of  the  movement.  For  the 
present  their  action  is  limited  to  the  supervision 
exercised  by  the  Ministers  of  Education  and  In- 
dustry and  Commerce.  . . . 

“The  foundation  of  the  commercial  universi- 
ties has  brought  forward  many  opponents,  who 
not  only  deny  their  utility  but  consider  them 
actually  harmful,  because  the  persons  they  in- 
struct become  too  old  before  they  engage  in 
practical  business  work.  . . . The  extreme  op- 
ponents go  further  and  deny  that  a commer- 
cial university  is  able  to  train  practical  business 
men,  and  assert  that  this  can  only  be  done  by 
close  and  continual  contact  with  actual  business 
life,  and  that  the  acquisition  of  too  much  theo- 
retical knowledge  injures  the  practical  facul- 
ties. . . . 

“The  whole  opposition  to  the  commercial 
universities  seems  to  be  based  upon  a narrow- 
minded and  vague  idea  of  the  part  they  are  des- 
tined to  play  in  the  future.  . . . Unless  in- 
dustrial and  commercial  life  in  the  future  is  to 
degenerate  wholly  into  one  fierce  and  relentless 
struggle  for  one-sided  aggrandisement,  to  the 
detriment  of  other  members  of  the  social  body, 
ample  opportunities  for  the  thorough  compre- 
hension of  the  social  and  economic  conditions  of 
the  present  day  must  be  provided.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — The  Language  Question  In 
the  Polish  Provinces.  — “ Strike  ” of  school 
children.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany  : A.  D. 
1906-1907. 


India  : A recent  report  of  its  schools  and 
colleges.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1908.  — American  Mission  Schools. 

— “Increasing  interest  is  now  being  concen- 
trated on  Burma  and  India,  where  an  illiterate 
population  seems  to  need  far  more  education 
than  has  yet  been  provided  by  Great  Britain. 
In  Burma  the  Baptists  play  the  leading  role, 
educating  no  less  than  twenty-four  thousand 
pupils.  In  India,  however,  the  Methodists  lead, 
with  a record  of  over  thirty-seven  thousand 
pupils.  They  have  two  colleges  at  Lucknow. 
The  Baptists  have  a college  at  Ongole,  and  have 
about  fifteen  thousand  pupils  in  their  schools. 
The  Congregationalists  have  a college  at  Ma- 
dura, and  have  also  about  fifteen  thousand  pu- 
pils in  India,  added  to  their  total  of  ten  thousand 
in  Ceylon.  The  Presbyterians  have  a college  at 
Lahore  and  one  at  Allahabad,  and  are  educating 
about  ten  thousand  pupils  in  the  Empire.”  — 
American  Schools  Abroad  ( The  Outlook , May  2, 
1908). 

International  Interchanges  : Of  Professors. 

— Of  Students. — Of  Teachers’  visits.  — A 

fund  provided  by  Mr.  James  Hazen  Hyde,  of 
New  York,  enabled  Harvard  University,  in  1904, 
to  accept  an  invitation  from  the  Sorbonne,  at 
Paris,  to  send  one  of  its  professors  to  give  a 
course  of  lectures  at  that  ancient  institution  of 
learning,  on  subjects  relating  to  the  United 
States.  Professor  Barrett  Wendsdl  was  chosen 
for  the  pleasant  mission,  and  has  been  followed 
by  others  in  succeeding  years,  who  have  given 
courses  in  various  French  universities,  while  the 
compliment  has  been  returned,  in  lecturing  visits 
from  a number  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of 
letters  and  learning  in  France. 

This  opened  what  seems  to  have  become  an 
established  and  widening  system  of  lecturing 
interchanges  between  American  and  European 
Universities,  tending  greatly  to  promote  better 
acquaintance  between  nations  and  better  under- 
standing of  each  other.  At  about  the  time,  or 
soon  after,  the  mission  of  Professor  Wendell  to 
Paris,  arrangements  were  made  for  a similar  in- 
terchange between  Harvard  and  the  University 
of  Berlin.  In  a communication  to  The  Outlook 
of  February  18,  1905,  Professor  Kuno  Francke, 
Curator  of  the  Germanic  Museum  at  Harvard 
University,  gave  an  account  of  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  this  latter.  In  March,  1901,  as  he 
relates,  there  were  conferences  in  Berlin  with 
Dr.  Althoff,  Commissioner-General  of  the  Prus- 
sian Universities,  and  with  other  Prussian  offi- 
cials of  eminence,  having  for  their  object  the 
promotion  of  the  Germanic  Museum.  “The 
upshot  of  these  conferences,”  said  the  Professor, 
“was  the  draft  of  a provisional  agreement  be- 
tween the  Prussian  Government  and  Harvard 
University,  according  to  which  for  a period  of 
five  successive  years  an  exchange  of  professors 
between  Harvard  and  Berlin  University  was  to 
be  instituted,  in  such  a manner  that  every  year 
one  member  of  each  of  the  two  institutions 
would  enter  for  at  least  three  months  the  regular 
teaching  staff  of  the  other  institution,  it  being 
understood  that  in  each  case  the  visiting  member 
represent  subjects  or  methods  distinctly  peculiar 
to  his  country.  This  scheme,  which  met  with 
the  hearty  support  of  President  Eliot,  was  dis- 
cussed and  approved  a year  later  by  the  Harvard 
Faculty,  and  reached  its  consummation  a few 


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EDUCATION 


months  ago,  [1904]  when,  through  the  interces- 
sion of  Professor  llarnack,  an  official  proposition 
embodying  it  was  made  by  the  Prussian  Govern- 
ment to  the  Harvard  Corporation,  and  adopted 
by  the  same.  It  is  most  fortunate  that  the  Ger- 
man Emperor,  with  his  quick  grasp  of  interna- 
tional relations  and  his  deep  sympathy  for  the 
American  people,  has  now  given  to  this  whole 
subject  a much  wider  scope  by  proposing  to  ex- 
tend the  exchange  of  professors  to  other  univer- 
sities in  America  and  Germany  ; for  it  seems  as 
though  such  a measure  could  not  fail  to  open 
the  way  toward  a veritable  fraternization  of  the 
moral,  intellectual,  and  industrial  leaders  of  both 
nations.” 

In  the  latter  part  of  1905,  a Theodore  Roosevelt 
Professorship  of  American  History  and  Institu- 
tions, in  the  University  of  Berlin,  was  endowed 
with  the  sum  of  $50,000  by  Mr.  James  Speyer, 
of  New  York,  the  endowment  being  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  trustees  of  Columbia  University. 
The  plan  of  this  professorship  had  been  arranged 
with  the  German  Emperor  by  President  Butler, 
of  Columbia,  at  an  interview  in  the  previous  sum- 
mer. Nominations  to  it  would  be  made  by  the 
trustees  of  Columbia  University,  subject  to  con- 
firmation by  the  Prussian  Ministry  of  Education 
and  to  the  Emperor’s  sanction ; each  incumbent 
to  hold  the  office  for  one  year,  and  the  incumbents 
to  be  so  chosen  that  in  successive  years  the  field 
of  American  history,  constitutional  and  admin 
istrative  law,  economic  and  sociological  prob- 
lems and  movements,  education,  contributions  to 
science,  technology,  the  arts  and  literature,  be 
presented  with  some  fullness ; the  professorship 
to  be  filled  by  members  of  any  American  insti- 
tution of  learning,  or  by  scholars  not  connected 
with  academic  institutions.  The  scheme  in- 
volved also  the  establishment  at  Columbia  Uni- 
versity of  a similar  professorship  of  German 
history  and  institutions,  the  lectures  in  New 
York  to  be  delivered  in  English.  The  first  in- 
cumbent of  the  new  professorship  in  Berlin  was 
Dr.  Burgess,  Professor  of  Political  Science  in 
Columbia  University,  who  began  his  work  in 
Berlin  in  the  winter  of  1906-7,  and  took  as  his 
subject  American  constitutional  history. 

A movement  looking  to  the  establishment  of 
similar  interchanges  between  American  and  Scan- 
dinavian Universities  was  inaugurated  in  1908 
by  the  ‘‘Scandinavian  American  Solidarity,”  a 
society  organized  in  the  United  States  that  year, 
with  Dr.  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  of  Columbia 
University,  for  its  President,  and  Professor  Carl 
Lorentzen,  of  New  York  University,  for  its  Sec- 
retary. The  Danes  resident  in  New  York  City 
and  Chicago  arranged  that  President  Butler  of 
Columbia  and  President  MacCracken  of  New 
York  University  should  each  give  lectures  at  the 
University  of  Copenhagen  that  year,  and  raised 
the  necessary  funds.  The  lectures  were  given  at 
Christiania,  as  well  as  at  Copenhagen,  and  appear 
to  have  aroused  a widespread  interest.  Norwe- 
gian and  Swedish  Universities  and  the  University 
of  Helsingfors,  in  Finland,  have  signified  a wish 
to  participate  in  the  interchange,  and  it  is  more 
than  likely  to  become  permanently  arranged. 

An  educational  interchange  of  a different  char- 
acter, but  equally  important,  was  instituted  in 
1906  by  Mr.  Alfred  Mosely,  an  English  gentle- 
man of  great  wealth,  who  invited  five  hundred 
English,  Scotch,  and  Irish  teachers  to  visit  and  in 
spect  American  schools  at  his  expense.  Between 


November,  1906  and  March,  1907,  they  came  in 
parties  of  twenty-five,  some  remaining  one  month 
in  the  country,  some  two,  and  some  even  more, 
visiting  many  parts  of  it  and  all  descriptions  of 
its  schools.  They  were  selected  by  an  advisory 
committee  in  London,  which  aimed  to  have  them 
fully  representative  of  the  men  and  women  who 
are  engaged  in  the  work  of  the  British  and  Irish 
schools. 

A return  visit  of  some  hundreds  of  American 
teachers  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  in  similar 
parties,  under  the  auspices  of  the  National  Civic 
Federation,  was  made  in  the  fall  of  1908.  The 
schools  of  both  countries  gained,  bej'ond  ques- 
tion, from  what  each  had  to  offer  of  suggestion 
to  the  other. 

The  organization  of  a “ new  educational  move- 
ment to  provide  for  the  interchange  of  Univer- 
sity students  among  the  English-speaking  peo- 
ples” was  announced  in  England  in  June,  1909. 
“ The  object,”  it  was  stated,  “ is  to  provide  op- 
portunities for  as  many  as  possible  of  the  educated 
youth  of  the  United  Kingdom,  Canada,  and  the 
United  States  (who,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose, 
will  become  leaders  in  thought,  action,  civic  and 
national  government  in  the  future),  to  obtain 
some  real  insight  into  the  life,  customs,  and  pro- 
gress of  other  nations  at  a time  when  their  own 
opinions  are  forming,  with  a minimum  of  in- 
convenience to  their  academic  work  and  the  least 
possible  expense.” 

A great  number  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  time  in  British  public  and  professional 
life  were  listed  among  the  officers  and  committee- 
members  of  the  organization,  with  Lord  Strath- 
cona  as  President  for  the  United  Kingdom.  As 
set  forth  in  the  prospectus  of  the  society,  “the- 
additional  objects  of  the  movement  are  to  in- 
crease the  value  and  efficiency  of,  as  well  as  to 
extend,  present  University  training  by  the  provi- 
sion of  certain  Travelling  Scholarships  for  prac- 
tical observation  in  other  countries  under  suitable’ 
guidance.  These  scholarships  will  enable  those 
students  to  benefit  who  might  otherwise  be  un- 
able to  do  so  through  financial  restrictions.  It 
also  enables  the  administration  to  exercise  srreater 
power  of  direction  in  the  form  the  travel  is  to 
take.  In  addition  to  academic  qualifications,  the 
selected  candidate  should  be  what  is  popularly 
known  as  an  ‘ all  round  ’ man ; the  selection  to  be 
along  the  lines  of  the  Rhodes  Scholarships.  . . . 

“ To  afford  technical  and  industrial  students 
facilities  to  examine  into  questions  of  particular- 
interest  to  them  in  manufactures,  &c.,  by  obser- 
vation in  other  countries  and  by  providing  them 
with  introductions  to  leaders  in  industrial  ac- 
tivity. 

“ To  promote  interest  in  travel  as  an  educa- 
tional factor  among  the  authorities  of  Universi- 
ties, with  a view  to  the  possibility  of  some  kind 
of  such  training  being  included  in  the  regular 
curricula. 

“ To  promote  interest  in  other  Universities, 
their  aims  and  student  life,  the  compulsory 
physical  training,  and  methods  of  working  their 
ways  through  college,  for  example,  being  valu- 
able points  for  investigation. 

“ To  promote  international  interchange  for  ac- 
ademic work  among  English-speaking  Universi- 
ties. . . . 

“It  is  proposed  to  establish  two  students’  trav- 
elling bureaux,  one  in  New  York  and  one  in 
London  ; an  American  secretary  (resident  in  New 


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EDUCATION 


York)  and  a British  secretary  (resident  in  Lon- 
don), both  of  whom  shall  be  college  men  ap- 
pointed to  afford  every  facility  to  any  graduate 
or  undergraduate  of  any  University  who  wishes 
to  visit  the  United  States,  Canada,  ortheUnited 
Kingdom  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  an  insight 
into  the  student,  national,  and  industrial  life  of 
those  countries.” 

Further  announcements  of  the  plans  of  the 
organization  were  made  in  November,  including 
the  following  : 

‘ ‘ It  should  be  pointed  out  that,  although  the 
scholarships  proper  will  be  reserved  for  under- 
graduates of  the  Universities  who  are  already 
midway  through  their  course,  the  provision  of 
scholarships  by  no  means  defines  the  scope  of  the 
movement.  The  bureau  will  afford  facilities  to 
all  bona  fide  students  — whether  dons,  scholars, 
or  commoners — who  wish  to  gain  a practical 
insight  into  the  work  and  life  of  other  portions 
of  the  world. 

“The  travelling  students  will  have  the  advan- 
tage of  reduced  rates  of  travel  ; of  the  special 
information  which  the  bureau  will  be  able  to  af- 
ford ; and  of  the  privilege  of  being  brought  as 
far  as  possible  into  contact  with  the  actualities 
of  those  countries  to  which  they  go,  whether 
persons,  places,  or  institutions.  . . . 

“The  method  of  election  to  the  scholarships, 
which  it  is  purposed  shall  number  not  less  than 
28  for  each  year  of  the  experimental  triennium 
— 14  in  the  United  Kingdom,  ten  in  the  United 
States,  and  four  in  Canada  — will  be  along  the 
lines  of  the  Rhodes  scholarships.  The  candidate, 
it  is  stated,  shall,  as  far  as  possible,  be  what  is 
popularly  known  as  an  all-round  man,  who  plays 
a part  in  his  college  life  and  whose  character 
makes  him  popular.  ” 

Ireland  : A.  D.  1909.  — Organization  of  the 
two  new  Irish  Universities.  — On  the  1st  day 
of  October,  1909,  the  two  Universities  created  by 
the  Irish  Universities  Act  of  1908  came  into  ex- 
istence. “That  day  also  was  fixed  for  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Royal  University  of  Ireland,  the 
duties  of  which  are  now  to  be  distributed  between 
the  new  National  University  in  Dublin  and 
Queen’s  University,  Belfast.  Circumstances, 
however,  have  given  the  Royal  University  a 
short  reprieve.  It  cannot  be  dissolved  until  the 
autumn  degrees  of  the  present  year  have  been 
conferred.  These  degrees  will  be  given  as  the 
result  of  examinations  which  are  now  in  progress, 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  Uni  verity’s  last  public 
function  will  be  a conferring  of  degrees  on  the 
last  Friday  in  October.  It  will  cease  to  exist  in 
the  first  or  second  week  of  November.  . . . 

“The  National  University  itself  consists  of  a 
Senate  and  officers  with  large  powers  but  with 
no  local  habitation.  The  University  has  its  con- 
crete embodiment  in  the  new  University  Colleges, 
formerly  Queen’s  Colleges,  at  Cork  and  Galway. 
University  College,  Dublin,  is  so  far  only  con- 
crete in  the  sense  that  its  governing  body  has 
been  called  into  existence.  At  the  present  time 
it  has  no  teaching  and  no  college  buildings. 
The  former  of  these  wants  will  be  supplied 
almost  immediately.  The  University  Commis- 
sioners will  meet  early  next  month  to  appoint  a 
teaching  staff,  and  the  college  will  be  available 
for  students  at  the  beginning  of  November.  A s 
regards  staffs,  the  Dublin  College  is  differently 
situated  from  those  at  Cork  and  Galway.  For 
the  latter  colleges  teaching  staffs  exist  ready 


made  in  the  staffs  of  the  old  Queen’s  Colleges, 
which  are  to  be  taken  over  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Act.  . . . 

“Nothing  has  yet  been  done  in  connexion  with 
the  buildings  of  the  new  college  in  Dublin, 
though  various  sites  have  been  suggested,  in- 
cluding that  of  the  Royal  Hospital  at  Kilmain- 
ham.  . . . The  cases  of  Queen’s  University,  Bel- 
fast, and  of  the  University  Colleges  at  Cork  and 
Galway  present  no  difficulties.  These  institu- 
tions will  have  teaching  staffs  within  a couple  of 
weeks,  and  all  their  buildings  and  classrooms 
are  in  going  order. 

“The  agitation  of  the  Gaelic  League  in  favour 
of  the  compulsory  teaching  of  Irish  in  the  Na- 
tional University  is  vigorously  maintained.  It 
is  most  improbable  that  the  Senate  will  yield  to 
this  agitation  ; and  the  result  of  their  firmness 
will  be,  if  the  league  fulfils  its  threats,  a rather 
serious  boycott  of  the  University.” — Dublin 
Cor.  London  Times,  Sept.  30,  1909. 

An  Associated  Press  despatch  from  Dublin, 
Oct.  24,  announced  that  “among  the  appoint- 
ments to  the  new  National  University  of  Ireland 
are  Dr.  Douglas  Hyde,  president  of  the  Gaelic 
League,  as  professor  of  modern  Gaelic.  Dr. 
Henebry,  formerly  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  has 
been  appointed  to  the  professorship  of  the  Irish 
language  in  the  University  College,  Cork.” 

Korea  : American  Mission  Schools.  — “ In 
Korea  the  Presbyterians  have  the  strongest 
representation  of  any  religious  denomination, 
with  over  three  hundred  schools;  and,  what  is 
still  more  striking,  practically  every  one  of 
these  schools  is  self-supporting.  The  Metho- 
dists follow  with  over  a hundred  schools  and 
over  forty-two  hundred  pupils.”  — The  Outlook, 
May  2,  1908. 

Netherlands:  A.  D.  1905.  — New  Educa- 
tion Law,  an  issue  in  the  elections.  See 
(in  this  vol.l  Netherlands  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

Porto  Rico  : A.  D.  1906. — Schools  as  seen 
by  President  Roosevelt.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Porto  Rico  : A.  D.  1906. 

Prussia:  A.  D.  1904.  — Denominational 

Education  restored.  — A resolution  adopted 
by  the  Prussian  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  May, 
1904,  restored  the  denominational  school  system 
which  the  “May  Laws”  of  the  Kulturkampf,  in 
1873  and  after  (see  Germany  : A.  D.  1873-1887, 
in  Volume  II.  of  this  work)  had  abolished. 
Under  those  laws  the  schools  were  common  to 
children  of  all  religious  beliefs ; under  the  new 
system  they  became  either  Protestant  or  Roman 
Catholic  according  to  the  faith  of  the  majority 
of  their  pupils. 

Rhodes  Scholarships:  The  Will  of  Cecil 
John  Rhodes,  providing  Scholarships  at 
Oxford  for  students  from  the  British  Colonies 
and  the  United  States.  — The  late  Cecil  John 
Rhodes,  who  played  an  eminent  part  in  the 
development  of  South  Africa  and  in  the  exten- 
sion of  the  British  dominion  in  that  portion  of 
the  world  (see,  in  this  volume,  South  Africa  : 
A.  D.  1902-1904),  died  on  the  26th  of  March, 
1902,  leaving  a will  which  contained  the  follow- 
ing directions  for  the  use  to  be  made  of  one 
large  part  of  the  great  fortune  he  had  acquired  : 

“Whereas  I consider  that  the  education  of 
young  colonists  at  one  of  the  universities  in  the 
United  Kingdom  is  of  great  advantage  to  them 
for  giving  breadth  to  their  views,  for  their  in- 
struction in  life  and  manners,  and  for  instilling 


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EDUCATION 


into  their  minds  the  advantage  to  the  colonies 
as  well  as  to  the  United  Kingdom  of  the  reten- 
tion of  the  unity  of  the  Empire  ; and 

“ Whereas  in  the  ease  of  young  colonists 
studying  at  a university  in  the  United  Kingdom 
I attach  very  great  importance  to  the  university 
having  a residential  system,  such  as  is  in  force 
at  the  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge; 
for  without  it  those  students  arc  at  the  most 
critical  period  of  their  lives  left  without  any 
supervision  ; and 

“ Whereas  there  are  at  the  present  time  fifty 
or  more  students  from  South  Africa  studying  at 
the  University  of  Edinburgh,  many  of  whom  are 
attracted  there  by  its  excellent  medical  school, 
and  I should  like  to  establish  some  of  the  schol- 
arships hereinafter  mentioned  in  that  university 
but  owing  to  its  not  having  such  a residential 
system  as  aforesaid  I feel  obliged  to  refrain 
from  doing  so ; and 

“Whereas  my  own  university,  the  University 
of  Oxford,  has  such  a system,  and  I suggest  that 
it  should  try  and  extend  its  scope  so  as  if  possible 
to  make  its  medical  school  at  least  as  good  as 
that  at  the  University  of  Edinburgh  ; and 

“Whereas  I also  desire  to  encourage  and 
foster  an  appreciation  of  the  advantages  which 


I implicitly  believe  will  result  from  the  union 
of  the  English-speaking  people  throughout  the 
world  and  to  encourage  in  the  students  from  the 
United  States  of  North  America  who  will  benefit 
from  the  American  scholarships  to  be  established 
for  the  reason  above  given  at  the  University  of 
Oxford  under  this  my  will  an  attachment  to  the 
country  from  which  they  have  sprung,  but 
without,  I hope,  withdrawing  them  or  their 
sympathies  from  the  land  of  their  adoption  or 
birth. 

“ Now,  therefore,  I direct  my  trustees  as  soon 
as  may  be  after  my  death  and  either  simulta- 
neously or  gradually  as  they  shall  find  conven- 
ient, and  if  gradually,  then  in  such  order  as  they 
shall  think  fit,  to  establish  for  male  students 
the  scholarships  hereinafter  directed  to  be  estab- 
lished, each  of  which  shall  be  of  the  yearly  value 
of  £300  and  be  tenable  at  any  college  in  the 
University  of  Oxford  for  three  consecutive  aca- 
demical years. 

“ I direct  my  trustees  to  establish  certain 
scholarships  and  these  scholarships  I sometimes 
hereinafter  refer  to  as  ‘ the  colonial  scholarships.’ 

“The  appropriation  of  the  colonial  scholar- 
ships and  the  numbers  to  be  annually  filled  up 
shall  be  in  accordance  with  the  following  table  ; 


Total 

number 

appro- 

priated. 

To  be  tenable  by  students  of  or  from  — 

Number  of 
scholarships  to 
be  filled  up  in 
each  year. 

9 

Rhodesia 

3 and  no  more 

3 

The  South  African  College  School  in  the  colony  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  .... 

1 and  no  more 

3 

The  Stellenbosch  College  School,  in  the  same  colony 

Do. 

3 

The  Diocesan  College  School  of  Rondebosch,  in  the  same  colony 

Do. 

3 

St.  Andrews  College  School,  Grahamstown 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  Natal,  in  the  same  colony 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  New  South  Wales 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  Victoria 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  South  Australia 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  Queensland 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  Western  Australia 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  Tasmania 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  of  New  Zealand 

Do. 

3 

The  Province  of  Ontario,  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada 

Do. 

3 

The  Province  of  Quebec,  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  or  island  of  Newfoundland  and  its  dependencies 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  or  islands  of  the  Kermudas 

Do. 

3 

The  colony  or  island  of  Jamaica 

Do. 

“I  further  direct  my  trustees  to  establish  ad- 
ditional scholarships  sufficient  in  number  for  the 
appropriation  in  the  next  following  clause  here- 
of directed,  and  those  scholarships  I sometimes 
hereinafter  refer  to  as  ‘ the  American  scholar- 
ships.’ 

“I  appropriate  two  of  the  American  scholar- 
ships to  each  of  the  present  States  and  Territories 
of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  provided 
that  if  any  of  the  said  Territories  shall  in  my 
lifetime  be  admitted  as  a State  the  scholarships 
appropriated  to  such  Territory  shall  be  appro- 
priated to  such  State,  and  that  my  trustees  may 
in  their  uncontrolled  discretion  withhold  for  such 
time  as  they  shall  think  fit  the  appropriation  of 
scholarships  to  any  Territory. 

“ I direct  that  of  the  two  scholarships  appro- 
priated to  a State  or  Territory  not  more  than  one 
shall  be  filled  up  in  any  year,  so  that  at  no  time 
shall  more  than  two  scholarships  be  held  for  the 
same  State  or  Territory. 

“The  scholarships  shall  be  paid  only  out  of 
income,  and  in  event  at  any  time  of  income  being 
insufficient  for  payment  in  full  of  all  the  scholar- 


ships for  the  time  being  payable  I direct  that 
(without  prejudice  to  the  vested  interests  of 
holders  for  the  time  being  of  scholarships)  the 
following  order  of  priority  shall  regulate  the 
payment  of  the  scholarships: 

“(I)  First,  the  scholarships  of  students  of  or 
from  Rhodesia  shall  be  paid; 

“ (II)  Secondly,  the  scholarships  of  students 
from  the  said  South  African  Stellenbosch  Ronde- 
bosch  and  St.  Andrews  schools  shall  be  paid  ; 

“ (III)  Thirdly,  the  remainder  of  the  colonial 
scholarships  shall  be  paid,  and  if  there  shall  not 
be  sufficient  income  for  the  purpose  such  schol- 
arships shall  abate  proportionately  ; and 

“(IV)  Fourthly,  the  American  scholarships 
shall  be  paid,  and  if  there  shall  not  be  sufficient 
income  for  the  purpose  such  scholarships  shall 
abate  proportionately. 

“ My  desire  being  that  the  students  who  shall 
be  elected  to  the  scholarships  shall  not  be  merely 
bookworms,  I direct  that  in  the  election  of  a 
student  to  a scholarship  regard  shall  be  had  to 
(I)  his  literary  and  scholastic  attainments;  (II) 
his  fondness  of  and  success  in  manly  outdooi 


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EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


sports,  such  as  cricket,  football,  and  the  like; 
(III)  his  qualities  of  manhood,  truth,  courage, 
devotion  to  duty,  sympathy  for  the  protection  of 
the  weak,  kindliness,  unselfishness,  and  fellow- 
ship, and  (IV)  his  exhibition  during  school  days 
of  moral  force  of  character  and  of  instincts  to 
lead  and  to  take  an  interest  in  his  schoolmates, 
for  those  latter  attributes  will  be  likely  in  after 
life'to  guide  him  to  esteem  the  performance  of 
public  duties  as  his  highest  aim.  As  mere  sug- 
gestions for  the  guidance  of  those  who  will  have 
the  choice  of  students  for  the  scholarships,  I re- 
cord that  (I)  my  ideal  qualified  student  would 
combine  these  four  qualifications  in  the  propor- 
tions of  three-tenths  for  the  first,  two-tenths  for 
the  second,  three-tenths  for  the  third,  and  two- 
tenths  for  the  fourth  qualification,  so  that  ac- 
cording to  my  ideas  if  the  maximum  number  of 
marks  for  any  scholarship  were  200  they  would 
be  apportioned  as  follows  : Sixty  to  each  of  the 
first  and  third  qualifications,  and  40  to  each  of 
the  second  and  fourth  qualifications.  (II)  The 
marks  for  the  several  qualifications  would  be 
awarded  independently,  as  follows  (that  is  to 
say):  The  marks  for  the  first  qualification  by  ex- 
amination, for  the  second  and  third  qualifications, 
respectively,  by  ballot  by  the  fellow-students  of 
the  candidates,  and  for  the  fourth  qualification 
by  the  head  master  of  the  candidate’s  school,  and 
(III)  the  results  of  the  awards  (that  is  to  say  the 
marks  obtained  by  each  candidate  for  each  qual-. 
ification)  would  be  sent  as  soon  as  possible  for 
consideration  to  the  trustees  or  to  some  person 
or  persons  appointed  to  receive  the  same,  and 
the  person  or  persons  so  appointed  would  ascer- 
tain by  averaging  the  marks  in  blocks  of  20  marks 
each  of  all  candidates  the  best  ideal  qualified  stu- 
dents. 

“No  student  shall  be  qualified  or  disqualified 
for  election  to  a scholarship  on  account  of  his 
race  or  religious  opinions. 

“ Except  in  the  cases  of  the  four  schools  here- 
inbefore mentioned,  the  election  to  scholarships 
shall  be  by  the  trustees  after  such  (if  any)  con- 
sultation as  they  shall  think  fit  with  the  minister 
having  the  control  of  education  in  such  colony, 
province,  State,  or  Territory. 

“ A qualified  student  who  has  been  elected  as 
aforesaid  shall  within  six  calendar  months  after 
his  election,  or  as  soon  thereafter  as  he  can  be 
admitted  into  residence  or  within  such  extended 
time  as  my  trustees  shall  allow,  commence  resi- 
dence as  an  undergraduate  at  some  college  in  the 
University  of  Oxford. 

“The  scholarships  shall  be  payable  to  him 
from  the  time  when  he  shall  commence  such 
residence. 

“28.  I desire  that  the  scholars  holding  the 
scholarships  shall  be  distributed  among  the  col- 
leges of  the  University  of  Oxford  and  not  re- 
sort in  undue  numbers  to  one  or  more  colleges 
only. 

“29.  Notwithstanding  anything  hereinbefore 
contained,  my  trustees  may  in  their  uncontrolled 
discretion  suspend  for  such  time  as  they  shall 
think  fit  or  remove  any  scholar  from  his  scholar- 
ship. 

“30.  My  trustees  may  from  time  to  time  make, 
vary,  and  repeal  regulations  either  general  or 
affecting  specified  scholarship  only  with  regard 
to  all  or  any  of  the  following  matters,  that  is  to 
say: 

“ (I)  The  election,  whether  after  examination 

21 


or  otherwise,  of  qualified  students  to  the  scholar- 
ships, or  any  of  them,  and  the  method,  whether 
by  examination  or  otherwise,  in  which  their 
qualifications  are  to  be  ascertained  ; 

“ (II)  The  tenure  of  the  scholarships  by  schol- 
ars ; 

“ (III)  The  suspension  and  removal  of  scholars 
from  their  scholarships; 

“(IV)  The  method  and  times  of  payment  of 
the  scholarships ; 

“ (V)  The  method  of  giving  effect  to  my  wish 
expressed  in  clause  28  hereof ; and 

“ (VI)  Any  and  every  other  matter  with  re- 
gard to  the  scholarships,  or  any  of  them,  with 
regard  to  which  they  shall  consider  regulations 
necessary  or  desirable. 

“31.  My  trustees  may  from  time  to  time  au- 
thorize regulations  with  regard  to  the  election, 
whether  after  examination  or  otherwise,  of  quali- 
fied students  for  scholarships  and  to  the  method, 
whether  by  examination  or  otherwise,  in  which 
their  qualifications  are  to  be  ascertained  to  be 
made: 

“(I)  By  a school  in  respect  of  the  scholarships 
tenable  by  its  students;  and 

“(II)  By  the  minister  aforesaid  of  a colony, 
province,  State,  or  Territory  in  respect  of  the 
scholarships  tenable  by  students  from  such  col- 
ony, province,  State  or  Territory. 

“32.  Regulations  made  under  the  last  preced- 
ing clause  hereof,  if  and  when  approved  of,  and 
not  before,  by  my  trustees,  shall  be  equivalent 
in  all  respects  to  regulations  made  by  my  trus- 
tees. 

“No  regulations  made  under  clause  30  or 
made  and  approved  of  under  clauses  31  and  32 
hereof  shall  be  inconsistent  with  any  of  the  pro- 
visions herein  contained. 

“In  order  that  the  scholars  past  and  present 
may  have  opportunities  of  meeting  and  discuss- 
ing their  experiences  and  prospects,  I desire  that 
my  trustees  shall  annually  give  a dinner  to  the 
past  and  present  scholars  able  and  willing  to  at- 
tend, at  which  I hope  my  trustees,  or  some  of 
them,  will  be  able  to  be  present,  and  to  which 
they  will,  I hope,  from  time  to  time  invite  as 
guests  persons  who  have  shown  sympathy  with 
the  views  expressed  by  me  in  this,  my  will.” 

The  trustees  are  the  Earl  of  Rosebery,  Earl 
Grey,  Lord  Milner,  Mr.  Alfred  Beit,  Dr.  Lean- 
der  Starr  Jameson,  Mr.  Lewis  Loyd  Mitchell, 
and  Mr.  Bourchier  Francis  Ilawksley. 

Russia:  A.  D.  1909.  — Great  Educational 
Projects  before  the  Duma.  — Primary  school- 
houses  by  the  hundred  thousand,  and  Com- 
pulsory Education.  — Increased  opening  to 
Jews.  — A telegram  from  St.  Petersburg,  Febru- 
ary 16,  1909,  announced  that  the  Ministry  of  Edu- 
cation had  introduced  that  day  a bill  before  the 
Duma  providing  for  a building  fund  for  the  erec- 
tion of  148,179  new  primary  schools  through- 
out the  empire  within  ten  years.  These  schools 
are  to  be  built  and  maintained  by  the  provincial 
authorities  on  government  subsidy.  The  same 
despatch  reported  that  a statute  providing  for 
general  compulsory  education  would  soon  be 
discussed  in  the  Duma. 

On  the  5th  of  October  it  was  announced  that 
the  Tsar  had  sanctioned  a resolution  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Ministers  permitting  the  admission  of  an 
increased  percentage  of  Jews  into  the  secondary 
schools  of  the  Crown.  In  the  capitals  5 per  cent, 
of  the  total  number  of  scholars  may  be  Jews,  in 

.0 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


other  parts  of  the  Empire  10  per  cent.,  and  in 
the  special  Jewish  settlements  15  percent. 

Scotland:  A.  D.  1901. — Mr.  Carnegie’s 
great  gift  to  the  Universities  and  their  stu- 
dents. — The  first  of  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie’s 
great  gifts  to  other  institutions  of  education  than 
the  public  libraries,  which  he  has  assisted  in  such 
numbers,  was  conferred  on  the  universities  of 
Scotland,  his  native  country,  in  1901.  It  was 
a gift  of  §10,000,000  (£2,000,000),  placed  in  the 
hands  of  trustees  for  two  purposes,  namely,  to 
improve  and  expand  the  teaching  power  of  the 
universities,  on  one  hand,  and  to  put  their  teach- 
ing, on  the  other  hand,  more  within  the  reach  of 
all  the  young  in  Scotland  who  craved  it.  It  was 
said  to  have  been  the  original  wish  of  Mr.  Car- 
negie to  make  the  tuition  of  the  universities  free  ; 
but  he  found  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  strengthen 
them  for  their  work,  leave  it  subject  to  proper 
fees,  and  provide  for  an  allowance  of  pecuniary 
assistance  to  students,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
trustees.  The  application  of  the  gift  was  so  ar- 
ranged, one-half  of  the  net  annual  income  from 
the  great  fund  being  appropriated  to  buildings, 
equipments,  endowments  of  professorships  and 
lectureships,  and  the  like  uses  for  the  betterment 
of  the  university  work. 

There  were  fears  at  first  that  the  effect  of  so 
much  easing  of  the  attainment  of  a university 
education  might  be  injurious  to  the  spirit  and 
character  of  the  students  who  accepted  the  help- 
ing hand ; but  seven  years  of  experience,  under 
the  working  of  the  gift,  do  not  seem  to  have  jus- 
tified the  fear.  In  those  seven  years  over  8000 
of  the  Scottish  young  people  had  the  benefit  of 
Mr.  Carnegie’s  help  to  a college  training,  and 
the  trustees  of  the  Fund,  in  their  annual  report 
of  1909,  pronounced  the  result  good.  “ In  the 
opinion  of  such  men  as  Lord  Rosebery,  Lord 
Elgin,  Lord  Balfour  of  Burleigh,  Mr.  Balfour, 
and  Mr.  Haldane,  who  are  all  helping  to  ad- 
minister Mr.  Carnegie’s  charity,” says  a London 
correspondent  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post, 
“Scotland  has  much  to  thank  him  for.” 

Turkey  and  the  Near  East : American  Mis- 
sion Schools.  — “At  present  [1909]  there  are 
about  twenty-five  thousand  native  students  in 
American  schools  in  this  country.  America  can 
boast  to-day  that  she  has,  in  Turkey,  nine  col- 
leges, five  theological  seminaries,  fifty-seven 
boarding  and  high  schools,  and  348  public  schools 
And,  if  we  accumulate  the  work  of  seventy-five 
years,  it  is  a simple  matter  to  understand  how 
many  thousands  have  been  educated  in  American 
ways  and  with  the  American  spirit. 

“ Missionaries  came  to  this  country  to  spread 
Protestant  Christianity  among  the  Moslems. 
They  failed  in  that.  The  Mohammedan  govern- 
ment was  against  them.  They  tried  to  make 
Christian  Greeks,  Christian  Armenians,  Protest- 
ants. This  did  not  result  in  a marked  success, 
but  their  schools,  which  they  opened  as  a medium 
of  spreading  religion,  were  eagerly  sought  by 
young  men  and  young  girls  of  every  race.  Ar- 
menians form  the  majority  in  this  country  of 
those  who  have  received  an  American  education. 
Bulgarians  and  Greeks  come  next. 

“ Many  I have  met  who  have  been  thoroughly 
educated  in  missionary  institutions.  Generally 
they  are  not  Protestants,  neither  much  reli- 
giously inclined.  But  they  are  moral,  independ- 
ent, and  broad-minded. 

“The  Turkish  mission,  as  it  is  written  about 


in  America,  is  not,  in  fact,  areal  Turkish  mission  ; 
not  a Moslem  has  been  Christianized ; not  a single 
Turk  is  a member  of  mission  communities;  yet 
native  Christians  have  been  widely  helped  by  the 
opportunity  offered  for  education  and  the  growth 
of  a spirit  of  civilization  and  humanity. 

“Year  after  year  young  men  graduated  from 
American  institutions  in  Turkey  to  go  forward 
among  their  compatriots  as  teachers,  journalists, 
and  public  officers.  The  building  up  of  brave 
little  Bulgaria  is  the  work  of  graduates  of  Robert 
College  of  Constantinople.  Stamboulofif,  who 
made  Bulgaria  what  it  is  to-day,  was  an  alumnus 
of  the  same  institution.  Among  the  Armenian 
revolutionary  leaders,  who  worked  hand-in-hand 
with  the  Young  Turks  to  briug  about  a political 
change  in  Turkey,  boys  of  Robert  College  and 
young  men  educated  in  American  universities 
are  prominent.  1 know  young  girls,  graduates 
of  the  American  College  at  Scutari,  who  took 
active  part  in  revolutionary  work  during  the  de- 
spotic days  of  the  old  regime;  and  even  joined 
in  the  conspiracy  which  led  to  the  throwing  of 
a bomb  at  the  Sultan  during  the  Selamlik  cere- 
mony a few  years  ago.  . . . There  are  a number  of 
Turkish  girls  to-day  at  the  college  in  Scutari, 
and  it  is  a pleasure  to  any  one  to  see  Turkish 
women  discussing  in  fluent  English  politics,  eco- 
nomics, and  history.”  — Special  Correspondence 
of  the  N.  Y.  Eve.  Post,  Constantinople,  March  20, 
1909. 

At  Beirut  is  the  Syrian  Protestant  College, 
under  Presbyterian  control,  one  of  the  most 
enlightened  institutions  abroad.  Euphrates  Col- 
lege at  Harput  in  Asia  Minor,  with  a thousand 
students,  is  a Congregational  institution.  At 
Tarsus,  the  Apostle  Paul’s  home,  is,  appropri- 
ately enough,  St.  Paul’s  Institute.  Throughout 
Turkey  the  Congregationalists  have  over  four 
hundred  schools,  with  over  twenty-one  thousand 
pupils.  In  Syria  the  Presbyterians  maintain 
about  a hundred  schools.  The  Presbyterians 
(North)  have  no  work  in  Egypt,  but  the  United 
Presbyterians  are  educating  there  no  less  than 
fifteen  thousand  pupils,  a total  the  more  sur- 
prising when  we  recall  that  the  Government 
schools  in  Egypt  have  only  eighteen  thousand 
pupils.  More  than  four  thousand  have  received 
instruction  at  Assiut  College,  the  center  of  the 
United  Presbyterian  work.  ...  As  in  Persia, 
the  Presbyterians  are  the  strongest  denomina- 
tional force.  Besides  Urumia  College,  they 
have  about  a hundred  and  twenty-five  schools 
throughout  the  country.” — American  Schools 
Abroad  ( The  Outlook,  May  2,  1908). 

The  Influence  of  Robert  College.  — “Two 
years  ago  one  of  the  subjects  given  out  for  a 
thesis  in  the  Russian  Theological  Seminary  at 
Kiev  was,  ‘The  Influence  of  Robert  College  in 
the  Development  of  Bulgaria.’  Russia  has 
found  the  influence  of  that  College  there  a factor 
which  she  has  had  to  take  into  serious  account ; 
indeed,  it  has  been  said  by  Russian  as  well  as  by 
high  Turkish  officials  that  Robert  College  really 
created  Bulgaria.  Its  influence  has  also  been 
abundantly  recognized  throughout  Europe  and 
America.  In  Bulgaria  itself  the  first  National 
Assembly,  which  met  to  adopt  a constitution 
and  to  choose  a Prince,  passed  a resolution  ex- 
pressing the  gratitude  of  the  new-born  nation  to 
the  College.  Prince  Alexander  conferred  a high 
decoration  on  the  President  of  the  College  to  ex- 
press his  personal  appreciation,  and  last  summer 


211 


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EDUCATION 


Prince  Ferdinand  did  the  same.  Robert  College 
has  not  only  been  the  backbone  of  Bulgaria ; it 
has  been  the  greatest  civilizing  power  in  the 
Turkish  Empire.  Sir  William  White,  who  knew 
that  Empire  better  than  has  any  recent  British 
ambassador,  once  remarked  that  the  College  had 
accomplished  more  for  the  good  of  the  Turks 
than  had  all  the  representatives  of  the  British 
Government ; and  Professor  Ramsey,  of  St.  An- 
drews, who  has  spent  many  years  in  exploring 
Asia  Minor,  says : 

“ ‘ I have  come  in  contact  with  men  educated  in 
Robert  College  in  widely  separate  parts  of  the 
country,  men  of  diverse  nationalities  and  differ- 
ent forms  of  religion  — Greek,  Armenian,  and 
Protestant  — and  have  everywhere  been  struck 
with  the  marvelous  way  in  which  a certain  uni- 
form type,  direct,  simple,  honest,  and  lofty  in 
tone,  has  been  impressed  upon  them.  Some  had 
more  of  it,  some  less.  But  all  had  it  to  a certain 
degree,  and  it  is  diametrically  opposite  to  the 
type  produced  by  growth  under  the  ordinary 
conditions  of  Turkish  life.’ 

“The  College  is  not  organized  for  the  purpose 
of  missionary  propaganda.  It  is  not  denomina- 
tional. It  is  Christian  in  the  broad  sense  in 
which  Princeton,  Yale  and  Harvard  are  Christian 
Colleges.  In  its  faculty  it  has  a Mohammedan 
Professor  of  Turkish  language  and  literature, 
and  an  orthodox  Greek  Professor  of  Greek  lan- 
guage and  literature.  ...  It  draws  students  not 
only  from  Turkey,  but  also  from  Greece,  Bulga- 
ria, Rumania  and  Russia,  and  has  already  edu- 
cated nearly  twenty-six  hundred.  If  the  de- 
mands upon  the  College  continue  to  increase  in 
the  future  as  in  the  past,  its  endowment  will  have 
to  be  doubled.  Occupying  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  sites  on  the  Bosphorus,  the  College  has 
at  present  five  buildings,  besides  six  houses  for 
professors,  a teaching  staff  of  twelve  professors 
and  twenty-five  other  instructors.” — The  Out- 
look, January  21,  1905. 

Robert  College  was  founded  at  Constantinople 
in  1863  by  James  H.  and  William  B.  Dwight, 
sons  of  an  American  missionary  to  Turkey,  the 
Rev.  Harrison  G.  O.  Dwight.  It  was  named 
after  Christopher  R.  Robert,  of  New  York,  its 
main  supporter,  -whose  gifts  to  it  first  and  last 
amounted  to  §450,000.  Its  first  President  was 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus  Hamlin,  who  presided  over 
it  until  1877,  when  he  resigned,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  the  Rev.  Dr.  George  Washburn. 

In  November,  1909,  it  received  a bequest  of 
§1,500,000,  from  the  late  John  Stewart  Kennedy, 
of  New  York,  and  its  work  will  be  greatly  ex- 
panded. 

Turkey:  A.  D.  1909.  — Constitutional 

Amendment.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1909  (May-Dec.). 

United  States:  The  Trade  Unions  as  a fac- 
tor in  the  Assimilation  and  Education  of  the 
foreign-born.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organ- 
ization: United  States. 

A.  D.  1898-1909.  — The  Annual  Confer- 
ences for  Education  in  the  South.  — Since 
1898  a series  of  annual  Conferences  for  Educa- 
tion in  the  South,  inspired,  organized,  and  sus- 
tained especially  by  the  joint  efforts  of  J.  L.  M. 
Curry  and  Robert  C.  Ogden,  have  been  held  in 
various  Southern  cities,  with  notable  effect.  At 
the  twelfth  of  these  conferences,  in  April,  1909, 
at  Atlanta,  Mr.  Ogden,  presiding,  said  in  his 
address:  “This  conference  holds  its  place  as  a 


part  of  an  educational  renaissance.  Its  work 
can  perhaps  be  definitely  defined  only  at  a single 
point.  It  exists  primarily  to  impress  upon  the 
mind  of  the  citizen,  the  people,  the  responsibility 
of  the  individual  for  educational  conditions,  to 
support  the  claim  that  every  child  in  America, 
native  or  foreign  born,  is  entitled  to  a good  Eng- 
lish education,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  as 
representing  the  people  to  provide  such  educa- 
tion, that  in  the  words  of  the  man  that  recruited 
me  and  pledged  my  service,  such  as  it  is,  to  this 
work,  J.  L.  M.  Curry,  president  of  this  confer- 
ence in  its  second  year,  ‘ Ignorance  Cures  No- 
thing.’ . . . 

“Aside  from  the  first  mentioned  special  influ- 
ence this  conference  makes  no  direct  claim  save 
that  it  has  by  various  agencies  assisted  in  the 
promotion  and  development  of  many  progressive 
educational  ideas,  and  through  the  Southern 
Educational  Board,  to  which  it  is  both  mother 
and  child,  has  supplied  methods  and  incidental 
support  that  have  caused  many  latent  forces  to 
germinate,  flourish,  and  bring  forth  abundant 
fruit  that  otherwise  never  could  have  existed. 
We  simply  have  planted  seed  that  eventually 
produced  large  harvests. 

“ I am  told,  and  I think  the  statement  is  accu- 
rate, that  during  the  last  seven  years  the  public 
appropriations  for  education  in  the  States  under 
the  influence  of  the  Southern  Education  Board 
have  increased  §16,000,000  per  annum.  These 
figures  are  difficult  of  verification,  but  probably 
are  greater  than  I have  stated.  We  have  had 
something  to  do  with  this  result,  how  much  may 
not  be  a subject  for  definite  calculation.  . . . 

“The  twelve  years  that  measure  the  life  of 
the  conference  for  education  in  the  South  have 
been  years  of  great  originality  in  the  develop- 
ment of  American  education.” 

A.  D.  1901. — The  Washington  Memorial 
Institution.  — “In  almost  every  Government 
department  and  bureau  at  Washington,  pro- 
longed scientific  investigations  are  continually 
carried  on,  in  order  that  governmental  action 
itself  may  be  more  intelligent  and  more  efficient, 
and  the  general  welfare  of  the  people  promoted. 
. . . While  the  Congress  carries  on  this  work 
for  governmental  purposes  only,  it  indicated  as 
long  ago  as  1892,  in  a joint  resolution  approved 
April  12  of  that  year,  that  the  Government’s 
large  collections  illustrative  of  the  various  arts 
and  sciences,  and  its  facilities  for  scientific  and 
literary  research,  were  to  be  held  accessible  to 
the  investigators  and  students  of  any  institution 
of  higher  education  then  existing  or  thereafter 
established  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  By  an 
almost  unnoticed  but  most  important  provision 
incorporated  in  the  general  deficiency  bill  passed 
at  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress, 
and  approved  March  3,  1901,  the  privileges  given 
by  the  joint  resolution  of  April  12,  1892,  to  in- 
vestigators and  students  of  institutions  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  were  extended  to  ‘scien- 
tific investigators  and  to  duly  qualified  individ- 
uals, students,  and  graduates  of  institutions  of 
learning  in  the  several  States  and  Territories,  as 
well  as  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  under  such 
rules  and  restrictions  as  the  heads  of  the  depart- 
ments and  bureaus  mentioned  may  prescribe. 

. . . The  new  opportunities  created  a new  need, 
and  that  need  is  to  be  met  by  the  Washington 
Memorial  Institution,  incorporated  on  May  17, 
1901,  and  formally  organized  on  June  3. 


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EDUCATION 


“The  Washington  Memorial  Institution  is  the 
direct  outcome  of  the  activities  of  the  Washing- 
ton Academy  of  Sciences  and  of  the  George 
Washington  Memorial  Association,  the  latter 
body  being  an  organization  of  women  ‘ to  aid 
in  securing  in  the  city  of  Washington,  D.  C., 
the  increase  of  opportunities  for  higher  educa- 
tion, as  recommended  by  George  Washington, 
the  first  President  of  the  United  States,  iu  his 
various  messages  to  Congress.’  . . . The  plan 
has  been  worked  out  in  consultation  with  repre- 
sentatives of  the  universities  and  other  scientific 
bodies,  and  with  their  hearty  cooperation  and 
approval.  It  has  the  merits  of  simplicity  and 
of  not  duplicating  any  existing  form  of  educa- 
tional effort.”  The  Institution  “will  ascertain, 
year  by  year,  just  what  the  opportunities  for 
students  are  at  Washington,  and  will  publish 
them  to  the  world ; it  will  receive  and  enroll 
students  who  offer  themselves,  and  direct  them 
to  the  places  which  await  them ; it  will  record 
their  work  and  its  results,  and,  when  requested, 
will  certify  these  to  any  institution  of  learning. 

It  will  keep  in  touch  with  the  universities,  sci- 
entific schools,  and  colleges  on  the  one  hand, 
and  with  the  departments  and  bureaus  of  the 
Government  on  the  other.  In  this  way  it  will, 
it  may  be  hoped,  promote  the  interests  and  the 
ideals  of  both.” — -Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  The 
Washington  Memorial  Institution  ( American 
Review  of  Reviews,  July,  1901). 

A.  D.  1901-1909.  — Changes  at  the  Uni- 
versities.— In  October,  1901,  on  accepting  a 
nomination  to  the  mayoralty  of  New  York  City, 
President  Seth  Low,  of  Columbia  University, 
resigned  from  that  post,  and  Professor  Nicholas 
Murray  Butler  became  acting  President  until  the 
following  January,  when  he  was  elected  to  the 
Presidency  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  trustees. 

For  the  first  time  in  its  history,  the  University 
of  Virginia — Jefferson’s  creation  — received  a 
President  in  April,  1905,  when  Dr.  Edwin  An- 
derson Alderman  was  inducted  in  office  as  its 
administrative  head.  The  significance  of  the 
occurrence  was  expressed  at  the  time  by  Profes- 
sor William  P.  Trent,  when  he  said:  “The  Uni- 
versity of  Virginia,  so  long,  under  its  chairmen 
of  the  faculty,  faithful  to  its  founder’s  prej  udices 
against  the  concentration  of  executive  power  in 
the  hands  of  an  individual,  has  been  forced  by 
pressure  from  within  and  from  without  to  align 
itself  with  its  sister  universities  in  this  essential 
feature  of  educational  government,  and  in  this 
fact  many  will  see  another  step  in  the  slow  but 
certain  nationalizing  of  the  South,  as  well  as  an 
indication  that  in  the  future  the  University  of 
Virginia  will  be  widely  known  as  a national  in- 
stitution of  high  standing.” 

In  the  summer  of  1902,  President  Francis  L. 
Patton,  who  had  been  the  successor  of  President 
McCosh  at  Princeton  University,  retired  and  was 
succeeded  by  Professor  Woodrow  Wilson,  pre- 
viously occupant  of  the  chair  of  Jurisprudence 
and  Politics  since  1890. 

The  President  who  had  organized  the  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago  at  its  foundation,  in  1891,  and  di- 
rected its  successful  development  through  fifteen 
years  of  a remarkable  success,  William  Rainey 
Harper,  died  on  the  10th  of  January,  1906,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Professor  Harry  Pratt  Judson, 
previously  at  the  head  of  the  department  of 
Political  Science  and  Dean  of  the  faculties  of 
Arts,  Literature,  and  Science. 

21 


President  Henry  Hopkins  of  Williams  College 
retired  in  1907  and  was  succeeded  by  Harry  A. 
Garfield,  eldest  son  of  the  former  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  lately  Professor  of  Politics 
at  Princeton  University. 

In  October,  1908,  President  Charles  W.  Eliot 
of  Harvard  University  made  known  his  wisli  to 
retire  in  the  following  May  from  the  office  which 
he  had  filled  with  so  much  distinction  for  forty 
years.  His  resignation  was  accepted  with  pro- 
found regret,  and  he  vacated  the  Presidency  of 
the  great  University  on  the  19th  of  May,  1909. 
His  successor,  Professor  Abbott  Lawrence  Low- 
ell, taken  from  the  chair  of  the  Science  of  Gov- 
ernment, in  the  Harvard  faculty,  had  been  elected 
in  the  preceding  January.  President  Lowell 
was  inaugurated  with  much  ceremony  on  the 
6tli  of  October. 

Dr.  Richard  C.  Maclaurin  was  called  from  the 
department  of  physics  in  Columbia  University, 
New  York,  to  the  presidency  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Institute  of  Technology,  iu  November,  1908. 

President  Cyrus  Northrup,  of  the  University 
of  Minnesota,  announced  in  1908  his  resignation 
to  take  effect  the  following  year. 

A change  in  the  Presidency  of  Dartmouth 
College  took  place  in  June,  1909,  Dr.  W.  J. 
Tucker  resigning  because  of  ill  health,  and  Pro- 
fessor Ernest  Fox  Nichols,  formerly  head  of  the 
department  of  physics  at  Dartmouth,  and  lat- 
terly occupying  a chair  at  Columbia  University, 
being  elected  to  his  place. 

Having  passed  his  eightieth  year  of  life  and 
the  thirty -eighth  of  his  administration  of  the 
University  of  Michigan,  President  James  Bur- 
rill  Angell  was  reluctantly  permitted  to  retire 
from  active  service  to  the  University  at  the 
close  of  the  academic  year  in  1909.  The  accept- 
ance of  his  resignation  by  the  Regents  of  the 
University  was  accompanied,  however,  by  the 
tender  to  him  of  the  office  of  Chancellor,  the  du- 
ties to  be  such  as  “he  may  be  willing  and  able 
to  perform ; the  salary  for  such  office  to  be  $4000 
per  year,  with  house  rent,  light  and  fuel,  so  long 
as  he  sees  fit  to  occupy  his  present  residence.” 
Dean  H.  B.  Hutchins,  of  the  law  department 
was  made  acting  President. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Founding  of  the  Carnegie  In- 
stitution of  Washington,  for  Original  Re- 
search. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion : Carnegie  Institution. 

A.  D.  1902-1909.  — The  General  Education 
Board.  — Its  stupendous  endowment  by  Mr. 
Rockefeller.  — Its  plans  and  operations.  — 
The  General  Education  Board,  destined  to  be- 
come so  great  an  educational  power  in  the  United 
States,  had  its  birth  on  the  27th  of  February, 
1902,  at  a meeting  in  New  York  to  which  Mr. 
John  D.  Rockefeller  had  invited  the  following 
named  gentlemen  : William  H.  Baldwin,  Jr., 
Wallace  Buttrick,  Hon.  J.  L.  M.  Curry,  Freder- 
ick T.  Gates,  Daniel  C.  Gilman,  Morris  K.  Jes- 
sup, Robert  C.  Ogden,  Walter  H.  Page,  George 
Foster  Peabody,  John  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr.,  and 
Albert  Shaw  ; with  Edward  M.  Shepard  as  coun- 
sel. A conception  of  the  general  plaD  and  pur- 
pose of  the  Board  had  been,  it  is  said,  in  Mr. 
Rockefeller’s  thought  for  some  time  past,  and 
his  guests  gave  hearty  approval  to  the  project 
in  which  he  asked  them  to  join  him.  Then  and 
there  they  became  organized  temporarily  under 
the  name  still  borne,  Mr.  Rockefeller  pledging 
§1,000,000  to  the  support  of  yieir  work,  which 

3 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


should  specially  be  directed  at  the  outset  to  the 
study  and  improvement  of  educational  conditions 
in  the  Southern  States.  Offices  of  the  Board 
were  opened  in  New  York  April  1,  1902.  It 
was  incorporated  by  Act  of  Congress  on  the  12th 
of  January,  1903,  at  which  time  a considerable 
number  of  new  members  was  added  to  the  Board, 
chosen  from  the  heads  of  important  universities 
and  colleges,  North  and  South.  The  Board  was 
nowin  active  cooperation  with  the  United  States 
Department  of  Agriculture,  whose  work  of 
scientific  and  systematic  instruction  in  agricul 
ture,  by  demonstration  farms  and  otherwise,  it 
found  to  be  dealing  with  the  most  pressing  of 
Southern  needs.  It  found  another  field  of  use- 
ful cooperation,  with  Southern  universities  and 
colleges,  in  promotion  of  the  founding  and  main 
tabling  of  high  schools.  Its  main  operations 
were  on  these  lines  until  the  summer  of  1905, 
when,  on  the  30th  of  June,  Mr.  Rockefeller  ex- 
panded its  forces  immensely  by  adding  $10,000,- 
000  to  his  original  gift  of  $1,000,000. 

In  The  Iiidependent  of  August  6,  1908,  Mr. 
Wallace  Buttrick.  secretary  of  the  Board,  de- 
scribed the  enlargement  of  undertakings  which 
followed  this  increase  of  endowment,  saying: 
“The  income  of  this  large  foundation  for  higher 
education  enabled  the  board  to  extend  its  work 
throughout  the  whole  country,  as  contemplated 
in  its  charter.  Studies  had  already  been  made 
of  the  colleges  in  the  Southern  States,  and  such 
studies  were  at  once  made  of  the  colleges  in  other 
parts  of  the  United  States.  After  such  compre- 
hensive study  and  the  careful  consideration  of 
how  best  to  aid  in  the  development  of  an  ade- 
quate system  of  colleges  in  all  of  the  States  of 
the  Union,  the  board  adopted  the  following  priu 
ciples  as  defining  its  general  policy : To  co-oper- 
ate sympathetically  and  helpfully  with  the  re- 
ligious denominations  ; to  choose  the  centers  of 
wealth  and  population  as  the  permanent  pivots 
of  an  educational  system  ; to  mass  its  funds  on 
endowments,  securing  in  this  work  the  largest 
possible  local  co-operation.” 

Less  than  two  years  later,  on  the  7th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1907,  Mr.  Rockefeller  nearly  trebled  his 
previous  endowment  by  an  enormous  addition 
to  the  fund  in  the  possession  of  the  Board, 
announced  in  the  following  letter  from  his  son, 
Mr.  John  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr.  : “My  father  au- 
thorizes me  to  say  that  on  or  before  April  1st, 
1907,  he  will  give  to  the  General  Education 
Board  income-bearing  securities  the  present  mar- 
ket value  of  which  is  about  thirty-two  million 
dollars  ($32,000,000),  one-third  to  be  added  to 
the  permanent  endowment  of  the  board  ; two- 
thirds  to  be  applied  to  such  specific  objects 
within  the  corporate  purposes  of  the  board  as 
either  he  or  I may  from  time  to  time  direct,  any 
remainder  not  so  designated  at  the  death  of  the 
survivor  to  be  added  also  to  the  permanent 
endowment  of  the  board.” 

Of  what  was  being  done  by  the  Board  with 
this  stupendous  fund  Mr.  Buttrick  gave  details 
in  The  Independent  as  follows:  “Conditional 
appropriations  have  been  made  to  forty  colleges, 
in  the  States  of  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Connecti- 
cut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Ten- 
nessee, Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Illi- 
nois, Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Iowa,  Missouri, 
Kansas  and  Colorado. 


“ Twenty-five  of  these  colleges  have  secured 
subscriptions  for  the  supplemental  sums  re- 
quired and  but  one  has  failed.  The  remaining 
fifteen  colleges  report  satisfactory  progress. 
The  total  amount  thus  appropriated  by  the 
board  is  $2,437,500  ; the  supplemental  sums, 
when  completed,  will  aggregate  $10,397,000. 

“From  the  original  $1,000,000  gift  to  the 
board  by  Mr.  Rockefeller  appropriations  have 
been  made  to  schools  in  the  South  amounting  to 
about  $700,000,  one-half  of  which  has  gone  to 
schools  for  the  colored  people.  The  high  school 
propaganda  and  the  agricultural  demonstration 
work  have  also  been  supported  from  this  fund. 

“ From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that,  in 
the  Northern  States,  the  board  devotes  itself 
exclusively  to  the  promotion  of  higher  education, 
having  always  in  view  the  desirability  of  aiding 
such  institutions  as,  taken  together,  will  consti- 
tute an  adequate  system  of  higher  education  for 
each  of  the  several  States,  thus  seeking  to  correct 
and  prevent  duplication  and  waste  and  securing 
the  highest  efficiency. 

“ In  the  Southern  States  its  work  for  colleges 
is  similar  to  that  done  in  the  North,  and,  in  addi- 
tion, it  seeks  to  promote  public  high  schools 
through  the  State  universities  and  the  State 
Department  of  Education,  to  promote  elementary 
education  (or  common  schools)  by  increasing  the 
productive  efficiency  of  rural  life,  and  to  aid  in 
developing  schools  for  the  training  of  leaders 
among  the  colored  people.” 

But  Mr.  Rockefeller  was  not  yet  at  the  end  of 
his  gifts  to  this  great  Foundation.  On  the  9th 
of  July,  1909,  the  following  announcement  was 
published:  “John  I).  Rockefeller  has  raised  the 
total  of  his  contributions  to  the  Rockefeller 
foundation  of  the  general  education  board  to 
$53,000,000  by  a gift  of  $10,000,000  which  will 
be  passed  to  the  credit  of  the  board  between  now 
and  Aug.  1.  He  has  gone  farther  than  that  and 
has  intrusted  to  the  membership  of  the  board  — 
as  it  may  be  constituted  at  some  future  day  — - 
the  responsibility  of  distributing  the  principal  of 
the  fund  among  the  educational  institutions  of 
the  land  if  it  shall  be  deemed  advisable. 

“Under  the  regulations  at  present  obtaining, 
this  power  of  final  disposition  would  extend  only 
to  $33,000,000,  inasmuch  as  the  board  holds  the 
other  $20,000,000  in  trust  with  the  power  to  dis- 
pose of  the  income,  while  Mr.  Rockefeller  and 
his  son,  John  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr.,  retain  the  right 
to  dispose  of  the  principal  during  their  lives.  It 
was  said  to-day  that  it  always  has  been  Mr. 
Rockefeller’s  intention  to  make  such  a provision 
for  the  final  disposition. 

“ In  making  the  announcement  to-day,  Chair- 
man Gates  said  that  this  large  addition  to  the 
permanent  funds  of  the  board  was  contributed 
because  the  income  of  the  present  funds  immedi- 
ately available  for  appropriation  had  been  ex- 
hausted and  it  was  found  necessary  to  have  an 
additional  income  in  order  to  meet  the  needs  of 
‘ present  great  importance.’ 

“ He  said  the  board  made  it  a rule  never  to  ex- 
ceed the  immediately  available  income  — which 
might  amount  to  $80,000  or  $90,000  a month  — 
in  its  awards  to  the  colleges  and  universities, 
that  something  like  300  applications  had  been 
received  by  the  board  beyond  the  number  which 
it  already  had  acted  upon,  which  was  large. 

“ Mr.  Gates  said  that  at  the  same  meeting  last 
Wednesday  another  communication  had  been 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


received  from  Mr.  Rockefeller,  authorizing  and 
empowering  the  board  and  its  successors  ‘when- 
ever, in  their  discretion,  it  should  seem  wise  to 
distribute  the  principal  of  funds  contributed  by 
him  to  the  board  upon  the  affirmative  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  all  those  who  shall  at  the  time  be 
members  of  the  board.’  ” 

A.  D.  1905-1908.  — The  Carnegie  Founda- 
tion for  the  Advancement  of  Teaching. — After 
the  founding  of  the  Carnegie  Institution,  of 
Washington,  Mr.  Carnegie’s  next  great  gift  to 
Education,  made  in  1905,  was  in  the  sum  of  $10,- 
■000,000,  placed  in  the  hands  of  trustees  as  a fund 
the  income  of  which  may  be  applied  “ to  provide 
retiring  pensions,  without  respect  to  race,  sex, 
■creed,  or  color,  for  the  teachers  of  universities, 
colleges,  and  technical  schools  in  the  United 
States,  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  Newfound- 
land,” and  “to  provide  for  the  care  and  mainte- 
nance of  the  widows  and  families  of  the  said 
teachers.”  The  board  of  trustees  chosen  by  Mr. 
Carnegie  for  the  administration  of  the  fund  is 
made  up  of  eminent  educators  from  different 
parts  of  America,  with  Dr.  Henry  S.  Pritchett 
called  from  the  Presidency  of  the  Massachusetts 
Institute  of  Technology  to  become  its  executive 
head.  The  board  was  organized  in  November, 
1905,  and  in  the  following  April  it  adopted  a 
plan  of  administration  which  had  been  formu- 
lated meantime  by  a committee  from  its  mem 
bership.  It  had  then,  by  an  Act  of  Congress, 
approved  by  the  President.  March  10,  1906,  been 
incorporated  under  the  title  of  ‘ ' The  Carnegie 
Foundaton  for  the  Advancement  of  Teaching.” 
Besides  using  the  words  quoted  above,  in  de- 
scription of  the  authorized  purpose  of  the  Found- 
ation, the  Act  of  Incorporation  adds  further- 
more that  it  is  “ in  general,  to  do  and  perform  all 
things  necessary  to  encourage,  uphold,  and  dig- 
nify the  profession  of  the  teacher  and  the  cause 
of  higher  education.”  It  is  a further  provision 
of  the  Act  that  “retiring  pensions  shall  be  paid 
to  such  teachers  only  as  are  or  have  been  con- 
nected with  institutions  not  under  control  of  a 
sect,  or  which  do  not  require  their  trustees,  their 
officers,  faculties,  or  students  (or  a majority 
thereof),  to  belong  to  any  specified  sect,  and 
which  do  not  impose  any  theological  test  as  a 
condition  of  entrance  therein  or  of  connection 
therewith.” 

As  explained  by  President  Pritchett  in  an  ar- 
ticle published  soon  after  the  organization  of 
their  board,  the  Trustees  had  three  fundamental 
■questions  to  determine:  “First,  What  is  a col- 
lege ? second.  What  constitutes  denominational 
control  ? and,  third.  Should  a private  agency 
step  in  between  the  State  and  one  of  its  institu- 
tions and  establish  a system  of  retiring  allow- 
ances for  university  professors  who  are  officers 
of  the  State?”  “The  term  college  is  used  to 
designate,  in  the  United  States,  Canada,  and 
Newfoundland,  institutions  varying  so  widely  in 
■entrance  requirements,  standards  of  instruction, 
and  facilities  for  work  that  the  term  is  no  de- 
scription of  the  character  of  the  institution.  Of 
the  seven  hundred  and  more  institutions  calling 
themselves  colleges  or  universities,  many  are 
such  in  name  only.”  To  rule  their  present  action 
the  Trustees  adopted  the  definition  that  is  “now 
in  use  under  the  revised  ordinances  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  and  which  reads  as  follows  : ‘ An 
institution  to  be  ranked  as  a college  must  have 
at  least  six  professors  giving  their  entire  time 


to  college  and  university  work,  a course  of  four 
full  years  in  liberal  arts  and  sciences,  and  should 
require  for  admission  not  less  than  the  usual 
four  years  of  academic  or  high  school  prepara- 
tion, or  its  equivalent,  in  addition  to  the  pre- 
academic or  grammar  school  studies.’  The  trus- 
tees will  also  require  that  an  institution,  to  be 
ranked  as  a college  and  to  be  dealt  with  as  a 
college  officially,  must  have  a productive  en- 
dowment of  not  less  than  $200,000.” 

As  for  the  institutions  to  be  excluded  from  the 
benefits  of  the  retiring  pension  fund  because  of 
a sectarian  connection  the  Trustees  were  con- 
fronted with  a still  more  difficult  question,  since 
“a  large  majority  of  all  the  colleges  of  the 
country  have  a connection  more  or  less  strong 
with  denominations.”  In  the  circumstances,  no 
hard  and  fast  rule  of  exclusion  could  be  formu- 
lated ; but,  said  President  Pritchett,  “it  is  evi- 
dent that  in  many  cases  colleges  must  choose 
between  the  advantages  of  this  gift  and  the  ben- 
efits of  a denominational  connection.” 

So  far  as  concerned  State  institutions,  it  was 
the  original  conclusion  of  the  Board  that  “the 
States  may  fairly  be  expected  to  provide  a re- 
tiring pension  system  for  their  own  professors, 
and  it  is  certainly  questionable  whether  such 
wholesale  action  on  the  part  of  a private  agency 
in  the  endowment  of  State  institutions  might 
not  do  them  an  injury  rather  than  a kindness.” 
Trustees  and  officers  of  the  State  Universities 
appealed  from  this  view,  and  submitted  to  the 
Trustees  cogent  reasons  why  these  institutions 
should  participate  in  the  distribution  of  the 
Fund.  The  Trustees  replied  that  the  Fund  was 
not  large  enough  for  such  an  extension  of  its 
use.  That  objection,  however,  was  soon  re- 
moved by  Mr.  Carnegie,  who  made  it  known,  in 
April,  1908,  that  he  would  have  pleasure  in  add- 
ing $5,000,000  to  his  original  gift  in  order  to 
furnish  retiring  allowances  for  all  State  Univer- 
sities that  may  apply  for  them.  The  Carnegie 
Foundation  is  now  being  administered  accord- 
ingly- 

Retiring  allowances  are  determined  by  the 
following  rules  of  the  Board  : — “I.  In  reckon- 
ing the  amount  of  the  retiring  allowance,  the 
average  salary  for  the  last  five  years  of  active 
service  shall  be  considered  the  active  pay. 

“ II.  Any  person  sixty-five  years  of  age,  and 
who  has  had  not  less  than  fifteen  years  of  ser- 
vice as  a professor,  and  who  is  at  the  same  time 
a professor  in  an  accepted  institution,  shall  be 
entitled  to  an  annual  retiring  allowance  com- 
puted as  follows  : (a)  For  an  active  pay  of  six- 
teen hundred  dollars  or  less,  an  allowance  of  one 
thousand  dollars,  provided  no  retiring  allowance 
shall  exceed  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  active  pay. 

( b ) For  an  active  pay  greater  than  sixteen  hun- 
dred dollars  the  retiring  allowance  shall  equal 
one  thousand  dollars,  increased  by  fifty  dollars 
for  each  one  hundred  dollars  of  active  pay  in 
excess  of  sixteen  hundred  dollars,  (c)  No  re- 
tiring allowance  shall  exceed  three  thousand 
dollars. 

“HI.  Any  person  who  has  had  a service  of 
twenty-five  years  as  a professor,  and  who  is  at 
the  time  a professor  in  an  accepted  institution, 
shall  be  entitled  to  a retiring  allowance,  com- 
puted as  follows  : (a)  For  an  active  pay  of  six- 
teen hundred  dollars  or  less,  a retiring  allow- 
ance of  eight  hundred  dollars,  provided  that  no 
retiring  allowance  shall  exceed  eighty  per  cent, 


215 


EDUCATION 


EDUCATION 


of  the  active  pay.  (6)  For  an  active  pay  greater 
than  sixteen  hundred  dollars  the  retiring  allow- 
ance shall  equal  eight  hundred  dollars,  increased 
by  forty  dollars  for  each  one  hundred  dollars  of 
active  pay  in  excess  of  sixteen  hundred  dollars, 
(c)  For  each  additional  year  of  service  above 
twenty -five,  the  retiring  allowance  shall  be  in- 
creased by  one  per  cent,  of  the  active  pay.  ( d ) 
No  retiring  allowance  shall  exceed  three  thou- 
sand dollars. 

“ IV.  Any  person  who  has  been  for  ten  years 
the  wife  of  a professor  in  actual  service  may 
receive  during  her  widowhood  one-half  of  the 
allowance  to  which  her  husband  would  have 
been  entitled.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Change  in  the  Headship  of  the 
Bureau  of  Education. — Dr.  William  Torrey 
Harris,  after  seventeen  years  of  distinguished 
service  as  United  States  Commissioner  of  Edu- 
cation, accepted  the  first  designation  of  a retire- 
ment pension  that  was  made  by  the  trustees  of 
the  Carnegie  Foundation.  Professor  Elmer  Ells- 
worth Brown,  professor  of  the  Theory  and  Prac- 
tice of  Teaching  in  the  University  of  California, 
was  appointed  by  the  President  to  succeed  him. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Celebration  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  anniversary  of  the  founding  of  Tuske- 
gee  Institute.  — The  twenty -fifth  anniversary 
of  the  founding  of  Tuskegee  Normal  and  Indus- 
trial Institute,  at  Tuskegee,  Alabama,  by  Booker 
T.  Washington,  was  celebrated  in  April,  1906, 
and  made  the  occasion  of  a notable  gathering  at 
Tuskegee  of  strong  friends  of  the  institution 
and  its  founder  from  all  parts  of  the  country. 
In  The  North  American  Review  of  that  month  Mr. 
Washington  gave  an  interesting  account  of  the 
rise  of  the  Institute  from  insignificant  begin- 
nings, of  the  aims  pursued  in  it  and  of  the  extent 
of  their  realization.  It  had  sought  to  promote 
among  the  negroes  of  the  South  an  education 
which,  as  he  expressed  it,  “not  only  did  not  ed- 
ucate them  out  of  sympathy  with  the  masses  of 
their  people,  but  made  them  actively  and  practi- 
cally interested  in  constructive  methods  and 
work  among  their  people.”  Its  students  “are 
expected  to  be  able  to  show  the  farmers  how  to 
buy  land,  to  assist  them  by  advice  in  getting 
out  of  debt,  and  to  encourage  them  to  cease 
mortgaging  their  crops  and  to  take  active  inter- 
est in  the  economic  development  of  their  com- 
munity.” 

This  wTise  leader  and  true  statesman  of  his 
race  has  devoted  his  life  to  the  solving  of  the 
race-problem  in  the  South  on  the  principle  stated 
by  him  in  these  words : “There  is  nothing  for 
the  negro  to  do  but  to  remain  where  he  is  and 
struggle  on  and  up.  The  whole  philosophy  of 
the  negro  question  can  be  written  in  three  words, 
— patience,  persistence,  virtue.  The  really  help- 
ful thing  about  the  situation  is  that  on  the  whole 
the  negro  has  done,  under  the  circumstances,  the 
best  he  could.” 

Of  the  planting  and  growth  of  Tuskegee  In- 
stitute he  wrote  : ‘ Starting  in  a shanty  and 

a hen-house,  with  almost  no  property  beyond  a 
hoe  and  a blind  mule,  the  school  has  grown  up 
gradually,  much  as  a town  grows.  We  needed 
food  for  our  tables  ; farming,  therefore,  was  our 
first  industry,  started  to  meet  this  need.  With 
the  need  for  shelter  for  our  students,  courses  in 
house-building  and  carpentry  were  added.  Out 
of  these,  brick-making  and  brick  masonry  natu- 
rally grew.  The  increasing  demand  for  buildings 


made  further  specialization  in  the  industries 
necessary.  Soon  we  found  ourselves  teaching 
tinsmithing,  plastering,  and  painting.  Classes 
in  cooking  were  added,  because  we  needed  com- 
petent persons  to  prepare  the  food.  Courses  in 
laundering,  sewing,  dining-room  work,  and 
nurse-training  have  been  added  to  meet  the  ac- 
tual needs  of  the  school  community.  This  pro- 
cess of  specialization  has  continued  as  the  school 
increased  in  numbers,  and  as  the  more  varied 
wants  of  a larger  community  created  a demand, 
and  instruction  is  now  given  in  thirty -seven  in- 
dustries.” 

At  the  end  of  its  first  twenty-five  years  of  ex- 
istence, the  Institute  has  1500  students;  156  offi- 
cers, teachers,  and  employees ; 86  buildings ; 
and  various  ramifications  for  extensive  work. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Segregation  of  Oriental  chil- 
dren in  the  San  Francisco  schools.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Race  Problems  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Large  gift  for  Rudimentary 
Schools  for  Southern  Negroes. — A fund  of 

$1,000,000  was  created  in  the  spring  of  1907,  by 
gift  from  Miss  Anna  T.  Jeanes,  to  be  devoted  to 
rudimentary  schools  for  Southern  negroes.  The 
fund  is  to  be  administered  by  Principals Frissell, 
of  Hampton,  and  Booker  T.  Washington,  of  Tus- 
kegee. 

A.  D.  1907. — Re-dedication  of  the  enlarged 
Carnegie  Institute,  at  Pittsburg. — An  account 
of  the  founding  of  the  richly  housed  and  equipped 
Carnegie  Library  at  Pittsburg,  opened  in  1895, 
is  given  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work  (see  Libra- 
ries). To  that  fundamental  institution  Mr.  Car- 
negie began  soon  to  add  auxiliaries,  in  technical 
schools,  lecture  hall,  music  hall,  art  galleries,  and 
museum  of  science,  until  a great  Institute,  on 
winch  no  less  than  $18,000,000  had  been  expended 
and  bestowed  by  the  founder  was  complete.  A 
rededication  of  this  splendid  Carnegie  Insti- 
tute, in  1907,  wras  made  an  impressive  event  by 
the  presence  of  a remarkable  number  of  distin- 
guished guests,  invited  from  Great  Britain,  Ger- 
many, France,  Holland,  Belgium,  and  the  United 
States.  The  interesting  exercises  of  the  occasion 
were  opened  on  the  10th  of  April  and  continued 
through  three  days. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Wanted,  in  Massachusetts: 
The  right  leader  for  an  Educational  Revolu- 
tion.—The  State  Board  of  Education  in  Massa- 
chusetts is  said  to  have  arrived,  as  a body,  at  the 
conviction,  which  has  been  taking  possession  of 
many  minds  in  late  years,  that  in  the  whole  edu- 
cational work  of  the  present  day,  from  primary 
school  to  university,  “there  is  much  time  wasted 
in  learning  things  of  little  help  in  after  life,  and 
failure  to  get  the  essential  character-building”; 
that  conditions  are  changed  so  greatly  from  what 
they  were  when  the  last  great  educational  rev- 
olution was  led  in  Massachusetts  by  Horace 
Mann,  and  others,  that  a new  revolution  is  the 
imperative  need  of  the  day.  Hence  the  State 
Board  of  Education  is  reported  to  be  searching 
anxiously  for  a man  to  fill  the  lately  created 
office  of  State  Commissioner  of  Education,  who 
is  equal  to  a revolutionary  undertaking.  “He 
must  be,”  says  a recent  Boston  letter,  “ a broad 
man,  of  the  right  sort  to  realize  the  unusual  op- 
portunity open  to-day.”  “There  is  no  limit  to 
the  salary  which  the  board  may  offer.”  “ There 
has  been  no  politics  in  the  board,  and  there  shall 
be  none.  All  that  the  Commissioner  wants  in 


6 


EDUCATION 


EGYPT 


the  way  of  cooperation  to  carry  out  his  views 
he  will  have.”  “The  board  feels  that  this  is 
a crisis.  If  the  right  man  can  be  found,  the 
State’s  system  will  take  a step  forward  toward 
a better  practice,  which  shall  remove  the  pre- 
sent dissatisfaction  and  the  feeling  that  the  pub- 
lic schools  are  not  fitting  children  to  be  good 
producers  or  citizens.”  This  opening  seems 
a great  one  for  the  right  man,  if  he  can  be 
found. 

A.  D.  1909. — Election  of  a woman  to  the 
Superintendency  of  the  Chicago  schools. — 

Mrs.  Ella  Flagg  Young,  elected  Superintendent 
of  the  public  schools  of  Chicago  by  the  City’s 
Board  of  Education,  in  July,  1909,  is  the  first  of 
her  sex  to  occupy  so  important  an  administra- 
tive position.  Her  election  is  said  to  have  been 
due  entirely  to  her  manifest  superiority  in  quali- 
fication over  other  suggested  candidates.  The 
school  system  she  will  administer  is  second 


only  in  magnitude  to  that  of  the  City  of  New 
York. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Gift  to  Yale  University  by 
Mrs.  Sage.  — The  following  is  announced  from 
New  Haven  on  the  10th  of  January,  1910:  — 
“ The  recent  gift  of  $650,000  by  Mrs.  Russell 
Sage  of  New  York  city  for  the  purchase  of  the 
Hillhouse  property  and  its  transfer  free  of  encum- 
brance to  Yale  University  releases  a correspond- 
ing amount  without  restriction  for  the  use  of  the 
university  corporation.  Important  meetings  will 
be  held  this  week,  one  by  the  board  of  Sheffield 
Scientific  School  trustees  and  the  other  a special 
meeting  of  the  Yale  Corporation  to  act  upon  the 
disposition  of  the  funds  released  by  the  Sage  gift. 
It  is  generally  understood  that  the  plan  proposed 
is  the  erection  upon  the  Hillhouse  property  of  a 
large  biological  laboratory,  and  perhaps  the  ap- 
pointment in  connection  with  it  of  a university 
professor  in  biology  upon  a new  foundation.” 


EDWARD  VII.,  King  of  Great  Britain, 
&c.:  Proclamation  of  additional  titles.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1901  (Nov.). 

His  illness  and  deferred  Coronation.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1902  (June-Aug.). 

His  agency  in  bringing  about  the  Entente 
Cordiale  between  Great  Britain  and  France. 
See  Europe  : A.  D.  1904  (April). 

His  influence  as  a diplomatist.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1908. 

His  Death  after  a brief  illness.  — Succes- 
sion of  his  son,  George  V.  Se«  England: 
A.  D.  1910  (May). 

EGYPT  : A.  D.  1901-1905.  — The  founding 
of  schools  for  girls. — Training  of  native 
teachers.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Education  : Egypt. 

A.  D.  1902  (Dec.). — Completion  of  the  As- 
suan Dam.  — The  great  Assuan  Dam,  to  control 
the  waters  of  the  Nile,  was  opened  with  formal 
ceremony  on  the  10th  of  December,  1902,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Connaught, 
the  Khedive,  Lord  and  Lady  Cromer,  and  other 
distinguished  personages.  Earlier  in  the  year  the 
value  of  this  important  work  of  engineering  had 
been  enhanced  by  a treaty  with  the  Emperor  of 
Abyssinia  or  Ethiopia,  which  forbids  construc- 
tions on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Nile,  within 
the  Abyssinian  territory,  which  would  arrest  the 
flow  of  their  waters.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Abys- 
sinia: A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1904. — Declarations  of  England  and 
France  concerning  Egypt  in  the  Agreements 
of  the  Entente  of  1904.  — Explanatory  de- 
spatch. See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904 
(April). 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Pan-Islamic  preaching. 
— Pro -Turkish  movement.  — Turkish  en- 
croachments on  the  Sinai  frontier.  — The  Ta- 
bah  incident.  — British  fleet  at  Phalerum. — 
British  garrisons  reinforced.  — “ Whether  or- 
dered by  the  Sultan  or  the  result  of  an  instinctive 
religious  wave,  anew  and  definite  crusade  began 
to  affect  Egypt  in  the  summer  of  1905.  Preach- 
ers appeared  mysteriously  in  Cairo  and  spread 
rapidly  through  the  country,  giving  a new  and 
stricter  interpretation  to  texts  from  the  Koran, 
and  preaching  in  strong  terms  the  wickedness 
of  obeying  the  infidel.  These  preachers  mixed 
with  the  people  in  their  houses  and  cafes,  and  in 
the  infinite  leisure  of  a prosperous  Oriental  coun- 
try doubtless  found  no  lack  of  occasion  for  in- 
stilling their  new  doctrines.  Then  the  Arabic 


native  Press  began  to  preach  the  same  lesson, 
applying  it  specially  to  the  Macedonian  crisis 
and  the  piteous  plight  of  the  harassed  Sultan.  A 
new  spirit  came  suddenly  into  political  contro- 
versy. Any  native  defender  of  British  rule  was 
marked  as  a ‘ bad  Moslem,  ’ or  ‘ a traitor  to  Egypt.’ 
Argument  was  impossible  ; for  any  doubt  of  the 
Sultan  was  simply  impiety.  So  the  work  went 
on  bravely  through  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1905,  while  the  British  authorities  looked  on  in 
surprise  and  perplexity.  Lonely  residents  up 
country  began  to  notice  a change  in  the  tone  of 
the  people.  They  felt  the  under-swell  of  a new 
and  mysterious  movement  of  religious  feeling. 
Europeans  who  understood  Arabic  heard  insolent 
remarks  in  the  cafes  as  they  passed  by,  and  doc- 
tors in  charge  of  invalids  in  lonely  hotels  no- 
ticed with  alarm  the  sullen  looks  of  their  Arab 
servants,  and  their  keen  excitement  over  the  Sul- 
tan’s struggle.  A spirit  of  nervous  apprehension 
began  to  spread  abroad  among  Europeans. 

“Then  in  January,  1906,  the  Sultan  suddenly 
showed  his  hand;  and  the  smouldering  fire  burst 
out  into  the  flame  of  the  famous  Tabah  incident. 
The  events  that  followed  became  conspicuous  to 
the  whole  world  — the  seizure  by  Turkish  troops 
of  villages  on  the  Egyptian  side  of  the  Sinai 
frontier,  the  threat  to  fire  on  an  Egyptian  cruiser, 
the  defiant  resistance  to  the  English  successor, 
the  peremptory  order  to  Egypt  to  evacuate  Fa- 
roun  Island,  and,  finally,  the  claim  of  Mouktar 
Pasha  to  a frontier-line  west  of  Suez.  The  behav- 
iour of  Turkey  seemed  to  bear  out  Rudyard  Kip- 
ling's description  of  the  ethical  atmosphere  that 
lies  east  of  that  port.  Even  where  ‘ there  ain’t  no 
ten  commandments,’  indeed,  the  little  villages 
that  sparkle  like  a grain  of  salt  in  the  empty  des- 
ert of  the  wanderings  of  Israel  might  be  thought 
tempting  to  no  man.  But  the  line  of  the  frontier 
had  been  drawn  east  of  Tabah  by  the  treaty  which 
established  Mehemet  Ali  in  the  Khedivate  in  1840 
[see  in  Yol.  I.  of  this  work,  Egypt:  A.  D.  1840- 
1869],  and  the  claim  to  this  limit  had  been  pru- 
dently re-asserted  by  Lord  Cromer  in  1892,  when 
the  present  Khedive  ascended  the  throne.  Any 
tampering  with  these  written  arrangements,  even 
to  the  extent  of  a single  village,  would  have  been 
the  end  of  our  authority  in  Egypt.  There  was, 
therefore,  no  room  for  compromise.  If  Sir  Edward 
Grey  had  hesitated  to  force  a surrender  from 
Turkey  in  May  by  the  only  possible  method  of 
moving  the  fleet  to  Phalerum  [and  demanding 


EGYPT 


EGYPT 


the  immediate  evacuation  of  Tabah],  we  might 
just  as  well  have  left  the  Nile. 

“For  the  real  significance  of  these  events 
lay  in  what  was  going  on  in  the  mosques  and 
newspapers  of  Egypt  itself.  As  the  crisis  grew, 
these  voices  grew  more  and  more  daring.  The 
preachers  were  as  tempestuous  as  those  who  ful- 
minated at  St.  Paul’s  Cross  in  our  own  Reforma- 
tion times.  Every  move  of  the  Sultan  in  those 
tortuous  negotiations  was  accompanied  by  an 
obligato  of  sympathy  from  the  Pan-Islamic 
Press.  The  native  journals  in  Egypt  are  small 
sheets,  cheaply  produced.  During  the  last  eigh- 
teen months  they  multiplied  exceedingly,  fed  by 
mysterious  channels.  The  new  journals  preached 
the  new  doctrine — the  doctrine  of  Pan-Islam- 
ism.  . . . 

“A  Turkish  raid  on  the  Suez  Canal  or  Nekl 
might  have  caused  an  outburst  of  fanaticism  in 
Egypt  and  seriously  divided  and  embarrassed  the 
Army  of  Occupation.  It  was  impossible  to  be  sure 
that  the  Egyptian  army  of  16,000  men,  though 
officered  by  Englishmen,  could  be  trusted  to  fight 
against  the  Turks.  Hence  the  reinforcement  of 
the  British  garrison,  reduced  to  some  2000  men, 
by  an  addition  of  some  3000.  These  began  to  ar- 
rive in  May,  and  the  agitation  calmed  quickly 
after  their  arrival.  They  are  now  to  stay  on  at  the 
expense  of  Egypt.  Thus  the  first  effect  of  the 
Sultan’s  interference  has  been  a deplorable  set- 
back from  Lord  Cromer’s  ideal  of  governing 
Egypt  by  means  of  British-officered  native  police- 
men.”— Harold  Spender,  England,  Egypt  and 
Turkey  (Contemporary  Review,  Oct.,  1906). 

A.  D.  1907  (Jan.).  — State  of  the  country.  — 
General  satisfaction  of  the  people.  — The 
disaffected  a minority.  — Transformation  ef- 
fected by  English  rule.  — Testimony  of  a 
F rench  writer.  — Those  who  know  the  real  situ- 
ation in  Egypt  can  easily  understand  how  almost 
the  whole  population,  with  the  exception  of  an 
insignificant  minority,  are  satisfied  and  desire  no 
change.  It  is  enough  to  compare  the  present  state 
of  the  country  — even  rapidly  and  superficially — 
with  that  existing  in  1882,  to  perceive  the  perfect 
satisfaction  of  all  classes  and  the  greatness  of  the 
work  achieved  by  England ; and  the  more  pro- 
foundly this  question  is  studied,  the  greater  the 
admiration  that  must  be  accorded  to  Lord  Cromer 
and  to  all  those  who  during  the  past  twenty-five 
years  have  worked  under  his  orders  at  the  regen- 
eration of  Egypt.  The  situation  of  that  country 
in  1882  may  be  briefly  summed  up  in  the  follow- 
ing manner : 

“The  Government  was  then  in  the  hands  of  a 
band  of  rebels  at  the  head  of  whom  was  the 
cowardly  and  worthless  colonel,  Arabi.  The  ex- 
chequer was  empty;  Egypt  owed  (almost  en- 
tirely to  Europe)  nearly  five  millions  sterling. 
The  revenue  was  insufficient  to  pay  the  interest 
on  her  debts,  or  even  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
government.  The  public  works  were  all  in  such 
a state  of  neglect  and  disuse  as  to  be  no  longer 
of  any  service.  Commerce  was  paralysed  and  in- 
dustry at  the  last  gasp.  The  fellaheen,  to  whose 
labour  Egypt  owes  her  agricultural  wealth,  had 
stopped  working,  for,  left  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Pashas,  who  extorted  from  them  everything 
possible  down  to  the  last  farthing,  they  died  of 
hunger,  whether  they  worked  or  not.  If  we 
add  that  their  leaders  told  the  unfortunate 
people  that  their  suffering  all  these  privations 
was  solely  the  fault  of  the  Christian  devils  who 

21 


were  exacting  mountains  of  gold  from  Egypt, 
it  is  easy  to  see  that  fanaticism  and  poverty 
combined  were  helping  to  make  the  situation  a 
critical  one  for  Europeans.  It  was  into  this  fiery 
furnace  that  England  entered  and  France  re- 
fused to  follow  her.  . . . 

“This  is  now  a tale  of  the  past,  and  on  the 
curtain  being  raised  we  behold  a transformation 
so  marvellous,  so  grand,  that  it  is  almost  incred- 
ible. We  find  Egypt  rich  and  prosperous;  a 
great  portion  of  her  debt  paid,  an  admirably 
adjusted  budget;  her  revenues  increasing  enor- 
mously, regularly  every  year  — and  that  in  the 
face  of  large  and  important  public  works,  works 
which  daily  augment  the  wealth  of  the  country. 
Agriculture  is  advancing  by  leaps  and  bounds, 
while  commerce  and  industry  develop  and  in- 
crease with  a rapidity  unparalleled  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  A well-organised  network  of 
railroads,  steam  navigation,  telegraphs,  tele- 
phones, and  excellently  maintained  canals, 
spreads  over  the  country.  Schools  of  every  kind 
have  been  opened  — primary,  secondary,  and 
higher  schools,  technical,  commercial,  and  med- 
ical schools.  The  fellah  works  quietly  and  hap- 
pily on  his  land,  and  the  townsman  is  growing 
rich,  while  business  prospers  increasingly  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  From  the 
mouths  of  the  Nile,  from  Alexandria  to  the 
great  lakes  of  Central  Africa,  all  across  Egypt, 
Nubia,  and  the  Soudan,  peace  and  quiet  reign 
everywhere.  And  — strange  as  it  may  seem  — 
all  these  results  have  been  obtained,  nbt  by  in- 
creasing the  taxes,  but,  on  the  contrary,  by  re- 
ducing and  even  in  some  cases  abolishing  them 
altogether. 

“In  less  than  twenty-five  years  England  has 
accomplished  all  this  and  much  more  still.  She 
has  effected  the  marvellous  achievement  of  re- 
maining in  Egypt  with  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  Powers  of  Europe,  to  the  great  satisfaction 
of  the  Egyptians  themselves  and  the  foreigners 
dwelling  in  Egypt,  and  finally  of  living  there 
as  a friend,  almost  as  an  ally  of  France!  . . . 

“The  honesty  of  the  Government  in  all  its 
branches,  the  impartiality  with  which  all  abuses 
have  been  punished,  and  finally  the  honourable 
example  which  during  five-and-twenty  years 
the  English  have  set  before  the  Egyptians,  have 
certainly  borne  good  fruit.  To  be  ‘ honest  ’ is 
no  longer  an  empty  expression  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nile,  and  the  entire  population  understands 
to-day  what  that  word  signifies.  I think  of  how 
absolutely  unknown  it  was  in  1882  ! To  sum 
up,  Egypt  and  the  Egyptians  have  now  become 
dean,  both  physically  and  morally.  We  may 
say  that  England  has  cleansed  and  disinfected 
them,  externally  and  internally.”  — A.  B.  de 
Guerville,  The  Situation  in  Egypt  ( Fortnightly 
Review,  Feb.,  1907). 

In  his  work  on  “Modern  Egypt,”  published 
since  his  retirement  from  the  British  administra- 
tion in  Egypt,  Lord  Cromer  speaks  as  follows  of 
the  change  which  has  come  over  Egypt  since 
the  British  occupation  took  place.  Though  an  in- 
terested witness,  Lord  Cromer  is  one  well  trusted 
by  the  general  opinion  of  the  world  : “A  new 
spirit,”  lie  wrote, “ has  been  instilled  into  the 
population  of  Egypt.  Even  the  peasant  has 
learnt  to  scan  his  rights.  Even  the  Pasha  has 
learnt  that  others  besides  himself  have  rights 
which  must  be  respected.  The  courbasli  may 
hang  on  the  walls  of  the  Moudirieh,  but  the 

.8 


EGYPT 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


Moudir  no  longer  dares  to  employ  it  on  the  backs 
of  the  fellaheen.  For  all  practical  purposes,  it 
may  be  said  that  the  hateful  corvee  system  has 
disappeared.  Slavery  has  virtually  ceased  to 
exist.  The  halcyon  days  of  the  adventurer  and 
the  usurer  are  past.  Fiscal  burthens  have  been 
greatly  relieved.  Everywhere  law  reigns  su- 
preme. Justice  is  no  longer  bought  and  sold. 
Nature,  instead  of  being  spurned  and  neglected, 
has  been  wooed  to  bestow  her  gifts  on  mankind. 
She  has  responded  to  the  appeal.  The  waters  of 
the  Nile  are  now  utilized  in  an  intelligent  man- 
ner. Means  of  locomotion  have  been  improved 
and  extended.  The  soldier  has  acquired  some 
pride  in  the  uniform  which  he  wears.  lie  has 
fought  as  he  never  fought  before.  The  sick  man 
can  be  nursed  in  a well-managed  hospital.  The 
lunatic  is  no  longer  treated  like  a wild  beast. 
The  punishment  awarded  to  the  worst  criminal 
is  no  longer  barbarous.  Lastly,  the  schoolmas- 
ter is  abroad,  with  results  which  are  as  yet  un- 
certain, but  which  cannot  fail  to  be  important.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Gordon  Memorial  College  at 
Khartoum.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education: 
Egypt. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Completion  of  the  Esneh 
Barrage.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  op 
Natural  Resources:  Egypt. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — The  Nationalist  agi- 
tation, excited  by  the  Turkish  Revolution. 
— A correspondent  of  the  New  York  Ecening 
Post,  writing  from  London  of  the  agitation  for 
national  independence  in  Egypt,  under  date  of 
May  8,  1909,  remarks  that  it  has  been  affected 
in  two  ways  by  the  recent  revolutionary  move- 
ments in  the  East.  They  have  “weakened  as 
well  as  strengthened  the  cause.  For  a number 
of  half-educated  native  thinkers  to  see  Turkey 
with  a Parliament  is  to  make  them  feel  they 
should  have  one,  too.  The  British  agent  points 
out  that  the  youth  of  Egypt,  upon  whom  must 
rest  all  hopes  of  eventual  autonomy,  are  becom- 
ing demoralized  by  such  propaganda.  They 
have  been  clamoring  on  every  occasion  for  a 
Constitution.”  They  have  been  incited  by  a 
virulent  press.  “When,  a few  months  ago, 
Mr.  Haldane  announced  that  the  British  army 
of  occupation  was  to  be  increased  to  the  same 
strength  as  the  force  in  South  Africa,  disgust- 
ing diatribes  were  indulged  in  against  the  Brit- 
ish army.  Officers  were  described  as  monsters 
of  low  breeding,  ill  manners,  cowardice,  and 
multifarious  vice.  As  a result  of  this  kind  of 
thing,  and  also  through  the  pressure  of  the 
moderate  native  press,  the  old  Press  law  of  1881 
was  revived  — a law  providing  that  after  three 
warnings  a paper  may  be  suspended  by  the 
Council  of  Ministers  by  an  administrative  order, 
and  not  through  the  courts  of  law. 

“ Since  then  the  Nationalists  have  arranged 
frequent  demonstrations,  some  of  them  result- 


ing in  encounters  with  the  police,  which  have 
been  magnified  by  part  of  the  English  press  into 
serious  riots.  Serious  riots  are  uot  got  up  by 
schoolboys,  who,  according  to  the  best  infor- 
mation, seem  to  have  been  entirely  responsible 
for  the  physical  part  of  these  demonstrations 
in  Cairo  and  elsewhere.  They  have  now  been 
strictly  forbidden  to  take  part  in  any  public 
political  discussion.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Young  Egypt  Con- 
gress.— The  party  of  Young  Egyptians,  so 
called,  held  a Congress  at  Geneva  in  September 
— the  second  of  such  assemblies  — which  was 
attended  by  several  sympathetic  members  of  the 
British  Parliament,  Mr.  Keir  Hardie  and  others, 
representing  the  Labor  and  Irish  parties.  A 
telegram  was  sent  from  the  Congress  to  the 
House  of  Commons  in  England,  stating  that  the 
representatives  of  the  intellectual  elements  of 
organized  Egyptian  political  parties  gathered  in 
congress  at  Geneva  on  the  occasion  of  the  anni- 
versary of  the  entry  of  the  English  troops  into 
Cairo  saluted  very  respectfully  the  representa- 
tives of  Great  Britain,  recalled  the  reiterated 
promise  of  the  British  Government  to  evacuate 
Egyptian  territory,  and  inasmuch  as  the  reasons 
given  by  Mr.  Gladstone  for  the  occupation  no 
longer  existed,  asked  the  House  for  the  honour 
of  the  English  nation  to  secure  the  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  from  Egyptian  territory.  A similar 
telegram  was  despatched  to  the  Grand  Vizier, 
Hilmi  Pasha,  asking  him  to  use  his  influence 
with  England  to  secure  the  withdrawal  of  the 
troops. 

This  was  sent  on  the  14th  of  September,  the 
27th  anniversary  of  the  British  occupation  of 
Egypt,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Prime  Minister 
of  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Asquith,  received  the  fol- 
lowing telegram  from  Cairo: 

‘ ‘ A meeting  of  6, 000  Egyptians  assembled  here 
to-day  desires  to  convey  to  your  high  personage 
the  unanimous  and  energetic  protest  of  the 
Egyptian  people  against  the  occupation,  and 
from  to-day  demands  the  evacuation,  relying 
upon  the  engagements  and  solemn  oaths  of  the 
Queen’s  Governments.  Moreover,  to  gain  our 
friendship  is  more  preferable  for  English  honour 
than  to  lose  our  hearts  and  support.” 

The  protest  was  also  sent  to  the  Grand  Vizier 
in  Constantinople  and  to  the  Young  Egypt  Con- 
gress in  Geneva. 

EHRLICH,  Paul.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes 

EHR-LUNG-SHAN  FORT,  Capture  of. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (May- 
Jan.). 

EIGHT  HOUR  LABOR  DAY.  See(inthis 
vol.)  Labor  Protection:  Hours  of  Labor. 

ELECTIONS,  Political:  Contributions 
from  Corporations  prohibited.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1907  (Jan.). 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE. 


Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1906. —Universal 
Suffrage  adopted  in  Austria.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1905-1906,  and  1907. 

Belgium:  A.  D.  1902.  — Opposition  to  the 
Plural  Suffrage  defeated.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Bel- 
gium: A.  D.  1902,  and  1904.  See,  also,  Consti- 
tution of  Belgium,  in  Volume  I.  of  this  work, 


and  Belgium  : A.  D.  1894-1895,  in  Volume 
VI. 

China:  A.  D.  1908. — The  Constitutional 
Promise.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1905- 
1908. 

England:  A.  D.  1909.  — Second  reading  of 
the  Representation  of  the  People  Bill,  ex- 


219 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


tending  the  Suffrage  to  Women  and  others. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1909 (March). 

Germany:  A.  D.  1906. — Extensions  of 
popular  rights  in  some  parts  of  the  Empire. 

— A comedy  of  election  reform  in  Prussia. 

— “ The  agitation  fertile  extension  of  popular 
rights  is  vigorous  in  many  parts  of  the  Empire. 
The  Kingdom  of  Wiirtemberg  has  just  reformed 
its  antique  constitution  by  eliminating  from  the 
Lower  House  the  privileged  members,  ‘ knights’ 
and  clergymen,  and  substituting  members  elected 
by  popular  vote.  Baden  has  introduced  univer- 
sal suffrage,  and  Bavaria  has  changed  from  in- 
direct to  direct  voting.  I11  the  Kingdom  of  Sax- 
ony, which  a decade  ago  remodeled  its  election 
law  in  a plutocratic  direction,  the  government  is 
now  trying  to  retrace  its  steps.  The  Oldenburg 
government  has  committed  itself  to  universal 
suffrage  ; and  in  Saxe- Weimar  the  Liberal  par- 
ties and  the  Socialists  have  formed  a compact 
to  establish  it.  In  the  midst  of  this  democratic 
movement  Prussia  has  just  carried  through  a 
slight  revision  of  its  election  laws.  . . . 

“The  government  [Prussian]  came  forward 
last  spring  with  a scheme  of  election  reform 
which  is  nothing  short  of  comical  in  its  bureau- 
cratic narrowness.  Several  huge  city  districts 
were  divided,  and  ten  new  seats  in  the  Chamber 
created,  — not,  however  as  a recognition  of  the 
rights  of  the  urban  population,  but  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  mere  formalities  of  balloting.  The 
number  of  electors  in  such  districts  had  outgrown 
the  capacity  of  any  hall  to  hold  them.”  - — W.  C. 
Dreher,  The  Year  in  Germany  ( Atlantic  Monthly, 
Nov.,  1906). 

India  : Slight  exercise  of  local  self-govern- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

Introduction  of  popular  representation  in 
the  Legislative  Councils.  See  India  : A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

Persia:  Under  the  recent  Constitution.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Constitution  of  Persia. 

Philippine  Islands. — Provisions  of  elec- 
tion law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

Porto  Rico  : Change  of  qualifications  for 
the  suffrage.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Porto  Rico: 
A.  D.  1901-1905. 

Proportional  Representation : England : 
The  subject  under  discussion.  — The  practica- 
bility and  desirability  of  proportional  represent- 
ation has  been  under  investigation  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  during  1909,  by  a Royal  Commission, 
which  has  had  frequent  sessions  for  hearings  at 
Whitehall.  At  a hearing  in  October  Lord  Hugh 
Cecil,  who  represents  Oxford  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  argued  with  great  force  in  favor  of 
proportional  representation,  as  a means  of  mod- 
erating the  constraint  exercised  over  independent 
opinion  by  party  ties.  He  said  that  the  present 
system  was  not  satisfactory.  It  greatly  hindered 
free  discussion  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
tended  to  exaggerate  there  the  intensity  of  feel- 
ing and  the  rigidity  of  the  party  system.  Ma- 
jorities were  generally  large,  and  often  it  was 
merely  a trial  of  endurance.  The  empty  condi- 
tion of  the  House  on  many  occasions  proved  that 
discussion  never  influenced  divisions,  and  there 
was  an  elimination  of  independent  opinion. 
Decisions  were  on  party  issues,  except  when  new 
subjects  such  as  the  fiscal  question,  were  brought 
forward.  With  smaller  majorities  independent 


opinion — specific  rather  than  general — would 
have  more  opportunity,  and  that  would  be  a 
gain.  There  was  a growing  tendency  to  lift 
foreign  politics  and,  to  a lesser  degree,  Colonial 
politics  beyond  party,  and  to  a large  extent  the 
Government  could  count  on  the  support  of  mod- 
erate opponents  when  foreign  and  Colonial  mat- 
ters were  considered.  He  did  not  think  the  effect 
of  proportional  representation  would  be  to  form 
any  more  groups  than  they  had  at  present,  but 
his  desire  was  that  there  should  be  members  who 
were  not  absolute  party  men,  and  independent 
members  would  have  more  chance  of  getting 
returned.  He  considered  that  desirable,  and  did 
not  apprehend  the  return  of  faddists.  Even  now 
faddists  were  easily  elected  to  Parliament,  where 
for  the  most  part  they  were  disregarded.  He  did 
not  agree  that  practically  all  sections  of  the  com- 
munity were  represented  under  the  existing  sys- 
tem. A very  large  and  important  section  between 
the  two  parties  was  never  represented,  having  al- 
ways to  choose  between  one  or  the  other  extreme. 

South  Africa:  The  Principle  in  Practice. 
— The  principle  of  proportional  representation 
was  brought  into  practice  in  the  municipal  elec- 
tions of  the  Transvaal  in  October,  1909.  The 
Constitution  of  the  South  Africa  Union,  which 
goes  into  effect  in  the  spring  of  1910,  applies  it, 
also,  to  the  election  of  senators  in  the  Union 
Parliament.  “The  proportional  method  chosen 
is,  in  each  case,  that  of  the  single  transferable 
vote,  and  the  Johannesburg  elections  will  fur- 
nish an  example  of  the  use  of  this  system  on  a 
larger  scale  than  any  hitherto  attempted,  whilst 
the  senatorial  elections  will  furnish  examples  of 
its  application  to  very  small  electorates.  The 
duty  of  the  voter,  both  in  the  senatorial  and  in 
the  municipal  elections,  will  be  the  same.  He 
must  place  the  figure  1 against  the  candidate  for 
whom  he  desires  to  vote,  and,  in  addition,  he 
may  and  should  place  the  figures  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7, 
and  so  on  against  the  names  of  the  other  candi- 
dates in  the  order  of  his  preference.  The  num- 
bering of  additional  preferences,  if  not  so  vital 
as  that  of  marking  the  first  choice,  is  of  extreme 
importance,  and  the  elector  should  continue  to 
indicate  preferences  until  he  has  exhausted  his 
powers  of  choice.  The  object,  in  marking  prefer- 
ences, is  to  prevent  the  waste  of  voting  power. 
For,  if  the  elector’s  first  choice  has  obtained 
more  votes  than  are  necessary  to  secure  his  elec- 
tion, or  if  his  first  choice  has  obtained  so  few 
votes  as  to  be  hopelessly  out  of  the  running,  the 
returning  officer  will  carry  forward  these  votes 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  expressed  by  the 
electors,  as  indicated  by  the  preferences  marked. 

. . . The  vote  is  always  credited  to  the  first 
choice  and  is  not  transferred  save  in  the  con- 
tingencies named.  If,  however,  no  effective  use 
can  be  made  of  the  vote  in  the  return  of  the  elec- 
tor’s first  choice  the  returning  officer,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  any  instructions  from  the  voter,  will  be 
unable  to  carry  the  vote  forward,  and  the  vote 
will  therefore  have  no  influence  in  determining 
the  result  of  the  election.  Electors  should  there- 
fore exercise  to  the  full  their  privilege  of  mark- 
ing preferences.”  — The  State  ( South  African 
National  Magazine),  Oct.,  1909. 

Prussia:  A.  D.  1909. — Rejection  of  pro- 
posed Reforms.  — The  result  of  new  proposals 
for  reforming  the  intolerable  class-system  of 
voting  in  Prussia  (see  Constitution  of  Prussia 
in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work),  proposals  of  more 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


sincerity  than  those  of  1906,  described  above, — 
was  thus  reported  in  a l’ress  despatch  from  Ber- 
lin, January  26,  1909:  “The  debate  upon  the  mo- 
tions regarding  reform  of  the  Prussian  franchise 
was  concluded  in  the  Lower  House  of  the  Diet 
to-day.  After  two  more  speeches  had  been  de- 
livered the  Conservatives  moved  and  carried  the 
closure,  and  the  various  reform  proposals  were 
put  to  the  vote.  All  the  motions  were  rejected. 
Against  most  of  the  proposals  so  large  a hostile 
majority  was  shown  when  the  Deputies  were 
invited  to  rise  from  their  seats  that  no  counting 
of  votes  was  necessary.  A motion  in  favour  of 
the  substitution  of  direct  for  indirect  election 
was  rejected,  upon  a division,  by  168  votes 
against  165 — a majority  of  three.  Upon  this 
question,  and  also  upon  the  main  question  — 
the  introduction  of  a universal  and  equal  fran- 
chise with  secrecy  of  the  ballot — most  of  the 
Centre  Party  Deputies  voted  with  the  Left,  and 
the  majority  consisted  almost  entirely  of  Con- 
servatives and  Free  Conservatives,  who  under 
the  existing  system,  possess  an  absolute  major- 
ity in  the  Diet.” 

A.  D.  1910.  — A bill  brought  forward  by  the 
Government  in  February,  1910,  professing  to 
reform  the  elective  franchise,  gave  less  than 
no  satisfaction  to  the  mass  of  the  people,  who 
resented  it  as  an  insult  to  their  rights.  The  mea- 
sure was  reported  to  make  no  change  in  the 
three-class  system  of  voting,  which  ensures  to 
wealth  its  political  domination,  and  it  refused 
the  secret  ballot.  It  conceded  nothing  of  reform 
except  a direct  instead  of  an  indirect  election  of 
representatives,  and  provoked  formidable  de- 
monstrations of  popular  indignation  in  Berlin 
and  other  cities. 

Russia:  A.  D.  1906.  — The  Franchise  as 
exercised  in  the  election  of  the  Dumas.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1906  and  1907. 

Sweden  : A.  D.  1909.  — Franchise  Reform 
Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sweden:  A.  D.  1909. 

Turkey:  A.  D.  1908.  — Under  the  Constitu- 
tion regained  by  Revolution.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey  : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

United  States:  Direct  primary  nomination 
of  candidates.  — After  a long  and  unsatisfac- 
tory experience  in  the  United  States  of  the  nomi- 
nation of  candidates  for  public  office  by  conven- 
tions of  delegates,  the  people  have  been  rapidly 
discarding  that  system  within  the  last  few  years, 
replacing  it  by  the  institution  of  primary  elec- 
tions, at  which  candidates  for  the  subsequent 
election  are  selected  by  direct  vote.  The  old 
delegate  system  tended  irresistibly  to  give  the 
picking  of  candidates  (between  whom  the  peo- 
ple had  finally  a narrow  choice)  to  little  handfuls 
of  men  who  make  manipulative  party  manage- 
ment their  main  business  in  life,  with  objects  of 
self  profit,  either  in  money  or  political  power. 
Effective  revolt  against  thisevil-working  system 
began  in  the  Western  States  and  is  now  strong 
in  the  East.  The  following  summary  statement 
of  what  it  had  accomplished,  up  to  the  spring 
of  1909,  is  from  a pamphlet  then  published  by 
the  Citizens  Union  of  New  York  City,  in  sup- 
port of  a “Direct  Primary  Bill”  which  was 
pending  at  the  time  in  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  of  New  York  : 

“The  direct  primary  is  now  the  most  usual 
system  of  making  nominations  in  the  United 
States,  and  in  no  case  has  a state,  a county,  or  a 
town  turned  back  from  direct  nominations  to 


the  convention  system.  It  is  no  longer  an 
experiment,  having  been  tried  out  under  vary- 
ing conditions  in  so  many  states  that  it  is  possi- 
ble to  be  guided  by  experience  in  avoiding  the 
dangers  of  an  imperfect  direct  primary  law. 

“Fourteen  states  [Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nebraska, 
North  Dakota,  Oklahoma,  Oregon,  South 
Dakota,  Texas,  Washington,  and  Wisconsin], 
with  a total  population  of  25,323,039,  have 
mandatory  laws  requiring  the  use  of  this  plan  in 
selecting  candidates  of  the  principal  parties  for 
practically  all  offices.  Three  other  states  [Min- 
nesota, Ohio,  Pennsylvania]  have  mandatory 
laws  covering  practically  all  except  the  state 
offices.  Five  other  states  [Indiana,  Massachu- 
setts, Michigan,  New  Jersey,  Tennessee]  have 
mandatory  laws  covering  certain  localities  or 
offices.  Five  states  [Alabama,  Florida,  Ken- 
tucky, Michigan,  Tennessee],  including  two  of 
the  above,  have  optional  laws  coveting  practi- 
cally all  officers,  the  provisions  of  which  laws 
have  been  largely  taken  advantage  of.  There 
are  direct  nominations  laws  of  a weaker  sort, 
some  of  them  of  little  or  no  value,  in  many 
other  states.  Party  rules  have  established 
direct  nominations  for  at  least  the  majority 
party  in  nearly  all  of  the  Southern  states  not 
mentioned  above. 

“About  one-half  of  the  states,  including 
those  in  which  the  system  has  been  established 
by  party  rules,  use  direct  nominations  for  prac- 
tically all  elective  offices.  The  states  in  which 
the  system  is  established  by  mandatory  law  for 
practically  all  elective  offices  have  about  thirty 
per  cent,  of  the  population  of  the  United  States. 

“Of  the  thirty-one  United  States  senators 
elected  last  fall,  seventeen  were  nominated  by 
direct  primaries.  Fifteen  out  of  thirty-two 
governors  of  states  were  so  nominated.  There 
is  a strong  movement  for  direct  primaries  in 
states  which  do  not  at  present  use  this  system 
to  any  considerable  extent,  namely:  Vermont, 
Connecticut,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Cali- 
fornia, Colorado,  Idaho  and  Utah.  In  New 
Hampshire,  both  Republican  and  Democratic 
parties  declared  for  it  in  their  party  platforms 
last  fall,  and  the  Republican  Governor  has  re- 
commended it  to  the  Republican  Legislature. 
In  California,  two  direct  nominations  laws  have 
been  passed,  but  declared  unconstitutional. 
Last  fall,  an  amendment  to  the  constitution  of 
that  state  permitting  the  legislature  to  enact  a 
direct  nominations  law  was  passed  by  a vote  of 
the  people. 

“A  brief  outline  of  how  direct  nominations 
originated  and  how  the  system  has  been  ex- 
tended until  it  has  been  substituted  for  the  con- 
vention system  by  a majority  of  the  American 
people  furnishes  a strong  argument  in  its  favor. 
It  is  an  American  system,  and  a product  of  the 
struggle  of  the  American  people  for  the  control 
of  their  government. 

“Direct  primaries  originated  in  Crawford 
County,  Pennsylvania,  where  the  so-called 
Crawford  County  System  was  established  by 
action  of  a Republican  County  Committee  in 
1860  and  has  been  in  force  ever  since.  On  two 
occasions,  the  question  of  whether  it  should  be 
retained  was  put  before  the  Republican  voters 
and  overwhelmingly  decided  in  the  affirmative, 
the  last  of  these  votes  being  taken  after  the  sys- 
tem had  been  in  force  for  nineteen  years.  Its 


221 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


popularity  led  to  its  adoption  throughout  the 
entire  Congressional  district  for  all  nominations. 

“The  Minnesota  direct  primary  law  for  the 
city  of  Minneapolis,  Hennepin  County,  was  en- 
acted in  1899.  After  it  had  been  tried  in  the 
city  for  two  years,  public  sentiment,  because  of 
the  excellent  results  achieved  under  the  new 
law  in  Minneapolis,  insisted  upon  its  being  ex- 
tended, and  other  localities  were  brought  within 
its  provisions.  Minnesota  at  present  has  a 
mandatory  state-wide  law  applying  to  practi- 
cally all  except  state  offices.  The  newspapers 
of  Minneapolis  all  declared  for  it,  and  no  man 
of  prominence  in  the  state  took  a stand  against 
it  after  it  had  been  tried  in  the  city. 

“Michigan  adopted  direct  primaries  in  1903 
for  use  in  Grand  Rapids,  Kent  County.  The  result 
was  the  defeat  for  re-nomination  of  the  Mayor 
under  whose  administration  the  so-called  water 
scandal  had  developed.  Two  years  later,  candi- 
dates in  Kent  County  were  requested  to  go  on 
record  as  to  whether  they  favored  a general  direct 
primary  law  for  the  state.  All  who  recorded  their 
positions  declared  for  such  a law,  and  it  was  com- 
monly reported  in  the  newspapers  that  opposition 
to  direct  primaries  would  mean  defeat  for  any 
candidate  who  took  so  unpopular  a stand. 

“ Thereafter  direct  nominations  spread  rapidly 
through  the  middle  western  states.  Mandatory 
laws  were  substituted  for  optional  laws,  and 
state-wide  laws  for  laws  applying  to  certain  lo- 
calities or  offices.” 

The  movement  for  direct  primary  voting,  to 
supersede  delegated  conventions  in  the  nomina- 
tion of  candidates  for  office,  was  inspired  and  in- 
vigorated powerfully  in  New  York  by  Governor 
Hughes  (see,  in  this  vol.,  New  York  State: 
A.  D.  1906-1910),  soon  after  his  second  term  in 
the  executive  administration  began.  He  saw 
that  nothing  else  could  emancipate  the  political 
parties  of  the  State  from  their  “ boss ’’-ridden 
servitude,  and  make  them  real  organs  of  expres- 
sion for  the  mind  and  will  of  the  people.  The 
whole  force  of  his  great  influence  then  went  to 
the  help  of  the  advocates  of  this  reform,  and  it 
produced  a public  wakening  on  the  subject 
which  years  of  ordinary  agitation  might  have 
failed  to  bring  about.  He  brought,  moreover, 
to  the  movement  an  inborn  statesmanship  of 
judgment  and  an  intellectual  training  which 
gave  it  the  wisest  direction  it  had  yet  received. 
The  Bill  which  he  assisted  to  frame,  embodying 
his  official  recommendations,  was  designed  more 
carefully  than  the  legislation  in  other  States  had 
been,  not  only  to  avoid  any  weakening  of  the 
organization  of  political  parties,  but  to  give  them 
the  strength  of  a leadership  conferred  truly  and 
freely  by  its  followers.  The  measure  was  op- 
posed desperately  by  the  existing  “organiza- 
tion ” of  the  party  in  power,  and  that  combina- 
tion was  represented  in  the  Legislature  so  much 
more  effectively  than  the  people  were  that  it 
compassed  the  defeat  of  the  Bill,  in  the  session 
of  1909. 

Four  times  the  people  of  Illinois  have  ex- 
torted acts  from  their  Legislature  providing  for 
direct  nominations,  and  thrice  the  enactments, 
badly  framed,  have  been  pronounced  unconsti- 
tutional by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 
The  fourth  of  these  pieces  of  legislation,  pro- 
duced in  February,  1910,  is  not  yet  tested. 

Disfranchising  Amendment  to  the  Mary- 
land Constitution  defeated.  — A disfranchising 


amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  Maryland, 
designed  not  only  to  exclude  many  colored  peo- 
ple from  the  suffrage,  but  to  give  the  now  domi- 
nant political  party  a complete  mastery  of  the 
ballot  box,  was  rejected  by  the  people  when 
submitted  to  them  at  the  election  of  November, 
1909. 

Short  Ballot  Reform.  — A movement  that 
will  gain  force  if  the  grave  reasons  for  it  can  be 
duly  impressed  on  the  popular  mind  has  been 
assuming  organized  form  of  late.  The  prime 
mover  in  it  is  Mr.  Richard  S.  Childs,  of  New 
York,  who  began  missionary  work  for  it  in  a 
convincing  magazine  article  on  “The  Doctrine 
of  the  Short  Ballot,”  published  in  1908.  Printed 
afterwards  in  a small  pamphlet,  this  impressive 
argument  has  had  wide  circulation  and  has 
drawn  many  men  of  influence  into  league  with 
the  author  for  urging  the  subject  on  public  at- 
tention. The  aim  is  to  reduce  elective  offices  in 
State,  county  and  town  to  such  a limited  num- 
ber that  the  average  voter  can  acquaint  himself 
with  the  comparative  merits  of  candidates  and 
make  a fairly  intelligent  choice,  which  he  can- 
not do  when  the  number  is  large.  “We  must 
shorten  the  ballot,”  wrote  Mr.  Childs,  “to  a 
point  where  the  average  man  will  vote  intelli- 
gently without  giving  to  politics  more  attention 
than  he  does  at  present.”  “Voting  a straight 
ticket  is  not  a matter  of  party  loyalty  so  much 
as  of  not  knowing  what  else  to  do,  and  split  tick- 
ets will  become  common  as  soon  as  the  list  is  re- 
duced to  a point  where  each  candidate  becomes 
in  the  mind  of  the  voter  a definite  personality 
instead  of  a mere  name  on  a long  list.  To 
make  public  office  conspicuous  can  only  be  ac- 
complished by  making  it  stand  out  in  solitude 
before  the  gaze  of  the  voter.  Let  all  the  encum- 
brances in  the  shape  of  minor  offices  disappear 
from  the  ballot  and  be  made  appointive.  Or  at 
the  very  least  prevent  the  few  offices  from  over- 
shadowing the  many.  Make  all  the  candidates 
conspicuous  by  letting  no  one  be  more  conspicu- 
ous than  another.” 

A digest  of  the  “short  ballot”  doctrine  is 
offered  in  the  following  propositions: 

“To  the  average  American  voter  most  of  the 
long  ballot  is  a mere  list  of  names.  He  registers 
a genuine  personal  opinion  only  on  certain  con- 
spicuous offices  — the  rest  he  necessarily  dele- 
gates by  default  to  organizations  of  ‘ political 
specialists.’ 

“ These  political  organizations,  if  victorious, 
sink  into  the  control  of  their  worst  members,  since 
these  members  having  most  to  gain  and  being 
least  scrupulous  can  generally  win  within  the 
organization.  Then  these  men  run  public  ad- 
ministrations as  badly  as  they  dare. 

“But  we  get  good  men  for  any  conspicuous 
office  where  there  is  adequate  public  scrutiny  of 
the  candidate,  and  even  Tammany  offers  us  sat- 
isfactory public  servants  in  such  places. 

“ Therefore,  if  we  make  most  offices  appointive 
so  as  to  shorten  the  ballot,  till  the  voter  can  master 
his  whole  task,  and  every  elected  officer  becomes 
conspicuous  before  his  constituents,  political  ma- 
chines will  become  impotent  and  merit  will  be- 
come the  most  important  asset  for  a candidate. 

“The  result  will  be  uniform  clean  government 
as  in  England,  Canada,  etc.,  where  they  have 
' The  Short  Ballot  ’ already." 

Suffrage  Amendment  to  the  Georgia  Consti- 
tution adopted  by  popular  vote. — A suffrage 


222 


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ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of 
Georgia,  adopted  by  an  overwhelming  popular 
vote  in  October,  1908,  provides  that,  in  order 
to  register  and  vote  according  to  the  provisions 
of  this  amendment,  a man  must,  besides  meeting 
certain  requirements  as  to  residence  and  the  pay- 
ment of  his  taxes,  have  one  of  the  following 
qualifications  : Either  (1)  he  must  have  served 
in  the  land  or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States 
or  the  Confederate  States  or  the  State  of  Georgia 
in  time  of  war,  or  be  lawfully  descended  from 
one  who  has  done  so  ; or  (2)  he  must  be  a person 
of  good  character,  satisfying  the  registrars  of 
election  that  he  understands  the  duties  and  obli- 
gations of  citizenship;  or  (3)  he  must  correctly 
read  in  the  English  language  any  paragraph  of 
the  United  States  Constitution  or  the  State  Con- 
stitution, and,  unless  physically  incapacitated 
from  doing  so,  correctly  write  the  same  when 
read  to  him  ; or  (4)  he  must  be  the  owner  of  at 
least  forty  acres  of  land  in  the  State  in  which  he 
resides,  or  the  owner  of  five  hundred  dollars’ 
worth  of  property  in  the  State  assessed  for  taxa- 
tion. 

Woman  Suffrage  : At  Large  : Present  ex- 
tent of  the  movement.  — “We  rejoice  in  the 
immense  progress  made  by  women  in  the  last  60 
years.  In  1848  women  had  votes  nowhere  in 
the  world  except  the  school  vote  in  Kentucky  by 
widows  with  children  of  school  age,  and  a very 
limited  franchise  in  some  parts  of  Europe.  To- 
day women  vote  for  all  elected  officers  in  Finland, 
Norway,  Federated  Australia,  New  Zealand,  Wy- 
oming, Colorado,  Utah  and  Idaho:  they  have 
municipal  suffragein  England,  Scotland,  Ireland 
and  Wales,  in  Canada,  Kansas,  Sweden,  Den- 
mark and  Iceland ; tax  suffrage  in  Louisiana, 
Montana,  Iowa  and  New  York,  and  school 
suffrage  in  one-half  the  States  of  the  Union. 
When  that  first  convention  met,  only  one  College 
in  the  United  States  admitted  women  ; now  hun- 
dreds of  colleges  do  so.  Then  there  was  not  a 
single  woman  physician,  or  ordained  minister, 
or  lawyer  ; now  there  are  7000  women  physicians 
and  surgeons,  3000  ordained  ministers,  and  one 
thousand  lawyers.  Then  only  a few  poorly  paid 
employments  were  open  to  women  ; now  women 
are  in  more  than  300  occupations,  and  comprise 
80  per  cent,  of  our  teachers.  Then  there  were 
scarcely  any  organizations  of  women ; now  such 
organizations  are  numbered  by  thousands.  Then 
the  few  women  who  dared  to  speak  in  public, 
even  on  philanthropic  questions,  were  over- 
whelmingly condemned  by  public  opinion  ; now 
the  women  most  opposed  to  equal  suffrage 
travel  about  the  country  making  public  speeches 
to  prove  that  a woman’s  only  place  is  at  home. 
Then  a married  woman  in  most  of  our  States 
could  not  control  her  own  person,  property  or 
earnings;  now  in  most  of  the  States  these  laws 
have  been  largely  amended,  and  it  is  only  in  re- 
gard to  the  ballot  that  the  fiction  of  women’s  per- 
petual minority  is  still  kept  up.  Most  of  the 
demands  made  by  the  convention  of  1848,  which 
then  seemed  so  revolutionary,  have  been  already 
granted,  and  are  now  looked  upon  as  matters  of 
course.  . . . We  rejoice  in  the  increasingly  rapid 
progress  of  the  woman  suffrage  cause.  Every 
year  shows  some  gain.  Since  our  last  annual 
meeting  Parliamentary  suffrage  has  been  ex- 
tended to  the  women  of  Norway  ; municipal  suf- 
frage to  the  women  of  Denmark  ; Sweden  has 
made  women  eligible  to  municipal  office  ; Russia 


has  given  women  of  property  a proxy  vote  for 
members  of  the  Douma  ; and  Great  Britain,  with 
only  15  dissenting  votes,  has  made  women  eligi- 
ble as  Mayors,  Aldermen  and  County  and  Town 
Councillors.  We  congratulate  the  women  of 
Great  Britain  upon  their  gallant  fight  for  the 
franchise.”  — Resolutions  of  the  Jfith  Annual 
Convention  of  the  National  American  Woman 
Suffrage  Association,  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y,  October, 
1908. 

In  Europe  “ there  is  the  curious  anomaly  that 
in  its  two  so-called  republics  the  cause  of  woman 
suffrage  is  more  backward  than  in  almost  any  of 
the  other  countries.  In  Switzerland  every  man 
over  twenty  may  vote.  A National  Woman 
Suffrage  Association  has  lately  been  organized 
which  is  supported  by  many  public  men.  . . . 

“Iu  France,  all  men  twenty-one  years  old 
have  the  franchise.  The  National  Council  of 
Women,  composed  of  55  associations  with  about 
70,000  members,  has  recently  joined  forces  with 
the  National  Suffrage  Union,  thus  assuring 
strong  and  systematic  effort  for  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  women.  In  1906,  a Committee  for  the 
Defence  of  the  Rights  of  Women  was  formed  in 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  to  secure  the  social, 
civil  and  political  rights  of  women.”  — Ida  H. 
Harper  {North  Am.  Review,  Sept..  1907).  — 
Australia.  — The  Constitution  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Australia,  in  its  41st  clause  (see  Con- 
stitution of  Australia,  in  Yol.  VI.  of  this 
work)  provides  as  follows  : 

“No  adult  person  who  has  or  acquires  the 
right  to  vote  at  elections  for  the  more  numerous 
House  of  the  Parliament  of  a State,  shall,  while 
the  right  continues,  be  prevented  by  any  law  of 
the  Commonwealth  from  voting  at  elections  for 
either  House  of  the  Commonwealth.” 

Inasmuch  as  two  of  the  Australian  States, 
South  Australia  and  Western  Australia,  had 
already  extended  the  suffrage  to  women  when 
this  federal  constitution  was  adopted,  they 
gained  at  once,  by  its  terms,  the  right  of  voting 
at  federal  elections  in  those  States.  An  account 
of  their  first  appearance  in  Australian  Federal 
politics  was  given  subsequently  by  one  of  the 
women  who  participated,  — iu  part  as  follows  : 

“ The  political  incentive  is  now  the  possession 
of  the  women  of  Australia,  and  its  influence  was 
a potent  factor  in  the  recent  Federal  elections. 
The  women  of  South  Australia  and  West  Aus- 
tralia have  had  the  suffrage  for  some  years,  so 
that  they  are  accustomed  to  voting,  but  to  the 
women  of  the  other  States  the  whole  business 
was  new;  nevertheless,  they  voted  in  as  large 
numbers  proportionally  as  the  men  in  a majority 
of  the  constituencies,  while  in  some  they  cast  a 
heavier  vote  than  the  men.  The  total  vote  was 
only  52  per  cent,  of  the  voting  strength,  the  low 
percentage  being  due  to  the  fact  that  the  people 
as  a body  have  not  yet  grasped  the  Federal  idea. 
Federation  has  not  completely  scotched  provin- 
cialism in  politics,  though  it  is  fast  doing  so,  if 
for  no  other  reason  than  the  enormous  cost  of 
government  in  this  country.  The  people  are 
beginning  to  realize  that  we  are  paying  the  po- 
litical piper  heavily  — fourteen  Houses  of  Par- 
liament and  seven  viceroyalties  for  four  millions 
of  people!  It  is  too  big  an  order,  and  common 
sense,  as  well  as  the  state  of  our  finances,  de- 
mands that  we  should  simplify  our  legislative 
machinery.  It  is  right  here,  as  the  Americans 
say,  that  the  women’s  influence  will  tell.  Dur- 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ing  the  election  campaign,  it  was  most  evident 
that  a very  large  section  of  the  women  favoured 
those  candidates  who  urged  economy  in  public 
expenditure.  Individual  women,  with  no  idea 
of  the  value  of  money,  may  be  extravagant,  but 
most  women  are  compelled  by  circumstances  to 
be  economical,  and  have  a horror  of  wasteful 
expenditure.  Therefore  the  growing  demand 
for  less  expensive  legislative  machinery  will 
find  devoted  adherents  amongst  the  women  vot- 
ers. . . . 

“The  elections  had  an  added  interest  in  the 
appearance  of  four  women  candidates  in  the 
field  — Mrs.  Martell,  Mrs.  Moore  (New  South 
Wales),  myself  (Victoria),  standing  for  the  Sen- 
ate; and  Miss  Selina  Anderson  (New  South 
Wales)  for  the  House  of  Representatives.  All 
were  defeated,  but  the  defeat  was  not  unex- 
pected, as  we  were  well  aware  that  it  would  be 
altogether  phenomenal  if  women  were  to  suc- 
ceed in  their  first  attempt  to  enter  a National 
Parliament.  . . . 

“ There  were  eighteen  candidates  in  the  field, 
and,  while  unsuccessful,  my  record  of  51,497 
votes,  when  85,387  were  sufficient  to  secure 
election,  is  most  gratifying.  I polled  more  heav- 
ily than  one  candidate  who  has  been  Premier  of 
Victoria,  and  than  another  who  had  been  for 
twenty-six  years  a member  of  the  State  legisla- 
ture, defeating  the  one  by  24,327,  the  other  by 
32,436  votes  — 51, 000  odd  votes,  in  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  the  powerful  daily  papers,  and  the 
prejudice  that  a pioneer  always  has  to  encoun- 
ter, is  nothing  less  than  a triumph  for  the  cause 
that  I represent,  the  cause  of  women  and  chil- 
dren.”— Vida  Goldstein,  The  Political  Woman 
in  Australia  (Nineteenth  Century , July,  1904). 

“ The  argument  that  women  will  not  vote  is 
completely  disproved  by  Australian  experience. 
They  not  only  vote,  but  they  vote  in  continu- 
ally increasing  numbers  as  time  goes  on,  and 
they  become  educated  up  to  a sense  of  their  po- 
litical responsibilities  and  all  that  these  imply. 
Not  all  the  states  discriminate  in  their  returns 
between  men  and  women  voters,  but  those  that 
do  show  something  like  the  following:  In  South 
Australia,  at  the  last  general  election,  59  per 
cent,  of  the  men  on  the  rolls  voted,  and  42  per 
cent,  of  the  women;  in  Western  Australia,  49 
per  cent,  of  the  men  and  47  per  cent,  of  the 
women  voted ; at  the  last  Federal  election,  56 
per  cent,  of  the  men  voted,  and  40  per  cent,  of 
the  women.  None  of  the  Australian  states  has 
yet  reached  the  extraordinary  record  of  New 
Zealand,  where,  in  1902,  nearly  75  per  cent,  of 
the  women  electors  recorded  their  votes,  as 
against  76  per  cent,  of  their  brothers. 

“It  is  unnecessary  to  add  that  the  conserva- 
tive woman  votes.  Her  husband  or  father  and 
their  newspaper  take  good  care  that  the  duty  of 
doing  so  is  well  impressed  upon  her,  even  though 
abstractly  they  may  all  three  disapprove  of 
woman  in  politics,  and  have  striven  to  avert  her 
appearing  in  that  arena  as  long  as  they  possibly 
could.  . . . 

“Among  the  measures  that  can  be  traced  to 
woman  suffrage  within  the  last  ten  years  are 
prematernity  acts,  acts  raising  the  age  of  con- 
sent, family  maintenance  acts,  and  many  acts 
improving  children’s  conditions  by  extending 
juvenile  courts,  limiting  hours  of  work,  provid- 
ing better  inspection,  forbidding  sale  to  chil- 
dren of  drink,  drugs  and  doubtful  literature.”  — 


Alice  Henry,  The  Australian  Woman  and  the 
Ballot  (North  American  Review,  Dec.  21,  1906). 

W riting  in  the  New  Y ork  Evening  Post  of  Feb- 
ruary 10,  1909,  Mrs.  Ida  Husted  Harper  makes 
the  following  statements:  “The  recent  an- 
nouncement that  the  upper  house  of  Parliament 
in  Victoria,  Australia,  had  passed  a woman  suf- 
frage bill  by  a vote  of  23  to  5,  marked  the  gain- 
ing of  complete  suffrage  for  women  in  all  of 
Australasia.  Since  1902  women  have  had  a vote 
in  Australia  for  members  of  the  national  Parlia- 
ment, and  for  a number  of  years  the  vote  for 
State  officials  in  all  the  States  except  Victoria. 
There  the  lower  house,  or  Assembly,  has  fifteen 
times  passed  a bill  giving  this  vote  to  women 
only  to  have  it  rejected  by  the  upper  house,  or 
Council.  The  Assembly  is  elected  by  popular 
vote;  the  Council  is  not.  . . . With  their  muni- 
cipal and  national  franchise  the  women  were 
able  to  make  things  decidedly  uncomfortable  for 
the  opponents,  in  which  they  were  encouraged 
and  aided  by  the  labor  unions.  At  last  the 
council  surrendered  unconditionally,  and  the 
vote  of  twenty-three  to  five  showed  that  most 
of  them  tried  to  get  into  the  band  .wagon.  The 
five  who  voted  ‘ no’  were  probably  ‘ in  for  life,’ 
and  not  afraid  of  the  consequences.  . . . Aus- 
tralia has  thoroughly  tested  woman  suffrage, 
first  in  municipal  affairs,  and  then  in  those  of 
State  and  nation.  There  is  not  one  objection 
made  against  it  which  is  not  refuted  by  the  ac- 
tual experience  of  that  country.  All  the  talk 
about  who  will  take  care  of  the  baby  and  what 
will  become  of  the  home,  its  men  would  brush 
aside  as  so  much  chaff.” 

Denmark:  Its  first  exercise  in  Munici- 
pal Elections.  — Danish  municipal  elections  in 
March,  1909,  were  conducted  under  a new  law 
which  gives  every  woman  who  either  pays  di- 
rect taxes  or  whose  husband  does  so  the  right  to 
vote.  The  law  also  provides  for  a system  of 
proportional  representation.  “ There  was  natu- 
rally much  discussion  beforehand,”  wrote  a 
newspaper  correspondent  from  Copenhagen,  “as 
to  what  would  be  the  result  of  this  first  experi- 
ment in  woman  suffrage  in  Denmark.  The 
Conservatives,  indeed,  protested  for  a long  time 
before  they  yielded  to  its  claims.  As  far  as  can 
now  be  ascertained  the  relative  strength  of  the 
parties  in  the  councils  will  be  practically  un- 
changed, that  is  to  say,  the  Conservatives  will 
still  have  a slight  majority.  This  is  at  all  events 
the  case  in  and  around  Copenhagen,  where  the 
women  took  a very  active  part  in  the  voting, 
nearly  75  per  cent,  of  those  who  were  entitled 
to  vote  having  done  so.” 

England;  Qualification  for  County  and 
Borough  Councils. — The  following  are  the 
provisions  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  approved  in 
August,  1907 : 

“ A woman  shall  not  be  disqualified  by  sex 
or  marriage  for  being  elected  or  being  a coun- 
cillor or  alderman  of  the  council  of  any  county 
or  borough  (including  a metropolitan  borough): 
Provided  that  a woman  if  elected  as  chairman 
of  a county  council  or  mayor  of  a borough 
shall  not  by  virtue  of  holding  or  having  held 
that  office  be  a justice  of  the  peace." 

The  Campaign  of  the  Militant  Suffra- 
gifets  or  “Suffragettes.”  — The  cause  of  the 
women  who  desire  and  demand  equal  polit- 
ical rights  with  men  seemed  to  be  advancing 
fast  toward  complete  victory  in  Great  Britain, 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


in  1906-07,  when  the  impatient  among  them 
began  resorting  to  militant  methods  of  agita- 
tion. It  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  no  other 
movement  by  any  part  of  any  people  in  any 
country,  for  obtaining  an  extension  of  political 
rights,  had  ever  been  carried  by  rational  discus- 
sion and  appeal  to  a point  of  more  encourage- 
ment than  the  woman  suffrage  movement  in 
the  United  Kingdom  had  then  attained.  For 
everything  elective  iu  local  government  the  vote 
had  been  won  for  women,  and  the  opening  of 
county  and  borough  offices  to  them  was  on  the 
eve  of  being  written  into  law.  Representation 
in  Parliament,  only,  had  not  been  secured,  but 
the  disposition  to  concede  it  was  growing  from 
day  to  day.  It  was  at  this  stage  of  promising 
progress  in  the  movement  that  an  impatient  sec- 
tion of  its  promoters  became  persuaded  that 
some  disturbance  of  the  public  peace  and  some 
troubling  of  the  Government  would  hasten  the 
final  triumph  of  their  cause.  Why  they  were 
led  to  that  conclusion  was  explained  to  an  Amer- 
ican audience  in  New  York  by  their  leader, 
Mrs.  Pankhurst,  in  October,  1909,  as  follows: 

“The  Liberals  failed  to  put  woman  suffrage 
in  their  Newcastle  programme.  We  waited  on 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman,  leader  of  that 
party,  and  who  would  be  prime  minister,  but  he 
said  he  was  too  busy  seeing  voters  to  attend  to 
women.  The  other  parties  acted  in  the  same 
way,  so  we  were  forced  to  other  action.  A.  J. 
Balfour,  the  Tory  leader,  upon  whom  we  called, 
declared  that  he  was  in  favor  of  equal  suffrage, 
but  was  honest  enough  to  add  that  no  statesman 
would  propose  a bill  to  give  it  unless  it  were 
made  a practical  question  of  politics. 

“You  have  heard  much  of  our  methods.  You 
have  condemned  them,  but  whether  they  were 
right  or  wrong,  objectionable  or  not,  they  have 
certainly  accomplished  our  object  of  bringing 
the  question  before  the  British  public  as  a prac- 
tical political  question.  . . . My  grandmother 
was  a Chartist,  and  so  I determined  to  follow  in 
her  footsteps. 

‘ ‘ It  was  at  Manchester,  almost  on  the  site  of 
the  Peterloo  franchise  riots,  when  the  yeomen, 
with  their  bayonets,  cut  down  the  men  seeking 
votes,  that  our  agitation  began.  Sir  Edward 
Grey  was  closing  the  great  Liberal  revival  in 
Lancashire  by  a great  meeting.  Women  were 
admitted  to  meetings  in  England  in  those  days  ; 
it  is  not  so  now.  We  decided  to  be  there  with  a 
banner  on  which  we  would  inscribe  the  motto 
‘ Will  the  Liberal  government  give  working  wo- 
men the  vote?  ’ Annie  Kenny,  an  officer  of  the 
Cotton  Workers’  Trade  Union,  was  chosen  to  put 
the  question  to  Sir  Edward  Grey.  She  accepted 
on  condition  that  my  daughter,  Christobel  Pank- 
hurst, would  accompany  her  and  hold  her  hand. 
We  tried  to  get  them  seats  in  the  front  of  the 
balcony,  where  they  could  unfurl  the  banner. 
We  failed  in  this,  so  we  got  seats  in  the  area, 
and  had  to  change  the  banner.  The  new  one 
was  made  on  my  dining-room  table  with  a piece 
of  calico  and  some  black  paint  and  contained 
the  now  world-wide  motto  : ‘ Votes  for  Women.’ 

“ Sir  Edward  Grey  delivered  a great  speech, 
but  there  was  nothing  in  it  about  giving  women 
votes.  Several  questions  were  put  to  him,  and  he 
answered  as  all  public  speakers  should,  and  as 
they  always  do  in  England.  When  he  was  done, 
more  questions  were  in  order.  Annie  Kenny 
rose  and  unfurled  her  banner,  holding  it  up 


in  a hand  from  which  she  had  lost  a finger  while 
at  work  in  the  mills  at  an  age  when  girls  should 
not  be  allowed  to  work  — especially  when  they 
are  intended  for  motherhood.  Holding  her  com- 
panion’s hand,  she  put  her  question  : ‘ Will  the 
Liberal  government  give  working  women  votes  ? ’ 
Instantly  the  stewards  pounced  upon  her;  hands 
were  pressed  over  her  mouth,  and  she  was  forced 
to  sit  down.  She  was  told  to  write  her  question, 
and  it  would  be  answered.  A vote  of  thanks  was 
proposed,  and  Sir  Edward  Grey  answered. 

“ When  he  failed  to  answer  her  question,  Annie 
Kenny  rose  and  insisted  on  an  answer.  She  was 
pounced  upon  ; six  men  dragged  her  hat  off  and 
pulled  her  to  the  door,  but  ber  last  words  as  she 
was  thrown  out  were  : ‘ Sir  Edward  Grey,  answer 
my  question.’  My  daughter  took  up  the  task, 
and  repeated  the  question.  She,  too,  was  set 
upon  and  dragged  past  the  stage,  upon  which 
sat  men  who  had  known  her  from  childhood,  who 
had  voted  for  her  father  ; but  so  strong  is  party 
spirit  that  they  allowed  her  to  be  thrown  out 
without  protest. 

“ They  held  a meeting  outside  and  were  ar- 
rested for  obstructing  the  police.  They  were 
fined,  and  went  to  jail.  But  we  had  gained  what 
we  wanted.  The  press,  which  had  ignored  us, 
heralded  our  cause.  We  were  giving  them  good 
copy.” 

In  the  early  period  of  the  campaign  of  public 
disturbance  which  the  militant  suffragists  had 
thus  planned,  their  operations  were  directed 
mainly  to  the  interruption  of  speakers  at  polit- 
ical meetings,  not  only  by  questions,  but  by 
bell-ringing  and  the  like,  provoking  forcible 
ejection,  arrest  and  fine,  or  commitment  to  jail. 
Presently  some  resorted  to  the  device  of  chain- 
ing themselves  to  seats,  prolonging  the  disturb- 
ance and  heightening  its  sensational  character. 
The  crowning  sensation  of  this  description  was 
achieved  on  the  8th  of  November,  1908,  when  two 
daring  suffragettes  who  had  gained  admission  to 
the  women’s  gallery  in  the  House  of  Commons 
chained  themselves  to  the  metal  lattice  work  in 
front  of  it  and  opened  a fire  of  questions  and 
demands  on  the  dismayed  law  makers  below.  In 
the  previous  month  the  House  had  been  besieged 
by  a great  mob  of  women  who  attempted  to 
force  their  way  into  its  well-guarded  chambers, 
under  Mrs.  Pankhurst’s  lead.  She  and  others  of 
the  leaders,  arrested  on  this  occasion,  refused 
to  give  bonds  to  keep  the  peace,  and  were  sen- 
tenced to  imprisonment  for  three  months. 

From  this  time  on,  the  devices  of  public  dis- 
turbance and  of  annoyance  to  Parliament  and 
Ministers  became  more  and  more  ingeniously  sen- 
sational. One  performance,  on  the  27th  of  April, 
1909,  was  thus  described  by  a London  news- 
paper of  the  morning  after:  “ St.  Stephen’s  Hall 
is  built  upon  the  site  of  the  old  Parliament,  its 
dimensions  in  length  and  width  are  the  same,  its 
memories  embalm  the  great  Parliamentary  tra- 
dition, it  is  the  place  where  the  liberties  of  the 
people  have  been  won.  This  is  the  place  which 
was  chosen  yesterday  by  woman  suffragists  for 
a degrading  exhibition  of  disorder.  On  either 
side  of  the  hall  are  two  rows  of  wonderful  stat- 
ues, like  white  ghosts  of  the  old  Parliament.  To 
the  legs  of  four  of  these  statues  as  many  women 
yesterday  afternoon  fastened  themselves,  after 
their  practice,  with  chains,  and  remained  there, 
a centre  of  disturbance,  until  an  end  was  put  to 
their  mimic  slavery  by  the  police.  The  statues 


225 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


were  those  of  Selden,  Walpole,  Somers,  and  Falk- 
land ; and  it  is  matter  for  great  regret  that  Falk- 
land’s statue,  in  its  pathetic  grace  the  most 
charming  of  them  all,  has  been  wantonly  injured 
by  this  rough  usage.” 

On  the  24th  of  June  the  lobby  of  the  House  of 
Commons  became  the  scene  of  another  perform- 
ance in  the  same  spirit  by  a single  dauntless 
actor,  — thus  related:  “Miss  Wallace  Dunlop, 
who  was  intercepted  the  other  day  in  an  attempt 
to  deface  with  indelible  ink  the  walls  of  the  lobby 
of  the  House  of  Commons  with  an  appeal  on 
behalf  of  ‘ Votes  for  Women,’  succeeded  yester- 
day in  accomplishing  her  object.  Disguised  as 
an  elderly  lady  and  carrying  a brown  handbag, 
she  eluded  the  vigilance  of  the  police  till  well 
within  the  lobby  of  the  House.  Drawing  from 
her  handbag  a small  wooden  stencil,  or  board, 
with  felt  attached  and  saturated  with  indelible 
purple  ink,  she  succeeded  in  placing  it  against 
the  wall  of  the  lobby  at  a conspicuous  spot.  The 
ink  was  at  once  absorbed  into  the  surface  of  the 
wall.  The  words  written  were:  — ‘Women’s 
Deputation,  June  29th.  Bill  of  Rights.  It  is  the 
right  of  the  subjects  to  petition  the  King,  and  all 
commitments  and  prosecutions  for  such  petition- 
ing are  illegal.’  Miss  Wallace  Dunlop  was  taken 
to  Cannon-row  Police-station,  and  after  being 
detained  two  hours  was  charged  with  doing  wil- 
ful damage.  She  will  be  brought  before  the  mag- 
istrates at  Bow  Street  this  morning.” 

Miss  Dunlop  received  a sentence  of  imprison- 
ment, and  inaugurated  in  prison  a more  heroic 
protest  against  and  defiance  of  the  tyranny  of 
which  she  believed  herself  to  be  a victim.  It  is 
described  in  the  following  manifesto,  published 
by  the  National  Women’s  Social  and  Political 
Union  (the  principal  organization  of  the  militant 
suffragists)  on  the  14th  of  July  : 

“ The  women  who  have  been  sent  to  prison  in 
connexion  with  woman  suffrage  disturbances 
have,  from  the  beginning,  demanded  treatment 
as  political  prisoners,  and  have  appealed  to  the 
Home  Secretary  to  accord  them  the  rights  and 
privileges  to  which  political  prisoners  are  entitled 
in  every  part  of  the  world.  As  this  appeal  has 
been  disregarded,  women  have  now  decided  to 
take  the  law  into  their  own  hands,  and,  by  carry- 
ing on  a revolt  in  prison,  to  force  the  hands  of 
the  authorities  to  concede  them  what  they  have 
refused  to  give  as  a matter  of  justice. 

“The  first  action  taken  in  the  matter  was  that 
of  Miss  Wallace  Dunlop,  sent  to  prison  on  Fri- 
day, July  2,  for  imprinting  an  extract  from  the 
Bill  of  Rights  upon  one  of  the  walls  in  the  House 
of  Commons.  Political  treatment  being  refused 
to  her,  and  being  ordered  to  wear  prison  clothes 
and  eat  prison  food,  Miss  Wallace  Dunlop  deter- 
mined to  strike  a blow  for  her  rights  by  refusing 
absolutely  to  eat  the  food  offered  to  her.  After 
91  hours  of  starvation  — during  which  time  com- 
munications were  constantly  passing  between 
the  Governor  of  the  prison  and  the  Home  Office 
— the  authorities  decided  to  give  in,  and  Miss 
Wallace  Dunlop  was  released. 

“The  14  members  of  the  Women’s  Social  and 
Political  Union  who  were  sent  to  prison  on  Mon- 
day, July  12,  in  connexion  with  the  stone  throw- 
ing at  the  Government  buildings  on  June  29, 
have  determined  to  carry  out  a further  revolt. 
Before  leaving  for  prison  they  informed  the 
officers  of  the  union  that  it  was  their  intention,  if 
denied  the  rights  of  political  prisoners,  to  carry 


out  an  effective  protest  in  prison.  When  or- 
dered to  take  off  their  own  clothes  and  to  put  on 
prison  clothes  they  intended  to  refuse  to  do  so, 
and  standing  all  together  they  would  refuse  to 
be  put  into  cells  of  the  second  division.  If  put 
into  their  cells  by  force  and  undressed,  they 
would  refuse  in  the  morning  to  get  up  and  dress 
excepting  into  their  own  clothes.  They  also  in- 
formed members  of  the  union  that  they  would 
refuse  to  obey  the  rule  of  silence,  but  would  talk 
to  one  another  whenever  they  liked  and  would 
sing  aloud  during  retention. 

“In  making  this  protest  the  women  claim 
that  they  arc  fighting  for  the  preservation  of 
the  rights  of  political  prisoners,  which  were  not 
denied  even  in  the  Bastille.” 

Miss  Dunlop’s  heroic  protest,  by  refusing 
prison  food,  was  taken  up  at  once  and  repeated 
by  numbers  of  her  imprisoned  sisters ; until  the 
prison  authorities  met  it  by  forcibly  administer- 
ing food,  in  the  manner  of  treatment  applied 
sometimes  to  desperate  convicts  or  to  the  insane ; 
and  this,  of  course,  is  more  than  repugnant  and 
distressing  to  the  feeling  of  everybody.  The 
whole  unexampled  situation  is  repugnant  and 
distressing,  however  it  may  be  viewed.  The 
cause  involved  is  so  pitifully  stripped  of  its  dig- 
nity, simply  for  the  reason  that  the  sex  whose 
cause  it  is  has  nothing  in  body  or  mind  to  qualify 
it  for  effectual  rioting.  A mob  of  men  can  in- 
vest its  mischievous  doings  with  the  impressive- 
ness of  terror,  which  crushes  laughter  and  con- 
tempt. A mob  of  such  women  as  the  champion 
suffragists  are  cannot  do  so,  and  the  riot  they 
attempt  is  but  a travesty,  which  challenges  jeers, 
and  sadly  smirches  the  after  heroism  of  the  self- 
starved  rioters  in  their  prison  cells.  The  differ- 
ence between  a political  insurrection  of  men  and 
the  insurgency  of  Mrs.  Pankhurst  and  her  fol- 
lowers is  the  difference  between  a menace  that 
alarms  and  a nuisance  that  annoys  and  provokes. 
With  what  effect  the  cause  of  woman  suffrage 
has  been  made  a public  nuisance  in  England  re- 
mains to  be  seen.  The  advantage  to  it  is  dubi- 
ous, to  say  the  least.  On  this  point  Mr.  Winston 
Churchill,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  spoke 
his  mind  plainly  to  a deputation  of  suffragettes 
who  called  on  him  at  Dundee  on  the  18th  of  last 
October.  He  said:  “I  saw  the  beginning  of 
what  you  call  the  militant  tactics.  They  broke 
out  in  my  late  constituency,  North-West  Man- 
chester, and  during  the  four  years  that  have 
passed  I have  fought  three  by-elections,  and 
have  made  a great  many  speeches  about  the 
country.  So,  I suppose,  I have  come  very  nearly 
as  much  in  contact  with  them  as  any  other  Cabi 
net  Minister.  ...  You  have  come  to  me  in  a 
deputation,  and  I am  bound  to  give  you  my 
candid  and  truthful  opinion  that  your  cause  is  in 
a worse  position  now  than  it  was  four  years  ago. 

I do  not  mean  by  that  that  anything  has  been 
done  which  will  prevent  the  ultimate  success  of 
the  movement.  I do  not  think  that  is  so,  but  I 
am  quite  sure  that,  while  these  tactics  of  silly 
disorder  and  petty  violence  continue,  there  is 
not  the  slightest  chance  of  any  Government  that 
will  be  called  into  power,  or  of  any  House  of 
Commons  which  is  likely  to  be  elected,  giving 
you  the  reform  which  you  seek.  That  is  my 
honest,  unprejudiced  view.” 

The  National  Union  of  Women  Suffrage  Soci- 
eties, of  which  Mrs.  Henry  Fawcett  is  President, 
represents  a large  body  of  women  claimants  of 


22G 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


the  suffrage  who  distinctly  disapprove  of  and 
disclaim  responsibility  for  the  proceedings  of 
their  militant  allies.  In  a statement  which  this 
National  Union  communicated  to  the  Prime  Min- 
ister on  the  2d  of  October,  1909,  they  set  forth  the 
following  facts  in  evidence  of  the  strength  of  the 
popular  support  given  to  their  claims  : Since 

the  beginning  of  1908  the  National  Union  had 
taken  part  in  31  by-elections  in  Great  Britain. 
“ These  have  been  contested  by  09  candidates, 
of  whom  26  were  Liberals,  32  Unionists,  and  11 
Labour,  Socialist,  or  Independent.  Of  these  69 
candidates,  only  nine  declared  themselves  oppo- 
nents of  woman  suffrage.  The  rest  in  varying 
degrees  accepted  the  principle  of  the  enfran- 
chisement of  women.  A few  merely  stated  that 
they  were  not  hostile,  but  the  overwhelming 
majority  frankly  accepted  it,  some  even  pledg- 
ing themselves  to  oppose  any  further  extension 
of  the  franchise  to  men  so  long  as  it  was  with- 
held from  women.” 

Finland:  The  great  victory  of  1906. — 

“ The  great  victory  for  woman  suffrage  in  1906 
was  won  in  Finland,  where  women  were  enfran- 
chised on  exactly  the  same  terms  as  men,  and 
made  eligible  to  all  offices,  including  seats  in 
Parliament.  This  gives  the  vote  at  once  to 
about  300,000  women.  Preceding  and  during  the 
revolution,  in  the  attempt  to  throw  off  the  Rus- 
sian yoke,  the  women  shared  with  the  men  the 
work,  the  hardships  and  the  dangers;  and, 
when  the  triumph  came,  there  was  not  a thought 
on  the  part  of  men  of  excluding  women  from 
any  portion  of  the  rewards,  the  most  important 
of  which  was  the  suffrage.  But  they  them- 
selves had  long  been  preparing  the  ground. 
The  Finnish  Women’s  Association  to  work  for 
equal  rights  was  founded  in  1884  by  Baroness 
Alexandra  Gripenberg  and  never  ceased  its 
efforts.  In  1892  the  Woman’s  Alliance  Union 
was  organized,  more  democratic  and  aggressive 
in  its  character.  . . . After  the  vast  national 
strike  in  the  autumn  of  1905,  while  a body  of 
leading  men  were  drawing  up  a Declaration  of 
Rights  to  be  presented  to  the  Tsar,  Dr.  (Miss) 
Tekla  Hulsin,  a member  of  the  National  Bureau 
of  Statistics,  made  an  eloquent  plea  in  behalf  of 
the  women,  and  they  were  included  in  its  de- 
mand for  universal  suffrage.  . . . The  Tsar 
signed  it  in  November,  giving  his  consent  to  the 
proposed  reforms.  Immediately  the  women  set 
to  work,  lecturing,  organizing,  getting  up  pe- 
titions, and  finally  held  another  huge  mass-meet- 
ing in  Helsingfors,  demanding  that  the  Diet 
carry  out  this  measure.  All  of  the  political  par- 
ties put  it  in  their  platforms.  On  May  28th, 
1906,  the  Diet  with  only  one  dissenting  vote 
passed  the  bill  giving  the  suffrage  to  all  men 
and  women  twenty-four  years  old.  This  was 
signed  by  the  Tsar  on  July  20th.”  — Ida  H. 
Harper,  Woman  Suffrage  throughout  the  World 
{North  American  Review,  Sept.,  1907). 

Dr.  Tekla  Hulsin,  referred  to  above,  now  a 
woman  member  of  the  Finnish  Diet,  speaking 
at  a suffragist  meeting  in  London,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1909,  gave  the  following  account  of  the 
action  of  the  women  members  of  that  body  : 
“ The  granting  of  woman  suffrage  had  caused 
no  change  in  the  strength  of  the  respective  po- 
litical parties.  Every  citizen  in  Finland  who 
was  entitled  to  vote  was  also  eligible  for  mem- 
bership of  the  Diet.  There  had  been  no  rivalry 
between  the  men  and  women  candidates  ; they  re- 


cognized that  they  were  there  for  common  ends. 
The  women  members  of  the  Diet  had  followed 
their  parties  on  party  questions,  but  had  joined 
on  women’s  questions  for  humanitarian  ends. 
They  had  presented  petitions  for  the  raising  of 
the  marriageable  age  from  15  to  17,  the  exemp- 
tion of  women  from  their  husband’s  guardian- 
ship, the  reception  of  Government  employment 
on  the  same  grounds  as  men,  and  on  the  subject 
of  the  prevention  of  cruelty  to  children  and  ani- 
mals. These  had  all  been  accepted  by  the 
Diet.” 

International  Council  of  Women.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Women,  International  Council. 

International  Woman  Suffrage  Alliance. 

— “Since  the  Conference  held  at  Copenhagen 
in  August  of  1906,  which  closed  with  thirteen 
countries  in  membership,  the  Alliance  has  been 
growing  till  its  influence  is  felt  as  far  as  South 
Africa.  On  the  first  day  of  the  Conference,  held 
in  Amsterdam  June  15,  1907,  there  was  pre- 
sented an  application  from  the  Woman  Suffrage 
Associations  of  Natal  and  Cape  Colony  for  aux- 
iliaryship  in  the  Alliance.  . . . The  second  re- 
quest for  auxiliaryship  was  presented  by  Switz- 
erland, which  had  formed  a National  committee 
of  seven  Cantonal  Associations.  . . . The  third 
new  member,  and  the  last  one  to  enter  the  Alli- 
ance, was  the  National  Bulgarian  Alliance  for 
Women’s  Rights.  This  body  is  composed  of  thirty 
local  societies  working  in  different  lines,  and  is 
somewhat  like  our  Federation  of  Women’s  Clubs 
here,  or  a National  Council  of  Women.  . . . The 
full  membership  roll  of  the  Alliance  now  includes 
Australia,  Bulgaria,  Canada,  Denmark,  Finland, 
Germany,  Great  Britain,  Hungary,  Italy,  the 
Netherlands,  Norway,  Russia,  Sweden,  United 
States,  South  Africa  and  Switzerland.  Perhaps 
the  most  important  new  departure  at  Amsterdam 
was  the  fact  that  official  representatives  were 
sent  to  that  meeting  by  the  Australian  Federa- 
tion, Norway  and  the  State  of  Utah.  Those 
coming  from  Australia  and  Norway  were  not 
only  delegated  by  the  Government  but  their  ex- 
penses were  borne  by  the  National  Treasury, 
and  they  were  sent  as  students  of  the  whole 
question  as  represented  internationally  by  the 
Alliance,  and  expected  to  report  upon  it  to  their 
respective  governments.  . . . Fraternal  delegates 
came  to  the  Alliance  from  the  International 
Council  of  Women,  and  from  the  National 
Councils  of  Belgium,  Denmark,  France,  Ger- 
many, Great  Britain,  the  Netherlands,  New 
Zealand,  Norway  and  Sweden ; and  in  addition 
to  these  fraternal  delegates  were  sent  by  seven- 
teen associations  from  the  countries  already 
mentioned  and  Scotland  in  addition  ; making  in 
all  twenty-one  countries  represented  either  by 
regular  delegates  or  by  fraternal  delegates  at  the 
Amsterdam  conference.  ” - — Proceedings  of  the 
Jfith  Annual  Convention  of  the  National  Ameri- 
can Woman  Suffrage  Association,  at  Buffalo, 
N.  Y. , October,  1908. 

New  Zealand:  Its  working  in  that  country. 

— Sir  Joseph  George  Ward,  Prime  Minister  of 
New  Zealand,  returning  home  from  England  in 
August,  1908,  passed  through  the  United  States, 
and  was  questioned  in  New  York'  about  the  work- 
ing of  woman  suffrage  in  his  country,  where  wo- 
men have  been  voters  for  the  last  sixteen  years. 
He  declared  his  conviction  that  New  Zealand 
had  found  it  to  be  one  of  the  most  far-sighted 
policies  ever  put  into  effect,  for  the  ballot  in  the 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE 


ENGLAND 


hands  of  women  had  exercised  a great  influence 
for  the  general  good.  ‘ ‘ A stranger  coming  to 
New  Zealand,”  he  said,  ‘‘would  not  recognize 
any  difference  between  our  institutions  and  those 
here,  so  far  as  the  right  of  women  to  vote  is  con- 
cerned. He  would  see  no  women  politicians, 
no  campaign  orators  of  the  other  sex,  no  dis- 
turbances such  as  are  so  often  pictured  as  one 
of  the  attendant  ills  of  woman’s  suffrage. 

‘‘Under  our  laws  women  cannot  stand  for 
Parliament,  nor  hold  any  other  office.  They  do 
not  mix  it  up  in  a campaign.  You  never  hear 
of  them  in  this  way  during  an  election.  They 
attend  public  meetings,  they  are  present  at  all 
of  the  public  ceremonies,  and  are  unusually  well- 
informed  upon  all  public  questions.  When  they 
vote  they  vote  intelligently,  and  any  woman 
over  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  a citizen  of 
the  country  can  vote.  Her  right  to  vote  does 
not,  as  many  imagine,  cause  family  dissensions, 
nor  family  wrangles  such  as  cartoonists  picture. 
There  are  no  more  differences  over  politics  in 
New  Zealand  families  than  there  are  over  do- 
mestic problems  in  the  United  States.  The  bal- 
lot in  the  hands  of  the  women,  so  far  as  I have 
observed,  means  only  the  healthy  influence  of 
the  home  injected  into  politics.  Our  law  pro- 
hibits the  solicitation  of  votes  on  election  day  ; 
the  placarding  of  streets  and  houses,  the  use  of 
vehicles  to  carry  voters,  the  exerting  of  any  in- 
fluence to  obtain  a vote.  A wife  may  accompany 
her  husband  to  the  polls,  to  the  door  of  the  booth, 


ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE.  See,  also, 
Municipal  Government. 

ELECTRICITY.  See  (in  this  volume  and 
in  Volume  VI.)  Science  and  Invention,  Re- 
cent. 

ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention:  Electro- 
Chemistry. 

ELECTRONS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent  : Physical. 

ELEVATOR  COMBINATION,  Dissolu- 
tion of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations, 
Industrial:  United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1906. 

ELGIN,  The  Earl  of:  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies  (British).  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

Presiding  at  Imperial  Conference.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

ELIOT,  Charles  W.:  Retirement  from 
Presidency  of  Harvard  University.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Education:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1901-1909. 


but  no  further.  The  laws  absolutely  protect 
the  privacy  of  the  ballot. 

“ In  New  Zealand  the  granting  of  the  privilege 
of  voting  to  women  did  not  result  in  the  level- 
ling of  the  wage  scale,  or  the  competition  be- 
tween men  and  women  in  labor.  In  comparison 
with  other  countries  the  proportion  of  wage- 
earning women  in  New  Zealand  is  small.  She 
has  her  place  to  fill  in  the  home,  and  there  are 
no  truer  and  more  devoted  mothers  of  families 
in  the  world.  I believe  that  her  influence  upon 
man  is  all  the  greater  and  better  by  reason  of  her 
suffrage.  She  recognizes  the  position  of  man 
as  the  head  of  the  household,  and  he  is,  generally 
speaking,  always  the  wage-earner,  and  I firmly 
believe  that  if  women  could  under  our  laws  be 
elected  to  office  and  have  a part  in  the  making  of 
laws,  they  would  not  seek  legislation  that  would 
tend  to  further  advance  themselves  and  limit  the 
activity  of  the  men. 

“ Women’s  suffrage  has  surely  resulted  in  the 
raising  of  the  standard  of  education  in  our  coun- 
try. The  class  of  ignorant  people  is  very  small, 
and  growing  smaller  and  smaller  with  each  suc- 
ceeding generation.  . . . The  country  has  not 
been  without  its  political  and  labor  demagogues, 
but  the  conservative  judgment  of  the  voters  has 
always  prevailed  in  the  end.  Graft  is  something 
unknown  in  New  Zealand.” 

The  Increasing  Vote  of  Women  at  local 
option  polls  and  in  general  elections.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem:  New  Zealand. 


ELKINS,  Anti-Rebate  Law.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1903 
(Feb.). 

ELKINS  CLAUSE,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1906- 
1909. 

EMERGENCY  CURRENCY  ACT.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1908. 

EMERY  CLAIM,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Central  America  : A.  D.  1909 : Nicara- 
gua. 

EMIGRATION.  See  Immigration;  also 
Race  Problems. 

EMPIRE  DAY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1903  (May). 

EMPLOYERS’  LIABILITY.  See  Labor 
Protection. 

ENCYCLICALS.  See  Papacy. 
ENDJUMEN  FUTUVAT,  The  : An  anti- 
parliamentary  party.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Per- 
sia : A.  D.  1906-1907. 


ENGLAND.* 


A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of  Population 
compared  with  other  European  Countries. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1900. — Comparative  Statement  of  the 
Consumption  of  Alcoholic  Drink.  See  Alco- 
hol Problem. 

A.  D.  1901.  — Census  of  the  British  Empire 
compiled.  See  British  Empire. 

* For  convenience  of  use  in  the  many  references  to 
this  heading  throughout  the  volume,  the  name  of  Eng- 
land is  made  to  stand  for  The  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  — a stretch  of  meaning  which 
seems  often  permissible. 


A.  D.  1901.  — Census  of  England  and 
Wales,  and  of  the  United  Kingdom.  — Pop- 
ulation. — Relative  numbers  of  males  and 
females.  — Agricultural  industry.  — Extent 
of  various  uses  of  the  soil. — The  different 
kinds  of  areas.  — The  eleventh  Census  of  the 
population  of  England  and  Wales  was  taken 
April  1st,  1901,  “ascertaining  the  required  in 
formation  relating  to  the  persons  returned  as  liv- 
ing at  midnight  on  Sunday,  March  31st.”  The 
number  enumerated  in  England  and  Wales,  as 
finally  revised  at  the  Census  Office,  was  35,527,- 
843;  showing  an  increase  of  3,525,318,  ora  de- 


ENGLAND,  1901 


ENGLAND,  1902 


cennial  rate  of  increase  of  12.17  percent,  upon 
the  number  returned  at  the  preceding  enumera- 
tion in  April,  1891.  Of  the  persons  enumerated 
in  England  and  Wales  in  1901,  15,728,613  were 
males  and  16,799,230  were  females,  the  latter 
exceeding  the  former  by  1,070,617.  This,  how- 
ever, does  not  represent  the  relative  numbers  of 
t he  two  sexes  that  belong  to  the  population  of  the 
country ; “ for  there  are  always  men  temporarily 
absent  abroad  as  soldiers  or  seamen  or  for  busi- 
ness purposes”;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  “ the 
enumerated  population  temporarily  includes 
some  soldiers  and  sailors  who  were  born  in  Scot- 
land and  Ireland,  as  well  as  foreign  sailors  and 
business  representatives.”  Making  reckonings 
for  these,  “the  population  belonging  to  England 
and  Wales  at  the  date  of  the  Census  may  be  esti- 
mated at  32,805,040  persons,  of  whom  16,005,810 
were  males,  and  16,799,230  were  females.”  Dur- 
ing the  ten  years  prior  to  1901  the  recorded  male 
births  in  England  exceeded  the  female  births  by 
160,987,  while  the  recorded  deaths  of  males  ex- 
ceeded the  deaths  of  females  by  155,363.  This 
would  have  about  evened  their  numbers  in  the 
population  of  1901 ; hence  the  existing  excess  of 
females  is  due,  in  the  main,  to  the  more  exten- 
sive emigration  or  temporary  absence  of  males. 

Of  the  population  of  England  and  Wales  less 
than  4 per  cent,  was  born  outside  of  those  two 
divisions  of  the  United  Kingdom  ; not  quite  1 
per  cent,  was  born  in  Scotland ; a little  more 
than  1.3  per  cent,  was  born  in  Ireland  ; a trifle 
more  than  1 per  cent,  in  foreign  countries,  and 
an  insignificant  fraction  in  British  colonies  and 
dependencies.  England,  it  will  be  seen,  is 
troubled  very  slightly  with  problems  arising 
from  a mixed  population. 

The  Census  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  taken  si- 
multaneously with  that  of  England  and  Wales, 
gave  the  former  a population  of  4,472,103,  and 
the  latter  4,458,775.  Scotland  had  gained  46,456 
since  1891  ; Ireland  had  lost  in  the  same  period 
245,975.  In  the  sixty  years  since  1841  Ireland 
had  lost  more  than  3,700,000.  The  total  of  pop- 
ulation in  the  United  Kingdom,  at  midnight, 
March  31,  1901,  was  found  to  be  41,458, 721 ; and 
the  females  exceeded  the  males  in  number  by 
1,253,905.  The  excess  was  least  in  Ireland. 

Judged  by  the  numbers  engaged  therein,  the 
Agricultural  Industry  is  still  the  most  impor- 
tant in  the  United  Kingdom  ; but,  since  1881, 
it  had  been  reduced  from  2,362,331  males  to 
2,109,812  in  1901.  The  decline  was  far  less  in 
Ireland  than  in  England,  Scotland,  or  Wales. 
In  England  and  Wales,  the  whole  area  of  land, 
amounting  to  37,129,162  acres,  or  58,014  square 
miles,  is  divided  by  the  census  report  into  areas 
as  follows : 

Acres. 

Corn  Crops 5,886,052 

Green  Crops 2,511,744 

Clover  and  grasses  under  rotation  ....  3,262,926 

Flax,  Hops,  Small  Fruit 120,683 

Bare  Fallow 336,884 

Permanent  Pasture  or  Grass 15,399,025 

Mountain  and  Heath  Land  used  for  Grazing  3,556,636 
Woods,  Plantations,  Nursery  Grounds,  Houses, 

Streets,  Roads,  Railways,  Waste  Grounds, 

&c . . 6,055,212 

Total  Land  Area  of  England  and  Wales  . . 37,129,162 

The  enumeration  of  ‘ ‘ different  kinds  of  areas,” 
in  England  and  Wales,  as  set  forth  in  the  Cen- 
sus report,  is  interesting  in  some  particulars  — 
such  as  these:  54  Ancient  Counties  ; 62  Admin- 
istrative Counties;  468  Parliamentary  Areas  ; 2 


Ecclesiastical  Provinces;  35  Ecclesiastical  Dio- 
ceses ; 14,080  Ecclesiastical  Parishes ; 14,900 
Civil  Parishes  ; 67  County  Boroughs  ; 28  Metro- 
politan Boroughs  with  their  Wards  ; 54  County 
Court  Circuits;  500  County  Court  Districts; 
1122  Urban  Districts  (including  316  County  or 
Municipal  Boroughs)  with  the  Wards  of  those 
which  are  so  subdivided  ; 664  Rural  Districts. — 
Census  of  England  and  Wales,  1901.  General 
Report.  ( Parliamentary  Papers,  1904,  Cd.  2174.) 

A.  D.  1901  (Nov.). — An  addition  to  the 
Titles  of  the  King. — The  following  is  part 
of  the  proclamation  of  an  addition  to  the  titles 
of  the  King  which  was  made  on  the  4th  of  No- 
vember, 1901:  “Whereas  an  act  was  passed  in 
the  last  session  of  Parliament,  entitled  ‘An  act 
to  enable  His  Most  Gracious  Majesty  to  make  an 
addition  to  the  royal  style  and  titles  in  recogni- 
tion of  His  Majesty’s  dominions  beyond  the  seas,’ 
which  act  enacts  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  us, 
with  a view  to  such  recognition  as  aforesaid  of 
our  dominions  beyond  the  seas,  by  our  royal  pro- 
clamation under  the  great  seal  of  the  United 
Kingdom  issued  within  six  months  after  the  pass- 
ing of  the  said  act,  to  make  such  addition  to  the 
style  and  titles  at  present  appertaining  to  the 
Imperial  Crown  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  its 
dependencies  as  to  us  may  seem  fit ; and 

‘ ‘ Whereas  our  present  style  and  titles  are,  in 
the  Latin  tongue,  ‘Edwardus  VII  Dei  Gratia 
Britanniarum  Rex,  Fidei  Defensor,  Indise  Impe- 
rator,’  and  in  the  English  tongue,  ‘Edward  VII, 
by  the  Grace  of  God  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the 
Faith,  Emperor  of  India,’  we  have  thought  fit, 
by  and  with  the  advice  of  our  privy  council,  to 
appoint  and  declare,  and  we  do  hereby,  by  and 
with  the  said  advice,  appoint  and  declare  that 
henceforth,  so  far  as  conveniently  maybe,  on  all 
occasions  and  in  all  instruments  wherein  our 
style  and  titles  are  used,  the  following  addition 
shall  be  made  to  the  style  and  titles  at  present 
appertaining  to  the  Imperial  Crown  of  the 
United  Kingdom  and  its  dependencies  — that 
is  to  say,  in  the  Latin  tongue,  after  the  word 
‘ Britanniarum,’  these  words,  ‘ et  terrarum  trans- 
marinarum  quee  inditione  sunt  Britannica,  ’ ; and 
in  the  English  tongue,  after  the  words  ‘ of  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,’ 
these  words,1  and  of  the  British  Dominions  be- 
yond the  Seas.’ ” 

A.  D.  1901-1902. — The  last  year  of  the 
Boer-British  War.  — Peace  preliminaries. — 
Text  of  the  Treaty  concluded.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  i90i-i902(Nov.-Feb.).  — Treatywith 
the  United  States  to  facilitate  the  construc- 
tion of  a Ship  Canal  between  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  Oceans.  See  Panama  Canal  : 
A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Arbitration  and  mediation 
between  the  Argentine  Republic  and  Chile. 
See  Argentine  Republic. 

A.  D.  1902  (Jan.). — Agreement  in  the  na- 
ture of  a Defensive  Alliance  with  Japan.  See 
Japan  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.).  — Wei-hai-wei  found 
valueless.  — F ortification  abandoned.  — - The 

British  public  was  unpleasantly  surprised  on  the 
11th  of  February,  1902,  by  an  official  announce- 
ment in  Parliament  that  the  fortifying  of  the 
port  of  Wei-hai-wei,  on  the  Chinese  coast  (ex- 
torted from  China  in  1898  as  an  offset  to  the 


229 


ENGLAND,  1902 


ENGLAND,  1903 


cession  of  Port  Arthur  to  Russia, — see,  in  Vol- 
ume VI.  of  this  work,  China:  A.  D.  1898, 
March-July), — had  been  abandoned,  for  the 
reason  that  military  and  naval  opinion  agreed  in 
concluding  that  the  place  had  no  strategic  value. 
It  would  not  be  returned  to  China,  however, 
having  usefulness  for  experiments  in  naval  gun- 
nery, and  as  a sanitarium.  The  announcement 
drew  much  sarcasm  on  the  Government. 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.).  — Opposed  deliverances 
of  Lord  Rosebery  and  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 
Bannerman  on  Irish  Home  Rule.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Ireland:  A.  D.  1902  (Feb.). 

A.  D.  1902  (March-Nov.). — Passage  of  the 
Education  Act,  in  the  interest  of  voluntary 
or  church  schools.  — “Passive  Resistance” 
of  Nonconformists.  See  Education  : Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (May).  — Treaty  with  Abys- 
sinia. See  Abyssinia  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (June-Aug.).  — Illness  and  de- 
ferred Coronation  of  King  Edward  VII.  — 

While  England  was  preparing,  in  the  last  half  of 
June,  1902,  for  the  great  ceremony  of  the  Coro- 
nation of  King  Edward  VII.,  appointed  to  take 
place  on  the  26th,  disquieting  accounts  of  his 
Majesty’s  health  began  to  appear.  Some  ex- 
posure at  Aldershot,  during  military  reviews, 
had  brought  on  a chill,  it  was  said ; and  though 
it  was  made  light  of  in  the  reports,  there  was 
anxiety  abroad.  The  King  and  Queen  came  to 
London  from  Windsor  on  the  23d,  and  all  seemed 
to  promise  well.  That  evening  he  attended  a 
State  banquet ; but  a little  before  noon  the  next 
morning  the  nation  received  a dreadful  shock 
from  the  announcement:  “The  King  is  suffer- 
ing from  perityphlitis  [more  familiarly  known 
as  appendicitis].  The  condition  on  Saturday 
was  so  satisfactory  that  it  was  hoped  that,  with 
care,  his  Maj  esty  would  be  able  to  go  through 
the  Coronation  ceremonies.  On  Monday  even- 
ing a recrudescence  became  manifest,  rendering 
a surgical  operation  necessary  to-day.”  A seri- 
ous disappointment  as  well  as  a grave  anxiety 
was  produced.  Preparations  for  the  pageant 
and  the  solemnities  of  the  Coronation  had  been 
made  on  a splendid  scale.  London  was  crowded 
with  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  and 
specially  decorated  as  never  before.  The  sud- 
den descent  of  grief  and  fear  and  gloom  on  the 
gayeties  of  the  scene  was  a transformation 
which  London  and  England  can  never  forget. 

Within  three  hours  from  the  first  startling  re- 
port the  success  of  the  operation  was  made  known. 
The  King  had  borne  it  well  and  was  in  a satisfac- 
tory state.  From  that  time  on  there  were  none 
but  good  reports.  On  the  5th  of  July  he  was 
declared  to  be  out  of  danger.  On  the  15th  he 
was  removed  to  the  royal  yacht  Victoria  and 
Albert  and  taken  to  Cowes.  At  the  end  of  seven 
weeks  he  had  recovered  so  fully  as  to  be  able  to 
bear  the  fatigues  and  the  strain  of  a trying  cer- 
emony, and  the  King  and  Queen  were  crowned 
in  Westminster  Abbey  on  the  9tli  of  August, 
with  somewhat  less  of  magnificent  public  show 
than  had  been  prepared  for  the  26th  of  June, 
but  nevertheless  with  regal  pomp. 

A.  D.  1902  (June-Aug.).  — Conference  with 
the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Self-Governing 
Colonies.  See  British  Empire. 

A.  D.  1902  (July). — Resignation  of  Lord 
Salisbury.  — Mr.  Balfour’s  succession  to  the 
Premiership.  — The  new  Ministry.  — Failing 


health  compelled  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury  to 
ask,  on  the  11th  of  July,  for  relief  from  the 
cares  of  the  office  of  Prime  Minister.  His  resig- 
nation was  accepted,  and  Mr.  Arthur  J.  Balfour, 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  in  Lord  Salisbury’s 
Ministry,  was  invited  by  the  King  to  the  vacant 
place.  Some  changes  in  the  Cabinet  followed, 
Sir  Michael  Iiicks-Beach  retiring  from  the 
Chancellorship  of  the  Exchequer,  and  being 
succeeded  by  Mr.  C.  T.  Ritchie;  Mr.  A.  Akers- 
Douglas  entering  the  Cabinet  as  Home  Secre- 
tary; Mr.  G.  Wyndham  continuing  in  the  office 
of  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  but  coming  into 
the  Cabinet;  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain,  son  of 
the  Rt.  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  also  receiv- 
ing a Cabinet  seat  as  Postmaster-General. 

A.  D.  1902  (Aug.).  — Passage  of  Licensing 
Bill.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem: 
England:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Sept.).  — Arrangements  of  the 
Government  with  the  Cunard  Company  and 
the  International  Mercantile  Marine  Com- 
pany. See  Combinations,  Industrial  : Inter- 
national. 

A.  D.  1902-1904.. — Coercive  proceedings 
against  Venezuela  concerted  with  Germany 
and  Italy.  — Settlement  of  Claims  secured. 
— Reference  to  The  Hague.  See  Venezuela: 
A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  - — The  Mission  of  Colonel 
Younghusband  to  Tibet. — Its  advance  in 
force  to  Lhasa.  — The  Treaty  secured.  See 
Tibet:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Passage  of  the  Land  Pur- 
chase Act  for  Ireland.  See  Ireland:  A.  D. 
1870-1903. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Declines  to  be  a party  to  the 
building  of  the  Bagdad  Railway.  See  Rail- 
ways; Turkey:  A.  D.  1899-1909. 

A.  D.  1903  (March).  — Debate  in  Parlia- 
ment on  the  South  African  Labor  Question. 
See  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

A.  D.  1903  (March).  — Passage  of  the  Em- 
ployment of  Children  Bill.  See  Labor  Pro- 
tection. 

A.  D.  1903  (June). — The  Celebration  of 
Empire  Day.  — A Canadian  custom  of  cele- 
brating Queen  Victoria’s  birthday,  June  24,  as 
Empire  Day,  was  taken  up  in  Great  Britain  in 
1903,  and  “ the  movement,”  says  the  London 
Times,  “has  spread  with  striking  rapidity.” 
The  day  is  made  especially  interesting  in  the 
schools,  where  the  morning  of  the  day  is  given 
to  addresses  on  citizenship  and  the  Empire  and 
to  the  singing  of  patriotic  songs,  while  the  after- 
noon is  a half-holiday. 

A.  D.  1903  (May-Sept.).  — Mr.  Chamber- 
lain’s declaration  for  Preferential  Trade  with 
the  British  Colonies.  — The  political  com- 
motion excited. — Mr.  Balfour’s  puzzling  at- 
titude on  the  questions  raised.— It  is  made 
clear  by  the  correspondence  when  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain resigns.  — The  latter’s  propagan- 
dism.  — In  June,  1902,  when,  as  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies,  Mr  Joseph  Chamberlain 
addressed  the  Conference  of  Prime  Ministers 
from  the  self-governing  British  Colonies  (see,  in 
this  vol.,  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1902),  his 
mind  was  manifestly  not  prepared  to  accept  as 
a practicable  proposition  their  request  that  the 
United  Kingdom  would  grant  “preferential 
treatment  to  the  products  and  manufactures  of 
the  Colonies.”  “ Preferential  treatment”  meant 


ENGLAND,  1903 


ENGLAND,  1903 


an  Imperial  protective-tariff  policy,  with  dis- 
crimination of  duties  in  favor  of  imports  from 
British  colonies.  As  the  products  of  the  colonies 
were  mostly  food  stuffs  and  raw  materials  for 
manufacture,  it  meant  a taxing  of  the  supplies 
of  these  to  British  tables  and  British  industries 
from  every  source  outside  the  colonies.  It  meant 
an  artificial  higher  pricing  in  the  market  of  the 
British  Isles  for  everything  in  which  cost  bears 
hardest  on  the  livelihood  and  the  living  of  their 
people.  Mr.  Chamberlain,  in  1902,  was  waxing 
ardent  in  the  high  mission  he  had  undertaken, 
of  unifying  and  consolidating  the  great  British 
Empire,  strengthening  the  ties  of  family  between 
Mother  England  and  her  scattered  brood  ; but  he 
had  not  yet  been  persuaded  that  the  mother  could 
afford  to  expend  quite  so  much  as  this  of  her 
own  well-being  on  premiums  for  the  allegiance 
of  her  offspring. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  year,  however,  the 
Colonial  Secretary  spent  some  weeks  in  South 
Africa,  and  seems  to  have  been  remarkably  inten- 
sified in  his  imperializing  aims  by  what  he  saw 
and  learned.  He  came  home  filled  with  the  con- 
viction that  England  must,  for  the  sake  of  a 
really  unified  and  incorporated  Empire,  abandon 
the  free  opening  of  her  markets,  which  gave  her 
people  the  cheapest  food  and  the  cheapest  mate- 
rials for  labor  that  the  world  at  large  could  fur- 
nish, and  must  wall  them  and  gate  them,  with 
differing  keys  to  the  locks,  so  that  her  own  colo- 
nists might  be  given  the  “ preferential  ” admis- 
sion they  claim.  If  he  had  arrived  at  that  con- 
viction before  going  to  South  Africa  he  had 
made  no  sign  of  it  ; but  it  was  proclaimed  soon 
after  his  return,  in  a speech  to  his  constituents 
at  Birmingham,  on  the  15th  of  May,  which  shook 
England  as  no  sudden  development  in  politics 
had  done  for  many  years.  The  time  had  come, 
he  declared,  when  the  country  must  decide  for 
or  against  a deliberate  policy  of  Imperial  unifica- 
tion, which  required  it  to  reciprocate  the  prefer- 
ential tariffs  which  the  colonies  had  adopted  or 
were  offering  to  adopt.  Canada  had  given  Great 
Britain  a preference  in  her  tariff,  first  of  25  per 
cent.,  afterwards  increased  to  33A-  per  cent.,  and 
was  ready  to  go  farther  if  the  British  Govern- 
ment would  reciprocate,  in  allowing  a drawback 
on  the  shilling  corn  duty  (a  duty  which  had  been 
levied  for  a year  past,  aod  was  about  to  be  re- 
moved). At  the  Colonial  Conference  of  the  pre- 
vious year  the  representatives  of  Australia  and 
New  Zealand  had  expressed  readiness  to  act  on 
the  same  line.  A recent  conference  of  the  British 
colonies  in  South  Africa  had  recommended  the 
Legislatures  of  those  colonies  to  give  the  Mother 
Country  a similar  preference  on  all  dutiable 
goods  of  25  per  cent.  Whether  this  policy  of  the 
colonies  should  be  developed  in  the  future  or 
withdrawn  depended  now  on  the  treatment  given 
to  it  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

“The  people  of  the  Empire,”  continued  Mr. 
Chamberlain,  “ have  two  alternatives  before 
them.  They  may  maintain  if  they  like  in  all  its 
severity  the  interpretation  — in  my  mind  an  en- 
tirely artificial  and  wrong  interpretation  — which 
has  been  placed  on  the  doctrines  of  Free  Trade  by 
a small  remnant  of  the  Little  Englanders,  of  the 
Manchester  school,  who  now  profess  to  be  the 
sole  repositories  of  the  doctrines  of  Mr.  Cobden 
and  Mr.  Bright.  They  may  maintain  that  policy 
in  all  its  severity,  though  it  is  repudiated  by  every 
other  nation  and  by  all  your  own  Colonies.  In 


that  case  they  will  be  absolutely  precluded  either 
from  giving  any  kind  of  preference  or  favour  to 
any  of  their  Colonies  abroad,  or  even  protecting 
their  Colonies  abroad  when  they  offer  to  favour 
us.  That  is  the  first  alternative.  The  second  al- 
ternative is  that  we  should  insist  that  we  will 
not  be  bound  by  any  purely  technical  definition 
of  Free  Trade,  that,  while  we  seek  as  one  chief 
object  free  interchange  of  trad  e and  commerce  be- 
tween ourselves  and  all  the  nations  of  the  world, 
we  will,  nevertheless,  recover  our  freedom,  re- 
sume that  power  of  negotiation  and,  if  necessary, 
retaliation  whenever  our  own  interests  or  our 
relation  between  our  Colonies  and  ourselves 
are  threatened  by  other  people. 

“I  leave  the  matter,”  said  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
“in  your  hands.  I desire  that  a discussion  on 
this  subject  should  be  opened.  The  time  has 
not  yet  come  to  settle  it,  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  for  good  or  for  evil  this  is  an  issue  much 
greater  in  its  consequences  than  any  of  our  local 
disputes.  Make  a mistake  in  legislation.  Yet 
it  can  be  corrected.  Make  a mistake  in  your 
Imperial  policy.  It  is  irretrievable.  You  have 
an  opportunity  ; you  will  never  have  it  again.” 

Naturally  this  speech,  from  a Minister  of  the 
Crown,  as  important  and  influential  in  the  Gov- 
ernment and  in  his  party  as  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
caused  an  immense  political  commotion.  It  had 
suddenly  injected  a new  issue  into  the  politics 
of  the  United  Kingdom,  involving  some  recon- 
struction of  the  party  in  possession  of  power, 
and  a fundamental  readjustment  of  principles  in 
some  part  of  it,  more  or  less,  according  to  the  fol- 
lowing that  Mr.  Chamberlain  secured.  Would 
he  leave  the  Ministry  or  the  Ministry  leave  him? 
— was  the  question  of  the  hour.  It  remained 
unanswered  for  three  months  or  more,  while 
controversy  over  the  propositions  of  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain raged  and  the  situation  became  more 
puzzling  every  day.  Meantime  the  head  of  the 
Government,  Mr.  Balfour,  was  acting  like  a 
faithful  adherent  to  the  English  principle  of 
freedom  in  trade,  by  advocating  a repeal  of  the 
incongruous  corn  duty  levied  the  year  before, 
but  speaking,  at  the  same  time,  like  a man  of 
open  mind  on  the  question  of  preferential  trade, 
treating  it  as  one  that  demanded  careful  thought. 
“If  foreign  countries,”  he  said,  “ should  take  the 
view  that  our  self-governing  colonies  could  be 
treated  as  separate  nations  we  must  resist  their 
policy  by  fiscal  retaliation.  There  must  be  a 
weapon  to  our  hands  with  which  to  meet  those 
who  might  attempt  to  disintegrate  the  Empire  by 
fiscal  means.  The  question  whether  we  should 
be  justified  in  raising  revenue  with  the  object 
of  drawing  the  different  portions  of  the  Empire 
more  closely  together  was  certainly  well  worth 
consideration.” 

All  that  he  said  in  these  months  conveyed  the 
impression  that  he  was  in  an  undetermined, 
waiting  state  of  mind  on  the  question  raised  by 
Mr.  Chamberlain,  not  yet  convinced  that  his 
colleague  should  be  supported  in  the  new  policy 
proposed,  but  quite  likely  to  be.  That,  how- 
ever, was  not  the  attitude  in  which  he  could 
hold  the  two  coalesced  parties,  Conservative 
and  Liberal  Union,  that  were  behind  him  in  the 
Government.  The  issue  had  instant  activity 
there,  dividing  both.  The  Premier  could  sup- 
press debate  on  it  in  Parliament,  as  he  did,  but 
everywhere  else  in  the  kingdom  the  rage  of  con- 
troversy gathered  heat,  and  party  lines  on  the 


ENGLAND,  1903 


ENGLAND,  1903 


side  of  the  Government  were  rapidly  confused. 
Two  members  of  the  Cabinet  resigned,  while 
Mr.  Chamberlain  kept  his  place  in  it  until  the  9th 
of  September,  when  he  addressed  to  Mr.  Balfour 
a letter  which  offered  his  resignation,  for  reasons 
stated  as  follows  : 

“ Owing  to  admitted  differences  of  opinion  in 
the  Unionist  party  the  political  organisations  of 
the  party  were  paralysed  and  our  opponents 
have  had  full  possession  of  the  field.  ...  I re- 
cognise that  serious  prejudice  has  been  created, 
and  that,  while  the  people  generally  are  alive  to 
the  danger  of  unrestricted  competition  on  the 
part  of  those  foreign  countries  that  close  their 
markets  to  us  while  finding  in  our  market  an 
outlet  for  their  surplus  production,  they  have 
not  yet  appreciated  the  importance  to  our  trade 
of  Colonial  markets,  nor  the  danger  of  losing 
them  if  we  do  not  meet  in  some  way  their  nat- 
ural and  patriotic  desire  for  preferential  trade. 

“The  result  is  that,  for  the  present  at  any 
rate,  a preferential  agreement  with  our  Colonies 
involving  any  new  duty,  however  small,  on 
articles  of  food  hitherto  untaxed  is,  even  if  ac- 
companied by  a reduction  of  taxation  on  other 
articles  of  food  of  equally  universal  consump- 
tion, unacceptable  to  the  majority  in  the  constit- 
uencies. . . . 

“ I suggest  that  you  should  limit  the  present 
policy  of  the  Government  to  the  assertion  of  our 
freedom  in  the  case  of  all  commercial  relations 
with  foreign  countries,  and  that  you  should 
agree  to  my  tendering  my  resignation  of  my  pre- 
sent office  to  his  Majesty  and  devoting  myself  to 
the  work  of  explaining  and  popularising  those 
principles  of  Imperial  union  which  my  expe- 
rience has  convinced  me  are  essential  to  our  fu- 
ture welfare  and  prosperity.”  • 

Mr.  Balfour’s  reply  to  this,  when  published, 
disclosed  the  fact  that  he  was  wholly  in  agree- 
ment with  Mr.  Chamberlain,  and  that  they  were 
now  parting  company  in  order  to  pursue  a com- 
mon purpose  more  effectually  on  different  lines. 
Both  saw  that  England  was  not  to  be  drawn 
easily  away  from  its  fundamental  belief  in  free- 
dom of  trade  ; that  what  they  had  undertaken 
would  require  much  persuasive  labor  and  con- 
siderable time,  if  accomplished  at  all ; wherefore 
Mr.  Chamberlain  accepted  an  assignment  to  the 
missionary  field  of  the  imperialist  cause,  while 
Mr.  Balfour  would  continue  his  endeavor  to 
hold  a party  in  waiting  for  the  fruits  of  the  mis- 
sion, and  in  possession  of  the  government  as  long 
as  circumstances  might  permit.  The  programme 
was  disclosed  frankly  in  the  two  letters.  In 
that  of  Mr.  Balfour  he  said  : 

“ Agreeing  as  I do  with  you  that  the  time  has 
come  when  a change  should  be  made  in  the  fiscal 
canons  by  which  we  have  bound  ourselves  in 
our  commercial  dealings  with  other  Govern- 
ments, it  seems  paradoxical,  indeed,  that  you 
should  leave  the  Cabinet  at  the  time  that  others 
of  my  colleagues  are  leaving  it  who  disagree  on 
that  very  point  with  us  both.  Yet  lean  not  but 
admit,  however  reluctantly,  that  there  is  some 
force  in  the  arguments  with  which  you  support 
that  course,  based  as  they  are  upon  your  special 
and  personal  relation  to  that  portion  of  the  con- 
troversy which  deals  with  Colonial  preference. 
You  have  done  more  than  any  man,  living  or 
dead,  to  bring  home  to  the  citizens  of  the  Em- 
pire the  consciousness  of  Imperial  obligation, 
and  the  interdependence  between  the  various 


fragments  into  which  the  Empire  is  geographi- 
cally divided.  I believe  you  to  be  right  in  hold- 
ing that  this  interdependence  should  find  ex- 
pression in  our  commercial  relations  as  well  as 
in  our  political  and  military  relations.  I believe 
with  you  that  closer  fiscal  union  between  the 
Mother  Country  and  her  Colonies  would  be  good 
for  the  trade  of  both,  and  that,  if  much  closer 
union  could  be  established  on  fitting  terms,  its 
advantage  to  both  parties  would  increase  as  the 
years  went  on  and  as  the  Colonies  grew  in  wealth 
and  population. 

“ If  there  ever  has  been  any  difference  be- 
tween us  in  connection  with  this  matter  it  has 
only  been  with  regard  to  the  practicability  of  a 
proposal  which  would  seem  to  require,  on  the 
part  of  the  Colonies,  a limitation  in  the  all-round 
development  of  a protective  policy,  and  on  the 
part  of  this  country  the  establishment  of  a prefer- 
ence in  favour  of  important  Colonial  products. 
On  the  first  of  these  requirements  I say  nothing, 
but  if  the  second  involves,  as  it  almost  certainly 
does,  taxation,  however  light,  upon  food  stuffs, 
I am  convinced  with  you  that  public  opinion  is 
not  yet  ripe  for  such  an  arrangement.  . . . 

“I  feel,  however,  deeply  concerned  that  you 
should  regard  this  conclusion,  however  well 
founded,  as  one  which  makes  it  difficult  for  you, 
in  your  very  special  circumstances,  to  remain  a 
member  of  the  Government.  Yet  I do  not  ven- 
ture, in  a matter  so  strictly  personal,  to  raise 
any  objection. 

“If  you  think  you  can  best  serve  the  interests 
of  Imperial  unity,  for  which  you  have  done  so 
much,  by  pressing  your  views  on  Colonial  pre- 
ference with  the  freedom  which  is  possible  in 
an  independent  position,  but  is  hardly  compati- 
ble with  office,  how  can  I criticise  your  deter- 
mination ? The  loss  to  the  Government  is  great, 
but  the  gain  to  the  cause  you  have  at  heart  may 
be  greater  still.  If  so,  what  can  I do  but  acqui- 
esce ? ” 

So  Mr.  Chamberlain  left  the  Cabinet,  with  Mr. 
Balfour’s  blessing  and  God-speed,  and  went  out 
to  preach  the  gospel  of  commercial  imperialism, 
under  the  more  carefully  chosen  name  of  “fiscal 
reform.”  His  co-laborer,  who  stayed  at  the  helm 
of  State,  was  so  favored  by  circumstances  as  to 
hold  it  for  somewhat  more  than  another  year. 
But  the  propagandism  made  no  satisfying  pro- 
gress in  that  year;  it  seems  doubtful,  indeed,  if 
Mr.  Chamberlain  won  as  many  disciples  as  he 
lost  from  his  first  following. 

A.  D.  1903  (Aug.).— Employment  of  Chil- 
dren Act.  See  (in  tliisvol.)  Children,  under 
the  Law:  As  Workers. 

A.  D.  1903  (Aug.).  — Communication  to  the 
Powers  that  were  parties  to  the  Berlin  Act 
of  1884-5,  asking  their  attention  to  the  Ad- 
ministration of  the  Congo  State.  See  Congo 
State:  A.  D.  1903-1905. 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Settlement  of  the 
Alaska  boundary  question.  See  Alaska  : 
A.  D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Canadian  measures  to 
establish  British  sovereignty  over  land  and 
sea  of  Hudson  Bay  region.  See  Canada:  A. 
D.  1903-1904. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Arbitration  of  boundary  dis- 
pute between  British  Guiana  and  Brazil.  See 

Brazil:  A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Her  rivals  in  the  Persian 
Gulf.  See  Persia:  A.  D.  1904. 


ENGLAND,  1904 


ENGLAND,  1905-1906 


A.  D.  1904  (April).  — The  agreements  of 
the  Entente  Cordiale  with  France.  Bee 
Europe  : A.  D.  1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1904  (April-Aug.).  — Agitation  over 
the  Licensing  Bill,  which  passed  Parliament 
after  much  bitter  debate.  See  Alcohol  Prob 
lem  : England  : A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904  (July).  — The  question  of  Church 
Attendance  in  school  hours.  See  Education  : 
England  : A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904  (Oct.). —The  Dogger  Bank  in- 
cident of  the  voyage  of  the  Russian  Baltic 
Fleet.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct.- 
May). 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — The  Esher  Army  Com- 
mission and  its  Report.  See  War,  The  Pre- 
parations for  : Military. 

A.  D.  1905. — Reopened  controversy  with 
the  United  States  over  Newfoundland  Fish- 
eries questions.  See  Newfoundland  : A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Action  with  other  Powers  in 
forcing  financial  reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Unemployed  Workmen  Act. 

See  Poverty,  Problems  of  : England  : A.  D. 
1905. 

A.  D.  1905  (March).  — Partially  Represent- 
ative Legislative  Assembly  created  in  the 
Transvaal.  See  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1905- 
1907. 

A.  D.  1905  (April).  — Order  relating  to 
Underfed  School  Children.  See  Education: 
England:  A.  D.  1905. 

A.  D.  1905  (April).  — Treaty  with  Nicara- 
gua concerning  the  Mosquito  Territory.  See 

Central  America:  Nicaragua:  A.  D.  1905. 

A.  D.  1905  (June).  — Change  in  the  office 
of  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons. — After 
a service  of  more  than  ten  years  in  the  speaker’s 
chair  of  the  House  of  Commons,  Mr.  W.  C. 
Gully  resigned,  on  account  of  failing  health, 
and  the  Deputy  Speaker,  Mr.  J.  W.  Lowther, 
was  chosen  in  his  place,  with  no  dissent.  Sub- 
sequently, Mr.  Gully  was  raised  to  the  peerage 
and  received  an  annual  grant  of  £5000  for  life. 

A.  D.  1905  (June).  — Frauds  in  the  sale  of 
surplus  army  stores  in  South  Africa. — An 
exciting  scandal,  connected  with  the  sale  of  sur- 
plus army  stores,  in  South  Africa,  after  the  clos- 
ing of  the  Boer  War,  came  to  light  in  June.  It 
was  found  that  stores  had  been  sold  to  certain 
contractors  at  very  low  prices,  and  then  repur- 
chased at  high  figures  under  new  contracts  en- 
tered into  with  the  same  contractors.  Several 
army  officers,  including  two  colonels,  were  im- 
plicated in  what  the  investigating  committee 
described  mildly  as  “a  cleverly  arranged  con- 
trivance.” 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — New  Defensive  Agree- 
ment with  Japan.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). — Resignation  of  the 
Viceroyalty  of  India  by  Lord  Curzon.  See 
India  : A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Resignation  of  the  Bal- 
four Ministry.  — The  Liberal  Party  in  power. 
- — Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  Prime 
Minister.  — His  Cabinet.  — His  attitude  to- 
ward Ireland.  — Strength  of  the  Labor  Party 
in  Parliament.  — Its  representative  in  the 
Cabinet.  — The  Education  Act  of  1902,  the  apos- 
tasy of  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  his  Conserva- 


tive Unionist  followers  from  British  Free  Trade 
principles,  proclaimed  in  1903,  and  the  Licensing 
Act  of  1904,  had  each,  in  turn,  been  productive 
of  bitter  disagreements  and  ruptures  which 
rapidly  lowered  the  strength  of  the  party  in 
power.  It  had  been  in  control  of  the  Govern 
ment  since  1895,  when  its  opposition  to  Irish 
Home  Rule  was  endorsed  by  a large  majority. 
The  next  election,  in  1900,  during  the  war  in 
South  Africa,  reinforced  its  Parliamentary 
support,  and  it  could  count,  during  the  two 
years  following,  on  more  than  400  votes  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  against  about  268.  After 
that  period  its  Parliamentary  majority  in  the 
popular  chamber  ran  down,  until,  in  the  later 
months  of  1905,  it  was  no  more  than  75  or  76. 
This  would  have  been  an  ample  majority  if  it 
had  represented  an  equivalent  preponderance  of 
public  support,  which,  manifestly,  it  did  not. 
For  three  years  the  “ by-elections,”  — that  is,  the 
special  elections  ordered  for  filling  vacancies  in 
the  House  as  they  occurred, — had  been  going 
steadily  against  the  Government,  and  nobody 
doubted  that  a general  election  would  throw  it 
out.  It  was  challenged  again  and  again  to  give 
the  country  an  opportunity  to  express  its  feeling 
in  the  matter,  by  a dissolution  of  Parliament, 
without  waiting  for  any  nearer  approach  to  the 
end  of  the  term.  This  it  would  not  do;  but,  on 
the  4th  of  December,  1905,  the  Premier,  Mr.  Bal- 
four, surprised  the  country,  and  likewise  his 
own  Cabinet,  it  was  said,  by  placing  his  resig- 
nation in  the  hands  of  the  King. 

This  proceeding  was  regarded  as  an  artful 
manoeuvre  in  politics,  for  the  embarassment  of 
the  opposition.  As  explained  at  the  time  by  a 
journalist  who  wrote  of  it  on  the  side  of  the  lat- 
ter, — “ The  Liberals  naturally  desired  that  the 
country  should  have  an  opportunity  of  going  to 
the  polls  on  the  clear  issue  raised  by  the  record 
of  ten  years  of  Tory  administration.  They  re- 
garded Mr.  Balfour  and  his  party  as  being  in  the 
dock,  and  before  they  took  office  they  wished  to 
have  the  verdict  of  the  country  returned  by  the 
votes  of  the  electors.  But  this,  for  equally  ob- 
vious reasons,  Mr.  Balfour  wished  to  avoid.  By 
resigning  now,  he  compelled  his  opponents  to 
undertake  the  task,  first  of  forming  a new  admin- 
istration, with  all  the  risks  which  it  involves  of 
personal  slight  and  sectional  differences,  and, 
secondly,  of  facing  the  risk  of  any  untoward  in- 
cident arising  in  the  next  few  weeks  which 
might  be  used  against  the  new-born  govern- 
ment. It  also  would  enable  them  to  obscure  to 
a certain  extent  the  real  issue  before  the  country. 
Instead  of  simply  voting  for  or  against  Mr.  Bal- 
four and  his  administration,  they  would  be  asked 
to  express  their  opinion  upon  a new  ministry, 
which  had  not  had  any  opportunity  of  giving 
the  country  a taste  of  its  quality.  But  as  Mr. 
Balfour  could  not  be  compelled  to  stay  in  when 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  go  out,  and  as  it 
was  such  a relief  to  get  rid  of  him  on  any  terms, 
the  Liberals  consented  to  face  the  disadvantages 
of  taking  office  before  the  dissolution.” 

Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  was  invited 
by  the  King  to  form  a Ministry,  and  accepted  the 
Commission.  The  organization  of  his  Cabinet 
was  completed  within  the  week  following  Mr. 
Balfour’s  resignation,  and  it  took  office  at  once. 
Parliament  was  dissolved  on  the  8th  of  January, 
1906,  and  a new  Parliament  was  summoned  to 
meet  on  February  13th.  Elections  began  on  the 


233 


ENGLAND,  1905-1906 


ENGLAND,  1905-1906 


12th  of  January  and  were  finished  for  the  most 
part  by  the  19th.  In  their  total  result,  they  re- 
turned 375  Liberals  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
55  Labor  representatives,  who  would  act  on  most 
questions  with  the  Liberals,  and  83  Irish  Nation- 
alists, whose  attitude  towards  the  new  Ministry 
would  depend  upon  its  attitude  on  Irish  ques- 
tions, aud  seemed  more  likely  to  be  friendly  than 
otherwise.  Against  this  array  on  the  side  of  Sir 
Henry  and  his  colleagues,  of  pledged  partisans 
and  conditional  allies,  the  Conservative  Union- 
ists had  Secured  an  Opposition  in  the  House  that 
numbered  only  157.  The  political  overturn  was 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  that  the  United  King- 
dom has  ever  known. 

The  Cabinet  as  formed  when  Sir  Henry  Camp- 
bell-Bannerman took  office  was  made  up  as  fol- 
lows: 

Prime  Minister  and  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury, 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman. 

Lord  Chancellor,  Sir  Robert  T.  Reid. 

Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Herbert  H.  As- 
quith. 

Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Sir  Ed- 
ward Grey. 

Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  the  Earl  of 
Elgin. 

Secretary  of  State  for  War,  Richard  B.  Haldane. 
Secretary  of  State  for  Home  Affairs,  Herbert  J. 
Gladstone. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India,  John  Morley. 

First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  Lord  Tweedmouth. 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  David  Lloyd- 
George. 

President  of  the  Local  Government  Board,  John 
Burns. 

Chief  Secretary  for  Scotland,  John  Sinclair. 
President  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  Earl  Car- 
rington. 

Postmaster-General,  Sydney  C.  Buxton. 

Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  James  Bryce. 

Lord  President  of  the  Council,  the  Earl  of  Crewe. 
Lord  of  the  Privy  Seal,  the  Marquis  of  Ripon. 
President  of  the  Board  of  Education,  Augustine 
Birrell. 

Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  Sir  Henry 
H.  Fowler. 

The  following  were  not  members  of  the  cab- 
inet, but  formed  part  of  the  administration: 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  the  Earl  of  Aber- 
deen. 

Under  Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  Winston  L. 
Churchill. 

First  Commissioner  of  Works,  Louis  Vernon- 
Harcourt. 

Attorney-General,  John  Lawson  Walton. 
Solicitor-General,  William  S.  Robson. 

That  Lord  Rosebery  had  no  place  in  the  new 
Liberal  administration  was  due  to  his  wide  dis- 
agreement with  most  of  the  leaders  of  his  party 
on  the  question  of  Home  Rule  for  Ireland. 
When  he  succeeded  Mr.  Gladstone  as  Prime  Min- 
ister, in  1894,  he  quite  distinctly  discarded  that 
line  of  Irish  policy  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work,  England:  A.  D.  1894-1895),  and  his  an- 
tagonism to  it  had  undergone  no  change.  On 
the  other  hand,  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman 
had  remained  faithfully  sympathetic  with  Mr. 
Gladstone’s  idea  of  Ireland’s  due  from  England, 
and  had  reannounced  his  standing  on  it  in  a re- 
cent speech.  “My opinion,”  he  said,  “has  long 
been  known  to  you.  It  is  that  the  only  way  of 
healing  the  evils  of  Ireland,  — difficulties  of  her 


administration,  of  giving  contentment  and  pros- 
perity to  her  people,  and  of  making  her  a strength 
instead  of  a weakness  to  the  empire, — is  that 
the  Irish  people  should  have  the  management  of 
their  own  domestic  affairs ; and  so  far  from  this 
opinion  fading  and  dwindling  as  the  years  pass, 
it  is  becoming  stronger,  and,  what  is  more,  I 
have  more  confidence  in  its  realization.  ...  If  I 
were  asked  for  advice  by  an  ardent  Nationalist, 
I would  say  my  desire  is  to  see  the  effective 
management  of  Irish  affairs  in  the  hands  of  a 
representative  Irish  party.  ...  I trust  that  the 
opportunity  of  making  a great  advance  on  this 
question  of  Irish  government  will  not  long  be 
delayed,  and  when  that  opportunity  comes  my 
firm  belief  Is  that  a greater  measure  of  agreement 
than  hitherto  as  to  the  utimate  solution  will  be 
found  possible,  and  that  a keener  appreciation 
will  be  felt  of  the  benefits  that  will  flow  to  the 
Irish  communities  and  British  people  throughout 
the  world,  and  that  Ireland,  from  being  disaf- 
fected, impoverished,  and  discouraged,  will  take 
its  place  as  a strong,  harmonious,  and  contented 
portion  of  the  empire.” 

That  Sir  Henry,  maintaining  this  posture  on 
the  Irish  question  of  questions,  could  be  the 
accepted  leader  of  the  Liberal  party  and  the 
Premier  of  Government,  afforded  clear  evidence 
that  the  party,  and  the  country  which  confided 
power  to  that  party,  were  at  least  more  nearly 
prepared  to  make  the  great  concession  to  Ireland 
than  they  were  to  refuse  it ; but  the  question 
entered  slightly  into  the  parliamentary  canvass, 
though  the  Conservative-Unionists  strove  hard 
to  make  it  the  dominant  issue.  The  public  mind 
was  occupied  so  fully  with  the  fiscal  and  educa- 
tional controversies  of  the  last  three  years  that 
the  motives  in  its  voting  came  mostly  from 
them.  The  mandates  of  the  vote  were  under- 
stood to  be  especially  for  the  amending  of  recent 
legislation  on  those  subjects  and  on  the  terms  of 
the  licensing  of  the  liquor  trade.  It  was  equally 
understood  that  Irish  measures  in  the  Gladstone 
spirit  should  be  looked  for,  not  hastily  under- 
taken, but  in  due  time. 

The  fact  of  most  impressive  significance  in  the 
result  of  the  parliamentary  elections  was  the 
sudden  weight  that  had  been  given  in  the  House 
of  Commons  to  the  representation  of  Labor  by 
laboring  men.  Since  1903  (see,  in  this  vol., 
Labor  Organization  : England:  A.  D.  1900- 
1906;  1903 ; and  Socialism  : England)  the  Labor 
Party  had  emerged  in  British  politics  as  a force 
to  be  taken  into  serious  account.  Of  its  55 
members  in  the  new  Parliament  a considerable 
number  had  been  elected  by  a combination  of 
Liberal  and  Labor  votes;  but  the  same  combina- 
tion went  as  often  to  the  increase  of  the  Liberal 
representation.  One  large  section  of  the  Labor 
voters,  organized  under  the  name  of  the  Inde- 
pendent Labor  Party,  stood  aloof  from  such 
alliances  entirely.  It  had  been  formed  some 
years  before,  under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Keir  Ilardie, 
a Scottish  miner,  with  Socialistic  beliefs,  but 
opposed  to  the  aims  of  the  Marxian  Socialists, 
and  expecting  nothing  substantially  beneficial 
to  the  working  class  from  any  political  party. 
His  mission  was  to  create  a Labor  Party  that 
would  fight  its  own  battles  on  its  own  ground. 
He  made  no  great  headway  until  the  Taff  Vale 
decision  of  1902  roused  the  British  Trade  Unions 
to  fight  for  their  lives.  That  brought  them  into 
the  ranks  of  the  Independent  Labor  Party,  and 


234 


ENGLAND,  1905-1906 


ENGLAND,  1906 


prepared  it  for  the  powerful  showing  it  made 
in  the  elections  of  January,  1906,  when  it  polled 
303,000  votes,  and  elected  30  members  who  are 
free  lances  in  the  House.  The  remaining  25 
Labor  Members  act  with  these  on  labor  questions, 
but  otherwise  are  to  be  reckoned  as  allies  of  the 
Liberal  Party. 

Foremost  among  these  latter  is  Mr.  John 
Burns,  who  represents  the  Labor  Party  not  only 
in  Parliament  but  in  the  Ministry  of  Govern- 
ment, being  the  first  of  his  class  to  be  called  to 
a Cabinet  seat.  A London  editor  who  wrote  of 
him  when  he  took  that  seat  said : “ He  has  been 
a working  engineer,  a strike  leader,  labor  agita- 
tor, a Loudon  County  Councilor  for  eighteen 
years,  and  member  of  Parliament  for  fourteen. 
He  is  a great  leader  who  never  had  a party,  but 
whose  influence  has  been  felt  in  every  labor 
movement  in  England  for  the  last  twenty  years. 
The  labor  and  social  policy  of  the  London 
County  Council  has  been  largely  inspired  and 
directed  by  him.  He  has  also  molded  labor  leg- 
islation in  Parliament.  Mr.  Burns  has  ‘ scorned 
delights  and  lived  laborious  days  ’ for  the  sake 
of  the  workers.  He  is  an  avowed  Socialist.  He 
has  never  changed  his  principles,  only  modified 
his  methods.  He  is  a real  Fabian,  a skillful 
opportunist,  a tireless  worker,  and  a first-rate 
organizer.  Since  he  became  a Socialist  who 
does  things,  he  has  been  ostracized  by  the  Soci- 
alists who  only  agitate.  Mr.  Burns  is  exercising 
great  influence  within  the  Cabinet,  and  is  one 
of  the  men  in  the  confidence  and  in  the  secrets 
of  the  Prime  Minister,  who  seeks  his  advice 
in  many  matters  outside  Mr.  Burns’s  depart- 
ment.” 

The  same  writer  gave  the  following  account 
of  the  many  important  duties  and  great  respon- 
sibilities of  the  office  filled  by  Mr.  Burns,  as  the 
President  of  the  Local  Government  Board,  which 
supervises  the  administration  of  local  govern- 
ment in  all  England  and  Wales  : “As  President 
of  the  Local  Government  Board,  Mr.  Burns  has 
multifarious  duties  committed  to  his  charge. 
He  has  to  sanction  local  loans,  supervise  the 
finances  of  local  authorities,  hold  inquiries  into 
proposed  new  undertakings,  exercise  the  (almost) 
legislative  powers  which  Parliament  has  dele- 
gated to  him  by  way  of  provisional  orders,  and 
is  armed  with  large  powers  of  initiative,  inspec- 
tion, revision,  and  veto,  so  that  in  some  respects 
he  can  revolutionize  the  whole  system  of  local 
administration.  In  the  domain  of  Poor  Law  his 
authority  is  paramount.  He  revises,  for  ex- 
ample, the  rules  and  regulations  which  guide 
the  system  of  relief  and  the  administration  of 
the  Poor  Law,  passes  plans  for  new  workhouses, 
settles  the  wages  of  the  nurses  and  porters,  and 
fixes  the  amount  of  snuff  (if  any)  which  a pau- 
per may  receive.  Sanitary  legislation  is  also 
under  his  supervision,  as  he  acts  as  Minister  of 
Public  Health,  and  beyond  the  more  strictly 
local  governmental  functions  belonging  to  bis 
department  there  is  the  social  side  of  his  work, 
such  as  the  administration  of  the  Allotments 
Acts,  the  Unemployed  Act,  inquiring  into  hous- 
ing conditions,  etc  ” 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Sudden  German  hostil- 
ity to  the  Anglo-French  agreement  concern- 
ing Morocco.  — Demand  for  an  International 
Conference.- — The  Conference  at  Algeciras 
and  the  Act  signed  there.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eu- 
rope: A.  D.  1905-1906. 


A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Pan-Islamic  agitation  in 
Egypt. — Menacing  attitude  of  Turkey. — The 
Tabah  incident.  See  Eoypt  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — Action  in  Persia  during 
the  Constitutional  Revolution.  See  Persia. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Aliens  Act. — A new 
policy  of  restriction  on  the  admission  of 
aliens.  — Its  working. — See  Immigration: 
England  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — ■ Progress  in  cooperative 
organizations  of  industry.  See  Labor  Remu- 
neration: Cooperative  Organization. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Prevention  of  Corruption  Act. 
See  Crime  and  Criminology. 

A.  D.  1906  (March).  — Report  of  Royal  Com- 
mission on  Labor  Disputes.  See  Labor  Organ- 
ization: England:  A.  D.  1906  (March). 

A.  D.  1906  (April).  — Convention  for  deter- 
mining and  marking  the  Alaska  Boundary 
Line.  See  Alaska:  A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (April-Dee.). — Fate  of  the  Lib- 
eral Education  Bill,  passed  by  the  Commons 
and  killed  by  Amendments  in  the  House  of 
Lords. — Resolution  of  the  Commons,  contem- 
plating a change  of  Constitutional  Law  re- 
specting the  Legislative  Powers  of  the 
House  of  Lords. — When  the  Education  Bill 
brought  forward  by  the  Government  in  April 
and  passed  by  the  Commons  in  December  (see, 
in  this  vol..  Education:  England:  a.  d.  1906) 
had  been  killed  by  destructive  amendments  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  the  Prime  Minister,  Sir 
Henry  Campbell-Bannerman,  proposed  to  the 
House  of  Commons  a resolution,  which  was 
adopted,  declaring  that  “the  power  of  the  other 
house  to  alter  or  reject  bills  passed  by  this  house 
should  be  so  restricted  by  law  as  to  secure  that 
within  the  limits  of  a single  Parliament  the  final 
decision  of  the  House  of  Commons  shall  pre- 
vail.” In  plainer  words,  this  proposed  an  amend- 
ment of  what  has  been,  since  1832,  an  unwritten 
but  understood  rule  of  the  British  Constitution, 
namely,  that  the  House  of  Lords  cannot  defeat  a 
measure  which  has  been  passed  by  the  Commons 
in  successive  parliaments,  and  thus  certified,  by 
an  intervening  election,  as  being  the  embodiment 
of  a popular  demand.  The  proposed  amendment 
is  to  give  the  force  of  law  to  a repeated  enact- 
ment of  the  House  of  Commons,  even  ‘ ‘ within 
the  limits  of  a single  Parliament,”  and  without 
the  intervention  of  an  election. 

The  Premier  has  explained  that  this  resolution 
is  adopted  only  to  foreshadow  action  which  the 
Government  intends  to  take  at  some  convenient 
future  time.  So  far  as  indicated  by  the  Premier’s 
resolution,  he  and  his  colleagues,  if  they  do  any- 
thing affecting  the  peers  in  Parliament,  will  not 
touch  the  existing  composition  of  the  aristocratic 
house,  but  will  only  shorten  the  suspense  in 
which  it  may  hold  legislation  that  is  persisted 
in  by  the  popular  house.  As  now  exercised,  the 
practical  effect  of  the  suspensive  veto  of  the 
Lords,  if  not  submitted  to  by  the  government,  is 
to  bring  about  what  is  actually  a referendum 
of  the  question  at  issue  to  the  people.  The  pro- 
posed constitutional  amendment  would  elimi- 
nate the  referendum  and  empower  the  Commons 
to  override  the  opposition  of  the  Lords. 

The  legislative  function  of  the  House  of  Lords 
would  not  differ  substantially  then  from  that 
performed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
Acts  of  Congress  require  the  approval  of  the  Pre- 
sident to  make  them  law.  His  disapproval  sends 


ENGLAND,  1906 


ENGLAND,  1907 


them  back  to  Congress  for  reenactment,  if  two- 
thirds  of  both  houses  persist  in  them ; annulling 
them  if  they  do  not.  The  function  is  simply  a 
critical  one,  and  involves  no  exercise  of  legisla- 
tive powers,  if  the  language  of  our  Constitution  is 
correct;  for  that  instrument,  in  the  first  section 
of  its  first  article,  says:  “all  legislative  powers 
herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a Congress  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a Senate 
and  a House  of  Representatives.”  Thus  the  re- 
ference of  legislation  to  the  President  for  his 
approval  or  disapproval  is  not  recognized  as  a 
grant  to  him  of  participation  in  the  exercise  of 
legislative  powers.” 

In  this  view  the  British  House  of  Lords,  when 
its  part  in  legislation  is  reduced,  like  that  of  the 
American  President,  to  mere  criticism,  expressed 
in  approval  or  a suspensive  veto,  cannot  rightly 
be  regarded  as  a legislative  body,  and  Parlia- 
ment can  hardly  be  counted  among  the  bicameral 
legislatures,  as  we  have  counted  it  hitherto.  The 
House  of  Commons  will  hold  all  the  powers  of 
legislation ; the  House  of  Lords  will  be  its  official 
critic,  commissioned  only  to  make  it  think  twice 
in  the  enactment  of  some  of  its  laws. 

The  King  has  no  voice  now  in  the  making  of 
British  laws,  although,  when  his  prerogatives 
are  described,  it  is  still  said  that  “he  may  re- 
fuse the  royal  assent  to  any  bills.”  Two  hundred 
years  ago  it  ceased  to  be  prudent  for  royalty  to 
exercise  that  prerogative,  and  Queen  Anne,  in 
1707,  asserted  it  in  practice  for  the  last  time. 
The  sovereigns  of  the  reigning  House  of  Han- 
over have  never  enjoyed  the  satisfaction  of  re- 
fusing assent  to  an  act  of  Parliament.  Even 
George  III.  did  hot  venture  it,  though  he  stoutly 
asserted  his  right. 

A.  D.  1906  (May).  - — Withdrawal  of  the  last 
British  garrison  from  Canada.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1906  (May). 

A.  D.  1906  (Sept.).  — Army  Orfler  insti- 
tuting the  General  Staff.  See  War,  The  Pre- 
parations for  : Military. 

A.  D.  1906  (Dec.).  — Broadened  self-gov- 
ernment extended  to  the  Transvaal  and  the 
Orange  River  Colony.  See  South  Africa  : 
A.  D.  1905-1907. 

A.  D.  1906  (Dec.).  — Passage  of  the  Work- 
men’s Compensation  Act.  See  Labor  Protec- 
tion. 

A.  D.  1907. — Drink  in  its  relation  to  crime. 

See  Alcohol  Problem  : England:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). — Act  legalizing  Mar- 
riage with  a Deceased  Wife’s  Sister. — The 
following  are  the  main  provisions  of  the  Act  to 
legalize  marriage  with  a deceased  wife’s  sister 
which,  after  many  years  of  agitation  by  its 
advocates  and  many  defeats  in  Parliament,  was 
passed  finally  in  1907  : 

“1.  No  marriage  heretofore  or  hereafter  con- 
tracted between  a man  and  his  deceased  wife’s 
sister,  within  the  realm  or  without,  shall  be 
deemed  to  have  been  or  shall  be  void  or  voidable, 
as  a civil  contract,  by  reason  only  of  such  affinity : 
Provided  always  that  no  clergyman  in  holy 
orders  of  the  Church  of  England  shall  be  liable 
to  any  suit,  penalty,  or  censure,  whether  civil  or 
ecclesiastical,  for  anything  done  or  omitted  to  be 
done  by  him  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  of 
his  office  to  which  suit,  penalty,  or  censure  he 
would  not  have  been  liable  if  this  Act  had  not 
been  passed: 

“ Provided  also  that  when  any  minister  of  any 


church  or  chapel  of  the  Church  of  England  shall 
refuse  to  perform  such  marriage  service  between 
any  persons  who,  but  for  such  refusal,  would  be 
entitled  to  have  the  same  service  performed  in 
such  church  or  chapel,  such  minister  may  per- 
mit any  other  clergyman  in  holy  orders  in  the 
Church  of  England,  entitled  to  officiate  within 
the  diocese  in  which  such  church  or  chapel  is 
situate,  to  perform  such  marriage  service  in 
such  church  or  chapel. 

“ Provided  also  that  in  case,  before  the  passing 
of  this  Act,  any  such  marriage  shall  have  been 
annulled,  or  either  party  thereto  (after  the  mar- 
riage and  during  the  life  of  the  other)  shall  have 
lawfully  married  another,  it  shall  be  deemed  to 
have  become  and  to  be  void  upon  and  after  the 
day  upon  which  itwassoanulled,  or  upon  which 
either  party  thereto  lawfully  married  another  as 
aforesaid. 

“2.  No  right,  title,  estate  or  interest,  whether 
in  possession  or  expectancy,  and  whether  vested 
or  contingent  at  the  time  of  the  passing  of  this 
Act,  existing  in,  to,  or  in  respect  of,  any  dignity, 
title  of  honour,  or  property,  and  no  act  or  thing 
lawfully  done  or  omitted  before  the  passing  of 
this  Act  shall  be  prejudicially  affected  nor  shall 
any  will  be  deemed  to  have  been  revoked  by 
reason  of  any  marriage  heretofore  contracted  as 
aforesaid  being  made  valid  by  this  Act. 

“3. — (1)  Nothing  in  this  Act  shall  remove 
wives  from  the  class  of  persons  adultery  with 
whom  constitutes  a right,  on  the  part  of  wives, 
to  sue  for  divorce  under  the  Matrimonial  Causes 
Act,  1857. 

“(2)  Notwithstanding  anything  contained  in 
this  Act  or  the  Matrimonial  Causes  Act,  1857,  it 
shall  not  be  lawful  for  a man  to  marry  the  sister 
of  his  divorced  wife,  or  of  his  wife  by  whom  he 
has  been  divorced,  during  the  lifetime  of  such 
wife. 

“ 4.  Nothing  in  this  Act  shall  relieve  a clergy- 
man in  holy  orders  of  the  Church  of  England 
from  any  ecclesiastical  censure  to  which  he 
would  have  been  liable  if  this  Act  had  not  been 
passed  by  reason  of  his  having  contracted  or 
hereafter  contracting  a marriage  with  his  de- 
ceased wife’s  sister. 

“5.  In  this  Act  the  word  ‘ sister  ’ shall  include 
a sister  of  the  half-blood.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Probation  of  Offenders  Act. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology  : Pro- 
bation. 

A.  D.  1907.  — F rench  testimony  to  the  good 
work  of  the  English  in  Egypt.  See  Egypt  : 
A.  D.  1907  (Jan.). 

A.  D.  1907  (April-May). — Conference  of 
Imperial  and  Colonial  Ministers  at  London.  — 
Discussing  Preferential  Trade,  Imperial  De- 
fence, and  other  subjects.  — Resolutions 
adopted.  See  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907  (May).  — Proposed  Councils  Bill 
for  Ireland  rejected  by  the  Irish  National 
Party.  See  Ireland:  A.  D.  1907  (May). 

A.  D.  1907  (July).  — Capture  of  Kaid  Sir 
Harry  MacLean  in  Morocco  for  ransom,  by 
Raisuli.  See  Morocco:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.).  — Convention  with  Rus- 
sia containing  arrangements  on  the  subject  of 
Persia,  Afghanistan,  and  Tibet.  See  Europe: 
A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.).  — Establishment  of  a 
Court  of  Criminal  Appeal.  See  Law,  and  its 
Courts  : England. 


236 


ENGLAND,  1907 


ENGLAND,  1907-1908 


A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). — Qualification  of  women 
for  election  to  County  and  Borough  Councils. 

See  Elective  Franchise  : Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.).  — Patents  and  Designs 
Act.  See  Patents. 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.).  — Abortive  Compromise 
Education  Bill.  See  Education  : England: 
A.  D.  1907  (Nov.). 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.). — Treaty  with  France, 
Germany,  Norway,  and  Russia  guaranteeing 
the  integrity  of  Norway.  See  Europe  : A.  D. 
1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.).  — Treaty  with  France 
concerning  Death  Duties.  See  Death  Duties. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Institution  of  the  Terri- 
torial Force.  See  War,  The  Preparations 
for:  Military. 

A.  D.  1907-1908. — Proposals  in  the  House 
of  Lords  of  Reform  in  its  Constitution.  — 

Consequent,  no  doubt,  on  the  increase  of  pop- 
ular hostility  to  the  House  of  Lords  which  it 
had  provoked  by  its  dealing  with  the  Education 
Bill  of  1906,  and  the  serious  threatenings  of  an 
undertaking  in  the  House  of  Commons  to  “end 
or  mend  ” it  as  a branch  of  Parliament,  the 
Lords,  in  1907,  gave  thought  among  themselves 
to  the  expediency  of  a constitutional  reforma- 
tion of  their  House.  In  February,  a bill  was 
proposed  to  them  by  Lord  Newton  which  pro- 
vided in  its  first  two  articles  as  follows  : 

“ 1. — (1)  After  the  termination  of  the  present 
session  of  Parliament  a writ  of  summons  to  at- 
tend and  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  House  of  Lords 
shall  not  be  issued  to  any  temporal  peer  of  the 
peerage  of  England  entitled  by  descent  to  an 
hereditary  seat  in  the  House  of  Lords  (in  this 
Act  referred  to  as  an  hereditary  peer),  unless  he 
is  a representative  or  a qualified  hereditary  peer 
within  the  meaning  of  this  Act,  nor  to  any  lord 
spiritual,  unless  he  is  a representative  lord  spir- 
itual within  the  meaning  of  this  Act.” 

“2.  For  the  purposes  of  this  Act  the  expres- 
sion ‘ qualified  hereditary  peer  ’ means  an  he- 
reditary peer  who  possesses  any  of  the  qualifi- 
cations specified  in  the  First  Schedule  to  this 
Act.  ” 

The  schedule  referred  to  was  as  follows: 
“Qualifications  entitling  an  Hereditary 
Peer  to  a Writ  of  Summons:  I.  The  holding 
at  any  time  of  any  of  the  following  OflBces  : — - 

1.  High  judicial  office,  within  the  meaning  of 
the  Appellate  Jurisdiction  Acts,  1876  and  1887. 

2.  The  office  of  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
President  of  the  Council,  or  Head  (not  being  a 
permanent  Civil  Servant)  of  any  other  Govern- 
ment Department.  3.  The  office  of  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  and  Secretary  to  the  Lord 
Lieutenant.  4.  Office  of  Viceroy  of  India,  or  a 
Governor  of  the  Presidency  of  Madras  or  Bom- 
bay, or  of  Lieutenant-Governor  of  any  Province 
of  India.  5.  Office  of  Governor-General  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  or  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Australia,  or  of  High  Commissioner  of  South 
Africa,  or  of  Governor  of  any  Colony.  6.  The 
Office  of  Parliamentary  Under  Secretary,  Par- 
liamentary Secretary,  or  permanent  Under  Sec- 
retary, in  any  Government  Department.  7. 
Office  of  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  or  member  of 
the  Army  Council.  8.  Office  of  Minister  pleni- 
potentiary, or  any  higher  office,  in  His  Majesty’s 
Diplomatic  Service.  9.  Office  of  Vice-Admiral, 
or  any  higher  office,  in  His  Majesty’s  Naval 


Forces,  or  of  Lieutenant-General,  or  any  higher 
office,  in  His  Majesty’s  Land  Forces. 

“II.  Election  to  serve  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons on  not  less  than  two  occasions  before  suc- 
ceeding to  the  peerage." 

In  addition  to  the  hereditary  peers  thus  qual- 
ified to  sit  in  the  House  of  Lords  as  proposed  to 
be  reformed,  the  Bill  provided  for  the  election 
by  the  peers,  from  their  own  number,  of  repre- 
sentatives, to  the  extent  of  one-fourth  of  their 
whole  number;  and  likewise  for  the  election  by 
the  lords  spiritual,  from  their  ranks,  of  represent- 
atives in  the  same  proportion  of  number ; such 
representatives  to  form  part  of  the  House  of 
Lords  in  Parliament.  It  authorized,  further, 
the  appointment  by  the  King  of  peers  for  life, 
to  be  “ peers  of  Parliament,”  these  never  to  ex- 
ceed one  hundred  in  number. 

Debate  on  the  Bill  in  May  resulted  in  the  sub- 
stitution for  it  of  a resolution,  that  “a  Select 
Committee  be  appointed  to  consider  the  sugges- 
tions which  have  from  time  to  time  been  made 
for  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  House  of 
Lords  in  matters  affecting  legislation,  and  to 
report  as  to  the  desirability  of  adopting  them, 
either  in  their  original  or  in  some  modified 
form.”  The  report  of  the  Committee  (twenty  - 
five  in  number,  having  Lord  Rosebery  for  its 
elected  chairman)  was  not  brought  in  until 
near  the  close  of  the  following  year.  Its  recom- 
mendations were  considerably  on  the  lines  of 
the  Bill  described  above.  It  suggested  that  the 
reformed  House  of  Lords  should  be  made  up  of 
three  classes  of  members,  namely,  hereditary 
peers  who  had  held  certain  high  public  offices  — 
much  the  same  as  those  scheduled  in  Lord  New- 
ton’s Bill;  two  hundred  representative  “Peers 
of  Parliament,”  elected  from  the  whole  body  of 
the  peerage,  not  for  life,  but  for  a single  Parlia- 
ment, and  ten  lords  spiritual,  to  include  the  two 
archbishops  and  eight  bishops  to  be  elected. 
The  self-governing  colonies,  in  the  judgment  of 
the  Committee,  should  be  represented  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  twenty  years  of  service  in 
the  House  of  Commons  should  entitle  an  Irish 
peer  to  a seat  in  it. 

The  plan  submitted  by  the  Committee  would 
reduce  the  House  from  617  members  to  about 
350.  No  action  has  been  taken  on  the  report. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — The  Small  Holdings 
Act.  — The  first  year  of  its  operation. — In 
1907  an  Act  passed  Parliament  which  provided 
for  the  acquisition  by  local  authorities  of  land  to 
he  divided  into  small  holdings  for  sale  or  lease 
to  buyers  or  tenants  who  could  not  otherwise  be 
placed  on  it  for  self-support.  The  results  from 
the  first  year’s  operation  of  the  Act  was  reported 
in  September,  1909,  by  the  Board  of  Agriculture 
and  Fisheries,  which  administers  the  law.  The 
following  are  statements  from  the  report  of  the 
Board  : ‘ ‘ Stated  shortly,  the  result,  so  far  as 
small  holdings  are  concerned,  of  the  first  year’s 
work  since  the  Small  Holdings  and  Allotments 
Act,  1907,  came  into  operation  has  been  that 
23,285  applications  have  been  received  by  county 
councils  for  373,601  acres,  that  13,202  applicants 
have  been  approved  provisionally  as  suitable, 
that  the  estimated  quantity  of  land  required  for 
the  suitable  applicants  is  185,098  acres,  that  21,- 
417  acres  have  been  acquired  by  county  councils, 
of  which  11,346  acres  have  been  purchased  for 
£370,965,  and  10,071  acres  leased  for  total  rents 
amounting  to  £11,209,  that  the  land  acquired 


237 


ENGLAND,  1907-1908 


ENGLAND,  1908 


will  provide  for  about  1,500  of  the  applicants, 
and  that  504  of  them  were  in  actual  possession 
of  their  holdings  on  December  31,  1908. 

“It  may  seem  at  first  sight  that  the  progress 
that  has  been  made  in  satisfying  the  keen  de- 
mand for  small  holdings  which  the  Act  has  dis- 
closed has  been  small,  but  the  figures  do  not  give 
at  all  an  adequate  idea  of  the  amount  of  work 
that  has  been  actually  done.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that  practically  the  whole  of  the  first  six 
months  of  the  year  were  occupied  in  the  prelim- 
inary work  of  constituting  committees,  issuing 
forms,  receiving  and  tabulating  applications  and 
holding  local  inquiries,  and  that  until  this  work 
was  completed  little  progress  could  be  made  in 
the  acquisition  of  land.  . . . The  rate  at  which 
land  is  being  acquired  is  now  increasing  rapidly, 
and  we  have  little  doubt  that  by  Michaelmas, 
1909,  not  less  than  50,000  acres  will  have  been 
obtained.  In  addition  to  the  holdings  which 
have  been  provided  by  county  councils,  the  re- 
turns we  have  obtained  show  that  over  700  ap- 
plicants have  been  supplied  with  holdings  by 
landowners  direct,  mainly  through  the  interven- 
tion of  the  councils. 

“ In  considering  the  results  already  accom- 
plished it  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
problem  is  to  fit  particular  men  to  particular 
land,  and  not  merely  to  acquire  whatever  land 
may  be  in  the  market  and  to  offer  it  in  small  hold- 
ings. The  great  majority  of  the  applicants  desire 
land  in  close  proximity  to  their  homes,  and  it  is 
obviously  more  difficult  to  acquire  a large  num- 
ber of  detached  plots  than  to  take  a whole  farm 
or  estate  and  divide  it  into  a number  of  small 
holdings.  . . . 

“A  striking  feature  of  the  applications  made 
under  the  Act  has  been  the  small  extent  to  which 
the  applicants  desire  to  purchase  their  holdings. 
Out  of  the  23,295  applications  received  during 
the  year,  only  629,  or  2.7  per  cent.,  expressed 
a desire  to  purchase.  . . . The  Act  imposes  no 
direct  obligation  on  councils  to  provide  houses, 
but  we  are  of  opinion  that  where  an  applicant 
desires  a holding  to  which  he  will  devote  his 
whole  time  and  from  which  he  will  get  his  whole 
living  councils  should  be  prepared  to  erect  a 
house  and  the  necessary  buildings.” 

A.  D.  1907-1908  (Dec. -March).  — Appeals 
to  other  Powers  for  effective  measures  to 
rescue  Macedonia  from  its  dreadful  state.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Anglo-Russian  action 
in  Persia.  See  Persia  : A.  I).  1907,  and  after. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — The  Campaign  of  the 
Militant  Woman  Suffragists  or  Suffragettes. 
See  Elective  Franchise  : Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — The  disaffection  in  In- 
dia.— Its  character,  causes,  and  meaning. — 
Hindu  and  Moslem  feeling. — The  past  of 
British  Government  and  its  fruits.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Negotiation  by  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  of  a Gen- 
eral System  of  Conciliation  and  Arbitration 
Boards  for  Settlement  of  Labor  Disputes  in 
the  Railway  Service.  See  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : England  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Estimate  of  King  Edward 
VII.  as  a Diplomatist. — Mr.  Isaac  N.  Ford, 
the  American  newspaper  correspondent  in  Lon- 
don, has  much  well-informed  opinion  in  Europe 
and  America  to  support  him  in  the  following 


estimate  of  the  diplomatic  influence  exerted  by 
King  Edward,  which  he  expressed  in  January, 
1908  : “At  the  opening  of  King  Edward’s  reign 
Berlin  was  the  center  of  European  diplomacy, 
as  Paris  had  been  when  Bismarck  entered  upon 
his  series  of  machinations  and  triumphs.  The 
personal  ascendency  of  the  German  Emperor 
was  unchallenged  in  Europe.  ...  In  the  course 
of  seven  years  conditions  have  been  transformed. 
London  is  now  the  diplomatic  capital  of  Europe. 
Resentful  enemies  like  France  have  been  recon- 
ciled; friendships  with  America,  Austria-Hun- 
gary, Italy,  and  Spain  have  been  strengthened ; 
strained  relations  with  Russia  and  Germany 
have  been  eased ; and  by  the  alliance  with  Japan 
forces  have  been  readjusted  for  the  maintenance 
of  existing  order  in  the  Pacific.  A new  balance 
of  power  has  been  established  in  Europe,  and 
the  diplomatic  resources  of  the  British  Empire 
have  been  reinvigorated  and  enlarged.  While 
there  have  been  eminent  statesmen  in  the  British 
Foreign  Office  — Lord  Lansdowne  and  Sir  Ed- 
ward Grey  — these  transformations  have  been 
mainly  King  Edward’s  work.  Fifty  years  hence 
there  may  be  a true  sense  of  proportion,  so  that 
his  services  as  an  empire-builder  and  a peace- 
maker can  be  judged  aright.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Invitation  of  an  International 
Naval  Conference  preliminary  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  International  Prize  Court. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1907  (appended  to  account  of  Second  Peace 
Conference  at  The  Hague). 

A.  D.  1908.  — Municipal  and  County  Offices 
opened  to  Women.  See  Elective  Franchise  : 
Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1908.  — North  Sea  and  Baltic  agree- 
ments. See  Europe:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Passage  of  the  Coal  Mines 
Eight  Hours  Act.  See  Labor  Protection: 
Hours  of  Labor. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Rejection  of  the  Liberal 
Licensing  Bill  by  the  House  of  Lords.  See 
Alcohol  Problem : England:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (March). — Communication  to 
the  Belgian  Government  respecting  obliga- 
tions involved  in  its  proposed  annexation  of 
the  Congo  State.  See  Congo  State:  A.  D. 
1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  - — Resignation  and 
Death  of  Prime  Minister  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 
Bannerman.  — Succession  of  Herbert  H.  As- 
quith. — Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  was 
forced  by  ill  health  to  resign  the  premiership  on 
the  5th  of  April,  1908,  and  his  death  occurred  on 
the  22d  of  the  same  month.  He  was  succeeded 
in  the  headship  of  the  Government  by  Mr.  Her- 
bert H.  Asquith,  previously  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  whose  place  in  the  latter  office  was 
filled  by  Mr.  David  Lloyd-George.  Mr.  Lloyd- 
George  had  been  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
and  that  office  was  now  filled  by  Mr.  Winston 
Churchill,  while  Mr.  Reginald  McKenna  became 
First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  Den- 
mark, France,  Germany,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Sweden  for  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo  on 
the  North  Sea.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  the 
United  States  respecting  the  Demarcation 
of  the  International  Boundary  between  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1908  (April). 


ENGLAND,  1908 


ENGLAND,  1909 


A.  D.  1908  (Sept.).  — Withdrawal  of  inter- 
vention in  Macedonia.  See  Turkey  : A.  D. 
1908  (July-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1908  ( Dec.).  — Passage  of  “ The  Chil- 
dren Act.”  See  Children,  under  the  Law  : 
As  Dependents  and  Offenders. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.).  — The  Shipbuilding 
Agreement  between  Employers  and  Trade 
Unions  to  prevent  strikes  and  lockouts.  See 
Labor  Organization  : England  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Attitude  on  the  question 
of  the  Austrian  annexation  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908-1909 
(Oct. -March). 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Old  Age  Pensions  Act. 
— Its  working.  — Its  disclosures  of  pov- 
erty. See  Poverty,  Problems  of  : Pensions, 
&c. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Passage  of  the  Indian 
Councils  Bill.  — Its  provisions  for  popular 
representation  in  the  Legislative  Councils 
of  India.  See  India  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Chief  source  of  Food  Sup- 
plies. See  Argentine  Republic  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Concentration  of  Wealth. 
See  Wealth,  The  Problems  of. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Development  and  Road  Im- 
provement Funds  Act.  See  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources  : Great  Britain. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Naval  questions.  — “ Dread- 
nought ” building.  — Distrust  of  Germany.  — 
The  Territorial  Force,  etc.  See  War,  The 
Preparations  for. 

A.  D.  1909. — Official  reports  and  state- 
ments concerning  Public  Education.  See  Edu- 
cation : England  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Passage  of  the  Housing  and 
T own-planning  Act.  See  Social  Betterment  : 
England  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909. — Principal  Socialist  organiza- 
tions. See  Socialism. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Report  of  Royal  Commission 
on  the  working  of  the  Poor  Laws  and  Relief 
Systems,  and  the  existing  pauperism  of  the 
United  Kingdom.  See  Poverty. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Summary  of  the  total  pro- 
spective military  defensive  strength  of  the 
Empire.  See  British  Empire:  A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — The  Waterways  Treaty 
with  the  United  States,  concerning  waters 
along  the  Canadian  boundary.  See  Canada  : 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — The  Opening  of  Parlia- 
ment.— The  session  of  Parliament  was  opened 
by  the  King  with  due  form  and  ceremony  on 
February  16.  “ The  Royal  procession  from  Buck- 
ingham Palace  to  Westminster,”  says  a report  of 
the  occasion,  “took  place  in  the  dim  grey  light 
of  a typical  February  afternoon,  and  the  pageant 
lost  much  of  its  beauty  in  consequence.  In  spite 
of  the  cold  wind  and  the  absence  of  the  genial 
sunshine  which  is  such  a valuable  asset  on  occa- 
sions of  spectacular  display,  there  appeared  to 
be  as  many  people  as  ever  along  the  route  of  the 
procession.  These  formal  openings  of  Parlia- 
ment, which  have  become  customary  since  the 
beginning  of  the  present  reign,  are  clearly  pop- 
ular with  those  of  the  King’s  subjects  who  know 
nothing,  except  by  hearsay,  of  the  impressive 
scenes  which  are  to  be  witnessed  in  the  House 
of  Lords.  The  immense  crowds  who  assembled 
to  watch  the  King  and  Queen  pass  yesterday, 
waiting  patiently  for  hours  in  order  to  enjoy  a 


few  minutes’  ecstatic  sight-seeing,  welcomed 
their  Majesties  with  a cordiality  of  the  meaning 
of  which  there  could  be  no  doubt.  The  King 
and  Queen,  in  their  wonderful  gold  coach,  with 
its  sides  of  glass,  must  have  been  gratified  with 
the  respect  and  affection  which  were  manifested 
from  all  quarters.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Debate  in  Parliament 
on  the  annexation  of  the  Congo  State  by 
Belgium.  — Recognition  of  the  annexation 
dependent  on  reforms.  See  Congo  State  : 
A.  D.  1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.). — Represented  in  Inter- 
national Opium  Commission  at  Shanghai. 

See  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — Representation  of 
the  People  Bill. — Proposed  Universal  Suf- 
frage, including  women.  — Its  second  read- 
ing. — On  the  20th  of  March,  1909,  the  second 
reading  of  a bill  described  as  “ the  Represent- 
ation of  the  People  Bill  ” was  moved  and  sec- 
onded in  the  House  of  Commons.  Its  provisions 
were  substantially  for  universal  suffrage  ,includ 
ing  women.  In  explaining  the  measure,  the 
member  who  moved  the  second  reading  — a re- 
presentative of  the  Labor  party,  Mr.  Howard  — 
said:  “It  was  difficult,  if  not  almost  impossi- 
ble, to  deal  with  a reform  of  the  franchise  with- 
out at  the  same  time  dealing  with  woman  suf- 
frage, and  it  was  difficult  to  deal  with  woman 
enfranchisement  without  at  the  same  time  mak- 
ing some  alteration  in  the  existing  franchise  law 
which  should  meet  the  condition  of  the  new  ele- 
ments proposed  to  be  placed  on  the  register. 
The  House  must  face  the  situation  as  a whole 
and  handle  the  two  reforms  in  one  scheme,  be- 
cause by  a coordinated  Bill  there  would  be  a 
better  chance  of  getting  nearer  a settlement.  In 
the  Bill  that  he  submitted  to  the  House  there 
was  no  abolition  of  any  old  franchise.  It  pro- 
posed to  create  a residential  franchise  in  order 
to  do  away  with  the  hardships  which  any  one 
with  a knowledge  of  registration  knew  to  exist 
in  connexion  with  the  occupation  vote  of  men. 
The  second  clause  provided  for  a restriction  of 
plural  voting,  and  the  third  clause  related  to  the 
removal  of  the  sex  disqualification.” 

Before  debate  began  another  member  pre- 
sented a monster  petition  against  the  political 
enfranchisement  of  women,  said  to  contain  243,- 
000  signatures. 

The  atittude  of  the  Government  toward  the 
bill  was  explained  by  Mr.  Asquith,  the  Premier. 
It  was  well  known,  he  said,  that  on  the  issue 
whether  women  should  be  granted  the  suffrage 
Ministers  were  not  of  one  mind.  But  they  were 
strongly  in  favour  of  a wide  reform  of  the  exist- 
ing suffrage.  They  desired  the  abolition  of 
plural  voting,  the  disappearance  of  the  artificial 
distinctions  between  occupiers  and  lodgers,  the 
material  shortening  of  the  period  of  qualification, 
and  an  effective  simplification  of  the  machinery 
of  registration.  But  any  measure  to  bring  about 
these  reforms  ought,  in  his  opinion,  if  it  was  to 
take  its  place  on  the  Statute-book,  to  proceed 
from  the  responsible  Government  of  the  day, 
and  to  be  carefully  remoulded  in  the  light  of 
prolonged  Parliamentary  discussion.  For  these 
reasons  he  thought  it  was  not  necessary  that 
the  members  of  the  Government  should  vote  for 
the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  under  considera- 
tion. 

After  some  hours  of  debate  the  closure  was 


239 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


moved  and  the  second  reading  of  the  bill  was 
carried  by  157  votes  against  122. 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — Defeat  of  the  Pro- 
gressives in  the  London  County  Council  Elec- 
tion. See  London:  A.  D.  1909  (March). 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — Cession  by  Siam  of 
suzerainty  over  three  States  in  the  Malay 
Peninsula.  See  Siam  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (March-July).  — The  question  of 
“ Dreadnought”  building,  with  reference  to 
the  accelerated  expansion  of  the  German 
Navy.  — Debates  in  Parliament  and  excite- 
ment in  the  country.  See  War,  The  Prepa- 
rations for  : Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — The  National  Debt  of 
the  United  Kingdom.  — The  following  official 
statement  of  the  national  debt  of  the  United  King- 
dom was  published  in  April,  1909:  “On  the 
1st  April,  1908,  the  aggregate  gross  liabilities  of 
the  State  amounted  to  £762,326,051.  On  the  1st 
April,  1909,  the  corresponding  figure  was  £754,- 
121,309,  showing  a reduction  of  £8,204,742. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Announced  Govern- 
mental projects  of  Afforestation,  and  other 
measures  for  Development  of  Natural  Re- 
sources. See  (in  this  vol. ) Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources  : Great  Britain. 

A.  D.  1909  (April-Dee.).  — Mr.  Lloyd- 
George’s  Budget.  — Its  features  of  taxa- 
tion, denounced  as  Socialistic.  — Seven 
months  of  vehement  debate.  — Adopted  by 
the  Commons  and  rejected  by  the  Lords. — 
Warnings  to  the  Lords  against  their  action. 
— Preparation  for  appeal  to  the  people.  — 
The  29th  of  April,  1909,  when  the  financial  pro- 
posals of  the  Government  for  meeting  the  needs 
of  the  coming  year,  called  “ the  Budget,”  were 
brought  before  Parliament,  and  the  30th  of  the 
following  November,  when,  after  seven  months 
of  arduous  and  angry  debate,  and  after  their 
adoption  by  a great  majority  of  the  Commons, 
the  Bill  embodying  them  was  overwhelmingly 
rejected  by  the  Lords,  will  be  memorable  dates 
In  English  history  if  the  consequences  of  the 
action  of  the  Peers  are  what,  at  this  writing, 
they  seem  likely  to  be.  Even  failing  those  con- 
sequences, the  production  of  the  Budget  will  be 
in  itself  an  event  of  no  small  moment,  from  what 
it  signifies  of  the  development  of  democracy  in 
Great  Britain. 

Asa  formulated  “Finance  Bill,”  the  Budget 
was  not  submitted  to  the  House  of  Commons 
and  to  the  public  in  print  until  the  28th  of  May. 
It  was  then  entitled  “A  Bill  to  grant  certain 
Duties  of  Customs  and  Inland  Revenue  (includ- 
ing Excise),  to  alter  other  Duties,  and  to 
amend  the  Law  relating  to  Customs  and  Inland 
Revenue  (including  Excise),  and  the  National 
Debt,  and  to  make  other  provisions  for  the  Finan- 
cial Arrangements  of  the  Year.”  Until  then  its 
provisions  were  known  only  from  the  statement 
of  them  made  four  weeks  before  by  the  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer,  Mr.  David  Lloyd- 
George,  in  a speech  extended  through  several 
hours,  which  even  his  opponents  were  forced  to 
characterize  as  “a  wonderful  effort.” 

The  Chancellor’s  explanation  of  the  Budget 
rested  primarily  on  the  fact  that  an  anticipated 
deficit  of  £15,762,000  required  to  be  filled  from 
new  sources  of  revenue.  Of  the  main  causes  of 
the  deficit  he  said  : “Were  I dealing  with  a 
shortage  due  only  to  a temporary  cause  like  fore- 
stalments,  I might  have  resorted  to  some  tempo- 


rary shift  which  would  have  carried  me  over 
until  next  year  when  the  revenue  would  resume 
its  normal  course.  But  unfortunately  I have  to 
reckon  not  merely  with  an  enormous  increase  in 
expenditure  this  year,  but  an  inevitable  expan- 
sion of  some  of  the  heaviest  items  in  the  course 
of  the  coming  years.  What  is  the  increase  of 
expenditure  due  to  ? It  is  very  well  known  that 
it  must  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  two  items,  and 
practically  two  items  alone.  One  is  the  Navy, 
and  the  other  is  old-age  pensions.  Now  I have 
one  observation  which  I think  I am  entitled  to 
make  about  both.  . . . The  increased  expendi- 
ture under  both  these  heads  was  substantially 
incurred  with  the  unanimous  assent  of  all  politi- 
cal parties  in  this  House.  There  was,  it  is  true, 
a protest  entered  on  behalf  of  lion,  members  be- 
low the  gangway  against  increased  expenditure 
in  the  Navy,  but  as  far  as  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  members  in  this  House  are  con- 
cerned the  increase  has  received  their  sanction 
and  approval.  I am  entitled  to  say  more.  The 
attitude  of  the  Government  towards  these  two 
branches  of  increased  expenditure  has  not  been 
one  of  rushing  a reluctant  House  of  Commons 
into  expense  which  it  disliked,  but  rather  of 
resisting  appeals  coming  from  all  quarters  of 
the  House  for  still  further  increases  under  both 
heads.  . . . 

“We  are  told  that  we  ought  not  to  have 
touched  old-age  pensions,  at  least  not  at  the  pre- 
sent moment,  when  heavy  liabilities  were  in 
sight  in  connexion  with  the  defence  of  the  coun- 
try. I may  point  out  that  when  we  introduced 
our  Old-Age  Pensions  Bill  that  emergency  had 
not  arisen.  But,  apart  altogether  from  that,  we 
had  no  honourable  alternative  left.  We  simply 
honoured  a cheque  drawn  years  ago  in  favour  of 
the  aged  poor,  which  bore  at  its  foot  the  signa- 
tures of  all  the  leaders  of  political  parties  in  this 
country.  They  had  all  promised  pensions  at 
election  after  election,  and  great  political  parties 
have  no  right  to  make  promises  to  poor  people 
in  return  for  political  support,  valuable  to  them, 
and  all  these  people  had  to  give,  and  then  time 
after  time  return  the  bill  with  ‘ No  assets  ’ writ- 
ten across  it.” 

Proceeding  next  to  survey  the  “ inevitable  ex- 
pansion ” of  future  expenditure  to  which  he  had 
referred  at  the  outset,  and  which  could  be  fore- 
seen in  connection  with  the  navy  and  with  social 
reform,  the  Chancellor  dealt  at  length  on  the 
demands  that  were  pressing  from  the  latter  side 
and  would  not  be  postponed.  “What  the  Gov- 
ernment have  to  ask  themselves,”  he  said,  “is 
this  : Can  the  whole  subject  of  further  social  re- 
form be  postponed  until  the  increasing  demands 
made  upon  the  National  Exchequer  by  the 
growth  of  armaments  has  ceased  ? Not  merely 
can  it  be  postponed,  but  ought  it  to  be  post- 
poned ? Is  there  the  slightest  hope  that  if  we 
deferred  consideration  of  the  matter  we  are  likely 
within  a generation  to  find  any  more  favourable 
moment  for  attending  to  it  ? I confess  that,  as 
to  that,  I am  rather  pessimistic.  And  we  have 
to  ask  ourselves  this  further  question  — If  we 
put  off  dealing  with  these  social  sores  are  the 
evils  which  arise  from  them  not  likely  to  grow 
and  to  fester  until  finally  the  loss  which  the 
country  sustains  will  be  infinitely  greater  than 
anything  it  would  have  to  bear  in  paying  the 
cost  of  an  immediate  remedy  ? There  arc  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  men,  women,  and  children 


240 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


in  tins  country  now  enduring  hardships  for 
which  the  sternest  judge  would  not  hold  them 
responsible ; hardships  entirely  due  to  circum- 
stances over  which  they  have  not  the  slightest 
command  — the  fluctuations  and  changes  of 
trade,  or  even  of  fashions,  ill-health,  and  the 
premature  breakdown  or  death  of  the  bread- 
winner. . . . Last  year,  while  we  were  discus- 
sing the  Old-Age  Pensions  Bill,  all  parties  in  this 
House  recognized  fully  and  freely  that  once  we 
had  started  on  these  lines  the  case  for  extension 
was  irresistible.  The  leader  of  the  Opposition, 
in  what  I venture  to  regard  as  the  most  not- 
able speeches  he  has  probably  delivered  during 
this  Parliament,  recognized  quite  boldly  that, 
whichever  party  was  in  power,  provision  would 
have  to  be  made  in  some  shape  or  other  for  those 
who  are  out  of  work  through  no  fault  of  their 
own,  and  those  who  are  incapacitated  for  work 
owing  to  physical  causes  for  which  they  are  not 
responsible.” 

The  speaker  then  developed  at  length  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Government  on  these  lines  of 
social  reform,  which  will  have  to  include  under- 
takings of  some  system  like  the  German,  of 
compulsory  insurance  against  sickness,  accident 
and  unemployment,  and  which  will  have  to  look 
to  the  organization  of  labor  exchanges  and  to  the 
opening  of  wider  fields  for  employment,  by  de- 
velopment of  neglected  resources  of  the  country, 
through  afforestation,  through  promotion  of 
agriculture,  and  the  extension  and  improvement 
of  roads. 

And  now,  at  last,  he  began  to  unfold  his  plans 
for  raising  the  means  with  which  to  deal  with 
all  these  augmented  demands  on  the  Government, 
and  started  them  with  a schedule  of  increased 
taxes  on  automobiles.  Further  details  of  his 
scheme  are  summarized  in  the  following,  from 
The  Times  “Review  of  Parliament,”  next  morn- 
ing : 

“ The  right  hon.  gentleman  was  listened  to 
with  intense  attention  when  he  proceeded  to  an- 
nounce an  increase  of  the  income-tax  and  of  the 
estate  duty.  He  proposed  that  for  earned  in- 
comes under  £2,000  the  tax  should  remain  at  9d. 
but  that  between  £2,000  and  £3,000  it  should  be 
Is.,  and  that  all  other  incomes  now  liable  to  the 
shilling  tax  should  pay  Is.  2d.  Holding  that 
the  family  man  was  entitled  to  more  relief  than 
the  bachelor,  he  proposed  that  on  all  incomes 
under  £500,  in  addition  to  existing  abatements, 
a special  abatement  should  be  allowed  of  £10 
for  every  child  under  16  years  of  age.  He  hoped 
to  get  £160,000  by  the  partial  restoration  of  the 
shilling  duty  and  £3,000,000  from  the  additional 
2d.  on  the  higher  incomes.  There  was  also  to 
be  a super -tax  on  incomes  exceeding  £5,000,  to 
be  levied  on  the  amount  by  which  such  incomes 
exceeded  £3, 000.  The  tax  would  be  at  the  rate 
of  6d.  in  the  pound.  Exclamations  denoting 
great  disapproval  arose  from  the  Unionist  benches 
when  this  was  announced.  The  yield  from  this 
super-tax,  Mr.  Lloyd-George  explained,  would 
be  in  a full  year  £2,300,000 ; but  this  year  not 
more  than  £500,000.  He  next  came  to  the 
Death  duties.  There  would  be  no  change  in  the 
case  of  estates  up  to  £5,000,  but  between  this 
limit  and  the  limit  of  two  millions  graduation 
would  be  steepened.  The  duty  on  estates  be- 
tween £5,000  and  £10,000  would  be  4 per  cent. ; 
“between  £10,000  and  £20,000,  5 per  cent.  ; £20,- 
000  to  £40,000,  6 per  cent.  ; £40,000  to  £70,000, 


7 per  cent.  ; £70,000  to  £100,000,  8 per  cent. ; 
£100,000  to  £150,000,  9 per  cent.  ; £150,000  to 
£200,000,  10  per  cent.; £200,000  to  £400,000,  11 
per  cent.;  £400,000  to  £600,000,  12  per  cent.; 
£600,000  to  £800,000,  13  per  cent. ; £800,000  to 
£1,000,000,  14  per  cent.,  and  above  £1,000,000, 
15  per  cent.  This  new  scale  was  estimated  to 
yield  £2,550,000  this  year,  £4,200,000  next  year, 
and  afterwards  £4,400,000.  The  settled  Estate 
duty  he  raised  from  1 per  cent,  to  2 per  cent. 
From  this  source  he  hoped  to  get  £50,000  this 
year  and  £375,000  in  1910-1911.  The  Legacy 
and  Succession  duty  was  to  be  raised  in  some 
cases  from  3 per  cent,  to  5 per  cent.,  and  in  all 
others  to  10  per  cent.  The  yield  from  this  next 
year  would  be  £1,300,000,  and  would  increase  in 
the  course  of  time  to  £2,150,000.  Property  alien- 
ated inter  vivos  within  five  years  from  death  was 
to  be  liable  to  duty.  Objects  of  national  and 
scientific  interest  would  only  be  chargeable  for 
duty  when  they  were  actually  sold.  There  were 
to  be  increased  duties  in  bonds  to  bearer  and  in 
stock  and  share  transfers.  The  estimated  yield 
from  the  increased  Stamp  Duties  would  be  this 
year  £650,000. 

“It  was  at  this  point  in  his  speech  that  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  required  rest  and 
that  the  sitting  was  suspended.  When  in  half-an- 
hour’s  time  it  was  resumed,  the  right  hon.  gentle- 
man continued  his  speech  with  renewed  vigour. 
He  dealt  at  considerable  length  with  the  subject 
of  licenses,  dwelling  on  the  value  of  the  monopoly 
granted  to  the  liquor  trade  and  arguing  that  the 
toll  exacted  by  the  public  was  ludicrously  inade- 
quate. He  explained  in  detail  a number  of  changes 
which  he  proposed  to  eifect,  the  chief  being  a 
uniform  charge  of  50  per  cent.,  subject  to  a mini- 
mum rate  in  urban  areas  according  to  population. 
For  clubs  there  would  be  a poundage  rate  of  3d. 
on  the  amount  taken  for  the  sale  of  liquor.  The 
yield  from  his  revision  of  the  liquor  licensing  law 
would  be  £2,600,000. 

“Then  he  turned  to  land,  drawing  a marked 
distinction  between  the  agricultural  landowner 
and  the  urban  landowner,  of  whom  he  spoke 
with  some  scorn.  He  proposed  to  levy  a tax 
on  the  value  accruing  to  land  in  the  future 
through  the  enterprise  of  the  community,  taking 
the  land  apart  from  buildings  and  other  improve- 
ments. This  duty  of  20  per  cent,  on  unearned 
increment  would  be  payable  on  two  occasions 
— when  land  was  sold  and  when  land  passed  at 
death.  A preliminary  valuation  of  the  land  at 
the  price  which  it  might  be  expected  to  fetch 
at  the  present  time  would  be  necessary;  and  as 
the  tax  was  to  be  imposed  only  on  the  unearned 
increment  subsequently  accruing  on  that  valua- 
tion, the  yield  would  probably  be  only  £50,000 
in  1909,  but  in  future  years  it  should  prove  a 
fruitful  source  of  revenue.  It  was  further  pro- 
posed to  levy  an  annual  duty  of  one  halfpenny 
in  the  pound  on  the  capital  value  of  undeveloped 
land  and  undeveloped  minerals.  Until  the  pro- 
posed valuation  of  the  land  of  the  United  King- 
dom on  a capital  basis  was  completed,  it  would 
be  impossible  to  estimate  the  yield  of  this  duty, 
but  till  then  the  duty  would  be  calculated  on 
the  declarations  of  the  owners,  and  in  the  cur- 
rent year  he  expected  it  to  bring  in  £350,000.  A 
10  per  cent,  reversion  duty  was  to  be  imposed 
on  any  benefit  accruing  to  a lessor  on  the  termi- 
nation of  a lease,  and  from  this  source  a yield 
of  £100,000  was  anticipated.  The  three  land 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


taxes  were,  accordingly,  calculated  to  produce 
£500,000  in  the  current  year. 

“ He  next  dealt  with  indirect  taxation.  He 
proposed  to  raise  the  present  duty  on  spirits 
by  3s.  9d.  per  gallon.  This  would  justify  an 
increase  in  the  retail  price  of  whisky  of  one  half- 
penny per  glass,  which  would  recoup  the  pub- 
lican for  the  additional  duty  and  leave  him  some- 
thing more  to  mitigate  the  pressure  of  the  new 
duties  on  licenses.  The  yield,  during  the  cur- 
rent year,  he  estimated  at  £1,600,000.  He  also 
proposed  to  increase  the  duty  on  unmanufac- 
tured tobacco  from  3s.  to  3s.  8d.  per  lb.,  with 
equivalent  additions  to  the  rates  for  cigars,  cig- 
arettes, and  manufactured  tobacco,  the  return 
from  which  he  estimated  at  £1,900,000  during 
the  current  year  and  £2,250,000  for  a full  year. 

‘ ‘ The  total  estimated  revenue  was  £162,590,000 
and  the  total  estimated  expenditure  £162,102,000, 
leaving  a margin  of  £488,000  for  contingencies. 
In  conclusion,  the  right  hon.  gentleman  — anti- 
cipating the  charge  that  he  was  imposing  very 
heavy  taxation  for  a time  of  peace  — declared  it 
was  a war  Budget.  The  Government  had  de- 
clared implacable  war  against  poverty.  It  was 
8 o’clock  when  the  right  lion,  gentleman  finished, 
amid  the  cheers  of  his  supporters.” 

That  Mr.  Lloyd-George’s  Budget  was  a gage 
of  battle  and  that  the  fight  over  it  was  fierce  is 
known  to  everybody,  for  the  din  of  the  conflict 
penetrated  to  every  corner  of  every  land.  The 
key-note  of  the  outcry  against  it  was  sounded  in 
The  Times  of  next  morning,  which  opened  its 
editorial  comment  with  these  words:  “ One  gen- 
eral impression  will  be  very  widely  made  by  the 
complicated  and  portentous  Budget  which  Mr. 
Lloyd-George  expounded  at  enormous  length 
yesterday.  That  is  that  the  huge  deficit  of 
nearly  sixteen  millions  is  to  be  raised  almost  ex- 
clusively at  the  cost  of  the  wealthy  and  the  fairly 
well-to-do.  They  are  struck  at  in  all  sorts  of 
ways,  through  the  income-tax,  the  legacy  duties, 
the  estate  duties,  the  stamps  upon  their  invest- 
ments, their  land,  their  royalties,  their  brewery 
dividends,  and  their  motor-cars.  So  when  Mr. 
Lloyd  George  exclaims  rather  theatrically  — 
‘ Mr.  Emmott,  this  is  a war  Budget,’  his  words 
carry  a meaning  which  he  did  not  intend.  He 
talks  of  waging  war  against  poverty,  but  that 
is  never  really  waged  by  unjust  exactions  from 
those  whose  custom  prevents  a worse  poverty 
than  any  we  know  ; and  whose  brains  and  cap- 
ital count  for  at  least  as  much  as  thews  and 
sinews.  Unless  men  exempt  from  income-tax 
either  smoke  or  drink,  they  do  not  pay  a single 
penny  towards  making  up  a deficit  mainly  due 
to  a pension  scheme  of  which  they  reap  the 
whole  benefit.  The  doctrine  of  social  ransom 
has  never  been  carried  quite  so  far.” 

So  it  was  branded  by  its  opponents  as  a “ So- 
cialist Budget”  and  its  authors  as  allies  of 
Socialism,  throughout  the  campaign.  This  de- 
nunciation was  applied  especially  to  the  tax  on 
unearned  increments  of  value  in  land,  as  such 
increments  should  occur  hereafter.  On  that 
point  of  opposition  to  the  Budget  Mr.  Asquith, 
the  Prime  Minister  of  the  Government,  speaking 
at  a public  meeting  in  London,  had  this  to  say  : 
“ The  increment  duty  is  a tax  of  20  per  cent,  on 
the  increase  in  the  capital  value  of  certain  kinds 
of  land  which  is  shown  on  the  occasion  of  its 
transfer  or  devolution,  and  which  is  not  attribut- 
able to  the  efforts  or  to  the  expenditure  either  of 


the  owner  or  the  occupier.  That  is  what  the 
increment  duty  is.  Now  what  is  it  not?  I spoke 
a few  moments  ago  of  certain  classes  of  land. 
Let  me  ask  you  to  observe,  first,  what  are  the 
kinds  of  landed  property  which  are  altogether 
exempted  from  the  scope  of  this  taxation.  In 
the  first  place,  all  agricultural  land  which  has 
no  building  value  above  its  agricultural  value  ; 
next,  small  properties  occupied  by  their  owners; 
thirdly,  property  belonging  to  local  authorities  ; 
again,  property  held  for  public  or  charitable  pur- 
poses ; and,  finally,  property  belonging  to  statu- 
tory companies,  such  as  railways,  which  cannot 
be  used  for  other  than  statutory  purposes.  . . . 

“ Now,  suppose  the  case  of  land  which  does 
not  fall  within  any  of  those  exempted  categories, 
how  is  the  duty  charged  ? Here,  again,  there  is 
a great  deal  of  misapprehension  about  it,  so  it 
is  better  to  state  the  case  as  clearly  as  one  can. 
You  start  with  the  site  value  of  the  land  at  the 
present  moment,  and  by  site  value  — I am  not 
going  into  technicalities — we  mean,  roughly 
speaking,  the  value  of  the  land  divested  of  the 
buildings.  You  do  not  go  back  into  the  past, 
you  take  things  as  they  are;  you  do  not  rip  up 
the  previous  history;  you  do  not  interfere  with 
existing  or  past  contracts.  You  give  to  every 
man,  however  he  has  acquired  it,  the  full  and 
undisturbed  enjoyment  of  the  rights,  privileges, 
and  property  which  he  at  present  possesses. 
Starting  with  that  datum  line,  you  will  see  that 
in  years  to  come,  when  that  piece  of  land  is 
transferred  by  sale  — it  may  be  by  lease  — or 
devolves  upon  death,  the  site  value  (you  are 
comparing  like  with  like,  mind  you)  at  that 
date  — that  is  to  say,  the  value  after  giving  the 
owner  and  every  one  who  has  been  interested  in 
the  land  credit  for  all  expenditure  they  have 
made  in  the  way  of  improvement  and  develop- 
ment in  the  interval  — comparing  site  with  site, 
if  you  find  an  increment  in  value  there,  you  say 
that  jt  is  an  increment  due  to  the  community, 
to  social  causes,  to  causes  over  which  the  owner 
was  no  more  responsible  than  you  or  I,  and  that 
it  is  not  unfair  in  point  of  justice,  and  that  it 
is  in  the  highest  degree  expedient  in  point 
of  policy  that  the  State  should  be  entitled  to 
claim  for  itself  in  relief  of  the  necessities  of  the 
same  community  some  part  — not  any  exagger- 
ated or  exorbitant  part  — but  some  part,  of  the 
increment  which  has  so  accrued.  I may  point  out 
that  there  is  no  duty  chargeable  at  all.  So  tender 
has  my  friend  Mr.  Lloyd-George  (laughter  and 
cheers)  been  to  the  interests  concerned  — he  is  a 
man  of  a most  sympathetic  nature  — sometimes 
I am  disposed  to  think  he  is  of  almost  too  im- 
pressionable a nature  when  appeals  of  this  kind 
are  addressed  to  him  — so  tender  has  he  been  of 
all  these  interests  that  he  has  agreed  that  no  duty 
should  be  chargeable  unless  the  increment  value 
amounts  to  at  least  10  per  cent.,  and  where  it  is 
over,  the  first  10  per  cent,  should  escape  free. 
That  is  the  increment  duty  which  Lord  Roths- 
child tells  you  — I think  I am  not  misquotiug 
him  — is  rank  and  undiluted  Socialism,  and  which 
Lord  Lansdowne  says  is  going  to  shake  the  very 
foundations  of  civilized  society.  . . . 

“ The  propriety  and  justice  of  taxing  this  kind 
of  increment,  in  the  case  of  these  classes  of  land, 
rests  upon  the  most  solid  ground  both  of  author- 
ity and  experience.  It  has  been  advocated  for 
generations  by  the  most  eminent  economists.  It 
has  been  recommended  in  one  shape  or  another 


242 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


by  more  than  one  Royal  Commission.  It  was  ap- 
proved in  principle  more  than  once  even  by  the 
late  non-progressive  House  of  Commons.  It  has 
been  put  in  practice  in  various  forms  for  local 
purposes  in  not  a few  Continental  municipalities 
and  in  many  of  our  own  Colonies,  and,  I believe, 
always  with  successful  results.  And  let  me  add, 
by  way  of  climax  to  that  catena  of  authority,  that 
it  is  at  this  moment,  or  at  any  rate  was  a few 
weeks  ago,  the  alternative  proposal  put  forward 
by  the  Conservative  party  in  the  Reichstag  in 
Germany  — an  increment  duty,  not  for  local  but 
for  Imperial  purposes,  was  the  alternative  pro- 
posal to  the  Budget  of  Prince  Billow  put  forward 
by  the  Conservative  party  in  the  Reichstag  in 
Germany,  and  this  is  rank  Socialism  ! ” 

Next  to  the  proposed  land  taxes,  the  most  bit- 
terly opposed  feature  of  the  Budget  was  the  in- 
creased revenue  to  be  exacted  from  the  licensed 
monopolists  of  the  liquor  trade.  Everything, 
however,  in  its  new  taxation  was  denounced  by 
the  Conservatives,  who  set  against  it  their  own 
project  of  obtaining  increased  revenues  by  re- 
turning to  the  protective  tariff  which  England 
had  abandoned  three-quarters  of  a century  ago. 
The  cry  for  what  they  preferred  to  call  “tariff 
reform”  had  been  silenced  since  the  election  of 
1906,  when  the  electors  of  the  Kingdom  rejected 
Mr.  Chamberlain's  revived  protectionism  by  an 
overwhelming  vote.  Now  it  was  raised  again, 
and  fully  made  the  prime  article  in  the  Conser- 
vative creed,  as  it  had  not  been  before. 

It  was  not  until  the  4th  of  November  that 
the  Finance  Bill  was  brought  to  its  third  read- 
ing in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  was  passed, 
by  the  heavy  majority  of  379  to  149.  From  the 
beginning  it  was  known,  of  course,  that  the 
measure  had  few  friends  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  would  go  down  in  defeat  there  if  the  Peers 
ventured  to  assume  the  right  to  negative  a 
money  Bill.  For  many  generations  they  had  not 
disputed  the  claim  of  the  Commons  to  exclu- 
sive control  of  revenue  legislation  ; but  a theory 
had  now  been  mooted,  that  Mr.  Lloyd-George’s 
Budget  Bill  differed  from  a mere  money  Bill  by 
carrying  Socialistic  implications  tacked  on  to  it, 
which  the  House  of  Lords  was  under  no  obliga- 
tion to  accept.  Whether  the  Lords  would  or 
would  not  be  bold  enough  to  act  on  this  theory 
and’ throw  down  the  Bill,  as  they  had  thrown 
down  so  much  of  the  non-financial  legislation 
of  the  Liberal  Government,  had  been  a serious 
question  throughout  the  debates.  Sir  Edward 
Grey  said  of  it,  in  a speech  at  Leeds,  in  August : 
“ As  to  the  fate  of  the  Budget  — Is  it  going  to 
be  destroyed  by  the  House  of  Lords  or  is  it  not  ? 
The  leaders  of  the  Tory  party  — with  whom  the 
decision  rests — are  very  cautious  in  expressing 
their  opinions.  Some  of  the  rank  and  file  have 
said  the  House  of  Lords  is  going  to  destroy  the 
Budget,  or  have  spoken  as  if  it  were  so.  But 
the  leaders  — Mr.  Balfour,  Lord  Lansdowne,  and 
so  forth  — have  been  very  cautious.  They  are 
great  partisans  in  this  matter  of  the  open  door, 
or,  perhaps  I should  say,  of  two  open  doors. 
They  have  studiously  kept  two  doors  open,  and 
as  far  as  Lord  Lansdowne’s  utterances  go,  he 
has  kept  the  door  open  for  passing  the  Budget 
in  the  House  of  Lords  or  rejecting  it.  He  says 
the  House  of  Lords  is  bound  to  decide  so  that  the 
people  should  be  properly  consulted,  and  that 
that  is  the  function  of  the  House  of  Lords,  to 
protect  the  right  of  the  people  to  have  their  say 


on  the  subject.  A very  nice  function  if  only  it 
was  performed  impartially  ; but  when  it  is  a 
function  which  has  been  in  abeyance  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  last  20  years,  and  is  only  to  be 
erected  into  operation  when  a Liberal  Govern- 
ment comes  into  office,  it  is  not  a function  for 
which  we  can  have  much  respect.  But,  never- 
theless, it  is  so  in  our  Constitution  at  present 
that  the  House  of  Lords  is  a weapon  — a great 
gun,  if  you  like  to  call  it  so  — which  can  be 
pointed  only  against  Liberal  measures — not 
against  Conservative  measures  — and  which  is 
in  the  hands  of  the  Conservative  party.  Now 
there  is  the  Budget  going  presently  to  the  House 
of  Lords;  there  is  the  gun  pointing  when  it 
arrives  there ; there  is  the  Conservative  finger 
on  the  trigger.  Are  they  going  to  fire  the  gun 
or  not?  They  do  not  know  themselves  yet. 
They  are  debating  in  their  own  minds  what  will 
happen  if  they  fire  the  gun.  Will  they  destroy 
the  Budget,  or  will  the  recoil  be  more  injurious 
to  themselves  ? Or,  perhaps,  will  the  gun  burst 
altogether  if  they  let  it  off?  We  know  what 
their  wishes  and  inclinations  are ; what  we  do 
not  know  at  the  present  time  is  how  much  nerve 
they  have  got.  But  of  this  I am  convinced  — 
whatever  the  House  of  Lords  may  do,  when  the 
time  comes  for  an  appeal  to  the  country,  it  will 
be  an  appeal  on  this  Budget  as  a Free  Trade 
Budget,  and  against  the  alternative  of  tariff 
reform. 

Others  among  the  prominent  Liberals  spoke 
with  more  temper  of  the  threatened  action  of  the 
Lords.  Mr.  Winston  Churchill,  for  example,  at 
Leicester,  in  September,  said : “ The  rejection  of 
the  Budget  by  the  House  of  Lords  . . . would 
be  a violent  rupture  of  constitutional  custom  and 
usage  extending  over  300  years  and  recognized 
during  all  that  time  by  the  leaders  of  every 
party  in  the  State.  It  would  involve  a sharp 
and  sensible  breach  with  the  traditions  of  the 
past ; and  what  does  the  House  of  Lords  de- 
pend upon  if  not  upon  the  traditions  of  the 
past?  It  would  amount  to  an  attempt  at  revolu- 
tion not  by  the  poor,  but  by  the  rich ; not  by  the 
masses,  but  by  the  privileged  few ; not  in  the 
name  of  progress,  but  in  that  of  reaction ; not  for 
the  purpose  of  broadening  the  framework  of  the 
State,  but  greatly  narrowing  it.  Such  an  attempt, 
gentlemen,  whatever  you  may  think  of  it,  such 
an  attempt  would  be  historic  in  its  character,  and 
the  result  of  the  battle  fought  upon  it,  whoever 
wins,  must  inevitably  be  not  of  an  annual,  but 
of  a permanent  and  final  character.  The  result 
of  such  an  election  must  mean  an  alteration  of 
the  veto  of  the  House  of  Lords  ; if  they  win  they 
will  have  asserted  their  right,  not  merely  to  re- 
ject legislation  of  the  House  of  Commons,  but 
to  control  the  finances  of  the  country,  and  if 
they  lose  we  will  smash  to  pieces  their  veto.  I 
say  to  you  that  we  do  not  seek  the  struggle,  we 
have  our  work  to  do;  but  if  it  is  to  come,  it 
could  never  come  better  than  now.” 

V ery  soon  after  the  Bill  had  been  passed  over 
to  the  House  of  Lords  it  was  known  that  the 
Conservative  leaders  had  consented  to  its  death 
in  that  body.  What  may  be  called  the  death 
sentence  was  pronounced  on  the  22d  of  Novem- 
ber, when  Lord  Lansdowne  moved  the  following 
amendment  to  a motion  for  the  second  reading 
of  the  Bill : “ That  this  House  is  not  justified  in 
giving  its  consent  to  this  Bill  until  it  has  been 
submitted  to  the  judgment  of  the  country.” 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


Speaking  to  the  motion  with  great  seriousness 
he  said : “I  have  been  in  this  House  more  than 
40  years,  I owe  everything  to  its  indulgence,  and 
I say  from  the  depth  of  my  heart  that  it  is  my 
desire  to  do  nothing  unworthy  of  your  high  re- 
putation or  your  great  place  in  the  Constitution 
of  this  country.  But  I believe  that  the  worst  and 
most  damaging  thing  that  you  could  do  would 
be  that  you  should  fail  those  who  look  to  you 
as  the  guardians  of  their  greatest  constitutional 
right,  the  right  to  be  consulted  when  funda- 
mental political  changes  are  demanded  by  the 
Government  of  the  day  ; and.  my  lords,  depend 
upon  it  that  by  rejecting  this  Bill  you  will,  on  the 
one  hand,  insist  that  that  right  shall  be  respected  ; 
you  will  not  usurp  the  function  of  granting  aid 
and  supplies  to  the  Crown ; you  will  not  pro- 
nounce a final  verdict  upon  this  Bill,  bad  though 
you  may  believe  it  to  be  ; but  you  will  say  that 
it  is  a Bill  to  which  you  have  no  right  to  give 
your  indispensable  consent  until  you  are  assured 
by  the  people  of  the  country  that  they  desire  it 
to  pass  into  law.” 

In  the  week  of  debate  which  followed  many 
speeches  of  notable  force  and  impressiveness 
were  made  on  both  sides  ; but,  unquestionably, 
the  weightiest,  in  reasoning  and  feeling,  were 
those  which  came  from  opponents  of  the  Budget 
who  would  not  join  their  associates  in  the  step 
proposed,  but  warned  them  of  dangers  involved, 
to  the  existence  of  their  House  and  to  the  future 
of  parliamentary  government,  from  constitu- 
tional changes  which  no  man  could  forecalcu- 
late.  On  the  latter  point,  Lord  Rosebery  begged 
his  fellows  of  the  peerage  to  “remember  this: 
The  menaces  which  were  addressed  to  this  House 
in  old  days  were  addressed  by  statesmen  of  a 
different  school  and  under  a different  balance  of 
constitutional  forces  in  this  country.  The  men- 
aces addressed  to  you  now  come  from  a wholly 
different  school  of  opinion,  who  wish  for  a single 
Chamber  and  who  set  no  value  on  the  controlling 
and  revising  forces  of  a second  Chamber  — a 
school  of  opinion  which,  if  you  like  it  and  do  not 
dread  the  word,  is  eminently  revolutionary  in  es- 
sence, if  not  in  fact.  I ask  you  to  bear  in  mind 
that  fact  when  you  weigh  the  consequences  of 
the  vote  which  you  are  to  give  to-morrow  night. 

‘ Hang  the  consequences,’  said  my  noble  friend 
Lord  Camperdown  last  night.  That  is  a noble 
sentiment  and  a noble  utterance.  It  is  a kind  of 
Balaklava  charge,  and  nothing  more  intrepid 
could  be  said  by  any  of  us  if  we  had  not  to 
weigh  the  consequences,  not  to  the  individual, 
but  to  the  State  ; and  you  should  think  once, 
you  should  think  twice,  and  thrice,  before  you 
give  a vote  which  may  involve  such  enormous 
constitutional  consequences.” 

Lord  Balfour,  while  condemning  the  Bill,  con- 
demned still  more  the  proposition  that  the  House 
of  Lords  would  do  its  duty  in  compelling  a refer- 
endum to  the  people  on  the  measure.  A ques- 
tion in  finance,  he  said,  differs  from  all  others  in 
its  unfitness  for  this  treatment  in  Great  Britain. 
“If  you  are  to  establish  a system  whereby  this 
House  or  any  other  authority  had  the  right  of 
establishing  a referendum  as  it  is  called  — a re- 
ference to  the  people  in  matters  of  finance — you 
would  spoil  and  destroy  the  control  of  the  other 
House  of  Parliament  over  the  Government,  and 
you  would  make,  I venture  to  say,  perhaps  the 
most  momentous  change  in  the  Constitution,  as 
it  has  grown  up,  which  has  been  made  in  the 


whole  history  of  that  Constitution.  Take  it 
how  you  like,  if  you  pass  this  resolution,  if  you 
make  it  a precedent  — I care  not  with  what  safe- 
guards you  accompany  it,  whether  you  say  it  is 
only  to  be  done  on  extreme  occasions  or  by  any 
other  safeguard — you  have  made  a change  in 
the  practice  and  in  the  Constitution  which  will 
prevent  things  going  on  as  they  have  gone  on 
up  to  the  present  time.  My  lords,  if  you  win, 
the  victory  can  at  most  be  a temporary  one.  If 
you  lose  you  have  altered  and  prejudiced  the 
position,  the  power,  the  prestige,  the  usefulness 
of  this  House,  which  I believe  every  one  of  you 
honours  and  desires  to  serve  as  heartily  and  as 
thoroughly  as  I do  myself.  If  you  win  you  are 
but  beginning  a conflict.” 

Lord  James,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  Law 
Lords,  and  Lord  Cromer,  were  other  opponents 
of  the  Budget  who  earnestly  counselled  the  Up- 
per House  not  to  interfere  with  the  action  of  the 
Commons  on  this  measure  of  finance.  From  the 
side  of  the  few  Liberals  among  the  peers  came 
other  weighty  words  of  admonition,  spoken  es- 
pecially by  the  calm  and  thoughtful  Lord  Mor- 
ley  and  by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  presiding 
officer  of  their  House.  “ No  one,”  said  the  lat- 
ter, “will  be  so  simple  as  to  believe  that  the 
only  question  which  the  country  will  consider 
will  be  the  question  whether  this  Bill  ought  to 
pass  into  law.  Other  and  graver  questions  will 
be  raised.  We  have  been  in  office  for  four  years. 
In  1906  our  whole  time  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons was  taken  up  by  passing  an  Education 
Bill.  It  came  to  this  House.  It  was  wrecked, 
and  the  whole  labour  of  that  Session  was  thrown 
away.  The  following  year,  1907,  was  not  a 
year  of  very  great  enterprise  of  a legislative 
character.  In  1908  the  whole  time  of  the  House 
of  Commons  was  spent  in  passing  the  Licensing 
Bill,  a measure  the  loss  of  which  I regret  more 
than  I regret  the  loss  of  any  other.  It  came  up 
to  this  House.  It  was  not  alive  when  it  came 
here.  It  had  perished  by  the  stiletto  in  Berke- 
ley-square  before  it  ever  saw  this  House.  Now, 
again  in  1909,  after  a Session  of  unexampled 
labour,  the  House  of  Commons  has  presented 
to  your  lordships  the  proof  of  many,  many 
months  of  arduous  work  in  a domain  entirely 
their  own ; and  this  House  is  going  to  destroy 
the  Finance  Bill  of  1909  and  to  refuse  supplies. 
It  is,  in  my  opinion,  impossible  that  any  Liberal 
Government  should  ever  again  bear  the  heavy 
burden  of  office  unless  it  is  secured  against  a 
repetition  of  treatment  such  as  our  measures 
have  had  to  undergo  for  the  last  four  years.  If 
we  fail  in  the  coming  general  election,  assuming 
that  his  Majesty  is  pleased  to  dissolve  Parlia- 
ment, it  will  only  be  the  beginning  of  a conflict 
which  can  end  only  in  one  way.  If  we  succeed, 
I hope  we  shall  not  flinch  from  that  which  will 
have  to  follow.” 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Spirit- 
ual Lords  generally  refrained  from  taking  sides 
on  what  they  regarded  as  a political  question  ; 
but  the  Archbishop  of  York  construed  his  duty 
differently,  and  added  his  voice  to  the  remon- 
strance against  Lord  Landsdowne’s  motion. 
Close  upon  midnight,  November  30,  the  House 
divided  on  that  motion  and  it  was  carried,  re- 
jecting the  Finance  Bill,  by  a vote  of  350  to  75. 
So  big  a vote  — such  a swarming  of  titled  legis- 
lators to  record  it  — had  not  been  known  within 
the  memory  of  living  men. 


244 


ENGLAND,  1909 


ENGLAND,  1909 


Three  days  later,  on  the  3d  of  December,  the 
Premier,  Mr.  Asquith,  rose  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons and  moved  the  adoption  of  the  following 
declaration : ‘ ‘ That  the  action  of  the  House  of 
Lords  in  refusing  to  pass  into  law  the  financial 
provision  made  by  this  House  for  the  service  of 
the  year  is  a breach  of  the  Constitution  and  a 
usurpation  of  the  rights  of  the  Commons.” 

Speaking  to  this  motion,  he  said,  in  part: 
“When,  a short  time  ago,  the  Finance  Bill  re- 
ceived its  third  reading,  as  it  left  this  House  it 
represented,  I believe,  in  a greater  degree  than 
can  be  said  of  any  measure  of  our  time,  the  ma- 
ture, the  well-sifted,  the  deliberate  work  of  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  representatives  of 
the  people  upon  a matter  which,  by  the  custom 
of  generations  and  by  the  course  of  a practically 
unbroken  authority,  is  the  province  of  this  House, 
and  of  this  House  alone.  In  the  course  of  a 
week,  or  a little  more  than  a week,  the  whole  of 
this  fabric  has  been  thrown  to  the  ground.  For 
the  first  time  in  English  history  the  grant  of  the 
whole  of  the  Ways  and  Means  for  the  Supply 
and  the  Services  of  the  year,  the  grant  made  at 
the  request  of  the  Crown  to  the  Crown  by  the 
Commons,  has  been  intercepted  and  nullified  by 
a body  which  admittedly  has  not  the  power  to 
increase  or  to  diminish  one  single  tax  or  to  pro- 
pose any  substitute  or  alternative  for  any  one  of 
the  taxes.  The  House  of  Commons  would,  in 
the  judgment  of  his  Majesty’s  Government,  be 
unworthy  of  its  past  and  of  the  traditions  of 
which  it  is  the  custodian  and  the  trustee  if  it 
allowed  another  day  to  pass  without  making  it 
clear  that  it  does  not  mean  to  brook  the  greatest 
indignity,  and,  I will  add,  the  most  arrogant 
usurpation  (loud  cheers),  to  which  for  more 
than  two  centuries  it  has  been  asked  to  sub- 
mit.” 

After  a short  debate,  the  House  divided  on 
the  motion,  and  it  was  adopted  by  349  against 
134. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  the  King 
prorogued  Parliament  to  the  15th  of  January, 
1910,  this  being  preparatory  to  the  dissolution 
and  appeal  to  the  people  which  the  action  of  the 
Lords  had  made  necessary.  See  below,  A.  D. 
1910  (Jan.-March). 

A.  D.  1909  (May). — A Majority  Vote  in  the 
Commons  for  removing  Disabilities  from  Ro- 
man Catholics.  — A bill  for  the  removal  of  re- 
maining disabilities  from  Roman  Catholics  passed 
its  second  reading  in  the  House  of  Commons  on 
the  14th  of  May,  by  a vote  of  133  to  123.  Not 
being  a Government  measure,  the  crowded  pro- 
gramme of  business  for  the  session  gave  no  hope 
that  it  could  be  carried  into  law  ; but  the  vote 
was  an  encouragement. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Resolution  of  the 
House  of  Commons  in  favor  of  the  Payment 
of  Members  and  the  public  payment  of  elec- 
tion expenses.  — The  following  resolution  was 
introduced  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the 
12th  of  May,  1909,  by  Mr.  Higham,  of  York  : — 
“ That  in  the  opinion  of  this  House  the  non-pay- 
ment of  members  and  the  liability  of  candidates 
for  the  returning  officers’  expenses  render  it  im- 
possible for  many  constituencies  to  exercise  a free 
choice  in  their  selection  of  candidates  and  elec- 
tion of  members  of  Parliament;  and  this  House 
is  of  opinion  that  any  measure  of  general  elec- 
toral reform  passed  before  the  dissolution  of  this 
Parliament,  and  coming  into  force  upon  or  after 


the  dissolution,  should  be  accompanied  by  ar- 
rangements for  the  payment  of  members  elected 
to  serve  in  Parliament  and  for  the  transfer  to  the 
Imperial  Exchequer  of  the  financial  responsibil- 
ity for  the  returning  officers’  expenses  incurred 
in  the  conduct  of  such  elections.” 

Mr.  Harcourt,  for  the  Government,  accepted 
the  motion  at  once.  He  pointed  out  that  the  ex- 
penditure entailed,  if  members  were  paid  £300 
a year,  would  be  £200,000  annually;  but  this 
was  not  a valid  argument  against  the  change. 
For  his  part,  he  could  not  see  why  politics  should 
be  the  only  profession  “run  by  amateurs.”  He 
was,  therefore,  not  frightened  by  the  prospect 
of  an  Assembly  of  professional  politicians.  The 
time  had  gone  by  when  the  country  could  select 
its  legislators  solely  from  the  leisured  class; 
public  servants  deserved  to  be  paid. 

Most  of  the  speakers  in  a debate  of  three  hours 
favored  the  resolution,  and  it  was  then  adopted, 
by  242  votes  against  92.  No  legislation  in  ac- 
cordance with  it  has  yet  been  undertaken. 

A.  D.  1909  (May). — Reorganization  of  Pas- 
sive Resistance  to  the  Education  Act  of  1902. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : England  ; A.  D. 
1909  (May). 

A.  D.  1909  (May-Oct.).  — Consumption  of 
whiskey  diminished  by  increase  of  tax.  See 
Alcohol  Problem  : England. 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — The  Imperial  Press 
Conference.  See  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1909' 
(June). 

A.  D.  1909  (July).  — Assassination  of  Sir 
W.  Curzon-Wyllie  by  an  Indian  Anarchist. 

See  India  : A.  D.  1909  (July). 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Aug.).  — Imperial  Defence 
Conference.  — Its  conclusions  and  agree- 
ments. See  War,  The  Preparations  for  : 
Military  and  Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Dee.).  — Decision  against 
the  right  of  Trade  Unions  to  pay  Salaries 
to  Members  of  Parliament.- — -On  the  23d  of 
July,  1909,  an  appeal  from  an  order  of  the  Court 
of  Appeal  was  argued  before  five  legal  members 
of  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  question  whether 
the  payment  of  members  of  Parliament  chosen 
to  represent  the  interests  of  a trade  union  was  a 
lawful  application  of  the  funds  of  such  union. 
The  complainant  in  the  case  had  sued  the  Amal- 
gamated Society  of  Railway  Servants,  of  which 
he  had  been  a member  since  1892,  to  have  it 
declared  that  one  of  the  rules  of  the  society, 
which  provides,  amongst  other  things,  for  Par- 
liamentary representation  and  the  enforced  levy 
of  contributions  from  the  plaintiff  and  other 
members  of  the  society,  towards  the  payment  of 
salaries,  or  maintenance  allowance,  to  members 
of  Parliament  pledged  to  observe  and  fulfil  the 
conditions  imposed  by  the  constitution  of  the 
Labour  Party  therein  referred  to,  is  ultra  vires 
and  void,  and  that  the  society  may  be  restrained 
from  enforcing  it.  And  in  the  alternative  that 
it  may  be  declared  that  a certain  amendment  or 
addition  made  to  the  rules  in  1906  be  declared 
to  be  illegal  and  void.  The  added  rule,  thus 
complained  of,  was  as  follows  ; “ All  candidates 
shall  sign  and  accept  the  conditions  of  the  La- 
bour Party  and  be  subject  to  their  Whip.” 

The  judgment  of  the  Lords,  rendered  on  the 
21st  of  December,  sustained  the  order  from  the 
court  below,  dismissing  the  appeal.  Their  de- 
cision rested  mainly  on  considerations  relating 
to  the  rule  quoted  above,  and  stated  briefly  by 


245 


ENGLAND,  1910 


ERICHSEN 


one  of  their  bench,  Lord  James,  as  follows : 
“ The  effect  of  this  rule  and  others  that  exist  is 
that  a member  of  the  trade  union  is  compelled 
to  contribute  to  the  support  of  a member  of 
Parliament,  who  is  compelled  ‘to  answer  the 
Whip  of  the  Labour  Party.’  I construe  this  con- 
dition as  meaning  that  the  member  undertakes 
to  forego  his  own  judgment,  and  to  vote  in  Par- 
liament in  accordance  with  the  opinions  of  some 
person  or  persons  acting  on  behalf  of  the  La- 
bour Party.  And  such  vote  would  have  to  be 
given  in  respect  of  all  matters,  including  those 
of  a most  general  character  — such  as  confidence 
in  a Ministry  or  the  policy  of  a Budget  — mat- 
ters unconnected  directly  at  least  with  the  inter- 
ests of  labour.  Therefore  I am  of  opinion  that 
the  application  of  money  to  the  maintenance  of 
a member  whose  action  is  so  regulated  is  not 
within  the  powers  of  a trade  union.  If  your 
Lordships  decide  on  this  branch  of  the  case  that 
the  respondent  is  entitled  to  judgment,  it  is  un- 
necessary that  any  opinion  should  be  expressed 
upon  the  very  broad  constitutional  question 
raised  for  the  first  time  in  the  Court  of  Appeal 
affecting  the  general  support  of  members.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Aug.).  — The  Prevention  of 
Crimes  Act  brought  into  force. — The  Bor- 
stal System.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and 
Criminology,  Problems  of. 

A.  D.  1909  (Aug.).  — The  Trade  Boards 
Bill,  to  suppress  “Sweating.”  See  Labor 
Remuneration  : Wages  Regulation. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). — Imperial  Congress 
of  Chambers  of  Commerce.  See  British  Em- 
pire : A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Marconi  Wireless 
Telegraph  Stations  taken  over  by  the  Post 
Office.  See  Science  and  Invention  : Electri- 
cal. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Organization  of  a Navy 
War  Council.  See  War,  The  Preparations 
for  : Naval. 

A.  D.  1910  (Jan. -March).  — Dissolution  of 
Parliament.  — An  indecisive  Election.  — No 
majority  in  the  House  of  Commons  for  any 
single  party.  — Precarious  support  for  the 
Liberal  Ministry.  — Uncertainties  of  the  Sit- 
uation.— As  expected,  Parliament  was  dis- 
solved by  royal  proclamation  early  in  January, 
and  new  elections  commanded,  the  first  of  which 
took  place  on  the  15tli  of  that  month  and  the 
last  on  the  14th  of  February.  The  result  was 
generally  disappointing,  because  wholly  inde- 
cisive. The  new  House  of  Commons  was  found 
to  be  made  up  of  275  Liberals,  273  Unionists, 
71  Nationalists  (Irish),  11  Independent  Nation- 
alists, and  40  Labor  members.  Neither  of  the 
political  parties  arrayed  on  the  main  issues  in- 
volved had  won  a majority.  The  people  had 
rendered  no  recognizable  verdict  on  the  Budget, 
or  on  the  tariff  question,  or  on  the  abolition  of 
the  veto  power  claimed  by  the  House  of  Lords. 

Even  with  the  support  of  the  Labor  members 
the  Asquith  Ministry  was  in  a minority.  The 
balance  was  held  by  the  Irish  members,  and  it 
was  only  by  compromise  with  them  that  either 


ENJUMEN.  See  Anjuman. 

ENVER  BEY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : 
A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.), 

EQUADOR.  See  Ecuador. 

EQUITABLE  LIFE  ASSURANCE  SO- 
CIETY. See  (in  this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 


Liberals  or  Unionists  could  do  anything.  Had 
the  Ministry  been  able  to  choose  its  own  course 
it  might  have  preferred,  perhaps,  to  push  the 
Budget  question  to  a settlement  before  attempt- 
ing to  determine  the  future  of  the  House  of 
Lords;  but  the  leader  of  the  Nationalists,  Mr. 
Redmond,  gave  prompt  notice  that  they  would 
allow  no  such  second  rating  of  the  Lords’  veto 
question  to  go  into  the  programme  of  legisla- 
tion. Probably,  therefore,  there  were  negotia- 
tions between  Liberals  and  Nationalists  before 
Mr.  Asquith  announced  the  intentions  of  the 
Government,  which  he  did  on  the  28th  of  Febru- 
ary, — Parliament  having  been  formally  opened 
on  the  15tli.  Up  to  the  24tli  of  March,  he  claimed 
all  the  time  of  the  House  of  Commons  for  im- 
mediate measures  which  must  be  adopted  before 
the  close  of  the  financial  year,  to  provide  im- 
mediately necessary  means  for  maintaining  the 
national  credit.  Then,  “when  the  House  reas- 
sembled after  Easter,  on  March  29,  the  Govern- 
ment would  present  their  proposals  on  the  rela- 
tions between  the  two  Houses.  They  would  be 
presented,  in  the  first  instance,  in  the  form  of 
resolutions  affirming  the  necessity  for  excluding 
the  House  of  Lords  altogether  from  the  domain 
of  finance,  and  inviting  the  House  to  declare 
that,  in  the  sphere  of  legislation,  the  power  of 
the  veto  now  possessed  by  the  Lords  should  be 
so  limited  as  to  secure  the  predominance  of  the 
deliberate  and  considered  will  of  the  Commons 
within  the  lifetime  of  a single  Parliament.  Fur- 
ther, it  would  be  made  plain  that  these  constitu- 
tional changes  were  without  prejudice  to  and 
contemplated  in  a subsequent  year  the  substitu- 
tion in  our  Second  Chamber,  of  a democratic  for 
an  hereditary  basis.  When  these  resolutions  had 
been  agreed  to,  they  would  be  submitted  to  the 
House  of  Lords,  so  as  to  bring  the  main  issue  to 
a trial  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.” 

This  programme  of  procedure  appears  to  have 
been  hastened  slightly ; for  despatches  from 
London  on  the  21st  of  March  announced  that  Mr. 
Asquith  had  brought  forward  his  resolutions, 
and  that  their  purport  was  as  follows:  “The 
first  resolution  provides  for  complete  control  of 
money  bills  by  the  House  of  Commons,  thus 
unmistakably  disposing  of  the  question  that 
was  precipitated  by  the  Lords’  rejection  of  the 
budget  ; the  second  precludes  the  Lords  from 
rejecting  any  bill  that,  has  been  passed  by  the 
Commons  at  three  successive  sessions,  provided 
the  entire  time  the  bill  has  been  before  the 
House  is  not  less  than  two  years  ; and  in  the 
same  case  the  bill  becomes  a law  without  the 
royal  assent.” 

A.  D.  1910  (May).  — Death  of  King  Edward 
VII.  — Accession  of  King  George  V.  — The 
poliiical  situation  in  England,  which  had  be- 
come problematical,  was  probably  changed  with 
suddenness,  on  the  night  of  May  6,  by  the  death 
of  King  Edward,  after  a brief  illness,  consequent 
on  chronic  bronchial  disorders.  His  son  was 
proclaimed  as  King  George  V.  Settlement  of 
the  pending  political  questions  seems  likely  to 
be  postponed  for  some  time. 


ERDMAN  LAW.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization  : United  States  : A.  D.  1907 
(April). 

ERICHSEN,  Dr.  Mylius:  Tragically 

ended  survey  of  Greenland  coast.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 


ERICSSON 


EUROPE,  1870-1905 


ERICSSON,  John:  Unveiling  of  a monu- 
ment to  his  memory  at  Stockholm,  September 
14,  1901.  See  (in this  vol.) Sweden:  A.  D.  1901. 

ERIE  CANAL:  Popular  vote  for  its  en- 
largement to  a capacity  for  boats  of  1000 
tons.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New  Yoke  State: 
A.  D.  1903. 

ERITREA:  Its  habitability  by  whites. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa. 

ESHER  ARMY  COMMISSION,  The. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for  : 
Military. 

ESNEH  BARRAGE,  Opening  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources. 

ESPERANTO.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent  : Esperanto. 

ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT  D\ 
Baron.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

ESTRADA,  General  Juan:  Revolutionary 
leader  in  Nicaragua.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cen- 
tral America:  A.  D.  1909. 


ESTUPINIAN,  Don  Baltaser:  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  Second  International  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

ETHER  OF  SPACE,  New  Conception  of 
the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention, 
Recent  : Physical. 

ETHIOPIA.  See  Abyssinia. 

EUCKEN,  Rudolf.  See  (in  this  vol.) Nobel 
Prizes. 

EUDISTES,  The  Congregation  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

EUGENICS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent:  Eugenics. 

EULENBURG,  Prince,  The  charges 
against.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D. 
1907-1908. 

EUPHRATES  VALLEY:  Railway  build- 
ing. See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1899-1909. 

Irrigation  projects.  See  in  this  vol.)  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 


EUROPE. 


A.  D.  1850-1907.  — Growth  and  changes 
in  population. — The  shifting  of  numerical 
weight  among  nations  and  peoples. — Some 
statistical  statements  of  surprising  interest  were 
set  forth  in  an  article  published  by  Professor 
Sombart,  of  Berlin,  in  1907.  German  statisticians 
have  a reputation  for  accuracy,  and  we  have  no 
ground  for  questioning  the  figures  submitted  by 
this  professor,  which  show  that,  notwithstand- 
ing the  great  flow  of  emigration  from  Europe 
within  the  last  60  years,  its  population  has  in- 
creased from  about  250,000,000  to  400,000,000 
since  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
main  growth,  however,  has  been  in  Russia,  from 
which  the  emigration  has  been  slight. 

The  exhibit  of  relative  increase  in  the  several 
countries  and  among  the  several  races  of  Europe 
is  more  interesting  and  more  important  than  the 
total  growth.  This  comparison  gives  a heavy 
gain  of  weight  to  Russia  since  1850,  a consid- 
erable gain  to  Germany,  slight  gains  to  Austria- 
Hungary,  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (wholly  on 
the  British  side  of  the  United  Kingdom),  Bel- 
gium, and  the  Netherlands,  with  comparative 
losses  in  all  the  rest.  The  drop  made  by  France 
in  the  scale  of  population  is  distressingly  great. 
Out  of  every  1,000  inhabitants  of  Europe  in  1850, 
137  were  in  France ; but  out  of  the  same  num- 
ber of  Europeans  in  1905  she  counted  but  94. 
Russia,  in  the  same  period,  raised  her  share  of 
the  population  of  Europe  from  215  per  1,000  to 
285 ; Germany  from  138  to  145  ; Austria-Hungary 
from  114  to  117 ; Great  Britain  and  Ireland  from 
104  to  105  ; Belgium  from  sixteen  to  seventeen ; 
the  Netherlands  from  twelve  to  thirteen.  On 
the  other  hand,  Italy  dropped  from  95  to  80  ; 
Spain  and  Portugal  from  71  to  58  ; Sweden,  Nor- 
way, and  Denmark  from  29  to  25 ; the  Balkan 
States  from  60  to  53  ; Switzerland  from  nine  to 
eight. 

Carrying  the  comparisons  of  relative  popula- 
tion back  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  century, 
Professor  Sombart  finds  that  Germany,  which 
gained  ground  in  the  last  half  of  the  period,  had 
lost  more  in  the  first  half  than  that  gain  made 
good.  In  1801  the  Germans  furnished  160  to 


each  1,000  of  the  population  of  Europe,  against 
their  present  count  of  145.  But  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  gave  but  93  to  that  1,000  in  1801 
against  the  105  of  the  present  time.  The  gains 
of  Russia  and  the  losses  of  France,  Italy,  and 
Spain  were  alike  continuous  from  the  first  to 
the  latest  date. 

As  the  result  of  these  differences  of  advance 
in  population,  the  Slavic  peoples  have  been  raised 
from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  weight  in  num- 
bers ; the  Germanic  have  dropped  just  enough 
in  the  scale  to  take  second  place  ; while  the  Lat- 
inized folk  of  Southwestern  Europe,  or  Latins 
as  we  call  them,  have  fallen  far  from  the  share 
they  had  in  the  peopling  of  the  continent  100 
years  ago.  Of  each  1,000  Europeans  in  1801  the 
Slavs  numbered  268,  the  Latins  355,  the  Ger- 
manics 375.  In  1850  the  count  was  310  for  the 
Slav,  321  for  the  Latin,  369  for  the  Germanic. 
The  next  55  years  brought  the  Slav  to  the  front, 
with  a great  bound,  and  the  figures  in  the  col- 
umn for  1905  are  375  Slav,  373  Germanic,  251 
Latin. 

These  statistics  hold  a number  of  deep  mean- 
ings ; but  they  are  especially  eloquent  in  their 
showing  of  the  deadly  effects  of  the  Napoleonic 
wars.  For  France  there  has  been  no  recovery 
since  those  horrible  years  when  the  Corsican 
vampire  sucked  at  her  veins  ; and  Spain  and 
Italy  are  still  sicklied  from  the  same  cause. 
But  Germany’s  languishing  ended  when  the  long 
peace  of  the  last  36  years  began.  Her  vitality 
had  never  been  spent,  even  in  the  Thirty  Years’ 
War  and  by  the  belligerency  of  Frederick, 
“called  the  Great,”  before  Napoleon  came  to 
trample  upon  her,  as  that  of  France  had  been  ex- 
hausted by  her  Bourbon  and  Corsican  masters. 

A.  D.  1870-1905. — Rate  of  Increase  of 
Population  in  other  countries  compared  with 
Germany.  — “During  the  last  few  decades,  the 
population  of  Germany  lias  been  increasing  with 
marvellous  and  unprecedented  rapidity.  From 
1870  to  the  present  time  it  has  grown  from 
40.818,000  people  to  more  than  60,000,000  peo- 
ple, and  has  therefore  increased  by  50  per  cent. 
During  the  same  period,  our  own  [British]  popu- 


247 


EUROPE,  1870-1905 


EUROPE,  1878-1909 


lation  has  increased  from  31,817,000  people  to 
43,000,000  people,  or  by  but  32  per  cent.  No 
nation  in  the  world  excepting  those  oversea 
which  yearly  receive  a huge  number  of  immi- 
grants from  abroad  multiplies  more  rapidly  than 
does  the  German  nation,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  following  figures : 

“ Average  Yearly  Increase  of  Population  between  the 
Last  and  the  Previous  Census. 

Germany,  15,000  people  per  million  of  inhabit- 
ants. 

Russia,  13,600  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 
Holland,  12,300  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 
Switzerland,  10,400  people  per  million  of  inhabit- 
ants. 

Belgium,  10, 100  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 
Great  Britain,  9,400  people  per  million  of  inhabit- 
ants. 

Austria-Hungary,  9,300  people  per  million  of 
inhabitants. 

Spain,  8,800  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 
Italy,  6,900  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 
France,  1,700  people  per  million  of  inhabitants. 

“ From  the  foregoing  table  it  appears  that  not 
only  the  population  of  Germany,  but  that  of  all 
the  chiefly  Germanic  nations,  increases  very 
much  faster  than  that  of  all  other  nations,  Russia 
excepted.  However,  Russia  cannot  fairly  be 
compared  with  Germany,  partly  because  her 
population  statistics  are  not  reliable,  partly  be- 
cause the  growth  of  her  population  is  to  some 
extent  due  to  conquest.  . . . 

“ The  proud  boast  of  the  Pan-Germans  that  it 
is  the  destiny  of  the  German  race  to  rule  the 
world  would  appear  to  be  correct,  were  it  not 
for  a singular  phenomenon  which,  so  far,  has 
remained  almost  unobserved.  Whilst  the  60,- 
000, 000  Germans  in  Germany  are  increasing  with 
astonishing  celerity,  the  30,000,000  Germans  who 
live  in  Austria-Hungary  and  in  other  countries 
are  so  rapidly  losing  all  German  characteristics 
and  even  the  German  language,  that  it  seems 
possible  that,  forty  or  fifty  years  hence,  the 
number  of  Germans  outside  Germany  proper 
will  be  almost  nil.  . . . 

‘ ‘ The  90,000,000  Germans  who  live  in  Germany 
and  in  Greater  Germany  are  distributed  over  the 


globe  as  follows: 

Germany 60,000,000 

Austria-Hungary 11,550,000 

Switzerland 2,320,000 

Russia 2,000,000 

Various  European  countries  . . 1,130,000 


Total  in  Europe  ....  77,000,000 

United  States  and  Canada  . . . 11,500,000 

Central  and  South  America  . . 600,000 

Asia,  Africa,  Australia  ....  400,000 


Grand  total 89,500,000” 


— O.  Eltzbacher,  Germany  and  Greater  Ger- 
many ( Contemporary  Review,  Aug.,  1905), 

Later  figures,  relative  to  France,  on  this  sub- 
ject, were  given  by  the  Paris  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Evening  Post,  writing  June  12tli,  1909, 
when  he  said  : “ From  1901  to  1905  the  birthrate 
was  high  enough  to  increase  the  population  of 
France  18  for  every  10,000  yearly.  During  the 
same  period  the  relative  increase  per  10,000  was 
106  in  Italy,  113  in  Austria,  121  in  England,  149 
in  Germany,  and  155  in  Holland.  . . . Coming 
back  to  single  years,  the  birth  rate  of  1906  only 


increased  the  French  population  7 per  10,000  ; 
that  is,  among  every  10,000  inhabitants  there 
were  as  many  births  of  living  children  as  there 
were  deaths  taken  altogether,  plus  seven  births 
more.  In  1907  there  were  five  fewer  births 
than  deaths  per  10,000  inhabitants.  And  now 
here  comes  1908  jumping  back  to  an  excess  of 
twelve  births  over  deaths  per  10,000.  Such  sud- 
den fluctuations  can  be  seized  on  by  no  theory ; 
1907  had  its  deficit  because  it  had  19,892  more 
deaths  than  the  average ; 1908  recovers  lost 
ground  because  it  had  48,266  fewer  deaths  than 
1907,  or  28,374  fewer  than  the  average  of  the 
preceding  period  of  five  years.  Along  with  this 
slow  but  sure  decrease  in  the  absolute  birth  rate 
of  France  goes  the  happier  decrease  of  deaths, 
owing  to  greater  well-being  in  general  and  better 
popular  hygiene  in  particular. 

“ Statistics  have  something  better  than  this  to 
show.  The  steady  increase  in  marriages,  which 
I noted  last  year,  has  gone  on.  For  1908  it  is 
the  heaviest  since  1873 ; the  total  number  was 
315,928  — which  is  1,172  more  than  in  1907  and 
9441  more  than  in  1906.  Divorces,  for  all  France, 
were  10,573  in  1906  and  11,515  in  1908. 

‘ ‘ Why  do  Frenchmen  have  few  children  ? Be- 
cause they  deliberately  will  not  to  have  them. 
That  is  the  answer  which  every  intelligent  ob- 
server who  passes  his  life  among  Frenchmen  — 
as  one  of  themselves,  not  as  an  outsider  — will 
give  spontaneously ; and  it  is  the  answer  to 
which  all  statistics  and  all  verified  social  facts 
lead  up.” 

A.  D.  1878-1909.  — Thirty-one  Years  of 
Peace,  broken  only  by  Thirty-one  Days  of 
War.  — In  the  spring  of  1897  there  were  thirty  - 
one  days  of  war  between  Turkey  and  Greece. 
With  that  exception  there  have  been  no  hostili- 
ties on  the  European  continent  since  Russia 
fought  the  Turks  in  1877-78,  a period  of  thirty- 
one  years.  In  the  preceding  thirty  years  there 
had  been  nearly  a score  of  serious  insurrections 
and  wars:  the  widespread  revolutionary  con- 
flicts of  1848-49,  in  France,  Italy,  Austria,  Hun- 
gary, Germany,  and  Denmark  ; the  coup  d’etat 
of  1851  in  France  ; the  Crimean  War  of  1854r-56  ; 
the  war  of  France  and  Sardinia  with  Austria  in 
1859  ; Garibaldi’s  liberation  of  Sicily  and  Naples 
in  1861,  and  his  attempt  on  Rome  the  next  year  ; 
the  Greek  revolution  of  1862 ; Polish  revolts  of 
1861  and  1863 ; the  Schleswig-Holstein  war  of 
1864  ; the  Austro-Prussian  “ Seven  Weeks  War  ” 
and  the  Austro-Italian  war,  in  1866 ; Garibaldi’s 
renewed  attack  on  the  Papal  government  at 
Rome  in  1867;  revolution  in  Spain  in  1868;  the 
Franco-German  War  and  the  insurrection  of  the 
Communists  at  Paris  in  1870-71  ; the  revolts  of 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  in  1875  and  of  Bulgaria 
in  1876. 

There  is  no  mistaking  the  hopeful  significance 
of  so  striking  a contrast  as  this  ; and  if  we  look 
back  through  two  more  similar  periods,  each  of 
which  represents  the  average  term  reckoned  for 
a generation,  we  find  the  key  to  a better  under- 
standing of  its  hopefulness.  Behind  the  turbu- 
lent thirty  years  from  ’47  to  ’77  are  thirty  years 
during  most  of  which  Europe  lay  bleeding, 
panting,  exhausted  by  thirty  other  years  of  the 
French  Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic  wars; 
exhausted  physically  but  stirred  deeply  in  brain 
and  heart,  and  gathering  strength  for  the  efforts 
toward  freer  and  better  institutions  of  govern- 
ment and  more  homogeneous  organizations  of 


248 


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EUROPE,  1904 


nationality  which  most  of  the  conilicts  between 
1847  and  1877  represent. 

It  is  because  those  conflicts  resulted  in  far  bet- 
ter political  conditions,  and  in  much  of  satisfac- 
tion to  racial  affinities  and  national  aspirations 
long  resisted,  that  the  people  of  Europe,  in  these 
last  thirty  years,  have  enjoyed  the  longest  ex- 
emption from  war  on  their  own  soil  that  their 
history  records. 

A.  D.  1902-1907. — Renewal  and  mainte- 
nance of  the  Triple  Alliance.  — Its  value  to 
Italy. — The  Triple  Alliance  or  Dreibund  of  Ger- 
many, Austria-Hungary  and  Italy,  formed  in  1882 
and  renewed  in  1887  and  1891,  was  renewed  for 
the  third  time  in  1902,  a year  before  the  end  of 
its  term,  by  the  Zanardelli  Government.  “ The 
term  of  this  renewal  was  for  six  or  12  years  ; that 
is  to  say,  if  the  treaty  were  not  denounced  in 
1907,  five  years  after  its  actual  renewal,  it  should 
be  considered  as  holding  good  for  the  full  term 
of  12  years.  The  treaty  was  not  denounced  by 
the  Giolitti  Ministry,  with  Signor  Tittoni  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  therefore  is  in  force 
until  1914,  12  years  after  its  third  renewal  by 
Prinetti.  Except  in  the  case  of  a very  marked 
alteration  in  the  friendly  relations  between  the 
three  contracting  Powers  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion of  its  renewal  or  non-renewal  at  this  date. 
That  case  has  not  arrived  ; the  cordial  relations 
between  Italy  and  her  allies,  in  spite  of  conjec- 
tured though  unacknowledged  differences  of 
opinion,  remain  ostensibly  unaltered,  and  may 
still  be  considered  as  correctly  described  in  the 
words  used  in  their  speeches  in  Vienna  by  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  and  the  German  Emperor, 
and  in  the  telegrams  which  they  afterwards  ex- 
changed with  the  King  of  Italy. 

“Some  Italian  politicians,  however,  seem  dis- 
posed to  question  the  utility  of  an  alliance  which 
does  not  relieve  Italy  from  the  necessity  of  spend- 
ing more  money  on  her  national  defence.  What, 
they  ask,  is  the  use  of  the  alliance  if  we  have  to 
make  these  heavy  sacrifices  in  order  to  increase 
our  army  and  navy  and  put  our  frontier  fortifi- 
cations in  order  ? The  answer  is  more  simple 
than  agreeable.  It  is  precisely  the  existence 
of  the  Triple  Alliance  that  has  permitted  Italy 
to  leave  her  Austrian  frontier  absolutely  open 
to  invasion,  and  to  allow  both  her  army  and 
navy  to  fall  below  the  standard  which  she  had 
proposed  to  keep  up.  The  alliance  has  secured 
her  immunity  for  her  neglect.  But  she  has  nat- 
urally paid  for  that  combined  neglect  and  im- 
munity by  accepting  a subordinate  role  by  the 
side  of  her  allies.”  — Rome  Correspondence,  Lon- 
don Times,  May  15,  1909. 

A.  D.  1904  (April).  • — The  Entente  Cordiale 
of  England  and  France. — In  his  interesting 
work  on  ‘ ‘ France  and  the  Alliances,”  founded 
on  a course  of  lectures  delivered  at  Harvard  Uni- 
versity in  1908,  M.  Andre  Tardieu  reviews  the 
long  antagonism  between  England  and  France, 
which  ran  through  their  history,  from  early  in 
the  Fourteenth  Century  to  the  last  year  but'one 
of  the  Nineteenth,  when,  in  March,  1899,  France, 
by  treaty  with  the  British  Government,  gave  up 
her  strong  desire  to  extend  her  North  African 
dominion  eastward  to  the  Nile.  Then  he  asks: 
“How  came  it  that  within  five  years  a sincere 
understanding  was  established  between  the  two 
hereditary  enemies  ?”  He  answers  the  question 
by  saying:  “Neither  in  England  nor  in  France 
is  the  principle  of  the  understanding  to  be 


sought.  Rather  was  it  the  fear  of  Germany 
which  determined  England  — not  only  her  King 
and  Government,  but  the  whole  of  her  people  — 
to  draw  near  to  France.”  This,  without  doubt, 
is  substantially  the  true  explanation  of  the 
friendly  agreements,  forming  what  is  known  as 
the  Entente  Cordiale  between  England  and 
France,  which  were  signed  on  the  8th  of  April, 
1904.  They  involved  nothing  in  the  nature  of 
a defensive  alliance  against  Germany,  and  they 
had  been  prepared  for  by  a rapid  growth  of  nat 
ural  and  real  good  feeling  between  English  and 
French  folk  ; but  it  is  certain  that  they  received 
their  immediate  prompting  from  the  common 
recognition,  in  England  and  France,  that  Ger- 
many had  become  a rival  in  political  and  econo- 
mic ambitions  to  both  of  them,  more  formidable 
than  either  could  be  to  the  other.  This  gave 
them  a common  reason  for  obliterating  all  their 
old  differences  and  causes  of  difference,  and  ex- 
hibiting themselves  to  the  world  as  friends. 

M.  Tardieu  credits  the  English  King  with  the 
initiation  of  this  most  important  rapprochement. 
“ He  it  was,”  says  the  French  writer,  “ who  both 
conceived  and  facilitated  it,  while  still  many 
believed  that  the  moment  was  premature.  Ed- 
ward VII.  has  been  both  praised  and  attacked 
without  stint.  Perhaps  he  deserves  neither  the 
‘excess  of  honor  nor  yet  the  excess  of  abuse.’ 
Among  present  sovereigns,  he  has  one  superior- 
ity, that  of  having  gained  experience  in  life  be- 
fore reigning.  ...  He  is  not  afraid  of  taking 
the  initiative;  and  so  far  his  initiative  has  been 
a success.  The  boldest  example  of  it  was  his 
visit  to  Paris  in  1903.  Putting  aside  all  objec- 
tions, and  being  convinced  of  his  success,  he  ar- 
rived in  France  amidst  an  atmosphere  of  uncer- 
tainty. When  the  first  platoons  of  cuirassiers 
rode  down  the  Champs  Elysees,  embarrassment 
and  anxiety  weighed  on  the  public.  The  Na- 
tionalists had  declared  their  intention  of  hissing. 
What  would  be  the  result  of  a hostile  manifes- 
tation ? The  King,  as  far  as  he  was  concerned, 
did  not  believe  in  the  danger,  and  he  was  right. 
The  Parisians  accorded  him,  not  an  enthusiastic, 
but,  from  the  first,  a respectful,  and  soon  a gen- 
ial, reception.  The  road  was  clear.  Two  months 
later,  Mr.  Loubet  paid  King  Edward  a return 
visit.  And,  on  welcoming  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Delcasse,  to  London,  Lord  Lansdowue  said  to 
him : ‘ Now  we  are  going  to  have  some  conver- 
sation.’ As  a matter  of  fact,  there  was  conversa- 
tion both  in  Paris  and  in  London.  . . . On  the 
8th  of  April,  1904,  the  agreement  was  signed, 
and  its  immediate  publication  produced  a deep 
impression  in  Europe.” 

Strictly  speaking,  there  were  three  Agree- 
ments, or  two  Declarations  and  one  formal  Con- 
vention, signed  on  the  8th  of  April,  1904,  con- 
stituting, together,  the  Anglo-French  Entente. 
The  first,  a ‘ ‘ Declaration  respecting  Egypt  and 
Morocco,”  ran  as  follows  : 

“Article  I.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment declare  that  they  have  no  intention  of 
altering  the  political  status  of  Egypt.  The 
Government  of  the  French  Republic,  for  their 
part,  declare  that  they  will  not  obstruct  the 
action  of  Great  Britain  in  that  country  by  ask- 
ing that  a limit  of  time  be  fixed  for  the  British 
occupation  or  in  any  other  manner,  and  that 
they  give  their  assent  to  the  draft  Khedivial  De- 
cree annexed  to  the  present  Arrangement,  con- 
taining the  guarantees  considered  necessary  for 


249 


EUROPE,  1904 


EUROPE,  1904 


the  protection  of  the  interests  of  the  Egyptian 
bondholders,  on  the  condition  that,  after  its 
promulgation,  it  cannot  be  modified  in  any  way 
without  the  consent  of  the  Powers  Signatory  of 
the  Convention  of  London  of  1885.  It  is  agreed 
that  the  post  of  Director-General  of  Antiquities 
in  Egypt  shall  continue,  as  in  the  past,  to  be 
entrusted  to  a French  savant.  The  French 
schools  in  Egypt  shall  continue  to  enjoy  the 
same  liberty  as  in  the  past. 

“Article  II.  The  Government  of  the  French 
Republic  declare  that  they  have  no  intention  of 
altering  the  political  status  of  Morocco.  His 
Britannic  Majesty’s  Government,  for  their  part, 
recognize  that  it  appertains  to  France,  more 
particularly  as  a Power  whose  dominions  are 
conterminous  for  a great  distance  with  those  of 
Morocco,  to  preserve  order  in  that  country,  and 
to  provide  assistance  for  the  purpose  of  all  ad- 
ministrative, economic,  financial,  and  military 
reforms  which  it  may  require.  They  declare 
that  they  will  not  obstruct  the  action  taken  by 
France  for  this  purpose,  provided  that  such 
action  shall  leave  intact  the  rights  which  Great 
Britain,  in  virtue  of  Treaties,  Conventions,  and 
usage,  enjoys  in  Morocco,  including  the  right 
of  coasting  trade  between  the  ports  of  Morocco, 
enjoyed  by  British  vessels  since  1901. 

“Article  III.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment, for  their  part,  will  respect  the  rights 
which  France,  in  virtue  of  Treaties,  Conven- 
tions, and  usage,  enjoys  in  Egypt,  including 
the  right  of  coasting  trade  between  Egyptian 
ports  accorded  to  French  vessels. 

“ Article  IV.  The  two  Governments,  being 
equally  attached  to  the  principle  of  commercial 
liberty  both  in  Egypt  and  Morocco,  declare  that 
they  will  not,  in  those  countries,  countenance 
any  inequality  either  in  the  imposition  of  cus- 
toms duties  or  other  taxes,  or  of  railway  trans- 
port charges.  The  trade  of  both  nations  with 
Morocco  and  with  Egypt  shall  enjoy  the  same 
treatment  in  transit  through  the  French  and 
British  possessions  in  Africa.  An  Agreement 
between  the  two  Governments  shall  settle  the 
conditions  of  such  transit  and  shall  determine 
the  points  of  entry.  This  mutual  engagement 
shall  be  binding  for  a period  of  thirty  years. 
Unless  this  stipulation  is  expressly  denounced 
at  least  one  year  in  advance,  the  period  shall  be 
extended  for  five  years  at  a time.  Nevertheless, 
the  Government  of  the  French  Republic  reserve 
to  themselves  in  Morocco,  and  His  Britannic 
Majesty’s  Government  reserve  to  themselves  in 
Egypt,  the  right  to  see  that  the  concessions  for 
roads,  railways,  ports,  &c.,  are  only  granted  on 
such  conditions  as  will  maintain  intact  the 
authority  of  the  State  over  these  great  under- 
takings of  public  interest. 

“Article  V.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment declare  that  they  will  use  their  influ- 
ence in  order  that  the  French  officials  now  in 
the  Egyptian  service  may  not  be  placed  under 
conditions  less  advantageous  than  those  apply- 
ing to  the  British  officials  in  the  same  service. 
The  Government  of  the  French  Republic,  for 
their  part,  would  make  no  objection  to  the  ap- 
plication of  analogous  conditions  to  British 
officials  now  in  the  Moorish  service. 

“Article  VI.  In  order  to  insure  the  free  pas- 
sage of  the  Suez  Canal,  His  Britannic  Majes- 
ty’s Government  declare  that  they  adhere  to  the 
stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  the  29th  October, 


1888,  and  that  they  agree  to  their  being  put  in 
force.  The  free  passage  of  the  Canal  being 
thus  guaranteed,  the  execution  of  the  last  sen- 
tence of  paragraph  1 as  well  as  of  paragraph 
2 of  Article  VIII  of  that  Treaty  will  remain  in 
abeyance. 

“Article  VII.  In  order  to  secure  the  free 
passage  of  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  the  two  Gov- 
ernments agree  not  to  permit  the  erection  of 
any  fortifications  or  strategic  works  on  that 
portion  of  the  coast  of  Morocco  comprised 
between,  but  not  including,  Melilla  and  the 
heights  which  command  the  right  bank  of  the 
River  Sebou.  This  condition  does  not,  however, 
apply  to  the  places  at  present  in  the  occupa- 
tion of  Spain  on  the  Moorish  coast  of  the  Med- 
iterranean. 

“Article  VIII.  The  two  Governments,  in- 
spired by  their  feeling  of  sincere  friendship  for 
Spain,  take  into  special  consideration  the  in- 
terests which  that  country  derives  from  her 
geographical  position  and  from  her  territorial 
possessions  on  the  Moorish  coast  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. In  regard  to  these  interests  the  French 
Government  will  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  Spanish  Government.  The  agreement  which 
may  be  come  to  on  the  subject  between  France 
and  Spain  shall  be  communicated  to  His  Britan- 
nic Majesty’s  Government. 

“Article  IX.  The  two  Governments  agree 
to  afford  to  one  another  their  diplomatic  support, 
in  order  to  obtain  the  execution  of  the  clauses 
of  the  present  Declaration  regarding  Egypt  and 
Morocco.” 

The  more  formally  designated  Convention  re- 
lates to  questions  concerning  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries  and  certain  boundaries  between  French 
and  English  possessions  in  Africa.  The  articles 
respecting  Newfoundland  and  the  fisheries  are 
as  follows  : 

‘ ‘ Article  I.  France  renounces  the  privileges 
established  to  her  advantage  by  Article  XIII  of 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  confirmed  or  modi- 
fied by  subsequent  provisions. 

“ Article  II.  France  retains  for  her  citizens, 
on  a footing  of  equality  with  British  subjects, 
the  right  of  fishing  in  the  territorial  waters  on 
that  portion  of  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  com- 
prised between  Cape  St.  John  and  Cape  Ray, 
passing  by  the  north  ; this  right  shall  be  exer- 
cised during  the  usual  fishing  season  closing  for 
all  persons  on  the  20th  October  of  each  year. 
The  French  may  therefore  fish  there  for  every 
kind  of  fish,  including  bait  and  also  shell  fish. 
They  may  enter  any  port  or  harbour  on  the  said 
coast  and  may  there  obtain  supplies  or  bait  and 
shelter  on  the  same  conditions  as  the  inhabitants 
of  Newfoundland,  but  they  will  remain  subject 
to  the  local  Regulations  in  force  ; they  may  also 
fish  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers,  but  without 
going  beyond  a straight  line  drawn  between  the 
two  extremities  of  the  banks,  where  the  river 
enters  the  sea.  They  shall  not  make  use  of 
stake-nets  or  fixed  engines  without  permission 
of  the  local  authorities.  On  the  above-mentioned 
portion  of  the  coast,  British  subjects  and  French 
citizens  shall  be  subject  alike  to  the  laws  and 
Regulations  now  in  force,  or  which  may  here- 
after be  passed  for  the  establishment  of  a close 
time  in  regard  to  any  particular  kind  of  fish,  or 
for  the  improvement  of  the  fisheries,  Notice  of 
any  fresh  laws  or  Regulations  shall  be  given  to 
the  Government  of  the  French  Republic  three 


EUROPE,  1904 


EUROPE,  1904 


months  before  they  come  into  operation.  The 
policing  of  the  fishing  on  the  above-mentioned 
portion  of  the  coast,  and  for  prevention  of  illicit 
liquor  traffic  and  smuggling  of  spirits,  shall  form 
the  subject  of  Regulations  drawn  up  in  agree- 
ment by  the  two  Governments. 

“Article  III.  A pecuniary  indemnity  shall 
be  awarded  by  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment to  the  French  citizens  engaged  in  fish- 
ing or  the  preparation  of  fish  on  the  ‘ Treaty 
Shore,’  who  are  obliged,  either  to  abandon  the 
establishments  they  possess  there,  or  to  give  up 
their  occupation,  in  consequence  of  the  modifi- 
cation introduced  by  the  present  Convention 
into  the  existing  state  of  affairs.  This  indemnity 
cannot  be  claimed  by  the  parties  interested 
unless  they  have  been  engaged  in  their  business 
prior  to  the  closing  of  the  fishing  season  of 
1903.  Claims  for  indemnity  shall  be  submitted 
to  an  Arbitral  Tribunal,  composed  of  an  officer 
of  each  nation,  and,  in  the  event  of  disagree- 
ment, of  an  Umpire  appointed  in  accordance 
with  the  procedure  laid  down  by  Article  XXXII 
of  The  Hague  Convention.  The  details  regulat- 
ing the  constitution  of  the  Tribunal,  and  the 
conditions  of  the  inquiries  to  be  instituted  for 
the  purpose  of  substantiating  the  claims,  shall 
form  the  subject  of  a special  Agreement  between 
the  two  Governments. 

“ Article  IV.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment, recognizing  that,  in  addition  to  the 
indemnity  referred  to  in  the  preceding  Article, 
some  territorial  compensation  is  due  to  France 
in  return  for  the  surrender  of  her  privilege  in 
that  part  of  the  Island  of  Newfoundland  re- 
ferred to  in  Article  II,  agree  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  French  Republic  to  the  provisions 
embodied  in  the  following  Articles:  ” 

The  provisions  here  referred  to,  contained  in 
the  subsequent  articles,  modify  the  former  fron- 
tier between  Senegambia  and  the  English  col- 
ony of  the  Gambia,  “so  as  to  give  to  France 
Yarbutenda  and  the  lands  and  landing  places 
belonging  to  that  locality  ” ; cede  to  France 
“the  group  known  as  the  Isles  de  Los,  and 
situated  opposite  Konakry  ” ; and  substitute  a 
new  boundary,  to  the  east  of  the  Niger,  for  that 
which  was  fixed  between  the  French  and  British 
possessions  by  the  Convention  of  1898. 

The  Declaration  which  concludes  the  series 
of  Agreements  has  to  do  with  matters  in  Siam, 
Madagascar,  and  New  Hebrides.  As  to  Siam, 
the  two  Governments  “declare  by  mutual 
agreement  that  the  influence  of  Great  Britain 
shall  be  recognized  by  France  in  the  territories 
situated  to  the  west  of  the  basin  of  the  River 
Menam,  and  that  the  influence  of  France  shall 
be  recognized  by  Great  Britain  in  the  territories 
situated  to  the  east  of  the  same  region,  all  the 
Siamese  possessions  on  the  east  and  southeast  of 
the  zone  above  described  and  the  adjacent 
islands  coming  thus  henceforth  under  French 
influence,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  all  Siamese 
possessions  on  the  west  of  this  zone  and  of  the 
Gulf  of  Siam,  including  the  Malay  Peninsula 
and  the  adjacent  islands,  coming  under  English 
influence.  The  two  Contracting  Parties,  dis- 
claiming all  idea  of  annexing  any  Siamese  terri- 
tory, and  determined  to  abstain  from  any  act 
which  might  contravene  the  provisions  of  ex- 
isting Treaties,  agree  that,  with  this  reserva- 
tion, and  so  far  as  either  of  them  is  concerned, 
the  two  Governments  shall  each  have  respect- 


ively liberty  of  action  in  their  spheres  of  influ- 
ence as  above  defined." 

The  further  agreements  were,  on  the  part  of 
the  British  Government,  to  withdraw  a protest 
it  had  raised  against  the  customs  tariff  estab- 
lished in  Madagascar,  and,  on  the  part  of  the 
two  Governments,  “to  draw  up  in  concert  an 
arrangement  which,  without  involving  any 
modification  of  the  political  status  quo,  shall 
put  an  end  to  the  difficulties  arising  from  the 
absence  of  jurisdiction  over  the  natives  of  the 
New  Hebrides.” 

In  the  British  Parliamentary  Paper  (Cd.  1952, 
April,  1904)  which  gave  official  publication  to 
these  Agreements,  they  are  accompanied  by  an 
explanatory  despatch  from  the  Marquess  of 
Lansdowne,  British  Foreign  Secretary,  to  Sir  E. 
Monson,  Ambassador  at  Paris,  which  affirms  dis- 
tinctly that  “if  any  European  Power  is  to  have 
a predominant  influence  in  Morocco,  that  Power 
is  France.”  The  language  of  the  despatch  on 
this  subject  is  as  follows : 

“The  condition  of  that  country  [Morocco]  has 
for  a long  time  been  unsatisfactory  and  fraught 
with  danger.  The  authority  of  the  Sultan  over 
a large  portion  of  his  dominions  is  that  of  a 
titular  Chief  rather  than  of  a Ruler.  Life  and 
property  are  unsafe,  the  natural  resources  of  the 
country  are  undeveloped,  and  trade,  though  in- 
creasing, is  hampered  by  the  political  situation. 
In  these  respects  the  contrast  between  Morocco 
and  Egypt  is  marked.  In  spite  of  well-meant 
efforts  to  assist  the  Sultan,  but  little  progress 
has  been  effected,  and  at  this  moment  the  pros- 
pect is  probably  as  little  hopeful  as  it  ever  has 
been.  Without  the  intervention  of  a strong  and 
civilized  Power  there  appears  to  be  no  proba- 
bility of  a real  improvement  in  the  condition  of 
the  country. 

“It  seems  not  unnatural  that,  in  these  cir- 
cumstances, France  should  regard  it  as  falling 
to  her  lot  to  assume  the  task  of  attempting  the 
regeneration  of  the  country.  Her  Algerian  pos- 
sessions adjoin  those  of  the  Sultan  throughout 
the  length  of  a frontier  of  several  hundred  miles. 
She  has  been  compelled  from  time  to  time  to 
undertake  military  operations  of  considerable 
difficulty,  and  at  much  cost,  in  order  to  put  an 
end  to  the  disturbances  which  continually  arise 
amongst  tribes  adjoining  the  Algerian  frontier 
— tribes  which,  although  nominally  the  subjects 
of  the  Sultan,  are,  in  fact,  almost  entirely  be- 
yond his  control.  The  trade  of  France  with 
Morocco  is  again  — if  that  across  the  Algerian 
frontier  be  included  — of  considerable  impor- 
tance, and  compares  not  unfavourably  with  our 
own.  In  these  circumstances,  France,  although 
in  no  wise  desiring  to  annex  the  Sultan’s  domin- 
ions or  to  subvert  his  authority,  seeks  to  extend 
her  influence  in  Morocco,  and  is  ready  to  submit 
to  sacrifices  and  to  incur  responsibilities  with 
the  object  of  putting  an  end  to  the  condition 
of  anarchy  which  prevails  upon  the  borders  of 
Algeria.  His  Majesty’s  Government  are  not 
prepared  to  assume  such  responsibilities,  or  to 
make  such  sacrifices,  and  they  have  therefore 
readily  admitted  that  if  any  European  Power 
is  to  have  a predominant  influence  in  Morocco, 
that  Power  is  France.” 

Of  the  reciprocal  and  equally  important  recog- 
nition by  France  of  the  paramount  influence  of 
Great  Britain  in  Egypt,  Lord  Lansdowne  wrote: 
“ From  the  point  of  view  of  Great  Britain  the 


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most  important  part  of  the  Agreement  which 
has  been  concluded  in  respect  of  Egypt  is  the 
recognition  by  the  French  Government  of  the 
predominant  position  of  Great  Britain  in  that 
country.  They  fully  admit  that  the  fulfilment 
of  the  task  upon  which  we  entered  in  1883  must 
not  be  impeded  by  any  suggestion  on  their  part 
that  our  interest  in  Egypt  is  of  a temporary  char- 
acter, and  they  undertake  that,  so  far  as  they 
are  concerned,  we  shall  not  be  impeded  in  the 
performance  of  that  task.  This  undertaking  will 
enable  us  to  pursue  our  work  in  Egypt  without, 
so  far  as  France  is  concerned,  arousing  interna- 
tional susceptibilities.  It  is  true  that  the  other 
Great  Powers  of  Europe  also  enjoy,  in  virtue  of 
existing  arrangements,  a privileged  position  in 
Egypt  ; but  the  interests  of  France  — historical, 
political,  and  financial — so  far  outweigh  those 
of  the  other  Powers,  with  the  exception  of 
Great  Britain,  that  so  long  as  we  work  in  har- 
mony with  France,  there  seems  no  reason  to  an- 
ticipate difficulty  at  the  hands  of  the  other 
powers.” 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — General  Consequences 
in  Europe  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  and 
the  Weakening  of  Russia  in  Prestige  and 
Actual  Power.  — “Europe  is  apparently  on 
the  eve  of  such  a new  combination  of  the  Great 
Powers  as  was  caused  by  the  Franco-German 
War  of  1870,  and  just  as  after  that  fateful  event 
Berlin  became  the  centre  of  the  continental  po- 
litical system,  so  Paris  bids  fair  to  play  this  part 
in  the  near  future.  For  France  has  never  been 
so  powerful  a factor  in  politics  since  the  fall  of 
the  Empire  as  to-day.  Everyone  recognises  that 
her  alliance  with  Russia  was  the  first  step  from 
the  isolation  which  followed  her  military  re- 
verses towards  her  reinstatement  in  the  political 
hierarchy,  and  some  of  the  most  popular  and 
statesmanlike  politicians  of  the  Republic  hold 
that  the  dissolution  of  that  partnership  will  be 
the  second.  For  the  good  which  it  achieved, 
they  allege,  was  largely  accidental,  while  the 
cost  it  entailed  was  proportionately  great.  . . . 

“The  chief  aim  of  the  French  statesman  who 
struck  up  an  alliance  with  the  Government  of 
Alexander  III.  was  to  neutralise  Teutonic  ag- 
gressiveness, and  if  possible  to  recover  the  lost 
provinces  as  well.  The  latter  part  of  this  pro- 
gramme has  turned  out  to  be  a will-o’-the-wisp, 
while  the  first  item  can  now  be  realised  inde- 
pendently of  the  Russian  alliance.  Moreover, 
France,  far  from  being  isolated  to-day,  counts 
among  her  friends  and  natural  allies  not  only  the 
Latin  peoples  but  the  smaller  States  of  the  Con- 
tinent, to  say  nothing  of  Great  Britain.  . . . 

“The  motives  which  induced  Germany,  Aus- 
tria-Hungary and  Italy  to  enter  into  partnership 
have  lost  their  force;  the  Triple  Alliance  has 
ceased  to  exist  in  aught  but  the  name.  Italy  was 
the  first  of  the  three  States  to  break  away.  And 
her  adherence  to  the  league  was  so  obviously  op- 
posed to  the  sentiments  of  her  people  and  the 
real  interests  of  the  nation,  that  only  the  strong- 
est conceivable  motive  could  keep  her  in  the  un- 
congenial society  of  her  former  oppressor.  That 
motive  had  been  supplied  by  Bismarck,  who  per- 
suaded Crispi  that  clerical  France  was  at  the 
beck  and  call  of  the  Vatican,  and  only  awaited  a 
prosperous  moment  to  disunite  Italy  and  restore 
Rome  to  the  Pope.  But  to-day  Germany  herself 
has  become  the  most  trusty  and  perhaps  the  most 
helpful  friend  of  the  Holy  See,  while  France  has 


struck  a vigorous  blow  on  the  line  of  cleavage 
between  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  institu- 
tions which  constitute  the  Catholic  Church.  The 
ruling  body  in  Parliamentary  Germany  is  the 
Ultramontane  centre,  and  if  any  State  in  Europe 
could  be  conceived  to  be  capable  of  breaking  a 
lance  for  the  temporal  power  of  his  Holiness,  it 
would  certainly  be  one  of  the  two  Teutonic  Em- 
pires of  Central  Europe.”  — E.  J.  Dillon,  For- 
eign Affairs  (Contemporary  Review,  Aug.,  1904). 

The  following  is  from  a special  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  who  wrote  from 
St.  Petersburg  on  the  5th  of  March,  1909 : “ The 
international  position  of  Russia  has  weakened 
greatly  during  the  last  five  years.  Before  the 
Japanese  war  and  the  revolution  her  strength 
was  enormous,  and  a Japanese  officer  who  visited 
St.  Petersburg  in  1903  wrote  in  a Japanese  paper 
that,  judging  by  the  attention  which  was  paid 
to  the  Czar  by  every  court  in  Europe  and  by  the 
respect,  almost  awe  even,  with  which  he  was 
regarded,  that  monarch  might  almost  be  styled 
the  king  of  kings.  The  war  and  the  revolutiou 
made  short  work,  however,  of  this  respect  and 
awe.  The  Emperor  William  first  took  advantage 
of  Russia’s  weakness  by  springing  the  Morocco 
surprise  on  Europe  ; then  Baron  von  Aerenthal 
annexed  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  which  he 
would  never,  of  course,  have  dared  to  do  six 
years  ago ; -while  recently  in  the  Duma  Mr.  Is- 
wolsky  frankly  confessed  that  Russia  can  do 
absolutely  nothing ; that  the  war  and  the  revo- 
lution have  bled  her  white,  and  that  no  assist- 
ance or  hope  of  assistance  can  be  given  to  the 
Serbs  and  the  Montenegrins.” 

A.  D.  1905.  — Joint  action  of  Powers  in 
forcing  Financial  Reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Sudden  hostility  of  Ger- 
many to  the  Anglo-French  Agreement  con- 
cerning Morocco.  — The  Kaiser’s  speech  at 
Tangier.  — Threatening  pressure  on  France. 

— Demand  for  International  Conference. — 
Results  at  Algeciras.  — What  use  the  French 
Government  wished  to  make  of  the  free  exercise 
of  influence  in  Morocco  which  Great  Britain  con- 
sented to,  in  the  agreements  of  April  8,  1904,  is 
stated  by  M.  Tardieu  in  his  “France  and  the 
Alliances,”  with  more  than  probable  truth,  as 
follows:  “There  was  no  design  of  conquest,  or 
of  protectorate,  or  of  monopoly.  Conquest  would 
have  cost  too  dear.  A protectorate  -would  have 
served  no  purpose  in  face  of  the  exclusiveness 
of  the  tribes.  Monopolization  would  have  been 
contrary  to  international  treaties.  To  create 
police  forces  with  Moroccan  natives  and  Algerian 
instructors  in  all  the  principal  towns ; to  restore 
finances  by  means  of  a more  honest  collection 
of  taxes,  a genuine  checking  of  expenses,  and 
the  repression  of  smuggling;  to  increase  the  car- 
rying trade  by  public  works  wisely  planned  and 
the  construction  of  ports,  bridges  and  roads  — 
all  this  by  contract  law ; to  multiply  hospitals, 
schools,  educational  and  charitable  institutions, 

— such  was  the  tenor  of  the  programme.  . . . 
As  Mr.  Delcasse  wrote  : ‘ Far  from  diminishing 
the  Sultan’s  authority,  we  were  peculiarly  anx- 
ious to  enhance  his  prestige.’” 

For  almost  a year  after  the  signing  of  the 
Anglo-French  agreements  of  April,  1904,  no  ob- 
jection was  raised  in  Europe  to  the  undertaking 
by  France  of  such  regenerative  work  in  Morocco 


252 


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EUROPE,  1905-1906 


as  they  contemplated.  Italy  had  assented  to  it 
before  England  did.  Spain  did  the  same  a few 
months  later.  These  werp  the  Powers  most  con- 
cerned. The  German  Ambassador  to  France  had 
been  informed  of  the  tenor  of  the  agreement 
with  England  a fortnight  before  it  was  signed, 
and  no  criticism  came  from  his  Government. 
After  the  text  of  it  had  been  published,  Chan- 
cellor von  Billow  said  in  the  Reichstag:  “We 
know  of  nothing  that  should  lead  us  to  think 
that  this  agreement  is  directed  against  any  Power 
whatsoever.  . . . From  the  point  of  view  of 
German  interests,  we  have  no  objection  to  make 
against  it.”  During  the  eleven  months  that  fol- 
lowed this  utterance  nothing  appears  to  have 
been  done  by  France  in  Morocco  that  changed 
the  situation  ; but  something  changed  the  official 
attitude  of  Germany  towards  what  it  had  found 
acceptable  before,  and  changed  it  very  suddenly. 
On  the  31st  of  March,  1905,  the  German  Em- 
peror, on  a yachting  cruise  to  the  Mediterranean, 
disembarked  at  Tangier,  and  found  occasion  to 
address  these  remarks  to  a representative  of  the 
Sultan : 

“ To-day,  I pay  my  visit  to  the  Sultan  in  his 
character  of  independent  sovereign.  I hope  that, 
under  the  Sultan’s  sovereignty,  a free  Morocco 
will  remain  open  to  the  pacific  competition  of 
all  nations  without  monopoly  and  without  annex- 
ation, on  a footing  of  absolute  equality.  My 
visit  to  Tangier  is  intended  to  make  known  the 
fact  that  I am  resolved  to  do  all  that  is  in  my 
power  properly  to  safeguard  the  interests  of 
Germany,  since  I consider  the  Sultan  as  being  an 
absolutely  free  sovereign.  It  is  with  him  that  I 
mean  to  come  to  an  understanding  respecting 
the  best  way  of  safeguarding  such  interests. 
As  regards  the  reforms  which  the  Sultan  is  in- 
tending to  make,  it  seems  to  me  that  any  action 
in  this  direction  should  be  taken  with  great  pre- 
caution, respect  being  had  for  the  religious  sen- 
timents of  the  population  in  order  that  there 
may  be  no  disturbance  of  public  tranquillity.” 

All  Europe  read  an  emphasized  threat  in  these 
words,  and  felt  instantly  that  they  meant  hostile 
intentions  towards  France.  That  they  came  so 
quickly  after  the  crushing  defeat  of  Russia  at 
Mukden  ; that  Russia,  ally  of  France  in  Euro- 
pean politics,  would  need  no  longer  to  be 
counted,  for  some  indefinite  future  time,  as  a 
military  Power ; that  the  Dual  Alliance,  which 
had  been  the  prop  of  France  in  the  recovery  of 
her  standing  among  the  Powers,  was  thus  sud- 
denly a broken  reed,  and  that  circumstances 
were  propitious,  therefore,  for  humiliating  her 
again, — here  were  facts  for  a bit  of  reasoning 
which  suggested  itself  quickly  to  a multitude  of 
minds. 

Twelve  days  after  the  speech  of  William  II.  at 
Tangier  Chancellor  Billow  addressed  a circular 
to  the  Ambassadors  of  Germany  at  various  capi- 
tals, directing  them  to  demand  an  International 
Conference  for  the  settlement  of  matters  concern- 
ing Morocco.  A little  later  the  Moorish  Sultan, 
Abd  el  Aziz,  endorsed  the  demand,  in  the  fol- 
lowing missive,  addressed  to  the  several  lega- 
tions of  foreign  governments  at  Tangier : 

“We  have  been  ordered  by  our  master  the 
Sultan  (God  strengthen  him)  to  request  all  the 
great  powers  to  hold  a conference  at  Tangier, 
composed  by  its  honorable  representatives  and 
those  appointed  by  the  Maghzen  [the  royal 
council  or  Cabinet]  to  discuss  the  manner  for 


suitable  reforms  which  His  Shereefian  Majesty 
has  determined  to  introduce  into  his  Empire, 
and  the  expenses  to  carry  out  the  same.  We 
therefore  beg  to  inform  your  excellency  of  this, 
so  that  you  may  notify  your  government  and  re 
quest  them  to  permit  your  excellency  to  attend 
said  conference  for  the  above-mentioned  purpose 
and  let  us  know  of  its  answer,  and  remain  in 
peace  and  with  joy.  Written  at  the  Holy  Court 
at  Fez  on  the  25th  day  of  Rabe  1st,  1905  ; corre- 
sponding to  May  29,  1905.  Mohammed  Ben 
Arby  Torres.” 

Meantime,  Germany  was  bringing  pressure  at 
Paris  to  force  the  resignation  or  removal  of  M. 
Delcasse,  the  Foreign  Minister,  whose  policy  was 
now  said  to  be  “A  threat  to  Germany,”  and  the 
French  Government,  unprepared  for  war,  sub 
mitted  to  concessions  which  involved  that  result. 
It  entered  on  preliminary  pourparlers  concerning 
the  demand  for  an  international  conference,  and 
allowed  Minister  Delcasse  to  resign. 

A fair-minded  German’s  view  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  German  Government  in  this  matter 
was  expressed  by  Mr.  W.  C.  Dreher  in  his  next  an- 
nual review  of  “The  Year  in  Germany  ” for  The 
Atlantic  Monthly.  Frankly  acknowledging  that 
the  Morocco  controversy  had  ‘ ‘ left  with  most 
other  nations  a distinctly  disagreeable  impression 
of  the  disturbing  tendencies  of  German  policy,” 
and  that  the  Kaiser’s  famous  speech  at  Tangier 
had  “astonished  the  German  people  not  less  than 
other  nations,”  he  remarks  : “ For  the  Germans 
had  learned  to  acquiesce  in  the  Anglo-French  set- 
tlement, under  which  France  was  to  have  a free 
hand  for  its  scheme  of  penetration  pacifique  in 
Morocco.  The  utterances  of  the  Imperial  Chan 
cellor  in  the  Reichstag  clearly  indicated  that  the 
Government  accepted  with  good  grace  the  gen- 
eral terms  of  that  settlement.  The  people,  too, 
had  been  schooled  by  the  inspired  press  in  the 
theory  that  Germany’s  commercial  interests  in 
Morocco  were  so  insignificant  as  not  to  warrant 
the  inauguration  of  a large  and  energetic  action 
to  assert  them;  and  this  view  had  been  generally 
accepted  by  them,  barring  the  noisy  little  fac- 
tion of  Pan  Germans. 

“The  chief  fault  of  Germany’s  Morocco  policy 
was,  accordingly,  that  it  was  sprung  upon  the 
German  people  themselves  without  warning, 
without  any  preparation  of  their  minds  for  it; 
hence  they  imperfectly  comprehended  it  and 
never  had  any  great  interest  in  it.  They  did  not 
feel  that  it  was  a matter  intimately  affecting  the 
nation’s  interests ; and  while  the  German  Ambas- 
sador at  Paris  was  asserting  Germany’s  solidarity 
with  Morocco,  the  press  at  home  was  diligently 
occupied  in  convincing  the  outside  world  that 
Germany  would  never  go  to  war  on  account  of 
that  remote  and  insignificant  state. 

“ Despite  the  abruptness  and  lack  of  skill  in 
launching  its  new  policy,  however,  the  govern- 
ment’s position  was  logical  and,  within  certain 
limits,  reasonable.  France  and  England  had  as- 
sumed to  decide  the  fate  of  Morocco  between 
themselves,  whereas  the  Madrid  Treaty  of  1880, 
to  which  Germany  was  signatory,  had  explicitly 
given  an  international  character  to  the  Moroccan 
question.  This  was  clearly  an  affront  to  Ger- 
many’s dignity  and  an  attempt  to  isolate  her, 
which  ought  to  have  been  objected  to  at  once.” 
— W.  C.  Dreher,  The  Year  in  Germany  ( Atlan- 
tic Monthly,  Nov.,  1906). 

On  the  28th  of  September  M.  Rouvier,  the 


EUROPE,  1905-1906 


EUROPE,  1905-1906 


French  Premier,  and  Prince  de  Radolin,  the  Ger- 
man Ambassador  at  Paris,  arrived  at  an  agree- 
ment concerning  the  matters  to  be  settled  at  the 
demanded  Conference,  and  it  was  announced  to 
other  governments  in  the  following  Memoran- 
dum ; 

The  two  Governments  have  agreed  to  submit 
to  the  Sultan  the  draft  of  the  following  pro- 
gramme elaborated  in  conformity  to  principles 
adopted  by  exchange  of  notes  on  July  8 : 

“ First.  — 1.  Organization,  by  way  of  inter- 
national agreement,  of  the  police  outside  the 
border  region. 

“2.  Regulations  organizing  the  surveillance 
and  suppression  of  the  smuggling  of  arms.  In 
the  border  region  the  enforcement  of  these  reg- 
ulations will  exclusively  concern  France  and 
Morocco. 

“ Second.  — Financial  reform. 

“Financial  support  given  to  the  Maghzen 
through  the  establishment  of  a state  bank  with 
the  privilege  of  issue,  taking  charge  of  treasury 
operations  and  acting  as  a medium  for  the  coin- 
age of  money,  the  profits  of  which  would  be- 
long to  the  Maghzen. 

“The  said  state  bank  would  undertake  to 
bring  about  a sounder  monetary  condition. 

“ The  credits  opened  to  the  Maghzen  would 
be  applied  to  the  equipment  and  salaries  of  the 
public  forces  and  to  urgent  public  works,  es- 
pecially the  improvement  of  the  harbors  and 
their  facilities. 

“ Third.  — Study  of  better  proceeds  from  im- 
posts and  of  new  sources  of  revenue. 

“Fourth. — Undertaking  on  the  part  of  the 
Maghzen  that  no  public  service  will  be  disposed 
of  for  the  benefit  of  private  interests. 

“Principle  of  letting  contracts  for  public 
works  to  the  lowest  bidder,  without  preference 
for  any  nationality.” 

In  due  time  the  further  details  were  arranged, 
and  representatives  of  thirteen  governments, 
namely,  of  Austria-Hungary,  Belgium,  France, 
Germany,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  Morocco,  the 
Netherlands,  Portugal,  Spain,  Russia,  Sweden, 
and  the  United  States,  were  assembled  in  Con- 
ference on  the  15th  of  January,  1906,  not  at 
Tangier,  but  at  the  Spanish  city  of  Algeciras, 
on  the  coast  of  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar.  The 
United  States  were  represented  by  the  Ameri- 
can Ambassador  to  the  French  Republic,  Henry 
White,  and  by  the  American  Minister  to  Mo- 
rocco, S.  R.  Gummere.  The  instructions  ad- 
dressed to  them  from  Washington  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Mr.  Root,  were  partly  in  these 
words : 

“The  United  States  is  a participant  in  the 
discussions  of  the  conference  solely  by  reason  of 
being  a treaty  power,  having  conventional  en- 
gagements with  Morocco  dating  back  to  1836,  by 
which  this  country  not  only  enjoys  special  privi- 
leges, but  is  entitled  to  the  most-favored-nation 
treatment  for  the  time  being.  This  government 
also  shares  in  the  right  of  protection  of  certain 
native  Moors  as  defined  in  the  multipartite  con- 
vention of  July  3,  1880.  Our  interest  and  right 
comprise  and  are  limited  to  an  equal  share  in 
whatever  privileges  of  residence,  trade,  and  pro- 
tection are  enjoyed  by,  or  may  be  hereafter  con- 
ceded by,  the  Shereefian  Government  to  aliens 
and  their  local  agencies,  and  it  follows  that  we 
have  a like  concern  in  the  enlargement  of  those 
privileges  in  all  appropriate  ways.  With  the 


special  political  problems  of  influence  and  asso- 
ciation affecting  the  relations  of  the  Moroccan 
Empire,  as  a Mediterranean  state,  to  the  powers 
having  interests  in  that  great  sea  and  whose 
concern  lies  naturally  in  the  conservation  and  ex- 
tension of  its  commerce  for  the  common  benefit 
of  all,  the  United  States  have  little  to  do  beyond 
expression  of  its  [their?]  wish  that  equality  and 
stability  be  secured.  . . . 

“It  is  expected  that  your  attitude  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  conference  will  display  the  im- 
partial benevolence  which  the  United  States  feels 
toward  Morocco  and  the  cordial  and  unbiased 
friendship  we  have  for  all  the  treaty  powers. 
Fair  play  is  what  the  United  States  asks  — for 
Morocco  and  for  all  the  interested  nations  — and 
it  confidently  expects  that  outcome.  The  com- 
plete dissociation  of  the  United  States  from  all 
motives  or  influences  which  might  tend  to  thwart 
■ a perfect  agreement  of  the  powers  should,  in  case 
of  need,  lend  weight  to  your  impartial  counsels 
in  endeavoring  to  compose  any  dissidence  of 
aims  which  may  possibly  develop  in  the  course 
of  the  conference.” 

Algeciras,  the  chosen  seat  of  the  Conference, 
had  been  three  times  a landing  place  of  the 
Moors  in  their  invasions  of  Spain.  “ The  mod- 
ern town,”  says  one  who  wrote  an  account  of  the 
Conference,  “dating  only  from  1760,  has  but  one 
attraction,  a magnificent  English  hotel,  built  by 
the  owners  of  the  picturesque  railway  which 
connects  it  with  the  rest  of  Europe,  and  of  the 
corresponding  steamer  service  across  the  bay  to 
Gibraltar,  placing  it  in  touch  with  all  the  world. 
But  this  attraction  sufficed,  and  the  Reina  Cris- 
tina Hotel  was  engaged  for  the  delegates,  while 
the  town-hall  was  cleared  and  refitted  for  their 
deliberations.  . . . 

“The  meetings  were  held  at  irregular  inter- 
vals, about  three  times  a week,  being  sum- 
moned whenever  the  President  was  advised  that 
sufficient  instructions  had  been  received,  or  that 
the  drafting  committee  had  some  document  to 
present  for  consideration.  Formal  sessions  were 
held  from  ten  to  twelve  in  the  morning,  the  Con- 
ference meeting  in  committee  from  three  to  five 
in  the  afternoon,  the  drafting  and  translating 
committees  assembling  when  and  where  conven- 
ient to  their  members.”  — Budgett  Meakin,  The 
Algeciras  Conference  ( Fortnightly  Review,  May, 
1906). 

The  General  Act  of  the  Conference,  finished 
and  signed  on  the  7th  of  April,  1906,  is  in  123  Ar- 
ticles, divided  into  6 Chapters,  as  follows : I.  A 
Declaration  relative  to  the  Organization  of  the 
Police  ; II.  Regulations  concerning  the  detection 
and  suppression  of  the  Illicit  Trade  in  Arms ; III . 
An  Act  of  Concession  for  a Moorish  State  Bank ; 
IV.  A Declaration  concerning  an  Improved  Yield 
of  the  Taxes,  and  the  creation  of  New  Sources  of 
Revenue ; V.  Regulations  respecting  the  Customs 
of  the  Empire  and  the  suppression  of  Fraud  and 
Smuggling ; VI.  A Declaration  relative  to  the 
Public  Services  and  Public  Works.  The  first 
chapter  provides  for  the  organization  of  a police 
force,  not  less  than  2000  nor  more  than  2500  in 
number,  recruited  from  among  Moorish  Mussul- 
mans and  commanded  by  Raids,  but  having 
Spanish  and  French  officers  and  non-commis- 
sioned officers  for  instructors,  nominated  to  the 
Sultan  by  their  respective  Governments,  and 
their  services  given  for  five  years.  This  police 
force,  moreover,  is  subject  to  general  inspection 


254 


EUROPE,  1907 


EUROPE,  1907 


by  a superior  officer  of  the  Swiss  army.  The  regu- 
lations of  the  second  chapter  are  minute  and 
precise  for  their  stated  purpose.  The  Morocco 
State  Bank,  provided  for  in  the  third,  is  made 
subject  to  the  law  of  France,  and  is  to  “discharge 
the  duties  of  disbursing  Treasurer  of  the  Empire  ” 
and  “ financial  agent  of  the  Government.”  The 
Directors  of  the  Bank  are  chosen,  of  course,  by 
the  shareholders ; but  one  article  stipulates  that 
“the  Shereefian  Government  shall  exercise  its 
high  control  over  the  Bank  through  a Moorish 
High  Commissioner,  whom  it  shall  appoint  after 
previous  agreement  with  the  board  of  directors,” 
while  another  requires  that  “each  of  the  follow- 
ing institutions,  viz.,  the  German  Imperial  Bank, 
the  Bank  of  England,  the  Bank  of  Spain  and  the 
Bank  of  France,  shall,  with  the  approval  of  its 
Government,  appoint  a Censor  to  the  State  Bank 
of  Morocco.”  The  prescriptions  in  the  fourth  and 
fifth  chapters  of  the  act  are  not  of  general  signi- 
ficance or  interest.  In  the  sixth,  relating  to  “pub- 
lic services  and  public  works,”  it  is  set  forth  that, 
“should  the  Shereefian  Government  consider  it 
necessary  to  have  recourse  to  foreign  capital  or 
to  foreign  industries  for  the  working  of  public 
services  or  for  the  execution  of  public  works, 
roads,  railways,  ports,  telegraphs,  or  other,  the 
Signatory  Powers  reserve  to  themselves  the  right 
to  see  that  the  control  of  the  State  over  such  large 
undertakings  of  public  interest  remain  intact.” 
On  the  signing  of  the  Act  Mr.  Henry  White,  the 
chief  delegate  from  the  United  States  to  the  Con- 
ference, made  the  following  Declaration  on  be- 
half of  his  Government: 

“The  Government  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  having  no  political  interests  in  Mo- 
rocco, and  having  taken  part  in  the  present  Con- 
ference with  no  other  desires  or  intentions  than 
to  assist  in  assuring  to  all  the  nations  in  Morocco 
the  most  complete  equality  in  matters  of  com- 
merce, treatment,  and  privileges,  and  in  facilitat- 
ing the  introduction  into  that  Empire  of  reforms 
which  should  bring  about  a general  state  of 
well-being  founded  on  the  perfect  cordiality  of 
her  foreign  relations,  and  on  a stable  internal  ad- 
ministration, declares:  that  in  subscribing  to  the 
Regulations  and  Declarations  of  the  Conference 
by  the  act  of  signing  the  General  Act,  subject  to 
ratification  according  to  constitutional  proce- 
dure, and  the  Additional  Protocol,  and  in  con- 
senting to  their  application  to  American  citizens 
and  interests  in  Morocco,  it  assumes  no  obligation 
or  responsibility  as  to  the  measures  which  may 
be  necessary  for  the  enforcement  of  the  said 
Regulations  and  Declarations.” 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). — Convention  between 
Great  Britain  and  Russia,  containing  ar- 
rangements on  the  subject  of  Persia,  Af- 
ghanistan, and  Tibet.  — Parallel  with  the 
Agreements  — the  “ Entente  Cordiale  ” — of  1904 
between  England  and  France,  in  its  purpose  and 
in  its  importance  to  Europe,  was  the  Convention 
between  England  and  Russia  in  1907,  which  har- 
monized the  interests  and  the  policy  of  the  two 
nations  in  matters  relating  to  Persia,  Afghanis- 
tan, and  Tibet.  In  each  case  the  dictating  mo- 
tive looked  not  so  much  to  a settlement  of  the 
particular  questions  involved,  as  to  a general 
extinguishment  of  possible  causes  of  contention 
which  might  at  some  time  disturb  the  peaceful 
or  friendly  relations  of  the  peoples  concerned. 
Taken  together,  the  two  formally  expressed  un- 
derstandings, Anglo-French  and  Anglo-Russian, 


added  to  the  Franco-Russian  Alliance  of  1895 
(see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work,  France  : 
A.  1).  1895)  constituted,  not  a new  Triple  Alli- 
ance, set  over  against  that  of  Germany,  Austria- 
Hungary,  and  Italy,  but  an  amicable  conjunction 
which  bore  suggestions  of  alliance,  and  which 
introduced  a counterweight  in  European  politics 
that  makes  undoubtedly  for  peace. 

The  Anglo-Russian  Convention,  signed  Au- 
gust 31,  1907,  contained  three  distinct  ‘ ‘ Arrange- 
ments,” under  a common  preamble,  as  follows  : 

“His  Majesty  the  King  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  and  of  the 
British  Dominions  beyond  the  Seas,  Emperor  of 
India,  and  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  All  the 
Russias,  animated  by  the  sincere  desire  to  settle 
by  mutual  agreement  different  questions  con- 
cerning the  interests  of  their  States  on  the  Con- 
tinent of  Asia,  have  determined  to  conclude 
Agreements  destined  to  prevent  all  cause  of  mis- 
understanding between  Great  Britain  and  Rus- 
sia in  regard  to  the  questions  referred  to,  and 
have  nominated  for  this  purpose  their  respective 
Plenipotentiaries.  . . . Who,  having  communi- 
cated to  each  other  their  full  powers,  found  in 
good  and  due  form,  have  agreed  on  the  follow- 
ing: 

Arrangement  concerning  Persia. 

“The  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  Rus 
sia  having  mutually  engaged  to  respect  the  in- 
tegrity and  independence  of  Persia,  and  sincerely 
desiring  the  preservation  of  order  throughout 
that  country  and  its  peaceful  development,  as 
well  as  the  permanent  establishment  of  equal 
advantages  for  the  trade  and  industry  of  all 
other  nations ; 

“ Considering  that  each  of  them  has,  for  geo- 
graphical and  economic  reasons,  a special  inter- 
est in  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  order  in 
certain  provinces  of  Persia  adjoining,  or  in  the 
neighbourhood  of,  the  Russian  frontier  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  frontiers  of  Afghanistan  and 
Baluchistan  on  the  other  hand ; and  being  desir- 
ous of  avoiding  all  cause  of  conflict  between 
their  respective  interests  in  the  above-mentioned 
Provinces  of  Persia ; 

“ Have  agreed  on  the  following  terms: 

“ I.  Great  Britain  engages  not  to  seek  for 
herself,  and  not  to  support  in  favour  of  British 
subjects,  or  in  favour  of  the  subjects  of  third 
Powers,  any  Concessions  of  a political  or 
commercial  nature  — such  as  Concessions  for 
railways,  banks,  telegraphs,  roads,  transport,  in- 
surance, &c.  — beyond  a line  starting  from  Kasr- 
i-Shirin,  passing  through  Isfahan,  Yezd,  Kakhk 
and  ending  at  a point  on  the  Persian  frontier  at 
the  intersection  of  the  Russian  and  Afghan  fron- 
tiers, and  not  to  oppose,  directly  or  indirectly, 
demands  for  similar  Concessions  in  this  region 
which  are  supported  by  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment. It  is  understood  that  the  above-mentioned 
places  are  included  in  the  region  in  which  Great 
Britain  engages  not  to  seek  the  Concessions  re- 
ferred to. 

“II.  Russia,  on  her  part,  engages  not  to  seek 
for  herself,  and  not  to  support  in  favour  of  Rus- 
sian subjects,  or  in  favour  of  the  subjects  of 
third  Powers,  any  Concessions  of  a political  or 
commercial  nature  — such  as  Concessions  for 
railways,  banks,  telegraphs,  roads,  transport, 
insurance,  &c.  — beyond  a line  going  from  the 
Afghan  frontier  by  way  of  Gazik,  Birjand, 
Kerman,  and  ending  at  Bunder  Abbas,  and 


255 


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EUROPE,  1907 


not  to  oppose,  directly  or  indirectly,  demands 
for  similar  Concessions  in  this  region  which 
are  supported  by  the  British  Government.  It 
is  understood  that  the  above-mentioned  places 
are  included  in  the  region  in  which  Russia  en- 
gages not  to  seek  the  Concessions  referred  to. 

“III.  Russia,  on  her  part,  engages  not  to  op- 
pose, without  previous  arrangement  with  Great 
Britain,  the  grant  of  any  Concessions  whatever 
to  British  subjects  in  the  regions  of  Persia  sit- 
uated between  the  lines  mentioned  in  Articles  I 
and  II.  Great  Britain  undertakes  a similar  en- 
gagement as  regards  the  grant  of  Concessions  to 
Russian  subjects  in  the  same  regions  of  Persia. 
All  Concessions  existing  at  present  in  the  regions 
indicated  in  Articles  I and  II  are  maintained. 

“ IV.  It  is  understood  that  the  revenues  of  all 
the  Persian  customs,  with  the  exception  of  those 
of  Farsistan  and  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  revenues 
guaranteeing  the  amortization  and  the  interest 
of  the  loans  concluded  by  the  Government  of 
the  Shah  with  the  ‘ Banque  d’Escompte  et  des 
Prets  de  Perse  ’ up  to  the  date  of  the  signature 
of  the  present  Arrangement,  shall  be  devoted  to 
the  same  purpose  as  in  the  past.  It  is  equally 
understood  that  the  revenues  of  the  Persian  cus- 
toms of  Farsistan  and  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  as 
well  as  those  of  the  fisheries  on  the  Persian  shore 
of  the  Caspian  Sea  and  those  of  the  Posts  and 
Telegraphs,  shall  be  devoted,  as  in  the  past,  to 
the  service  of  the  loans  concluded  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Shah  with  the  Imperial  Bank  of 
Persia  up  to  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the 
present  Arrangement. 

“V.  In  the  event  of  irregularities  occurring 
in  the  amortization  or  the  payment  of  the  inter- 
est of  the  Persian  loans  concluded  with  the 
‘Banque  d’Escompte  et  des  Prets  de  Perse’ 
and  with  the  Imperial  Bank  of  Persia  up  to  the 
date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  Arrange- 
ment, and  in  the  event  of  the  necessity  arising 
for  Russia  to  establish  control  over  the  sources 
of  revenue  guaranteeing  the  regular  service  of 
the  loans  concluded  with  the  first-named  bank, 
and  situated  in  the  region  mentioned  in  Article 
II  of  the  present  Arrangement,  or  for  Great 
Britain  to  establish  control  over  the  sources  of 
revenue  guaranteeing  the  regular  service  of  the 
loans  concluded  with  the  second-named  bank, 
and  situated  in  the  region  mentioned  in  Article 
I of  the  present  Arrangement,  the  British  and 
Russian  Governments  undertake  to  enter  before- 
hand into  a friendly  exchange  of  ideas  with  a 
view  to  determine,  in  agreement  with  each 
other,  the  measures  of  control  in  question  and 
to  avoid  all  interference  which  would  not  be  in 
conformity  with  the  principles  governing  the 
present  Arrangement. 

Convention  concerning  Afghanistan. 

“The  High  Contracting  Parties,  in  order  to 
ensure  perfect  security  on  their  respective  fron- 
tiers in  Central  Asia  and  to  maintain  in  these 
regions  a solid  and  lasting  peace,  have  concluded 
the  following  Convention: 

“ Article  I.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Govern- 
ment declare  that  they  have  no  intention  of 
changing  the  political  status  of  Afghanistan. 
His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  further  en- 
gage to  exercise  their  influence  in  Afghanistan 
only  in  a pacific  sense,  and  they  will  not  them- 
selves take,  nor  encourage  Afghanistan  to  take, 
any  measures  threatening  Russia.  The  Russian 
Government,  on  their  part,  declare  that  they 


recognize  Afghanistan  as  outside  the  sphere  of 
Russian  influence,  and  they  engage  that  all  their 
political  relations  with  Afghanistan  shall  be 
conducted  through  the  intermediary  of  His  Brit- 
annic Majesty’s  Government ; they  further  en- 
gage not  to  send  any  Agents  into  Afghanistan. 

“Article  II.  The  Government  of  His  Brit- 
annic Majesty  having  declared  in  the  Treaty 
signed  at  Kabul  on  the  21st  March,  1905,  that 
they  recognize  the  Agreement  and  the  engage- 
ments concluded  with  the  late  Ameer  Abdur 
Rahman,  aDd  that  they  have  no  intention  of  in- 
terfering in  the  internal  government  of  Afghan 
territory,  Great  Britain  engages  neither  to  annex 
nor  to  occupy  in  contravention  of  that  Treaty 
any  portion  of  Afghanistan  or  to  interfere  in  the 
internal  administration  of  the  country,  provided 
that  the  Ameer  fulfils  the  engagements  already 
contracted  by  him  towards  His  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  under  the  above-mentioned 
Treaty. 

“Article  III.  The  Russian  and  Afghan  au- 
thorities, specially  designated  for  the  purpose 
on  the  frontier  or  in  the  frontier  provinces,  may 
establish  direct  relations  with  each  other  for  the 
settlement  of  local  questions  of  a non-political 
character. 

“Article  IY.  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Russian  Government  affirm 
their  adherence  to  the  principle  of  equality 
of  commercial  opportunity  in  Afghanistan,  and 
they  agree  that  any  facilities  which  may  have 
been,  or  shall  be  hereafter  obtained  for  British 
and  British-Indian  trade  and  traders,  shall  be 
equally  enjoyed  by  Russian  trade  and  traders. 
Should  the  progress  of  trade  establish  the  neces- 
sity for  Commercial  Agents,  the  two  Govern- 
ments will  agree  as  to  what  measures  shall  be 
taken,  due  regard,  of  course,  being  had  to  the 
Ameer’s  sovereign  rights. 

“ Article  V.  The  present  Arrangements 
will  only  come  into  force  when  His  Britannic 
Majesty’s  Government  shall  have  notified  to  the 
Russian  Government  the  consent  of  the  Ameer 
to  the  terms  stipulated  above. 

Arrangement  concerning  Thibet. 

“The  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  Rus- 
sia recognizing  the  suzerain  rights  of  China  in 
Thibet,  and  considering  the  fact  that  Great 
Britain,  by  reason  of  her  geographical  position, 
has  a special  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
status  quo  in  the  external  relations  of  Thibet, 
have  made  the  following  Arrangement:  — 

“Article  I.  The  two  High  Contracting  Par- 
ties engage  to  respect  the  territorial  integrity  of 
Thibet  and  to  abstain  from  all  interference  in 
its  internal  administration. 

‘ ‘ Article  II.  In  conformity  with  the  admitted 
principle  of  the  suzerainty  of  China  over  Thibet, 
Great  Britain  and  Russia  engage  not  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  Thibet  except  through 
the  intermediary  of  the  Chinese  Government. 
This  engagement  does  not  exclude  the  direct 
relations  between  British  Commercial  Agents 
and  the  Thibetan  authorities  provided  for  in 
Article  V of  the  Convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  Thibet  of  the  7th  September,  1904, 
and  confirmed  by  the  Convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  China  of  the  27th  April,  190G;  nor 
does  it  modify  the  engagements  entered  into  by 
Great  Britain  and  China  in  Article  I of  the  said 
Convention  of  1906. 

“It  is  clearly  understood  that  Buddhists, 


256 


EUROPE,  1907 


EUROPE,  1907-1908 


subjects  of  Great  Britain  or  of  Russia,  may 
enter  into  direct  relations  on  strictly  religious 
matters  with  the  Dalai  Lama  and  the  other  re- 
presentatives of  Buddhism  in  Thibet ; the  Gov- 
ernments of  Great  Britain  and  Russia  engage,  as 
far  as  they  are  concerned,  not  to  allow  those  re- 
lations to  infringe  the  stipulations  of  the  present 
Arrangement. 

“ Article  III.  The  British  and  Russian  Gov- 
ernments respectively  engage  not  to  send  Re- 
presentatives to  Lhassa. 

“Article  IV.  The  two  High  Contracting 
Parties  engage  neither  to  seek  nor  to  obtain, 
whether  for  themselves  or  their  subjects,  any 
Concessions  for  railways,  roads,  telegraphs,  and 
mines,  or  other  rights  in  Thibet. 

“ Article  V.  The  two  Governments  agree 
that  no  part  of  the  revenues  of  Thibet,  whether 
in  kind  or  in  cash,  shall  be  pledged  or  assigned 
to  Great  Britain  or  Russia  or  to  any  of  their 
subjects. 

Annex  to  the  Arrangement  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  concerning  Thibet. 

“ Great  Britain  reaffirms  the  Declaration, 
signed  by  his  Excellency  the  Viceroy  and  Gov- 
ernor-General of  India  and  appended  to  the 
ratification  of  the  Convention  of  the  7th  Sep- 
tember. 1904,  to  the  effect  that  the  occupation  of 
the  Chumbi  Valley  by  British  forces  shall  cease 
after  the  payment  of  three  annual  instalments  of 
the  indemnity  of  25,000,000  rupees,  provided  that 
the  trade  marts  mentioned  in  Article  II  of  that 
Convention  have  been  effectively  opened  for 
three  years,  and  that  in  the  meantime  the  Thi- 
betan authorities  have  faithfully  complied  in  all 
respects  with  the  terms  of  the  said  Convention 
of  1904.  It  is  clearly  understood  that  if  the  oc- 
cupation of  the  Chumbi  Valley  by  the  British 
forces  has,  for  any  reason,  not  been  terminated 
at  the  time  anticipated  in  the  above  Declaration, 
the  British  and  Russian  Governments  will  enter 
upon  a friendly  exchange  of  views  on  this  sub- 
ject.” 

As  an  Inclosure  with  the  Convention,  Notes 
were  exchanged  by  the  Plenipotentiaries,  of 
which  that  from  Mr.  Nicolson  was  in  the  fol- 
lowing words,  M.  Iswolsky  replying  to  the  same 
effect. 

“ St.  Petersburg,  August  18  (31),  1907. 
“M.  le  Ministre, 

“ With  reference  to  the  Arrangement  regard- 
ing Thibet,  signed  to-day,  I have  the  honour  to 
make  the  following  Declaration  to  your  Excel- 
lency : — 

“ ‘ His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  think 
it  desirable,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  not  to 
allow,  unless  by  a previous  agreement  with  the 
Russian  Government,  for  a period  of  three  years 
from  the  date  of  the  present  communication,  the 
entry  into  Thibet  of  any  scientific  mission  what- 
ever, on  condition  that  a like  assurance  is  given 
on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Govern- 
ment. 

“‘His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  pro- 
pose, moreover,  to  approach  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment with  a view  to  induce  them  to  accept 
a similar  obligation  for  a corresponding  period; 
the  Russian  Government  will  as  a matter  of 
course  take  similar  action. 

“ ‘ At  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  three  years 
above  mentioned  His  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment will,  if  necessary,  consult  with  the  Rus- 


sian government  as  to  the  desirability  of  any 
ulterior  measures  with  regard  to  scientific  ex- 
peditions to  Thibet.’  I avail,  &c. 

(Signed)  A.  Nicolson.” 

In  authorizing  Sir  A.  Nicolson  to  sign  the  pre- 
ceding Convention,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  British 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  wrote,  on  the  29tli 
of  August,  as  follows  : 

“ I have  to-day  authorized  your  Excellency  by 
telegraph  to  sign  a Convention  with  the  Rus- 
sian Government  containing  Arrangements  on 
the  subject  of  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and  Thibet. 

“The  Arrangement  respecting  Persia  is  lim 
ited  to  the  regions  of  that  country  touching  the 
respective  frontiers  of  Great  Britain  and  Russia 
in  Asia,  and  the  Persian  Gulf  is  not  part  of  those 
regions,  aud  is  only  partly  in  Persian  territory. 
It  has  not  therefore  been  considered  appropriate 
to  introduce  into  the  Convention  a positive  de- 
claration respecting  special  interests  possessed 
by  Great  Britain  in  the  Gulf,  the  result  of  Brit- 
ish action  in  those  waters  for  more  than  a hun- 
dred years. 

“His  Majesty’s  Government  have  reason  to 
believe  that  this  question  will  not  give  rise  to 
difficulties  between  the  two  Governments,  should 
developments  arise  which  make  further  discus- 
sion affecting  British  interests  in  the  Gulf  neces- 
sary. For  the  Russian  Government  have  in  the 
course  of  the  negotiations  leading  up  to  the  con- 
clusion of  this  Arrangement  explicitly  stated 
that  they  do  not  deny  the  special  interests  of 
Great  Britain  in  the  Persian  Gulf  — a statement 
of  which  His  Majesty’s  Government  have  for- 
mally taken  note. 

“ In  order  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  pre- 
sent Arrangement  is  not  intended  to  affect  the 
position  in  the  Gulf,  and  does  not  imply  any 
change  of  policy  respecting  it  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain,  His  Majesty’s  Government  think 
it  desirable  to  draw  attention  to  previous  decla- 
rations of  British  policy,  and  to  reaffirm  gener- 
ally previous  statements  as  to  British  interests 
in  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  importance  of  main- 
taining them. 

“His  Majesty’s  Government  will  continue  to 
direct  all  their  efforts  to  the  preservation  of  the 
status  quo  in  the  Gulf  and  the  maintenance  of 
British  trade  ; in  doing  so,  they  have  no  desire 
to  exclude  the  legitimate  trade  of  any  other 
Power.” — - Parliamentary  Papers  by  Command. 
Russia.  No.  1.  1907  (Cd.  3750). 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Treaties  respecting 
the  Independence  and  Territorial  Integrity 
of  Norway,  and  concerning  the  Maintenance 
of  the  Status  Quo  in  the  territories  bordering 
upon  the  North  Sea.  — Two  Treaties  of  great 
importance  to  the  security  of  peace  in  Europe, 
having  for  object  a joint  protection  by  several 
Powers  of  existing  conditions  on  the  North  Sea 
and  the  Baltic  exit  to  it,  were  concluded  and 
signed  on  the  2d  of  November,  1907,  and  the 
23d  of  April,  1908,  respectively.  The  parties 
to  the  first  of  these  Treaties  were  Great  Britain, 
France,  Germany,  Norway,  and  Russia,  and  its 
purpose  was  “to  secure  to  Norway,  within  her 
present  frontiers  and  with  her  neutral  zone,  her 
independence  and  territorial  integrity,  as  also 
the  benefits  of  peace.”  It  was  signed  at  Chris- 
tiania, where  ratifications  were  deposited  on  the 
6th  of  February  following:  The  following  is  the 
text  of  the  Treaty  ; 


EUROPE,  1907-1908 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


“Article  I.  The  Norwegian  Government 
undertake  not  to  cede  any  portion  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Norway  to  any  Power  to  hold  on  a title 
founded  either  on  occupation,  or  on  any  other 
ground  whatsoever. 

“ Article  II.  The  German,  French,  British, 
and  Russian  Governments  recognize  and  under- 
take to  respect  the  integrity  of  Norway.  If  the 
integrity  of  Norway  is  threatened  or  impaired 
by  any  Power  whatsoever,  the  German,  French, 
British,  and  Russian  Governments  undertake, 
on  the  receipt  of  a previous  communication  to 
this  effect  from  the  Norwegian  Government,  to 
afford  to  that  Government  their  support,  by  such 
means  as  may  be  deemed  the  most  appropriate, 
with  a view  to  safeguarding  the  integrity  of 
Norway. 

“Article  III.  The  present  Treaty  is  con- 
cluded for  a period  of  ten  years  from  the  day 
of  the  exchange  of  ratifications.  If  the  Treaty 
is  not  denounced  by  any  of  the  parties  at  least 
two  years  before  the  expiration  of  the  said  pe- 
riod, it  will  remain  in  force,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  before,  for  a further  period  of  ten  years 
and  so  on  accordingly. 

“In  the  event  of  the  Treaty  being  denounced 
by  one  of  the  Powers  who  have  participated 
with  Norway  in  the  conclusion  of  the  present 
Treaty,  such  denunciation  shall  have  effect  only 
as  far  as  that  Power  is  concerned. 

“Article  IV.  The  present  Treaty  shall  be 
ratified  and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged 
at  Christiania  as  soon  as  possible.” 

The  second  of  the  two  Treaties  was  in  two 
documents,  styled  "Declaration  and  Memoran- 
dum between  the  United  Kingdom,  Denmark, 
France,  Germany,  the  Netherlands,  and  Sweden, 
concerning  the  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo 
in  the  territories  bordering  upon  the  North 
Sea.”  They  were  signed  at  Berlin,  where  ratifi- 
cations were  deposited  on  the  2d  of  July,  1908, 
and  were  in  the  following  terms: 

“ Declaration.  — The  British,  Danish,  French, 
German,  Netherland,  and  Swedish  Governments, 

‘ ‘ Animated  by  the  desire  to  strengthen  the 
ties  of  neighbourly  friendship  existing  between 
their  respective  countries,  and  to  contribute 
thereby  to  the  preservation  of  universal  peace, 
and  recognizing  that  their  policy  with  respect 
to  the  regions  bordering  on  the  North  Sea  is 
directed  to  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  ter- 
ritorial status  quo , 

“Declare  that  they  are  firmly  resolved  to 
preserve  intact,  and  mutually  to  respect,  the 
sovereign  rights  which  their  countries  at  present 
enjoy  over  their  respective  territories  in  those 
regions. 

“Should  any  events  occur  which,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  any  of  the  above-mentioned  Governments, 
threaten  the  existing  territorial  status  quo  in 
the  regions  bordering  upon  the  North  Sea,  the 
Powers  Signatory  of  the  present  Declaration  will 
communicate  with  each  other  in  order  to  con- 
cert, by  an  agreement  to  be  arrived  at  between 
them,  such  measures  as  they  may  consider  it 
useful  to  take  in  the  interest  of  the  maintenance 
of  the  status  quo  as  regards  their  possessions. 

“The  present  Declaration  shall  be  ratified 
with  the  least  possible  delay.  The  ratifications 
shall  be  deposited  at  Berlin  as  soon  as  may  be, 
and,  at  the  latest,  on  the  31st  December,  1908. 
The  deposit  of  each  ratification  shall  be  recorded 
in  a Protocol,  of  which  a certified  copy  shall  be 


forwarded  through  the  diplomatic  channel  to  the 
Signatory  Powers. 

“ Memorandum.  — At  the  moment  of  signing 
the  Declaration  of  this  day’s  date,  the  Under 
signed,  by  order  of  their  respective  Govern- 
ments, consider  it  necessary  to  state  — 

“1.  That  the  principle  of  the  maintenance  of 
the  status  quo , as  laid  down  by  the  said  Declara- 
tion, applies  solely  to  the  territorial  integrity  of 
all  the  existing  possessions  of  the  High  Contract- 
ing Parties  in  the  regions  bordering  upon  the 
North  Sea,  and  that  consequently  the  Declara- 
tion can  in  no  case  be  invoked  where  the  free 
exercise  of  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  High 
Contracting  Parties  over  their  above-mentioned 
respective  possessions  is  in  question  ; 

“2.  That,  for  the  purposes  of  the  said  Decla- 
ration, the  North  Sea  shall  be  considered  to  ex- 
tend eastwards  as  far  as  its  junction  with  the 
waters  of  the  Baltic.”  — British  Parliamentary 
Papers  by  Command,  Treaty  Series  No.  35,  1907, 
and  23,  1908  ( C'd . 3754  and  4248). 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — The  Situation  in  Crete 
as  controlled  by  the  Four  Protecting  Powers. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Crete:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct. -March). — Declara- 
tion of  Bulgarian  Independence. — Austrian 
Annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  — 
Excitement  of  Servia.  — The  menace  to 
European  peace. — The  question  of  a Con- 
ference. — Attitude  of  Germany.  — Was  Rus- 
sia coerced  to  assent?  — Violation  of  the 
Public  Law  of  Europe.  — On  the  5th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1908,  the  independence  of  Bulgaria  as  a 
Kingdom  was  formally  proclaimed,  the  suzer- 
ainty of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  renounced,  and 
Prince  Ferdinand  invested  with  the  title  of  Tzar, 
or  King.  This  proceeding  was  consequent  on 
the  revolution  in  Turkey  (see  Turkey  : A.  D. 
1908,  July-Dec.),  which  had  resurrected  the 
suspended  Constitution  of  1876,  broken  the  des- 
potism of  the  Sultanate  and  subjected  it  to  a 
Parliamentary  system  of  government.  Never 
having  accepted  the  arrangements  of  1878,  made 
by  the  Congress  of  Berlin,  which  gave  them  self- 
government  but  kept  them  tributary  and  nom- 
inally subject  to  the  over  lordship  of  the  Sultan 
(see,  in  Volume  V.  of  this  work,  Turks  : A.  D. 
1878;  and  in  Volume  I.,  Balkan  and  Danu- 
bian  States:  A.  D.  1878,  and  1878-1886),  the 
Bulgarians  had  but  waited  for  the  opportu- 
nity which  now  seemed  to  invite  this  act.  An 
immediate  provocation  to  their  declaration  of 
independence  was  supplied  by  a thoughtless 
offence  to  them  given  by  the  new  Ministry  at 
Constantinople.  To  celebrate  the  triumph  of 
the  revolution  a state  dinner  was  given,  the  Sul- 
tan presiding,  and  all  the  diplomats  at  the  Turk- 
ish capital  were  invited  to  it  excepting  the 
representative  of  Bulgaria.  When  he  asked  for 
an  explanation  of  this  exception  he  was  told  that 
he  could  not  be  recognized  as  an  ambassador  or 
envoy,  but  only  as  the  agent  of  a subject  pro- 
vince. This  was  enough  to  set  Bulgaria  aflame. 
Her  affronted  Minister  at  Constantinople  was 
withdrawn  and  diplomatic  intercourse  with  the 
Turkish  Government  dropped.  The  breach  was 
accentuated  further  by  the  recent  occurrence 
of  a strike  on  the  railway,  owned  by  the  Turkish 
Government,  which  traverses  both  Turkish  and 
Bulgarian  territory.  The  Bulgarians  had  taken 
possession  of  and  were  operating  the  section 
within  their  own  domain,  and  when  the  strike 


258 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


was  called  off  the  Government  announced  its 
intention  to  retain  that  portion  of  the  line,  with 
due  compensation  to  the  company  which  leased 
it.  This  proceeding  intensified  and  doubled  the 
ferments  produced  by  the  proclamation  of  inde- 
pendence. Statesmen  were  disturbed  by  the 
violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  and  capitalists 
by  the  danger  which  menaced  their  Turkish 
railway  securities. 

But  this  tells  of  only  half  the  threatening  in- 
cidents of  the  time.  Simultaneously  with  the 
Bulgarian  defiance  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  and 
its  signatory  sponsors,  the  Government  of  Aus- 
tria-Hungary broke  away  from  its  obligations, 
by  a formal  announcement  that  the  simple  occu- 
pation and  administration  of  Bosnia,  aud  Her- 
zegovina, which  that  treaty  had  permitted  the 
Dual  Empire  to  undertake,  was  now  to  be  com- 
plete annexation,  by  no  other  authority  than  the 
Imperial  will  to  have  it  so. 

Many  interests  and  ambitiohs,  many  jealousies 
and  distrusts  among  the  Powers,  were  disturbed 
and  excited  by  this  sudden  disordering  of  the 
political  geography  of  Southeastern  Europe. 
Pan-Slavic  feelings  and  hopes  were  profoundly 
antagonistic  to  the  Austrian  absorption  of  more 
Slavic  populations  and  lands.  Servia  was 
alarmed  to  desperation  by  the  aggrandizement 
of  her  dangerous  great  neighbor,  and  Russia  was 
more  than  sympathetic  with  her  alarm.  What 
Turkey  could  or  would  do  in  vindication  of  her 
treaty  rights  over  Bulgaria,  Bosnia,  and  Her- 
zegovina, was  a question  of  little  gravity  com- 
pared with  that  which  asked  what  Servia  might 
attempt  in  resistance  to  the  Austrian  scheme, 
and  what  Russia  would  venture  if  an  Austro- 
Servian  war  should  break  out.  The  situation 
very  soon  became  one  in  which  any  act  of  hos- 
tility on  any  side  could  hardly  fail  to  precipitate 
a great  tempest  of  war ; and  thus  the  peace  of 
Europe  was  held  in  a trembling  balance  for 
months.  The  state  of  affairs  was  described 
clearly  and  with  ample  knowledge  at  the  time 
by  Mr.  Archibald  R.  Colquhoun,  in  a paper 
which  he  read  in  London,  at  a meeting  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  Arts.  “The  more  hot-headed 
Servians,”  he  said,  “undoubtedly  felt  that  their 
whole  future  was  imperilled,  and  that  they  might 
as  well  risk  all  on  a desperate  hazard,  in  the  be- 
lief that  intervention  would  come  to  their  assist- 
ance should  their  independence  be  threatened. 
The  close  racial  ties  between  the  Bosnians,  Ser- 
vians, and  Montenegrins  made  it  impossible  to 
say  how  far  an  armed  movement  might  spread 
if  it  once  broke  out.  While  Turkey  and  Bul- 
garia might  come  to  terms,  and  while  Austria 
might  effect  an  amicable  arrangement  with  Tur- 
key, it  was  difficult  to  see  how  the  question  of 
the  Southern  Slavs  was  to  be  finally  adjusted 
unless  Austria  could  placate  them  in  sections, 
and  so  perhaps  divide  them.  Concessions  of  a 
comparatively  unimportant  nature  might  induce 
Montenegro  to  keep  quiet,  and  a liberal  policy, 
with  a promise  of  autonomy  in  the  near  future, 
would  discount  a good  deal  of  the  agitation  in 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  The  more  far-sighted 
Bosnians  appreciated  the  fact  that  their  shortest 
cut  to  comparative  freedom  lay  through  that 
local  autonomy  which  they  could  legitimately 
demand  from  Austria.  . . . 

“ The  spectacle  of  these  Southern  Slave  coun- 
tries, whose  peoples  exhibited  so  many  splendid 
qualities,  but  yet  did  not  have  that  instinct  for 


government  which  characterized  some  far  less 
gifted  races,  was  rather  a melancholy  one.  In 
the  tangle  of  mountains,  races,  and  religions 
which  made  up  the  Balkans  (he  people  needed 
peace  above  every  other  thing  — a breathing 
space  in  which  to  develop  themselves  and  their 
resources,  and  to  get  a truer  perspective  on  their 
position  in  Europe.  To  the  Great  Powers  who 
controlled  the  destinies  of  these  small  ones 
peace  was  no  less  essential,  but  it  was  not  quite 
clear  that  Austria-Hungary,  with  the  great  mil- 
itary power  of  Germany  behind  her,  realized 
this  or  was  prepared  to  ‘ seek  peace  and  ensue 
it.’  It  was  this  uncertainty  which  made  many 
await  with  anxiety  the  melting  of  the  Balkan 
snows,  which  put  an  end  to  enforced  inactivity 
in  those  regions.” 

Great  Britain,  France,  Russia,  and  Italy  were 
agreed  in  desiring  a Conference  of  the  Powers 
which  had  been  parties  to  the  Berlin  Treaty  of 
thirty  years  before,  to  adjudicate  all  the  ques- 
tions raised  by  the  acts  of  Austria  and  Bulgaria, 
in  contravention  of  that  treaty.  Austria  was 
supported  by  Germany  in  holding  back  from 
such  a conference,  and  nothing  definite  in  that 
direction  was  done.  Meantime  Turkey  was 
brought  to  negotiations  with  both  of  the  tres- 
passers on  her  ancient  sovereignty,  and  within  a 
few  months  she  came  to  terms  with  both.  The 
arrangement  with  Austria,  determining  an  in- 
demnity to  be  paid  for  the  surrender  of  Turkish 
claims  to  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  was  quick- 
ened by  a boycott  of  Austrian  merchandise  in 
Turkey,  so  extensive  as  to  be  felt  very  seriously 
in  Austrian  and  Hungarian  trade.  By  the  terms 
of  a protocol,  which  was  signed  on  the  26th  of 
February,  1909,  Austria-Hungary  paid  £T2,- 

500.000  ($10,800,000)  of  indemnity  to  the  Otto- 
man Government ; assured  religious  freedom 
and  political  equality  to  Mussulman  Bosniaks 
who  should  choose  to  remain  in  the  province, 
with  liberty  of  emigration  during  three  years  to 
all  who  might  choose  to  depart,  and  promised 
a commercial  treaty  on  lines  which  the  Turks 
desired.  This  cleared  the  situation  as  between 
Austria  and  Turkey,  but  intensified  the  Servian 
and  Montenegrin  bitterness  of  anger  and  dread, 
which  menaced  the  peace  of  the  continent  for 
another  month. 

Meantime  the  terms  of  a Turkish  adjustment 
with  Bulgaria  had  been  practically  settled,  on 
the  basis  of  a helpful  suggestion  from  St.  Pe- 
tersburg. Bulgaria  offered  $16,400,000  of  in- 
demnity; Turkey  claimed  $24,000,000.  The 
bargaining  was  at  a standstill  until  Russia 
offered  to  remit  a yearly  war-indemnity  of  $1,- 

600.000  which  Russia  owed  her  under  the  Ber- 
lin Treaty,  until  the  Turkish  claim  on  Bulgaria 
should  be  satisfied,  while  she  would  collect  from 
Bulgaria  in  similar  instalments  until  the  offer 
of  the  latter  had  been  made  good.  Inasmuch  as 
the  Turkish  debt  to  Russia  bore  no  interest, 
while  Bulgaria  would  pay  interest  on  the  de- 
ferred payments  to  Russia,  the  Muscovite  trea- 
sury would  suffer  no  loss.  The  matter  was  so 
arranged,  and  the  interests  of  peace  were  served 
by  a most  ingenious  and  happy  device. 

But  peace  was  made  more  than  insecure  for 
some  weeks  yet  by  the  irreconcilability  of  Servia 
to  the  Austrian  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Her- 
zegovina. Of  course  that  small  State  could  not 
hope  to  resist  it  successfully  alone,  or  with  Mon- 
tenegrin aid ; but  a desperate  venture  of  war, 


259 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


into  which  Russia  might  be  dragged,  and  if 
Russia,  then  Germany, — and  who  could  tell 
what  other  powers!  — and  out  of  the  wreckage 
of  which  something  better  for  Southeastern 
Europe  than  an  Austro-Hungarian  domination 
might  be  drawn,  — this  appeal  to  the  lottery  of 
battle  seemed  a dangerous  temptation  to  the 
Servian  mind.  It  was  extinguished  as  such  in 
the  end  by  the  decision  of  Russia  to  drop  the 
project  of  a Conference  of  Powers,  accept  the 
action  of  Austria,  and  recognize,  unreservedly, 
on  her  own  part,  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  as  an  accomplished  fact.  This 
was  announced  on  the  15tli  of  March,  and  with 
the  announcement  came  excited  and  exciting 
reports  that  Germany  had  extorted  the  conces- 
sion from  the  Russian  Government,  by  pressures 
that  were  humiliating,  but  which  the  Empire, 
in  its  present  circumstances,  was  powerless  to 
resist.  Germany  denied  having  exercised  an 
illegitimate  pressure  in  the  matter,  but  made 
no  concealment  of  the  fact  that  she  stood  by 
Austria-Hungary  with  approval  of  what  the  Im- 
perial Government  at  Vienna  had  done.  In  a 
speech  on  the  29th  of  March  Chancellor  Billow 
was  reported  as  saying : 

“In  her  quarrel  with  Servia  Austria  indis- 
putably had  right  on  her  side.  The  annexation 
was  no  cynical  act  of  robbery,  but  the  last  step 
on  the  road  of  the  political  work  of  civilization 
which  had  been  followed  for  30  years  with  the 
recognition  of  the  Powers.  Any  offence  against 
the  form  of  the  law  had  been  disposed  of  by  the 
negotiations  with  Turkey,  and  after  this  agree- 
ment between  the  parties  most  nearly  interested 
the  formal  recognition  of  the  other  Powers  sig- 
natory of  the  Berlin  Treaty  could  not  be  with- 
held. The  controllers  of  Russian  policy,  and 
especially  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  had  earned  the 
gratitude  of  all  friends  of  peace  in  Europe. 
Concerning  the  Conference  question,  Germany 
still  had  no  objection  in  principle  to  a Conference 
in  which  all  the  Powers  took  part  and  of  which 
the  programme  was  established  in  advance. 
They  had  been  charged  with  inactivity,  but  they 
had  no  reason  for  special  activity.  They  had 
done  what  they  could  and  used  influence,  not 
without  success,  between  Vienna  and  Constanti- 
nople, and  also  between  Vienna  and  St.  Peters- 
burg. They  had,  however,  carefully  observed 
the  limits  prescribed  by  their  interests  and  their 
loyalty.  They  had  done  nothing,  and  they 
would  do  nothing,  which  could  afford  the  small- 
est doubt  of  their  determination  to  sacrifice  no 
vital  interest  of  Austria-Hungary,  and  they 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  suggestions  to 
Austria  which  were  incompatible  with  the  dig- 
nity of  the  Ilapsburg  Monarchy.  They  had  ex- 
periences of  their  own  to  inspire  caution  with 
regard  to  playing  the  part  of  the  broker,  even 
in  the  most  honourable  way.  ...  To  sum  up, 
by  loyalty  to  her  ally  Germany  best  secured  her 
own  interests  and  contributed  most  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  peace  of  Europe.” 

On  the  day  of  this  speech  at  Berlin  the  Lon 
don  Times  expressed,  in  an  editorial  article, 
what  was  then  and  what  continues  to  be  the 
prevailing  belief  and  judgment  of  the  best  in- 
formed political  circles  throughout  Europe, 
when  it  said  : “ The  decision  of  the  Russian 
Government  to  recognize  the  annexation  of  Bos- 
nia and  Herzegovina  was,  of  course,  an  admis- 
sion of  their  inability,  in  present  circumstances, 


to  countenance  the  aspirations  of  the  Southern 
Slavs.  The  intense  and  general  indignation 
which  it  has  excited  in  Russia  is  natural,  and 
indeed,  in  the  known  state  of  public  feeling,  in- 
evitable. We  trust,  however,  that  it  may  be  kept 
within  bounds,  and  that  it  will  not  find  expres- 
sion in  useless  and  vehement  invective.  Those 
who  are  tempted  to  indulge  in  it  without  re- 
straint should  reflect  upon  the  difficulties  which 
• confront  the  responsible  rulers  of  the  State,  and 
should  consider  whether,  as  Statesmen  answer- 
able  for  the  future,  as  well  as  for  the  immedi- 
ate present,  of  the  Empire  and  of  the  Slav  race, 
those  rulers  could  wisely  have  rejected  the  pro- 
posal peremptorily  made  to  them  by  the  Ger- 
man Ambassador.  The  cardinal  fact  in  the 
situation  — the  fact  upon  which  Austria-Hun- 
gary and  German}'  have  based  their  calculations 
and  determined  their  action  throughout  — is  that 
Russia  could  not  for  some  time  to  come  engage 
in  a great  war  without  incurring  unjustified 
risks.  Nothing,  we  may  be  sure,  but  the  over- 
whelming consciousness  of  this  fact  could  have 
induced  the  Emperor  and  his  advisers  to  adopt 
the  decision  to  which  they  came  a few  days 
ago.  They  must  have  been  well  aware  of  the 
painful  effect  which  it  was  certain  to  produce, 
in  the  first  instance,  abroad  as  well  as  at  home. 
None  can  have  realized  more  acutely  than  they 
that  the  presentation  of  the  demand  was  humil- 
iating, and  that  the  circumstances  attending  it 
were  eminently  calculated  to  make  that  humil- 
iation bitter.  But  they  held,  and  rightly  held, 
that  it  was  their  duty  to  accept  humiliation 
rather  than  to  jeopardize  the  great  permanent 
interests  which  are  committed  to  their  keeping. 
They  might,  indeed,  have  been  somewhat  less 
precipitate.  They  might  reasonably  have  asked 
for  time  for  consulting  the  Powers  with  whom 
they  have  acted,  and  who  have  consistently  sup- 
ported them,  upon  the  proposals  which  Ger- 
many sprang  upon  them.  The  fact  that  they 
did  not  do  so  is  a significant  indication  that  the 
pressure  which  Count  Pourtalcs  was  instructed 
to  put  upon  them  must  have  been  of  the  most 
imperious  and  dictatorial  kind. 

“As  to  the  precise  form  of  the  intimation 
conveyed  to  M.  Isvolsky  by  the  German  Am- 
bassador no  definite  information  is  yet  forth- 
coming, but  of  its  nature  there  can  be  no  possible 
doubt.  Our  Paris  Correspondent  learns  that,  im- 
mediately after  his  interview  with  Count  Pour 
tales,  the  Russian  Minister  summoned  a Council, 
and,  after  a hasty  audience  with  the  Tsar,  com- 
municated to  the  German  Ambassador  Russia’s 
acquiescence  in  the  demands  of  his  Government. 
There  was  no  alternative  to  this  course,  as  we 
are  told  from  St.  Petersburg,  unless  Russia  was 
prepared  to  face  the  consequences  of  the  mobil- 
ization of  the  German  Army.  The  matter,  our 
Correspondent  adds,  was  treated  as  of  ‘ su- 
preme urgency,’  from  which  it  may  be  inferred 
that  a reply  was  required  without  delay.  The 
Council  of  Ministers  knew  what  ‘ German  mo- 
bilization ’ in  the  circumstances  would  mean.” 

In  appearance,  if  not  in  reality,  Germany  or 
Germany’s  Kaiser  had  again,  as  in  the  Morocco 
affair  of  1905,  taken  advantage  of  the  weakened 
circumstances  of  Russia  to  play  a dictatorial  part 
in  European  politics.  The  distrust  and  appre- 
hension kept  alive  by  such  repeated  perform- 
ances of  the  military  big  stick  at  Berlin  seem 
infinitely  more  dangerous  to  Europe  than  any 


EUROPE,  1908-1909 


EUROPE,  1909 


possible  explosion  of  the  unstable  compounds 
of  race,  religion,  and  lawless  politics  that  are 
mixed  in  the  Balkan  magazine.  For  the  time 
being,  however,  the  sparks  that  sputtered  alarm- 
ingly in  the  latter,  throughout  the  winter  of 
1908-9,  were  easily  extinguished  by  the  sudden 
dash  of  cold  water  upon  them  from  St.  Peters- 
burg. Great  Britain,  France,  and  Italy,  accept- 
ing the  situation,  joined  Germany  and  Russia  in 
persuading  the  Government  at  Belgrade  to  be 
equally  submissive  to  events.  Their  persuasions 
were  effective,  and  a note  to  the  following  pur- 
pose, which  the  Powers  in  question  had  formu- 
lated, was  signed  by  the  Servian  Ministry  and 
presented  to  the  Government  at  Vienna  on  the 
31st  of  March:  “(1.)  Servia  declares  that  her 
rights  have  not  been  violated  by  the  annexation 
by  Austria-Hungary  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
and  accepts  the  Powers’  decision  to  annul  para- 
graph 25  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  (2.)  Servia 
will  not  protest  against  the  annexation  of  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina.  (3.)  Servia  will  maintain 
peaceful  relations  with  Austria-Hungary.  (4.) 
Servia  will  return  her  military  forces  to  normal 
conditions,  and  will  discharge  the  reservists  and 
volunteers;  she  will  not  permit  the  formation  of 
irregular  troops  or  bands.” 

The  arbitrary  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Her- 
zegovina was  now  legitimated ; the  Treaty  of 
Berlin  was  revised  by  violations  condoned  ; a 
serious  precedent  had  been  injected  into  Euro- 
pean public  law.  What  was  said  on  the  subject 
by  the  London  Times  on  the  morning  after  the 
delivery  of  the  Servian  note  is  hardly  open  to 
the  least  dispute.  “The  danger  of  war,”  said 
the  Times,  ‘ ‘ has  thus,  we  may  confidently  hope, 
been  averted.  But  the  sense  of  immediate  relief 
with  which  this  deliverance  may  well  be  greeted 
cannot  blind  us  to  the  cost  at  which  it  has  been 
achieved.  The  first  great  international  compact 
to  which  the  new  German  Empire  of  the  Hohen- 
zollerns  subscribed  within  a few  months  of  its 
proclamation  at  Versailles  was  that  which  em- 
bodied the  resolutions  of  the  London  Conference 
of  1871.  The  European  Powers,  rightly  dis- 
puting Russia’s  claim  to  denounce  motu  proprio 
the  Black  Sea  Clauses  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris, 
maintained  that  no  revision  of  an  international 
treaty  could  take  place  without  ‘ impartial  ex- 
amination’ and  ‘free  discussion.’  None  up- 
held that  principle  more  stoutly  than  Austria- 
Hungary.  Russia  herself  finally  accepted  it, 
and  it  was  solemnly  placed  on  record  by  Lord 
Granville  in  his  opening  speech  as  President  of 
the  London  Conference.  It  was  embodied  in  a 
Protocol,  signed  by  all  the  Plenipotentiaries  of 
the  Powers,  laying  down  as  ‘ an  essential  prin- 
ciple of  the  law  of  nations  that  no  Power  can  re- 
pudiate treaty  engagements  or  modify  treaty 
provisions,  except  with  the  consent  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  by  mutual  agreement.’  That 
instrument  has,  until  recently,  governed  the 
public  law  of  Europe.  In  conformity  with  its 
provisions,  Russia,  after  her  war  with  Turkey 
in  1877-78,  was  fain  to  submit  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano  to  the  Congress  of  Berlin ; and  again  in 
1885  a Conference  was  held  at  Constantinople  to 
settle  the  question  of  the  union  of  Eastern  Ru- 
melia  with  Bulgaria  which  had  been  effected  in 
violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  Five  months 
ago,  immediately  after  the  annexation  of  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina  by  Austria-Hungary  and  the 
proclamation  of  Bulgarian  independence,  Great 


Britain,  France,  and  Russia  were  agreed,  after 
M.  Isvolsky’s  conversations  with  Si.  Clemen - 
ceau  and  Sir  Edward  Grey,  that  the  same  * es- 
sential principle  of  the  law  of  nations’  was  once 
more  at  stake  and  must  be  upheld.  Italy  ad- 
hered subsequently  to  that  agreement,  which 
took  shape  in  the  suggestion  for  a conference, 
and  neither  Germany  nor  Austria-Hungary 
openly  rejected  it  at  the  time.  . . . 

“ The  terms  of  the  submission  now  made  by 
Servia  at  the  instance  of  the  Powers  show  how 
far  we  have  travelled  away  from  that  ‘essen- 
tial principle  of  the  law  of  nations’  since  Octo- 
ber last.  . . . Whether  the  formal  ratification  of 
the  breaches  of  international  law  which  were 
committed  last  autumn  takes  place  now  at  a 
Conference,  or  by  an  exchange  of  Notes,  is  a 
matter  of  small  moment.  In  substance  the 
Powers  have  already  conveyed  their  acquies- 
cence in  the  abrogation  of  Article  XXV.  of  the 
Berlin  Treaty  concerning  Bosnia  and  Herzego- 
vina, without  the  slightest  show  even  of  that 
‘impartial  examination’  and  ‘ perfectly  free 
discussion’  which  the  London  Conference  of 
1871  laid  down  as  an  essential  preliminary  to  the 
revision  of  treaty  engagements.” 

There  was  an  illuminating  sequel  to  this 
transaction  near  the  end  of  the  year,  in  the  trial 
of  a libel  suit,  known  as  the  Friedjung  case, 
which  uncovered  many  hidden  circumstances  of 
the  annexation.  One  of  the  arguments  by 
which  the  annexation  of  Bosnia-Herzegovina 
was  defended  at  the  time  was  the  necessity  of 
putting  an  end  to  an  alleged  conspiracy  of  the 
Southern  Slavs  against  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy.  (See,  on  “ Agram  Trials,”  Austria- 
Hungary:  A.  D.  1908-1909.)  At  the  trial  it  was 
proved  that  the  “documents”  which  had  been 
accepted  as  proving  the  existence  of  this  con- 
spiracy were  forgeries  of  the  clumsiest  descrip- 
tion. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Changed  conditions  mak- 
ing for  peace.  — Three  striking  examples.  — 

Speaking  at  Sheffield,  England,  on  the  occasion 
of  “ the  Cutlers’  Feast,”  October  21,  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  the  British  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
called  to  mind,  in  a few  admirable  sentences, 
three  illustrations  in  the  past  year  of  wonder- 
fully changed  conditions  in  Europe,  making  for 
peace.  He  said  : 

“ In  the  world  at  large  to-day — if  I may  say 
a few  words  about  the  business  of  my  own  de- 
partment — there  is  no  doubt  plenty  of  trouble, 
as  there  always  is,  but  if  you  take  the  true 
measure  of  the  situation  by  comparing  it  with 
what  it  was  a short  time  ago,  the  outlook  is  dis- 
tinctly favourable.  I will  give  you  three  points 
which  are,  I think,  subjects  of  congratula- 
tion. 

“It  is  only  a year  ago  to  this  very  month 
that  we  were  at  the  beginning  of  what  was  called 
the  Balkan  crisis.  I do  not  know  whether  the 
Budget  has  driven  all  recollection  of  it  from 
your  minds,  but  it  did  occupy  a good  deal  of 
attention  a year  ago  and  for  some  months  after- 
wards. For  a long  time  it  had  been  almost  an 
axiom  of  the  diplomacy  of  Europe  that  some 
day  or  other  there  would  be  trouble  in  the  Bal- 
kans, and  that,  when  that  trouble  came,  there 
would  be  danger  of  a European  war.  The 
trouble  came  a year  ago  ; it  caused  anxiety ; 
there  was  a storm ; and  for  some  months  some 
anxiety  as  to  whether  one  or  other  of  the  Great 


261 


EUROPE,  1909 


FERTILIZER  TRUST 


European  Powers  might  not  drift  from  their 
moorings.  But  the  anchors  held,  and  now  the 
swell  has  subsided,  and  though  there  may  be 
trouble  again  in  the  future,  the  fact  that  the 
Great  Powers  of  Europe  have  passed  through  the 
Balkan  troubles  of  the  last  year  and  yet  main- 
tained their  peace  is  a good  augury  that  in 
future  troubles  the  same  may  be  done. 

“ Then  I will  take  the  question  of  Persia.  A 
few  years  ago,  had  any  one  foretold  exactly  what 
has  happened  in  Persia  in  the  last  year  — that 
there  would  be  a revolution,  that  there  would 
be  great  outbreaks  of  disorder  throughout  the 
country,  and  that  the  Shah  would  be  deposed  — 
he  would  certainly  have  said  that  it  would  be  a 
time  of  considerable  anxiety  both  for  Russia  and 
for  ourselves.  A few  years  ago  the  representa- 
tives of  those  two  countries  were  watching  each 
other  in  Persia  with  jealousy,  suspicion,  and  dis- 
trust. Had  what  has  happened  in  Persia  in  the 
last  year  happened  a few  years  ago  when  those 
were  the  relations  between  the  two  countries,  I 
do  not  say  that  there  would  actually  have  been 
war,  but  there  would  certainly  have  been  con- 
siderable anxiety  aud  considerable  scares  in  the 
public  opinion  of  both  countries  as  to  the  effect 
upon  their  relations  with  each  other.  Now  we 
have  passed  through  the  troubles  of  the  last 
year  in  Persia,  and  in  no  section  of  the  Press 
of  either  country,  in  no  section  of  public 
opinion  of  either  country,  has  there  been  a fear 


EVANS,  Rear-Admiral  Robley  D.:  Com- 
manding the  American  Battleship  Fleet.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for: 
Naval. 

EVICTED  TENANTS  ACT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D.  1907. 

EXCLUSION  OF  ALIENS.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Immigration  and  Emigration,  and  Race 
Problems. 

EXPATRIATION  : Its  Rights.  — Princi- 


that  relations  between  ourselves  and  Russia 
would  be  impaired  by  what  was  happening  in 
Persia. 

“The  third  subject  to  which  I would  refer 
is  that  of  Morocco.  Morocco  is  to-day  very  full 
of  trouble,  and  the  trouble  is  a matter  of  con- 
cern and  worry  to  those  Powers  who  have  con- 
terminous frontiers  in  Morocco.  That  of  course 
is  so,  but  look  back  over  the  last  few  years  and 
survey.  The  matter  which  occupied  men’s 
minds  in  regard  to  Morocco  was  not  the  troubles 
in  Morocco  itself  but  the  possible  effect  which 
events  in  Morocco  might  have  upon  the  relations 
of  the  European  Powers  to  each  other.  To-day 
the  trouble  continues  in  Morocco,  but  during 
the  last  year  the  anxiety  that  what  was  hap- 
pening in  Morocco  might  cause  serious  difficul- 
ties between  European  Powers  themselves  has 
greatly  diminished  if  it  has  not  entirely  disap- 
peared. That,  again,  is  a satisfactory  retro- 
spect.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Contradictory  feeling  and 
action  concerning  War.  — Its  causes.  — In- 
ternational Barbarism  with  Inter-personal 
Civilization.  — The  two  main  knots  of  diffi- 
culty in  the  situation.  — Great  Britain  and 
Germany.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Prepa- 
rations for. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Size  and  cost  of  its  armies. 

See  War,  The  Preparations  for  : Mili- 
tary. 


pies  maintained  by  the  United  States.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Naturalization. 
EXPLORATION,  Polar.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Polar  Exploration. 

EXPOSITIONS,  Industrial.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Buffalo  ; St.  Louis  ; Charleston;  James- 
town ; Portland,  Oregon  ; Seattle. 

EZCURRA,  Colonel : Deposed  President 
of  Paraguay.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Paraguay  : 
A.  D.  1904. 


F. 


FABIAN  SOCIETY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Socialism  : England  : A.  D.  1909. 

FAIRBANKS,  Charles  W. : Elected  Vice- 
President  of  the  U.  S.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.). 

FAKUMENN  RAILWAY  QUESTION, 
between  Japan  and  China.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

FALLlfeRES,  Armand,  President  of  the 
French  Senate.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1903. 

President  of  the  French  Republic.  See 

France  : A.  D.  1906. 

FALL  RIVER  STRIKE,  in  the  Cotton 
Mills.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : United  States  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

FAMINES  : In  China.  See  China  : A.  D. 
1906-1907. 

In  India : The  poverty  they  signify.  See 

India  ; A.  D.  1905-1908. 

In  Russia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D. 
1901-1904. 

FARADAY,  Michael : His  Prophetic  Con- 
ception of  Radiant  Matter.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science,  Recent  : Radium. 

FARM  COLONY,  Cleveland,  Ohio.  See 


(in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology,  Prob- 
lems of. 

FARM  AN,  Henri.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention  : Aeronautics. 

FARMERS’  ORGANIZATIONS.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902-1909  ; and  Labor  Remu- 
neration: Cooperative  Organization. 

FEDAKIARANS,  The.  See  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

FEDERAL  PARTY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1901  and  1907. 

FEHIM  PASHA,  The  fate  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908(July-Dec.),  and  1909 
(Jan. -May). 

FEJERVARY  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

FENGHUANGCHENG.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). 

FENSHUILING.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb.-July),  and  (July-Sept.). 

FERRER,  Professor  Francisco:  His  trial 
and  execution.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D. 
1907-1909. 

FERTILIZER  TRUST  : Dissolution  and 
indictment.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations, 


FETVA 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


Industrial:  United  States:  A.  D.  1901— 
1906. 

FETVA,  of  the  Sheik-ul-Islam.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

FIALA  ARCTIC  EXPLORATION.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 


FICHTE’S  PROPHECY,  of  a World 
Commonwealth.  See  (in  this  vol.)  World 
Movements. 

FILIPINO  CATHOLIC  CHURCH,  In- 
dependent. See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine  Is- 
lands: A.  D.  1902. 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE. 


A.  D.  1901-1909.  — A Review  of  the  de- 
cade. — The  Sequence  of  Phenomena  from 
the  beginning  of  “the  great  Trade  Boom” 
to  the  Collapse  of  1907,  and  after.  — The  Pro- 
cess of  Recovery.  — On  the  31st  of  December, 
1908,  the  New  York  Evening  Post  gave  an  admir- 
ably studied  and  clear,  though  succinet,  review 
of  the  sequence  of  phenomena  in  financial  and 
commercial  affairs  that  could  be  traced  through 
“ the  series  of  years  since  the  great  trade  boom 
began  which  collapsed  in  1907,”  and  thence  to 
the  close  of  1908.  By  permission  of  the  proprie- 
tors of  the  Evening  Post  a considerable  part  of 
that  review  is  quoted  here.  While  it  relates  more 
especially  to  conditions  and  events  in  the  United 
States,  it  affords  substantially  a summary  of  the 
financial  history  of  the  world  from  1901  to  1908, 
both  inclusive : 

“1901.  — This  was  preeminently  the  ‘boom 
year  ’ — much  more  legitimately  so,  as  events 
have  proved,  than  1905  or  1906,  when  overstrained 
capital  resources  gave  an  atmosphere  of  unreal- 
ity to  what  seemed  altogether  real  in  the  days 
of  abundant  capital  in  1901.  It  is  first  to  be  said 
of  1901  that  a probably  unexampled  surplus  of 
ready  capital  in  the  United  States,  and  a cer- 
tainly unprecedented  foreign  credit  balance  — 
due  to  our  amazing  surplus  of  exports  over  im- 
ports— happened  to  coincide  with  a period  of 
European  trade  reaction  which  released  foreign 
capital  from  foreign  industries  and  left  it  free 
for  use  in  America.  Presuming  the  foregoing 
influences,  the  six  main  causes  for  the  phenomena 
of  1901  were  : (1)  The  series  of  enormous  com- 
pany amalgamations,  beginning  with  the  billion- 
dollar  Steel  incorporation,  and  culminating  in 
the  purchase  of  the  British  steamship  lines  at 
wildly  extravagant  prices  ; these  operations 
being  based  on  issues  of  securities  in  unprece- 
dented quantity  ; (2)  Formation  of  ‘ underworking 
syndicates  ’ to  float  these  securities,  one  of  those 
syndicates  receiving  a bonus  of  S50,000,000  for 
one  year’s  use  of  $25,000,000,  and  all  of  them 
using  freely  for  their  purposes  the  surpluses  of 
life  insurance  companies  and  the  deposits  of  trust 
companies;  (3)  Acquisition  of  control  of  great 
railway  companies  by  powerful  millionaires, 
through  purchase  of  stock  of  these  railways  in 
the  open  market,  often  at  extravagant  prices  ; 
the  purchase-money  being  obtained  through  is- 
sue of  bonds  by  railways  already  under  control 
of  the  purchasers ; (4)  Wild  speculation  by  the 
public  ; (5)  Sudden  fright  of  Europe  at  our  ex- 
cesses, withdrawal  of  its  capital,  and  consequent 
severe  reaction  in  our  markets ; (6)  The  failure 
of  the  corn  crop,  which  in  the  summer  applied  a 
further  check  to  this  speculation,  but  which  was 
itself  offset  by  a wheat  crop  larger  than  any  har- 
vested in  this  country  before  or  since,  and  sold 
at  the  highest  average  price  since  1897. 

“ 1902.  — This  year  was  one  both  of  reaction 
and  of  further  expansion ; it  wras  both  a legiti- 


mate sequel  to  1901  and  a legitimate  forerunner 
of  1903.  . . . 

“ Its  salient  phenomena  were  these:  (1)  Abun- 
dant harvests ; (2)  Overstraining  of  bank  re- 
sources by  financial  ‘deals  ’ and  Stock  Ex- 
change speculation,  exhausting  the  bank  surplus 
in  September;  (3)  Enormous  increase  in  imports 
and  decrease  in  agricultural  exports,  along  with 
Europe’s  withdrawal  of  its  capital ; (4)  Rapid 
advance  in  cost  of  raw  material  and  labor ; (5) 
Struggle  of  capitalists  to  so  entrench  themselves 
in  control  of  corporate  enterprises  that  they 
could  not  be  dislodged. 

“ 1903.  — The  year  which  followed  was  an 
entirely  logical  sequel.  Its  controlling  factors 
were  : (1)  Forced  liquidation  by  individuals  and 
syndicates  who  were  tied  up  in  new  securities  at 
a time  when  the  investing  public  withdrew  from 
the  market ; (2)  Inability  of  great  corporations 
to  sell  bonds,  and  their  resort  to  notes  at  a high 
interest  rate  ; (3)  Abundant  grain  crops,  but  an 
inadequate  cotton  crop,  with  great  speculation, 
and  famine  prices  ; (4)  Rapid  fall  in  the  price  of 
steel  and  iron ; (5)  Severe  contraction  in  profits 
of  industrial  combinations,  with  reduced  divi- 
dends in  some,  reorganization  of  capital  in  oth- 
ers, and  bankruptcy  in  still  others. 

“ 1904.  — For  obvious  reasons,  1904  is  an  in- 
teresting year  to  compare  with  1908.  Both  were 
in  a sense  1 after-panic  years,’  though  the  strain 
of  1903,  and  the  resultant  financial  and  commer- 
cial reaction  of  1904,  were  trifles  compared  with 
those  of  the  past  two  years.  It  will  be  seen  that 
1904,  which  did  in  fact  usher  in  another  great 
boom  in  trade,  paralleled  closely  in  some  respects 
the  history  of  1908,  but  in  others  diverged  very 
widely  from  it.  Its  dominant  influences  were  : 
(1)  A huge  surplus  reserve  at  the  New  York 
banks,  reaching  in  August  a height  only  four 
times  exceeded  in  the  country’s  history,  and  as 
a result  a 1 per  cent,  call  money  market  during 
two-thirds  of  the  year;  (2)  The  largest  gold  ex- 
port movement  in  the  history  of  the  country  ; 
(3)  A midsummer  recovery  on  the  Stock  Ex- 
change, with  large  investment  buying  ; (4)  A 
Presidential  campaign,  which  hardly  affected 
business  ; (5)  Substantial,  but  not  very  rapid, 
trade  revivals,  without  any  of  the  extravagant 
optimism  of  1908  ; (6)  Famine  prices  for  cotton 
during  half  the  year,  followed  by  a new  crop 
unparalleled  in  history,  and  by  a heavy  fall  in 
prices;  (7)  Virtual  disappearance  of  our  export 
trade  in  wheat,  with  the  smallest  harvest  since 
1900,  the  highest  prices  since  1898,  and  the 
smallest  shipment  to  Europe  since  1872.  The 
Russian  war,  which  began  in  February,  affected 
our  markets  only  indirectly. 

“ 1905.  — This  year’s  history  is  better  under- 
stood to-day  than  it  has  been  before.  The  testi- 
mony of  the  whole  financial  and  commercial 
world  now  is,  that  the  exploiting  of  capital  in 
trade  and  speculation,  which  eventually  brought 


263 


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FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


about  the  recent  panic,  and  the  abnormal  en- 
hancement of  cost  of  living,  which  lifted  the 
average  price  of  commodities  as  much  in  two 
years  as  it  had  risen  in  the  eight  preceding 
years,  began  in  the  middle  of  1905.  These  were 
the  salient  incidents  of  the  financial  year:  (1) 
Rapid  and  vigorous  trade  revival,  with  industry 
and  production  probably  more  active  than  at  any 
previous  period,  and  with  profits  and  dividends 
enhanced  ; (2)  Exposure  of  the  use  of  life  insur- 
ance funds  by  promoting  and  speculating  mil- 
lionaires, an  exposure  which  ended  in  legislation 
preventing  such  use  of  them  in  future  specula- 
tions; (3)  World-wide  money  stringency,  with 
the  New  York  bank  surplus  twice  exhausted, 
London’s  bank  position  the  weakest  since  1890, 
and  Berlin’s  the  weakest  since  1897 ; (4)  Excited 
stock  speculation  for  the  rise,  in  this  country  and 
in  Germany,  which  in  New  York  almost  wholly 
disregarded  the  abnormal  strain  on  money. 

“ 1906.  — Neither  the  §400,000,000  loss  at  San 
Francisco  in  April,  nor  the  Treasury’s  efforts  to 
relieve  an  overstrained  New  York  money  market 
in  September,  was  a fundamental  cause  for  the 
events  of  1906.  They  were  a true  sequel  to  1905, 
and  may  be  summarized  as  follows:  (1)  Enormous 
volume  of  trade,  the  whole  world  over,  with 
rapid  rise  in  price  of  goods,  but  equally  rapid 
rise  in  cost  of  raw  material  and  labor  ; (2)  Grain 
harvests,  as  a whole,  never  paralleled  in  volume, 
and  wheat  crop  second  only  to  1901;  (3)  Wild 
speculation  by  all  classes  of  the  community,  par- 
ticularly in  land,  mining  shares,  and  Stock  Ex- 
change securities,  but  not  as  a rule  in  produce, 
the  wealthiest  capitalists  in  the  country  entering 
into  stock  speculation  in  the  late  summer,  and 
using  most  unscrupulously  their  power  over  com- 
pany finance  to  help  along  their  purposes;  (4) 
Overstrained  bank  resources  as  a result,  with  five 
deficits  at  New  York,  occurring  in  spring,  au- 
tumn, and  winter,  two  of  these  deficits  being  the 
largest  since  1893;  (5)  Abnormally  high  money 
rates  all  the  year,  with  the  highest  September 
rate  for  call  loans  ever  reached  in  New  York, 
and  the  highest  rate  for  time  loans  and  merchants’ 
paper  reached  at  that  time  of  year  since  1872  ; 
(6)  Sudden  decision  by  Europe  that  American 
credit  was  unlimited,  and  the  consequent  plac- 
ing of  foreign  capital  unrestrictedly  at  our  dis- 
posal ; (7)  Struggle  between  London  and  New 
York  for  possession  of  new  gold  arriving  in  Lon- 
don, resulting  in  our  import  of  $40,000,000  gold 
from  Europe  in  the  spring,  and  $45,000,000  in 
the  autumn,  and  leading  to  a rise  of  the  Bank  of 
England  rate  to  6 per  cent,  for  the  first  time  since 
the  Boer  war  panic,  and  to  an  energetic  effort 
on  the  Bank’s  part  to  stop  the  wholesale  equip- 
ping of  the  American  speculation  with  London 
bank  money. 

“ 1907.  — The  panic  year’s  story  may  be  told 
without  further  introduction,  summing  up  thus 
its  characteristic  events:  (1)  Withdrawal  by  Eu- 
rope of  the  capital  loaned  to  us  in  1906,  leading, 
early  in  the  year,  to  $32,000,000  gold  exports  to 
Europe,  of  which  $25,000,000  went  to  France : 
(2)  Partial  withdrawal  of  their  capital  from  Wall 
Street  by  interior  markets,  which  were  said  to 
have  had  $400,000,000  outstanding  in  New  York 
during  1906  ; (3)  Distress  of  the  immensely 
wealthy  capitalists  who  had  tied  themselves  up 
in  the  Wall  Street  speculation  of  1906,  their 
forced  liquidation  on  an  enormous  scale,  and 
consequent  demoralized  Stock  Exchange  mar- 


kets in  March  and  August ; (4)  Very  abnormal 
crop  weather  throughout  the  spring  and  over 
nearly  all  the  world,  with  a resultant  shortage 
of  the  whole  world’s  wheat  crop,  the  deficit  of 
supplies  below  expected  requirements  being 
probably  the  largest  since  1890. 

“(5)  Revelation  of  unsound  banking  practices 
at  New  York  in  October;  leading  to  the  failure 
of  the  Knickerbocker  Trust,  a formidable  run 
on  the  banks,  adoption  of  Clearing  House  cer- 
tificates in  all  the  larger  cities  and  issue  of 
emergency  credit  currency  in  many  ; to  restric- 
tion of  cash  payments  to  depositors  throughout 
the  country,  to  a premium  on  currency,  to  com- 
plete demoralization  of  interior  exchange,  and 
to  insolvency  of  several  large  industrial  com- 
panies and  numerous  banks  — neither,  however, 
reaching  the  number  which  shortly  followed 
the  panic  of  1893;  (6)  Import  of  $100,000,000 
gold  from  Europe  during  November  and  Decem- 
ber, most  of  it  bought  at  a premium  and  some 
of  it  engaged  with  sight  sterling  at  4.91 ; (7)  As 
a result,  large  inroads  on  the  Bank  of  England’s 
gold  reserve,  rise  in  the  bank  rate  from  41  to  7 
per  cent.,  rapid  advance  of  all  continental  bank 
rates,  and  loan  of  large  sums  of  gold  by  the 
Bank  of  France  to  the  Bank  of  England. 

“ (8)  Precarious  position  of  financial  Germany 
throughout  the  year,  important  failures  at  Ham- 
burg, minor  financial  panics  in  Holland,  Egypt, 
Italy,  and  Chili,  many  of  them  before  our  own  ; 
(9)  Intervention  of  our  Treasury,  which  wisely 
placed  all  its  surplus  on  deposit  with  the  banks 
in  October,  and  most  unwisely  undertook  to  issue 
$150,000,000  bonds  and  notes  in  November  to 
provide  basis  for  new  bank-note  circulation ; (10) 
Recovery  in  markets  late  in  November,  with 
slow  return  of  the  bank  situation  to  normal,  the 
currency  premium  at  New  York  lasting  longer 
than  in  either  1893  or  1873 ; (11)  Discharge  of 
laborers  from  employment  all  over  the  country, 
and  the  beginning  of  severe  trade  reaction  — all 
this  in  spite  of  the  largest  annual  gold  output  in 
the  history  of  the  world. 

“ 1908.  — Now  comes  the  present  remarkable 
after-panic  year,  of  which  the  salient  phenomena 
may  be  thus  summed  up:  (1)  Spasmodic  and  ir- 
regular recovery  in  trade  activity,  starting  from 
a very  low  level,  with  merchants  rushing  in  sud- 
denly with  orders — in  February,  in  July,  and 
in  November  — when  their  shelves  were  almost 
depleted,  these  buying  impulses  ceasing  as  sud- 
denly as  they  had  begun,  leaving  trade  stagna- 
tion again ; (2)  Slow  increase  in  consumption  of 
merchandise,  here  and  abroad,  the  ratio  being 
below  30  per  cent,  of  normal  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year,  and  60  to  75  per  cent,  on  the  average 
at  its  close ; (3)  Sudden  shrinkage  of  our  inter- 
national commerce,  merchandise  trade  in  eleven 
months  falling  $478,000,000  from  1907,  a decline 
of  15  per  cent.,  of  which  $326,000,000  was  im- 
ports and  $152,000,000  exports,  experience  of 
European  nations  being  similar ; (4)  Enormous 
increase  in  the  unemployed,  leading,  at  the  At- 
lantic ports,  to  an  emigration  250,000  larger  than 
immigration  ; (5)  Severe  contraction  of  railway 
earnings,  resulting  in  twenty-four  railway  in- 
solvencies, involving  the  largest  capital  of  any 
receiverships  since  those  of  1893,  and  causing 
many  dividend  reductions,  but  followed,  after 
the  middle  of  the  year,  by  such  enormous  reduc- 
tion in  expenses  that,  in  some  cases,  autumn  net 
earnings  actually  increased  over  1907  ; 


264 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


“ (6)  Sudden  rush  of  currency  into  the  banks, 
as  a result,  first  of  removal  of  restrictions  on  de- 
positors and  next  of  idle  trade,  with  resultant 
change  from  a $20,000,000  New  York  bank  de- 
ficit at  the  end  of  1907  to  a surplus  of  $40,000,- 
000  at  the  end  of  January  and  of  $06,000,000  on 
June  27  — the  latter  being  second  only  to  the 
$111,000,000  maximum  of  1894  ; (7)  As  a conse- 
quence, abnormally  low  rates  for  money,  call 
loans  going  at  2 per  cent,  before  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary, at  1 per  cent,  in  eighteen  weeks  of  the  pre- 
sent year,  and  at  less  than  1 per  cent,  in  three 
weeks;  (8)  Export  of  $73,000,000  gold,  the 
largest  (except  for  1904)  since  1895,  and  net 
export  of  $45,000,000,  the  largest  in  thirteen 
years ; 

“ (9)  In  spite  of  the  above  recited  facts,  a con- 
stant spirit  of  optimism  throughout  the  year, 
expressing  itself,  first  in  the  organization  of 
‘ Prosperity  Leagues  ’ which  held  conventions 
and  proclaimed  that  if  people  would  only  decide 
to  be  prosperous,  they  would  be  prosperous,  and 
second  by  a series  of  extravagant  speculative 
movements  on  the  Stock  Exchange,  in  the  course 
of  which  it  was  declared  in  February,  in  July, 
and  in  November,  that  we  were  not  only  des- 
tined to  get  back  into  the  boom  of  1906,  but  that 
we  were  there  already ; (10)  A wheat  harvest 
which  in  midsummer  promised  to  be  the  second 
largest  on  record,  but  which  turned  out  only  of 
average  volume,  the  quality  and  price  for  this 
and  other  cereals,  however,  being  so  good  as  to 
enhance  very  greatly  the  wealth  of  the  agricul- 
tural West ; (11)  A Presidential  election,  the  re- 
sult of  which  the  markets  and  all  experienced 
people  foresaw  from  the  beginning,  but  of  which 
it  was  alleged,  for  two  weeks  in  November,  that 
its  outcome  had  totally  changed  for  the  better 
the  entire  aspect  of  American  business  affairs.” 

1909. — -The  following,  from  the  New  York 
Evening  Post  of  December  31,  1909,  continues 
the  review : 

The  noteworthy  characteristics  of  “the  year 
which  ends  to-day,  ...  so  far  as  they  can  now 
be  discerned,  have  been  as  follows : (1)  Rapid 
industrial  recovery,  beginning  with  the  steel 
trade’s  reduction  of  prices,  leading  in  September 
to  the  largest  monthly  output  of  iron  and  steel 
in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  to  heavy  de- 
mand from  consumers,  but  contrasting  singu- 
larly with  the  copper  market,  where  signs  of 
overproduction  were  visible  throughout  the 
year  ; (2)  Very  rapid  increase  in  cost  of  neces- 
saries of  life,  affecting  chiefly  food,  clothing, 
and  rent,  leading  in  the  autumn  to  bitter  com- 
plaint and  to  numerous  strikes  for  higher  wages, 
notably  on  the  railways ; (3)  Along  with  reviv- 
ing trade,  a speculation  of  great  magnitude  on 
the  Stock  Exchange,  ascribed  to  the  initiative 
of  very  powerful  finance  houses,  and  converg- 
ing in  a most  peculiar  way  on  United  States 
Steel  common  shares,  whose  dividend  was  twice 
advanced,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  quar- 
terly earnings  had  not  recovered  to  the  magni- 
tude of  1906  or  1907,  when  the  dividend  had 
been  maintained  at  the  old  rate ; (4)  Largely  as 
a result  of  the  tying-up  of  capital  in  this  specu- 
lation, severe  autumn  strain  on  bank  reserves, 
turning  a New  YTork  surplus  of  $34,000,000  on 
July  10  into  one  of  only  $1,600,000  on  October  2, 
driving  Wall  Street  to  probably  unprecedented 
borrowings  from  interior  banks  and  from  Lon- 
don, which  latter  market,  under  the  influence  of 


the  Bank  of  England,  threw  back  great  amounts 
of  these  New  York  loans  during  October; 

“(5)  Call  money  rates  kept  down  by  such  ex- 
pedients, 6 per  cent,  being  the  maximum  up  to 
the  two  closing  days  of  December;  (6)  a wheat 
corner  in  June,  in  the  course  of  which  the  New 
York  cash  price  rose  to  $1.51  in  June,  the  high- 
est price  since  the  Leiter  corner  of  1898,  fol- 
lowed by  a new  wheat  crop  unsurpassed  in  mag- 
nitude except  for  1901,  yet  with  high  prices 
continued  in  later  autumn,  despite  an  abundant 
crop  in  Europe  also ; (7)  A very  short  crop  of 
cotton,  driving  the  price  from  9-J  cents  a pound, 
early  in  the  year,  to  16  cents  in  December,  the 
latter  being  the  highest  December  price  since 
paper  inflation  days,  and  less  than  one  cent  be- 
low the  highest  price  in  the  corner  of  1904  ; (8) 
Import  of  foreign  merchandise  wholly  unpar- 
alleled for  magnitude  in  our  history,  causing,  in 
June,  July,  and  August,  an  excess  of  imports 
over  exports  for  the  first  time  since  1897,  and 
resulting,  in  the  eleven  first  months  of  the  year, 
in  a total  excess  of  exports  over  imports  $340,- 
000,000  less  than  in  1908,  and  very  much  the 
smallest  of  any  year  since  1897 ; (9)  As  a partial 
consequence,  the  largest  export  of  gold  of  any 
year  in  the  country’s  history,  and  the  largest  net 
export  except  for  1894  and  the  paper  money 
days. 

“The  prolonged  tariff  debate  in  Congress, 
which  high  financial  authority  declared  would 
hold  back  financial  activity,  but  which  gave  no 
evidence  of  doing  so,  can  hardly  be  classed  as  a 
fundamental  influence  of  the  year.  Whether 
Mr.  Harriman’s  death  in  September,  with  the 
resultant  realignment  of  forces  in  high  finance, 
deserves  to  be  so  classed,  is  a question  which 
can  hardly  be  passed  upon  as  yet.” 

America  : Proposal  of  an  International 
American  Bank.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics. 

Asia;  A.  D.  1909. — Disturbance  of  Trade 
by  the  Fall  in  Silver  Exchange.  — The  follow- 
ing is  a Press  telegram  from  Ottawa,  Canada, 
June  23,  1909:  “ The  serious  check  to  American 
exports  to  the  Orient  resulting  from  the  great 
fall  in  the  silver  exchanges  last  year  is  attracting 
increasing  attention  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  A 
League  which  describes  itself  as  the  Fair  Ex- 
change league  has  been  organized  in  Ottawa  to 
keep  the  issues  before  the  Dominion  parliament. 
It  advocates  the  adoption  of  the  Goschen  plan 
of  1891  jointly  by  the  British  empire  and  the 
United  States  with  open  mints  in  India  as  before 
1893.  The  new  movement  has  secured  a quali- 
fied endorsement  from  J.  J.  Hill  of  the  Great 
Northern  railwaj\  Mr.  Hill  says:  ‘We  must 
await  the  proposals  of  the  monetary  commission 
at  Washington.  The  silver  problem  is  full  of 
difficulties.  I wish  it  were  possible  to  ignore  it. 
But  our  consuls  in  Asia  warn  us  that  at  the  pre- 
sent rate  of  silver  exchange  Asia  has  ceased  to 
import  our  wheat  or  flour  or  lumber ; that  the 
Shanghai  merchants  who  eighteen  months  since 
bought  the  sovereign  or  five  gold  dollars  with 
five  taels,  must  now  pay  near  eight  taels  ; the 
result  is  disaster  ; he  no  longer  buys.’  ” 

British  Empire;  A.  D.  1909. — Imperial 
Congress  of  Chambers  of  Commerce.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). 

England:  A.  D.  1909.  — The  Budget  of  Mr. 
Lloyd-George.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 


265 


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FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


Germany:  A.  D.  1901 -1902. — Industrial 
Crisis  and  Period  of  Depression.  — The  ex- 
traordinary industrial  development  of  Ger- 
many between  1895  and  1900  had  its  usual  se- 
quel in  a sudden  collapse,  followed  by  a period 
of  depression  and  slow  return  to  productive  ac- 
tivity. According  to  Dr.  Braun,  writing  in  the 
Tale  Review  of  May,  1902,  “the  cause  of  the 
crisis  lay  undoubtedly  in  extreme  overproduc- 
tion, which  had  continued  for  a long  time 
without  its  significance  having  been  discovered 
by  any  one.  Enormous  quantities  of  commodi- 
ties had  been  accumulated,  numberless  new  in- 
dustrial undertakings  had  come  into  being,  or 
were  about  to  be  started,  and  every  one  was 
counting  on  further  development  of  produc- 
tion by  leaps  and  bounds.  But  a feeling  of  un- 
certainty, which  should  pass  into  a crisis,  was 
bound  to  arise  the  moment  certain  unhealthy 
conditions  of  German  economic  life,  which  had 
been  covered  up  during  the  period  of  prosperity, 
made  their  appearance. 

“ The  conditions  which  did  arouse  this  wide- 
spread feeling  in  German  capitalistic  circles 
lay  far  from  the  industrial  market  itself.  Great 
losses  suddenly  appeared  in  the  field  of  mort- 
gage investments,  whose  securities  had  been 
accepted  by  the  public  as,  next  to  government 
bonds,  the  safest  form  of  investment,  and  the 
freest  from  speculation.  These  developments 
caused  a panic  among  the  investing  public. 
This  feeling  of  panic  began,  according  to  my 
view,  at  the  time  when  the  authorities  found 
themselves  forced  to  arrest  two  directors  of  the 
Pomeranian  Mortgage  Bank  (Pommersche  Hypo- 
thekenbank),  who  occupied  the  highest  social 
position.  . . . The  extraordinary  result  of  the  ac- 
tion of  the  authorities  against  the  leaders  of  cer- 
tain mortgage  banks  is  explained  only  by  the 
facts  that  at  the  end  of  1900,  six  and  two-third 
billion  marks  of  mortgage  debentures  were  in 
circulation,  and  that  within  ten  years  the 
amount  invested  in  such  debentures  had  in- 
creased by  three  billion  marks.  The  great  ma- 
jority of  the  small  and  middle-class  capitalists, 
who  wished  to  invest  their  money  in  safe  secur- 
ities, had  put  it  into  mortgage  debentures  of 
this  kind.  The  greatest  confidence  had  been 
placed  in  them,  and  now,  for  the  first  time,  the 
eyes  of  the  public  were  open  to  the  fact  that 
great  losses  could  also  ensue  from  such  invest- 
ments. The  five  principal  offending  banks  had 
at  the  end  of  1900,  692,670,950  marks  of  mort- 
gage debentures  in  circulation.  Every  one  had 
invested  in  these,  from  the  smallest  capitalist  to 
the  German  Empress.  The  public  and  preten- 
tious piety  of  the  directors  of  the  Prussian  Mort- 
gage Stock  Bank,  who  were  later  placed  under 
arrest,  had  induced  even  church-building  asso- 
ciations to  place  their  money  in  these  deben- 
tures.” 

“ Then  came  the  failure  of  the  Dresdener  Kred- 
itanstalt,  which,  with  a capital  of  20,000,000 
marks,  had  loaned  a single  industrial  company, 
the  Dresden  Electrical  Company,  9,000,000 
marks ; and  this  failure  was  followed  by  that 
of  the  famous  Leipsic  Bank,  which  had  loaned 
84,000.000  marks  to  a concern  which  had  used 
up  its  own  capital,  and  was  paying  fraudulent 
dividends  of  50  per  cent.  These  two  failures 
frightened  the  public  into  a general  withdrawal 
of  deposits  from  banks  of  every  class.” 

Japan  : A.  D.  1909. — State  of  the  War  Debt 


and  its  Payment.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1909  (July-Sept.). 

Mexico:  A.  D.  1905. — Currency  Reform. — 
Cessation  of  Free  Coinage  of  Silver.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Mexico:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

United  States:  A.  D.  1908.  — The  Emer- 
gency Currency  Act.  — What  is  known  as  the 
Emergency  Currency  Act  was  passed  by  Con- 
gress in  May,  1908,  and  received  the  approval 
of  the  President  on  the  30th  of  that  month.  It 
is  a temporary  measure,  for  exigencies  that  may 
repeat  the  monetary  experience  of  1907  before 
an  adequate  reform  of  the  banking  and  currency 
system  of  the  country  is  effected,  and  will  ex- 
pire by  limitation  on  the  30th  of  June,  1914.  It 
does  not  disturb  the  present  National  bank  note 
currency  of  the  country,  based  on  Govern- 
ment bonds,  but  provides  a means  by  which  an 
additional  volume,  amounting  to  a total  of 
§500,000,000,  if  necessary,  may  be  issued  by  the 
National  banks  in  case  of  a currency  stringency. 

There  are  two  ways  in  which  emergency 
circulation  may  be  issued.  A bank  may  make 
an  application  through  the  Currency  Associa- 
tion of  which  it  is  a member,  or,  where  State 
and  municipal  bonds  are  offered  as  security,  the 
application  may  be  made  directly.  A Currency 
Association  may  be  formed  by  ten  or  more 
banks  having  an  aggregate  capital  and  surplus 
of  at  least  $5,000,000.  Only  one  may  be  formed 
in  any  city,  and  no  bank  may  belong  to  more 
than  one.  It  must  be  formed  by  banks  located 
in  territory  as  contiguous  as  convenient. 

All  applications  for  emergency  currency  are 
to  be  passed  upon  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury after  recommendation  by  the  Comptroller 
of  the  Currency.  The  Secretary  will  also  deter- 
mine whether  business  conditions  in  the  locality 
warrant  the  issuance  of  such  circulation.  The 
distribution  of  the  notes  is  likewise  left  to  him. 
Where  application  is  made  through  an  Associa- 
tion, the  securities  are  deposited  with  it ; where 
a direct  application  is  made,  they  are  deposited 
with  the  Treasurer  or  any  Assistant  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States.  All  the  members  compos- 
ing an  Association  are  jointly  and  severally  liable 
to  the  United  States  for  the  redemption  of  all 
emergency  circulation  taken  out  by  its  members. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Banking  and  Currency  Ques- 
tions in  the  Party  Platforms.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (April-Nov.). 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  “ Wall  Street  Investi- 
gation.”— Report  on  the  Operations  of  the 
Stock  Exchange  and  other  Exchanges  of 
New  York  City. — In  December,  1908,  a Spe- 
cial Committee  of  nine  experienced  gentlemen, 
having  Mr.  Horace  White  for  its  chairman,  was 
appointed  by  Governor  Hughes,  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  to  investigate  and  report  “what 
changes,  if  any,  are  advisable  in  the  laws  of  the 
State  bearing  upon  speculation  in  securities  and 
commodities,  or  relating  to  the  protection  of  in- 
vestors, or  with  regard  to  the  instrumentalities 
and  organizations  used  in  dealings  in  securities 
and  commodities  which  are  the  subject  of  spec- 
ulation.” On  the  7th  of  the  following  June  the 
Committee  submitted  to  the  Governor  an  ex- 
tended report,  describing  and  discussing  the  or- 
ganizations, the  instrumentalities  and  the  meth- 
ods employed  in  the  dealings  with  which  their 
inquiry  had  to  do.  The  following  excerpts  from 
this  important  report  (known  commonly  as  the 
“report  on  Wall  Street”)  may  suffice,  perhaps, 


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FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


to  convey  the  main  matters  of  information  af- 
forded by  it  and  the  more  valuable  conclusions 
at  which  the  Committee  arrived: 

“ In  law,  speculation  becomes  gambling 
when  the  trading  which  it  involves  does  not 
lead,  and  is  not  intended  to  lead,  to  the  actual 
passing  from  hand  to  hand  of  the  property  that 
is  dealt  in.  . . . The  rules  of  all  the  exchanges 
forbid  gambling  as  defined  by  this  opinion  [of 
the  N.  Y.  Court  of  Appeals,  case  of  Hurd  vs. 
Taylor,  181  N.  Y.  231] ; but  they  make  so 
easy  a technical  delivery  of  the  property  con- 
tracted for,  that  the  practical  effect  of  much 
speculation,  in  point  of  form  legitimate,  is  not 
greatly  different  from  that  of  gambling.  Con- 
tracts to  buy  may  be  privately  offset  by  con- 
tracts to  sell.  The  offsetting  may  be  done,  in  a 
systematic  way,  by  clearing  houses,  or  by  ‘ ring 
settlements.’  Where  deliveriesare  actually  made, 
property  may  be  temporarily  borrowed  for  the 
purpose.  In  these  ways,  speculation  which  has 
the  legal  traits  of  legitimate  dealing  may  go  on 
almost  as  freely  as  mere  wagering,  and  may 
have  most  of  the  pecuniary  and  immoral  effects 
of  gambling  on  a large  scale. 

“ A real  distinction  exists  between  speculation 
which  is  carried  on  by  persons  of  means  and 
experience,  and  based  on  an  intelligent  forecast, 
and  that  which  is  carried  on  by  persons  without 
these  qualifications.  The  former  is  closely  con- 
nected with  regular  business.  While  not  unac- 
companied by  waste  and  loss,  this  speculation 
accomplishes  an  amount  of  good  which  offsets 
much  of  its  cost.  The  latter  does  but  a small 
amount  of  good  and  an  almost  incalculable 
amount  of  evil.  In  its  nature  it  is  in  the  same 
class  with  gambling  upon  the  race-track  or  at 
the  roulette  table,  but  is  practised  on  a vastly 
larger  scale.  Its  ramifications  extend  to  all  parts 
of  the  country.  It  involves  a practical  certainty 
of  loss  to  those  who  engage  in  it. 

“The  problem,  wherever  speculation  is 
strongly  rooted,  is  to  eliminate  that  which  is 
wasteful  and  morally  destructive,  while  retain- 
ing and  allowing  free  play  to  that  which  is 
beneficial.  The  difficulty  in  the  solution  of  the 
problem  lies  in  the  practical  impossibility  of 
distinguishing  what  is  virtually  gambling  from 
legitimate  speculation.  The  most  fruitful  pol- 
icy will  be  found  in  measures  which  will  lessen 
speculation  by  persons  not  qualified  to  engage  in 
it.  In  carrying  out  such  a policy  exchanges  can 
accomplish  more  than  legislatures.  . . . 

“The  New  York  Stock  Exchange  is  a volun- 
tary association,  limited  to  1,100  members,  of 
whom  about  700  are  active,  some  of  them  resi- 
dents of  other  cities.  Memberships  are  sold  for 
about  $80,000.  The  Exchange  as  such  does  no 
business,  merely  providing  facilities  to  members 
and  regulating  their  conduct.  The  governing 
power  is  in  an  elected  committee  of  forty  mem- 
bers and  is  plenary  in  scope.  The  business  trans- 
acted on  the  floor  is  the  purchase  and  sale  of 
stocks  and  bonds  of  corporations  and  govern- 
ments. Practically  all  transactions  must  be  com- 
pleted by  delivery  and  payment  on  the  following 
day.  The  mechanism  of  the  Exchange,  provided 
by  its  constitution  and  rules,  is  the  evolution  of 
more  than  a century.  . . . 

“The  volume  of  transactions  indicates  that 
the  Exchange  is  to-day  probably  the  most  im- 
portant financial  institution  in  the  world.  In  the 
past  decade  the  average  annual  sales  of  shares 


have  been  196,500,000  at  prices  involving  an  an- 
nual average  turnover  of  nearly  $15,500,000,000  ; 
bond  transactions  averaged  about  $800,000,000. 
This  enormous  business  affects  the  financial  and 
credit  interests  of  the  country  in  so  large  a mea- 
sure that  its  proper  regulation  is  a matter  of 
transcendent  importance.  While  radical  changes 
in  the  mechanism,  which  is  now  so  nicely  ad- 
justed that  the  transactions  are  carried  on  with 
the  minimum  of  friction,  might  prove  disastrous 
to  the  whole  country,  nevertheless  measures 
should  be  adopted  to  correct  existing  abuses. 

“It  is  unquestionable  that  only  a small  part 
of  the  transactions  upon  the  Exchange  is  of  an 
investment  character ; a substantial  part  may  be 
characterized  as  virtually  gambling.  Yet  we 
are  unable  to  see  how  the  State  could  distinguish 
by  law  between  proper  and  improper  transac- 
tions, since  the  forms  and  the  mechanisms  used 
are  identical.  Rigid  statutes  directed  against 
the  latter  would  seriously  interfere  with  the 
former.  The  experience  of  Germany  with  sim- 
ilar legislation  is  illuminating.  [See,  in  this 
vol.,  Germany:  A.  D.  1908.]  But  the  Ex- 
change, with  the  plenary  power  over  members 
. and  their  operations,  could  provide  correctives, 
as  we  shall  show. 

“Purchasing  securities  on  margin  is  as  legit- 
imate a transaction  as  a purchase  of  any  other 
property  in  which  part  payment  is  deferred. 
We  therefore  see  no  reason  whatsoever  for  re- 
commending the  radical  change  suggested,  that 
margin  trading  be  prohibited.  ...  In  so  far  as 
losses  are  due  to  insufficient  margins,  they  would 
be  materially  reduced  if  the  customary  percent- 
age of  margins  were  increased.  The  amount 
of  margin  which  a broker  requires  from  a spec- 
ulative buyer  of  stocks  depends,  in  each  case, 
on  the  credit  of  the  buyer  ; and  the  amount  of 
credit  which  one  person  may  extend  to  another 
is  a dangerous  subject  on  which  to  legislate. 
Upon  the  other  hand,  a rule  made  by  the  Ex- 
change could  safely  deal  with  the  prevalent 
rate  of  margins  required  from  customers.  In 
preference,  therefore,  to  recommending  legisla- 
tion, we  urge  upon  all  brokers  to  discourage 
speculation  upon  small  margins  and  upon  the 
Exchange  to  use  its  influence,  and,  if  necessary, 
its  power,  to  prevent  members  from  soliciting 
and  generally  accepting  business  on  a less  mar- 
gin than  20  per  cent. 

“‘Pyramiding,’  which  is  the  use  of  paper 
profits  in  stock  transactions  as  a margin  for  fur- 
ther commitments,  should  be  discouraged.  The 
practice  tends  to  produce  more  extreme  fluctua- 
tions and  more  rapid  wiping  out  of  margins. 
If  the  stock  brokers  and  the  banks  would  make 
it  a rule  to  value  securities  for  the  purpose  of 
margin  or  collateral,  not  at  the  current  price  of 
the  moment,  but  at  the  average  price  of,  say, 
the  previous  two  or  three  months  (provided  that 
such  average  price  were  not  higher  than  the 
price  of  the  moment),  the  dangers  of  pyramid- 
ing would  be  largely  prevented. 

“We  have  been  strongly  urged  to  advise  the 
prohibition  or  limitation  of  short  sales,  not  only 
on  the  theory  that  it  is  wrong  to  agree  to  sell 
what  one  does  not  possess,  but  that  such  sales  re- 
duce the  market  price  of  the  securities  involved. 
We  do  not  think  that  it  is  wrong  to  agree  to  sell 
something  that  one  does  not  now  possess,  but  ex- 
pects to  obtain  later.  Contracts  and  agreements 
to  sell,  and  deliver  in  the  future,  property  which 


267 


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FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


one  does  not  possess  at  the  time  of  the  contract, 
are  common  in  all  kinds  of  business.  The  man 
who  has  ‘sold  short’  must  some  day  buy  in 
order  to  return  the  stock  which  he  has  borrowed 
to  make  the  short  sale.  Short-sellers  endeavor 
to  select  times  when  prices  seem  high  in  order  to 
sell,  and  times  when  prices  seem  low  in  order 
to  buy,  their  action  in  both  cases  serving  to 
lessen  advances  and  diminish  declines  of  price. 
In  other  words,  short-selling  tends  to  produce 
steadiness  in  prices,  which  is  an  advantage  to 
the  community.  No  other  means  of  restraining 
unwarranted  marking  up  and  down  of  prices 
has  been  suggested  to  us.  . . . 

“ A subject  to  which  we  have  devoted  much 
time  and  thought  is  that  of  the  manipulation  of 
prices  by  large  interests.  This  falls  into  two 
general  classes:  (1.)  That  which  is  resorted  to 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a market  for  issues  of 
new  securities.  (2.)  That  which  is  designed  to 
serve  merely  speculative  purposes  in  the  en- 
deavor to  make  a profit  as  the  result  of  fluctua- 
tions which  have  been  planned  in  advance.  The 
first  kind  of  manipulation  has  certain  advan- 
tages, and  when  not  accompanied  by  ‘ matched 
orders  ' is  unobjectionable  per  se.  . . . 

“ The  second  kind  of  manipulation  mentioned 
is  undoubtedly  open  to  serious  criticism.  It 
has  for  its  object  either  the  creation  of  high 
prices  for  particular  stocks,  in  order  to  draw  in 
the  public  as  buyers  and  to  unload  upon  them 
the  holdings  of  the  operators,  or  to  depress  the 
prices  and  induce  the  public  to  sell.  There  have 
been  instances  of  gross  and  unjustifiable  manip- 
ulation of  securities,  as  in  the  case  of  American 
Ice  stock.  While  we  have  been  unable  to  dis- 
cover any  complete  remedy  short  of  abolishing 
the  Stock  Exchange  itself,  we  are  convinced  that 
the  Exchange  can  prevent  the  worst  forms  of  this 
evil  by  exercising  its  influence  and  authority 
over  the  members  to  prevent  them.  When  con- 
tinued manipulation  exists  it  is  patent  to  expe- 
rienced observers. 

“ In  the  foregoing  discussion  we  have  confined 
ourselves  to  bona-fide  sales.  So  far  as  manipu- 
lation of  either  class  is  based  upon  fictitious  or 
so-called  ‘ wash  sales  ’ it  is  open  to  the  severest 
condemnation,  and  should  be  prevented  by  all 
possible  means.  These  fictitious  sales  are  for- 
bidden by  the  rules  of  all  the  regular  exchanges, 
and  are  not  enforceable  at  law.  They  are  less  fre- 
quent than  many  persons  suppose.  . . . There 
is,  however,  another  class  of  transactions  called 
‘ matched  orders,’  which  differ  materially  from 
those  already  mentioned,  in  that  they  are  ac- 
tual and  enforceable  contracts.  We  refer  to  that 
class  of  transactions,  engineered  by  some  manipu- 
lator, who  sends  a number  of  orders  simultane- 
ously to  different  brokers,  some  to  buy  and  some 
to  sell.  These  brokers,  without  knowing  that 
other  brokers  have  countervailing  orders  from 
the  same  principal,  execute  their  orders  upon 
the  floor  of  the  Exchange,  and  the  transactions 
become  binding  contracts;  they  cause  an  ap- 
pearance of  activity  in  a certain  security  which 
is  unreal.  Since  they  are  legal  and  binding,  we 
find  a difficulty  in  suggesting  a legislative  rem- 
edy. But  where  the  activities  of  two  or  more 
brokers  in  a certain  securities  become  so  extreme 
as  to  indicate  manipulation  rather  than  genuine 
transactions,  the  officers  of  the  Exchange  would 
be  remiss  unless  they  exercised  their  influence 
and  authority  upon  such  members. 


“ The  subject  of  corners  in  the  stock  market 
has  engaged  our  attention.  The  Stock  Exchange 
might  properly  adopt  a rule  providing  that  the 
governors  shall  have  power  to  decide  when  a 
corner  exists  and  to  fix  a settlement  price,  so 
as  to  relieve  innocent  persons  from  the  injury 
or  ruin  which  may  result  therefrom.  The  mere 
existence  of  such  a rule  would  tend  to  prevent 
corners.” 

Speaking  in  a general  way,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  Committee  holds  the  directorate  of  the  Stock 
Exchange  responsible  for  evils  connected  with 
the  operations  that  are  centralized  by  it.  “ It  has 
almost  unlimited  power  over  the  conduct  of  its 
members,”  says  the  report,  “ and  it  can  subject 
them  to  instant  discipline  for  wrongdoing.” 
As  a voluntary  organization  it  is  more  free  in  the 
exercise  of  this  power  than  it  would  be  if  incor- 
porated and  brought  under  the  authority  and 
supervision  of  the  State  and  the  process  of  the 
courts.  Hence  the  Committee  refrains  from  ad- 
vising the  incorporation  of  the  Exchange ; but 
it  does  so  only  on  the  assumption  that  it  “ will 
in  the  future  take  full  advantage  of  the  powers 
conferred  upon  it  by  its  voluntary  organization.” 
In  the  past  it  has  failed  to  do  so. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Committee  corrects  an 
erroneous  public  notion  that  Wall  Street  and  the 
Stock  Exchange  are  one  and  the  same  thing. 
“ An  investigation  was  made  of  the  transactions 
on  the  Exchange  for  a given  day,  when  the  sales 
were  1,500,000  shares.  The  returns  showed  that 
on  that  day  52  per  cent,  of  the  total  transactions 
on  the  Exchange  apparently  originated  in  New 
York  city,  and  48  per  cent,  in  other  localities.” 

The  operations  of  the  various  other  trading  ex- 
changes in  New  York,  — the  Consolidated  Stock 
Exchange,  “the  Curb,”  so  called,  and  the  sev- 
eral “commodity  exchanges,”  where  dealings 
in  produce,  cotton,  coffee,  etc.,  are  centered, — 
are  discussed  in  the  report,  with  disapproval  of 
some.  The  abuses  which  find  their  opportunity 
in  the  unorganized  Curb  market,  — carried  on 
within  a roped-off  section  of  Broad  Street, — are 
set  forth  with  distinctness,  and  are  traced  clearly 
to  the  tolerance  and  encouragement  afforded  to 
them  by  the  Stock  Exchange.  “About  85  per 
cent,  of  the  business  of  the  Curb,”  says  the  re- 
port, “ comes  through  the  offices  of  members  of 
the  New  York  Stock  Exchange,  but  a provision 
of  the  constitution  of  that  Exchange  prohibits 
its  members  from  becoming  members  of,  or  deal- 
ing on,  any  other  organized  Stock  Exchange  in 
New  York.  Accordingly,  operators  on  the  curb 
market  have  not  attempted  to  form  an  organiza- 
tion. The  attitude  of  the  Stock  Exchange  is  there- 
fore largely  responsible  for  the  existence  of  such 
abuses  as  result  from  the  want  of  organization 
of  the  curb  market.  The  brokers  dealing  on 
the  latter  do  not  wish  to  lose  their  best  cus- 
tomers, and  hence  they  submit  to  these  irregu- 
larities and  inconveniences.  Some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Exchange  dealing  on  the  curb  have 
apparently  been  satisfied  with  the  prevailing  con- 
ditions, and  in  their  own  selfish  interests  have 
maintained  an  attitude  of  indifference  toward 
abuses.  We  are  informed  that  some  of  the  most 
flagrant  cases  of  discreditable  enterprises  finding 
dealings  on  the  curb  were  promoted  by  members 
of  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange.  The  present 
apparent  attitude  of  the  Exchange  toward  the 
curb  seems  to  ns  clearly  inconsistent  with  its 
moral  obligations  to  the  community  at  large.” 


268 


FINANCE  AND  TllADE 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


On  the  much  debated  question,  whether  deal- 
ing in  “futures,” — the  selling  of  agricultural 
products  for  future  delivery, — should  be  pro- 
hibited or  otherwise  interfered  with,  the  report 
of  the  Committee  is  strongly  in  favor  of  letting 
it  alone.  It  says,  “The  subject  was  exhaustively 
considered  by  the  Industrial  Commission  of  Con- 
gress which  in  1901  made  an  elaborate  report 
(Yol.  VI.),  showing  that  selling  for  future  deliv- 
ery, based  upon  a forecast  of  future  conditions 
of  supply  and  demand,  is  an  indispensable 
part  of  the  world’s  commercial  machinery,  by 
which  prices  are,  as  far  as  possible,  equalized 
throughout  the  year  to  the  advantage  of  both 
producer  and  consumer.  The  subject  is  also 
treated  with  clearness  and  impartiality  in  the 
Cyclopedia  of  American  Agriculture,  in  an  arti- 
cle on  ‘ Speculation  and  Farm  Prices  ’ ; where 
it  is  shown  that  since  the  yearly  supply  of  wheat, 
for  example,  matures  within  a comparatively 
short  period  of  time,  somebody  must  handle  and 
store  the  great  bulk  of  it  during  the  interval  be- 
tween production  and  consumption.  Otherwise 
the  price  will  be  unduly  depressed  at  the  end  of 
one  harvest  and  correspondingly  advanced  be- 
fore the  beginning  of  another.  Buying  for  fu- 
ture delivery  causes  advances  in  prices ; selling 
short  tends  to  restrain  inordinate  advances.  In 
each  case  there  must  be  a buyer  and  a seller, 
and  the  interaction  of  their  trading  steadies 
prices.  Speculation  thus  brings  into  the  market 
a distinct  class  of  people  possessing  capital  and 
special  training  who  assume  the  risks  of  hold- 
ing and  distributing  the  proceeds  of  the  crops 
from  one  season  to  another  with  the  minimum  of 
cost  to  producer  and  consumer.” 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — The  “Central  Bank’’ 
Question. — In  Boston,  at  the  outset  of  Presi- 
dent Taft's  tour  of  the  country  in  the  fall  of 
1909,  he  made  a speech  on  financial  subjects 
which  touched  the  old  question  of  the  need  in 
the  country  of  a Central  Bank  of  Issue,  as  an  in- 
strument for  the  automatic  or  natural  regulation 
of  its  currency,  in  quantity  and  distribution. 
This  gave  the  opening  to  a revival  of  discussions 
which  have  been  seldom  heard  since  Jackson’s 
time.  A clear,  succinct  statement  of  the  bank- 
ing conditions  which  have  revived  this  question, 
with  explanations  of  what  it  involves,  appears 
in  the  following,  borrowed  from  a monthly  finan- 
cial letter  sent  out  in  November  by  the  National 
City  Bank  of  Chicago: 

“ The  creation  of  a Central  Bank  of  Issue  as  a 
cure  for  the  defects  of  our  financial  system  is 
of  such  importance  that  a brief  review  of  the 
proposition  may  be  of  interest  to  our  clients: 

“The  business  of  banking  is  probably  as 
sound  in  this  country  as  in  any  other.  Our  indi- 
vidual banks  are,  as  a rule,  prudently,  honestly 
and  capably  managed.  During  normal  times  they 
deserve  and  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  public 
which  they  efficiently  serve.  Yet  only  two 
y ears  ago  they  practically  suspended  because  the 
system — that  is  the  relation  of  one  bank  to  all 
the  others  — had  collapsed.  This  occurred  while 
there  was  more  gold  in  the  country  than  ex- 
isted in  several  of  the  other  leading  commercial 
nations  combined,  and  while  nearly  all  of  the 
twenty  or  more  thousand  banks  in  the  United 
States  were  sound,  solvent,  and  in  normal  con- 
dition. With  over  $900,000,000  of  gold  in  the 
United  States  Treasury,  and  several  hundred 
millions  more  in  the  country,  we  imported  at 


great  cost  about  $100,000,000  chiefly  from  the 
coffers  of  the  Bank  of  England,  which  itself  only 
held  $105,000,000. 

“The  loss  on  investments  and  to  general  busi- 
ness by  such  a panic  as  that  of  1907  is  beyond 
computation.  When  we  consider  that  we  have 
had  several  such  panics  within  the  memory  of 
living  men,  and  that  other  and  poorer  countries 
possess  the  means  of  avoiding  such  conditions, 
we  naturally  ask  what  is  wrong  or  lacking  in 
our  financial  system  as  compared  to  theirs  ? 

“In  times  of  trouble  our  reserves  scatter. 
Theirs  are  massed.  Our  currency  is  rigid  and 
cannot  be  quickly  expanded  to  meet  an  emer- 
gency. Their  currency  is  capable  of  instanta- 
neous expansion.  Our  chief  gold  reserves  are 
in  the  United  States  Treasury  unavailable  as  a 
basis  for  such  expansion.  Their  reserves  are  in 
great  central  banks  — immediately  available  for 
currency  expansion.  Besides,  under  our  national 
banking  system,  a bank  in  a non-reserve  city 
with  deposits  of,  say  $1,000,000,  keeps  six  per 
cent,  or  $60,000  in  its  own  vault,  and  nine  per 
cent,  or  $90,000,  to  its  credit  with  a reserve  city 
bank.  In  the  reserve  city  bank,  however,  the 
$90,000  is  merely  a deposit  against  which  it  keeps 
an  actual  reserve  of  about  $20,000.  When  trou- 
ble comes,  therefore,  and  the  bank  in  the  non- 
reserve city  decides  to  increase  its  cash  reserves 
from  six  to  eight  per  cent  it  calls  upon  its  reserve 
agent  for  $20,000  cash,  and  when  the  reserve  city 
bank  has  forwarded  that  amount,  it  has  parted 
with  all  the  actual  reserve  it  has  belonging  to 
the  non-reserve  city  bank,  and  it  still  has  a de- 
posit liability  on  its  books  of  $70,000  against 
which  it  holds  no  reserve  whatever. 

“ As  it  is  a very  natural  and  prudent  thing  for 
banks  in  non-reserve  cities  to  increase  their  cash 
reserves  by  at  least  two  per  cent  when  trouble 
threatens,  nearly  all  try  to  do  so  at  the  same 
time,  and  the  result  is  that  the  threatened  trou- 
ble becomes  a reality.  In  short,  when  financial 
trouble  threatens  in  any  other  great  country  the 
system  provides  relief  and  the  danger  is  avoided, 
whereas,  unfortunately,  with  us  every  step  we 
take  increases  the  trouble  and  helps  it  along 
until  it  is  beyond  control. 

“Financial  stringency  existed  in  all  the  lead- 
ing countries  in  1907.  Suspension  of  specie- 
payments  and  actual  panic  occurred  only  in  the 
United  States.  They  stopped  abruptly  at  our 
borders,  and  Canada  and  even  Mexico  knew  no- 
thing of  them.  Manifestly,  we  need  something ! 
There  is  little  difference  of  opinion  on  that  score. 
But  when  we  begin  to  discuss  the  remedy  we 
have  a wide  divergence  of  views. 

“ Many  favor  asset  or  credit  currency  similar 
to  that  prevailing  in  Canada.  The  Canadian 
System  of  asset  currency  is  excellent  when  joined 
to  the  branch  banking  system.  But  it  is  felt  that 
it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  apply  it  to  a 
system  containing  thousandsof  individual  banks. 
The  difficulty  is  that  of  providing  adequate  re- 
demption facilities,  without  which  the  danger 
of  currency  inflation  could  scarcely  be  avoided. 
Several  schemes  to  meet  this  difficulty  have  been 
suggested,  but  the  best  of  them  seem  rather  un- 
wieldy. 

“The  proposal  which  seems  to  be  gaining 
most  ground  is  to  establish  a great  semi-govern- 
ment bank  to  be  added  to  our  present  system. 
To  this  bank  would  be  transferred  at  once  the 
government  deposits  now  in  national  banks,  and 


269 


FINANCE  AND  TRADE 


FINLAND,  1901 


later  a large  part  of  the  reserves  of  the  banks  in 
the  central  reserve,  and  possibly  also  the  reserve 
cities.  Like  everything  else,  the  bank  would 
have  to  be  an  evolution.  Years  would  pass  be- 
fore it  would  work  into  its  proper  position  and 
exercise  its  full  powers.  Gradually,  it  is  hoped, 
the  United  States  Treasury  could  be  done  away 
with,  and  the  government  taken  out  of  the  bank- 
ing business.  Then  all  government  funds  would 
be  deposited  with  the  Central  Bank.  Its  branches 
would  take  the  place  of  our  Sub-Treasuries.  It 
would  be  a bank  of  banks,  where  other  banks 
could  re-discount  their  bills,  or  borrow  on  secur- 
ities, receiving  therefor  currency  to  be  issued 
by  the  Central  Bank.  This  currency  would  be 
partly  secured  by  a gold  reserve,  and  partly  by 
the  general  assets  of  the  bank. 

“If  the  $900,000,000  gold  in  theUnited  States 
Treasury  in  1907,  held  against  an  equal  amount 
of  notes,  had  been  in  a Central  Bank  it  would 
have  formed  a sufficient  basis  for  the  issue  of  an 
additional  $900,000,000  of  currency,  for  fifty  per 
cent  reserve  against  currency  would  be  ample. 
For  such  additional  issue  the  Central  Bank 
would,  of  course,  receive  acceptable  banking 
assets.  A far  smaller  amount,  however,  than 
$900,000,000  would  have  averted  the  panic.  It 
seems  clear  that  such  an  institution  would  pro- 
vide the  elasticity  to  our  currency  which  we  so 
much  need,  not  only  in  times  of  stress,  but  every 
crop-moving  season. 

“There  are  many  details  which  would  require 
careful  study,  but  to  many  competent  to  judge, 
the  Central  Bank  idea  seems  to  be  the  correct 
solution  of  the  difficulty.  The  fact  that  all  the 
other  important  countries  of  the  world  have 
adopted  it  ought  to  give  it  weight.  Even  little 
Switzerland  came  to  it  four  years  ago,  and 
Japan,  after  adopting  a system  copied  from  ours, 
has  established  a Central  Bank  patterned  after 
the  Imperial  Bank  of  Germany. 

“Most  of  the  objections  raised  seem  to  be 
largely  based  on  sentiment  rather  than  on  argu- 


ment. It  is  said  to  be  ‘un-American,’  or  that 
it  would  be  ‘used  by  Wall  Street.’  or  that  ‘it 
would  get  into  politics.’  It  would  seem  to  us 
that  if  the  system  is  the  best,  it  should  not  be 
‘un-American’  to  adopt  it,  and  that  an  illegiti- 
mate use  of  it  by  ‘ Wall  Street’  could  easily  be 
guarded  against  in  its  organization.  To  say  that 
we  cannot  trust  our  government  to  properly  use, 
and  not  abuse,  the  powers  of  a Central  Bank  is 
to  say  that  it  is  inferior  to  the  governments  of 
Europe  which  have  wisely  used  such  powers  for 
generations. 

‘ ‘ There  seems  some  danger  that  the  bank 
would  not  pay  unless  it  entered  into  competition 
with  existing  banks  for  regular  commercial  busi- 
ness; but  we  must  remember  that  Central  Banks 
are  not  expected  to  earn  large  dividends. 

“We  predict  a long  campaign  of  discussion 
before  the  right  course  appears  clear  to  the 
American  people ; but  it  seems  to  us  that  the 
arguments  advanced  for  a Central  Bank  are  well 
worthy  of  the  most  earnest  study.” 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — Powerful  Combination 
of  Banking  Interests  by  J.  P.  Morgan  & Co. 
— Early  in  December,  1909,  the  powerful  bank- 
ing house  of  J.  P.  Morgan  & Co.  obtained  con- 
trol of  the  Guaranty  Trust  Company  and  the 
Equitable  Life  Assurance  Company,  which  lat- 
ter controls  the  Equitable  and  Mercantile  trust 
companies.  In  the  former  case  it  purchased  the 
holding  of  the  Harriman  estate,  and  in  the  latter 
that  of  Thomas  Ryan.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
following  month,  by  another  deal  with  Mr.  Ryan, 
the  same  firm  acquired  the  Morton  and  the  Fifth 
Avenue  trust  companies.  The  combined  assets 
of  the  Guaranty,  Morton,  and  Fifth  Avenue  trust 
companies  were  reported  to  be  $259,000,000. 
Joined  to  the  vast  resources  of  the  Equitable  Life 
Assurance  Company  and  to  those  previously  con- 
trolled by  the  Morgan  Company,  the  financial 
combination  seems  overpowering. 

FINANCE  AND  TRADE.  See,  also  (in 
this  vol.),  Tariffs,  and  Combinations. 


FINLAND:  A.  D.  1901.  — The  Russianiz- 
ing of  the  Finnish  Army.  — Resistance  to  the 
Violation  of  Constitutional  Rights. — Des- 
potic measures  of  the  T sar.  — M.  de  Plehve’s 
defence.  — The  shameful  overthrow,  in  1899,  by 
the  present  Tsar  of  Russia,  of  the  ancient  con- 
stitution of  Finland,  which  had  preserved  its  dis- 
tinct nationality  ever  since  it  came,  in  1809,  under 
the  Russian  crown,  is  related  in  Volume  VI.  of 
this  work.  Among  the  measures  then  under- 
taken for  Russianizing  Finland  — reducing  it 
substantially  to  the  status  of  a Russian  province 
— the  most  serious  was  the  practical  incorpora- 
tion of  the  Finnish  army  with  the  Russian,  the 
law  for  accomplishing  which  had  not  been  fully 
carried  through  when  the  account  of  events  in 
Volume  VI.  was  closed.  It  was  opposed  very 
strenuously  by  M.  Witte,  then  rising  to  influence 
in  the  councils  of  the  Tsar,  and  seemed  not  un- 
likely to  be  put  aside.  But  the  worse  influences 
prevailed  in  the  end  over  the  wiser,  and  the  pro- 
posed measure  became  law  on  the  11th  of  July, 
1901.  It  placed  all  Finnish  troops  under  the 
orders  of  the  Russian  commander  in  Finland, 
authorized  the  putting  of  Finnish  conscripts  into 
the  Russian  regiments  stationed  in  Finland,  and 
subjected  Finnish  regiments  to  service,  when  re- 
quired, outside  of  Finland,  from  which  service 


they  had  been  constitutionally  exempt  hith- 
erto. 

The  resistance  to  this  gross  violation  of  time- 
honored  rights  was  universal  and  determined. 
Conscripts  refused  to  answer  the  call  to  military 
service,  subjecting  themselves  to  the  penalties 
for  desertion,  and  practically  the  whole  popula- 
tion stood  ready  to  protect  them.  Extensive 
movements  of  emigration  to  America  and  else- 
where were  begun.  At  the  same  time  the  Tsar’s 
authority,  as  the  common  sovereign  of  Finland 
and  Russia,  was  used  in  many  ways  as  autocrat- 
ically in  his  constitutional  realm  as  in  that  where 
his  absolutism  knew  no  bounds.  The  powers  of 
the  Russian  Governor-General  of  Finland  were 
enlarged ; the  Finnish  archives  were  removed 
to  St.  Petersburg;  Cossacks  were  sent  into  the 
abused  country  with  their  knouts  to  quell  resist- 
ance to  the  army  law;  but  the  resistance  went 
on,  taking  presently  a more  passive  form.  Com- 
munes refused  to  elect  the  conscription  boards 
which  the  law  prescribed  for  carrying  out  the 
levy  of  recruits,  and  heavy  fines  were  imposed 
on  them  without  effect.  In  November,  1902,  a 
convention  of  delegates  from  all  parts  of  Finland, 
composed  largely  of  peasants  and  workmen,  re- 
solved to  “continue  everywhere,  unswervingly, 
and  until  legal  conditions  are  restored  to  the 


FINLAND,  1904 


FINLAND,  1905 


country,  the  passive  resistance  against  all  mea- 
sures conflicting  with,  or  calculated  to  abolish, 
our  fundamental  laws.” 

An  elaborate  defence  of  these  Russianizing 
measures  in  Finland  was  addressed,  in  August, 
1903,  by  the  Russian  Minister  of  the  Interior,  M. 
dePlelive,  to  Mr.  W.  T.  Stead,  editor  of  the  Eng- 
lish Review  of  Reviews , by  way  of  reply  to  an 
“open  letter”  to  himself  on  the  subject,  by  Mr. 
Stead,  published  in  the  Revieio  of  that  month. 
Concerning  the  military  law,  M.  Plehve  wrote  : 
“This  law,  in  its  application  to  the  new  con- 
scription regulations,  has  alleviated  the  condi- 
tion of  the  population  of  Finland.  Contrary  to 
the  information  you  have  received,  the  military 
burden  laid  on  the  population  of  the  laud  has 
not  been  increased  by  5,000  recruits  annually, 
but  has  been  decreased  from  2,000  men  to  500 
per  annum,  and  latterly  to  280.  As  you  will  see, 
there  is  in  reality  no  opposition  between  the  will 
of  the  Emperor  of  Russia  as  announced  to  Fin- 
land in  1899  and  his  generous  initiative  at  The 
Hague  Conference.”  At  the  end  of  a long  ex- 
position of  the  principles  of  Russian  imperial 
policy,  which  left  it  far  from  clear,  the  Minister 
said : “I  shall  give  the  following  answer  to  your 
entreaty  to  put  an  end  to  the  present  policy  of 
Russia  in  Finland,  which  you  are  pleased  to  call 
the  policy  of  General  Bobrikoff.  First  of  all,  it  is 
incorrect  to  connect  the  present  course  of  Russian 
policy  in  Finland  with  the  name  of  the  present 
Governor-General  of  Finland  alone,  for,  as  regards 
the  fundamental  purpose  of  his  labors,  all  the  ad- 
visers and  servants  of  his  Imperial  Majesty  who 
have  to  do  with  the  government  of  Finland  are 
at  one  with  him  in  their  firm  conviction  that  the 
measures  now  applied  in  Finland  are  called  for 
by  the  pressing  requirements  of  our  state.  With 
regard  to  the  essence  of  the  question,  I repeat 
that  in  matters  of  government  temporary  phe- 
nomena should  be  distinguished  from  permanent 
ones.  The  incidental  expression  of  Russian  pol- 
icy, necessitated  by  an  open  mutiny  against  the 
government  in  Finland,  will,  undoubtedly,  be 
replaced  by  the  former  favor  of  the  sovereign 
toward  his  Finnish  subjects,  as  soon  as  peace  is 
finally  restored  and  the  current  of  social  life  in 
that  country  assumes  its  normal  course.  Then, 
certainly,  all  repressive  measures  will  be  re- 
pealed. But  the  realization  of  the  fundamental 
aim  which  the  Russian  Government  has  set  itself 
in  Finland,  —i.  e.,  the  confirming  in  that  land  of 
the  principle  of  imperial  unity,  — must  continue, 
and  it  would  be  best  of  all  if  this  end  were 
attained  with  the  trustful  cooperation  of  local 
workers  under  the  guidance  of  the  sovereign  to 
whom  Divine  Providence  has  committed  the 
destinies  of  Russia  and  Finland.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Assassination  of  Governor- 
General  Bobrikoff.  — On  the  15th  of  J une,  1904, 
Governor-General  Bobrikoff,  who  had  been  the 
executor  of  the  Russianizing  policy  in  Finland, 
and  was  hated  accordingly,  was  shot  by  a Fin- 
nish member  of  the  Parliamentary  opposition. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Successful  Revolt  against 
the  Russianizing  Oppressions.  — The  T sar’s 
Concessions.  — Restoration  of  Ancient  Liber- 
ties.— Taking  advantage  of  the  situation  in 
Russia,  which  tied  the  hands  of  the  Autocrat 
(see  Russia  : A.  D.  1904^1905),  the  Finns,  by  a 
sudden  general  rising,  drove  out  the  Russian 
officials  in  their  country,  took  possession  of  the 
military  posts  and  Government  building,  and 


forced  the  Governor,  Prince  John  Obolenski,  to 
send  to  the  Tsar  their  demand  for  a restoration 
of  their  ancient  constitutional  rights  which  he 
had  taken  away  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work, 
Finland  : A.  D.  1898-1901).  The  helplessness 
to  which  their  Russian  master  had  been  reduced 
was  signified  by  the  prompt  amiability  of  his 
response,  in  successive  manifestoes,  the  first  of 
which  bore  the  following  command  : 

“By  the  grace  of  God,  we,  Nicholas  II.,  etc., 
command  the  opening  at  Helsingfors,  December 
20,  of  an  extraordinary  Diet  to  consider  the  fol- 
lowing questions . 

"First. — The  proposals  for  the  budget  of 
1906-07,  provisional  taxes,  and  a loan  for  railway 
construction. 

“ Second . — A bill  providing,  by  a new  funda- 
mental law,  a parliament  for  Finland  on  the  basis 
of  universal  suffrage,  with  the  establishment  of 
the  responsibility  of  the  local  authorities  to  the 
nation’s  deputies. 

“ Third.  — Bills  granting  liberty  of  the  press, 
of  meeting,  and  of  unions.” 

A subsequent  manifesto  announced  : “We 
have  ordered  the  elaboration  of  bills  reforming  the 
fundamental  laws  for  submission  to  the  deputies 
of  the  nation,  and  we  order  the  abrogation  of 
the  manifesto  of  February  15,  1899;  the  ukase 
of  April  15,  1903,  concerning  measures  for  the 
maintenance  of  public  order  and  tranquillity  ; 
the  imperial  ukase  of  November  23,  1903,  ac- 
cording exceptional  rights  to  the  gendarmerie 
in  the  grand  duchy ; Article  12  of  the  ukase  of 
July  13,  1902,  on  Finnish  legislation  ; the  ukase 
of  September  21,  1902,  on  the  reform  of  the 
Senate  and  the  extension  of  powers  of  governors ; 
the  ukase  of  April  8,  1903,  on  instructions  for 
the  governor-general  and  the  assistant  governor 
of  Finland;  the  law  of  July  25,  1901,  on  mili- 
tary service  ; the  ukase  of  August  13,  1902,  on 
the  duties  of  civic  officials  in  Finland  ; the  ukase 
of  August  27, 1902,  on  the  resignation  of  admin- 
istrative officials  and  j udicial  responsibility  for 
offenses  and  crimes  of  officials,  and  the  ukase  of 
July  15,  1900,  on  meetings. 

“We  further  order  the  Senate  to  proceed  im- 
mediately with  the  revision  of  the  other  regu- 
lations enumerated  in  the  petition,  and  we  order 
the  immediate  suppression  of  the  censorship. 

“The  Senate  should  prepare  bills  granting 
liberty  of  speech,  of  the  press,  of  meeting,  and 
of  union ; a national  assembly  on  the  basis  of 
universal  suffrage,  and  the  responsibility  of  the 
local  authorities  as  soon  as  possible,  in  order 
that  the  Diet  may  discuss  them. 

“We  trust  that  the  measures  enumerated, 
being  dictated  by  a desire  to  benefit  Finland, 
will  strengthen  the  ties  uniting  the  Finnish 
nation  to  its  sovereign.” 

An  article  quoted  from  a Danish  magazine 
tells  in  a few  words  how  the  bloodless  revolu- 
tion was  accomplished:  “The  weapon  used  for 
the  purpose  of  paralyzing  the  government  was 
the  general  strike.  It  may  be  questioned  to 
which  class  belongs  the  chief  part  of  honor  in 
this  struggle.  A marvelous  unity  characterized 
the  whole  movement.  While  post,  telegraph, 
and  railroad  traffic  was  stopped  the  entire  light 
supply  was  cut  off.  The  strike  extended  even 
into  the  private  kitchen,  and  this  was  one  of 
the  reasons  which  hastened  the  departure  of  the 
Russian  officials.  In  the  meantime  the  question 
was  not  only  should  Russian  guns  be  directed 


271 


FINLAND,  1908-1909 


FINLAND,  1908-1909 


on  Helsingfors,  but  also  should  personal  safety 
be  maintained.  That  so  few  transgressions  of 
the  law  occurred  with  the  whole  police  force  on 
strike  is  a splendid  testimony  for  the  Finnish 
people.  The  revolution  in  Finland  stands  hence 
as  an  unparalleled  example  of  a popular  up- 
heaval.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Political  Enfranchisement  of 
Women.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Fran- 
chise : Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Russian  Measures  for  the 
Destruction  of  the  Constitutional  Autonomy 
of  Finland.  — The  reactionary  determinations 
of  the  Russian  Government,  since  it  mastered  the 
revolutionary  movements  of  1905-6,  are  revealed 
in  nothing  else  more  plainly  than  in  its  steady 
pursuance  of  measures  to  extinguish  the  degree 
of  autonomy  which  belongs  to  Finland,  under 
the  constitution  that  was  confirmed  to  its  people 
by  the  Tsar  Alexander  I.,  after  he  had  taken 
their  country  from  the  Swedish  crown  (see,  in 
Volume  IV.  of  this  work,  Scandinavian  States: 
A.  D.  1807-1810).  One  of  the  most  arbitrary  of 
the  early  measures  in  this  direction  was  the  as- 
sumption by  the  Tsar,  in  June,  1908,  of  a right 
to  confer  on  the  Russian  Council  of  Ministers  cer- 
tain powers  of  control  over  Fiunish  legislation. 
The  protests  of  the  Diet  and  Senate  of  Finland 
against  this  and  other  attacks  on  their  constitu- 
tional rights  led  to  a dissolution  of  the  Diet,  and 
the  election  of  a new  representative  body,  early 
in  May,  1909.  The  election  produced  substan- 
tially the  same  popular  representation  in  the 
new  Diet  that  had  characterized  its  predecessor, 
and  its  attitude  toward  the  autocratic  invasion 
of  Finnish  rights  was  the  same.  The  Social- 
ists received  79,447  votes.  The  party  of  the  Old 
Finns  which  inclines  to  submissiveness  polled  a 
total  of  52,396.  The  Constitutional  parties,  the 
Young  Finns  and  the  Swedes,  received  respect- 
ively 28,711  and  15,885  votes,  while  the  Agra- 
rian-Socialists got  13,648  and  the  Christian 
Workmen  6172.  The  Old  Finns  stand  alone 
against  the  other  parties. 

Meantime,  the  Tsar,  in  sanctioning  an  Act  of 
the  previous  Diet,  after  its  dissolution,  had  done 
it  in  terms  that  were  deemed  contrary  to  the 
Constitution  of  Finland,  and  the  Senate,  which 
is  composed  of  members  appointed  by  the  Tsar, 
petitioned  him  for  a modification  of  them.  His 
reply  was  a rebuke  and  a command  that  they 
promulgate  the  law,  and  thus  accept  his  miscon- 
struction of  the  Constitution.  Thereupon  the 
Vice-President  of  the  Senate  and  four  of  its  mem- 
bers resigned.  The  remaining  five,  pliant  to 
the  imperial  will,  voted  with  the  presiding  Gov- 
ernor-General for  the  promulgation  of  the  law. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  few  months  other 
demands  were  made  on  the  Finns  which  even 
the  imperial  appointees  of  the  Senate  could  not 
yield  to.  In  October,  an  Imperial  rescript  de- 
creed that  military  service  legislation  for  Fin- 
land should  be  withdrawn  from  the  competence 
of  the  Finnish  Diet  and  transferred  to  the  Impe- 
rial Legislature  ; and  that  until  such  legislation 
is  enacted  Finland  should  pay  into  the  Russian 
exchequer  an  annual  contribution  of  10,000,000 
marks  ($2,000,000),  to  be  increased  gradually 
to  20,000.000  marks.  This  left  the  Finnish  Diet 
no  voice  in  the  appropriation.  The  five  members 
who  had  remained  in  the  Senate  when  their  four 
colleagues  resigned  now  intimated  their  intention 
to  withdraw.  On  the  14th  of  October  the  four 


vacant  seats  were  filled  by  an  appointment  of 
naval  and  military  officers  who  were  said  to  be 
“ technically  Finnish  citizens,”  but  all  of  whom, 
save  one,  had  spent  their  lives  in  Russia.  A 
month  later,  November  17,  a Press  despatch  from 
Helsingfors  made  the  following  announcement: 
“ At  an  all-night  session  which  ended  to-day  the 
Finnish  Diet  rejected  the  government  bill  pro- 
viding for  Finland’s  contribution  to  the  Russian 
military  appropriation.  A resolution  was  adopted 
requesting  the  Emperor  to  reintroduce  the 
measure  in  a constitutional  form.  The  dissolution 
of  the  Diet  is  expected.  The  Emperor  has  ac- 
cepted the  resignations  of  the  Finnish  Senators 
who  refused  to  remain  in  office  if  the  Russian 
demand  for  a big  military  appropriation  by  Fin- 
land was  pressed.”  The  expectation  of  another 
dissolution  of  the  Diet  by  the  Tsar,  as  the  conse- 
quence of  this  action,  was  realized  the  next  day. 

Some  months  prior  to  this  time  a joint  com- 
mittee of  Russians  and  Finns  had  been  appointed 
to  formulate  rules  or  principles  that  should  apply 
with  authority  in  future  to  legislation  for  Fin- 
land. Agreement  between  the  two  constituents 
of  this  Russo-Finnish  committee  appears  to  have 
been  impossible  from  the  beginning.  They  were 
hopelessly  opposed  in  their  views  of  the  relation 
existing  between  the  constitutional  Grand  Duchy 
of  Finland  and  the  autocratic  Empire  of  Russia, 
by  virtue  of  their  having  a common  sovereign 
Toward  the  end  of  November  their  failure  to 
come  to  any  agreement  was  made  known  ; and 
on  the  22d  of  December  a despatch  from  St. 
Petersburg  announced  that  “ the  conclusion  of 
the  labours  of  the  Russo-Finnish  Commission, 
resulting  in  a perfunctory  majority  vote  of  the 
Russian  members  in  favour  of  the  reduction  of 
the  Finnish  Constitution  to  a provincial  auton- 
omy, is  deplored  by  most  of  the  newspapers. 
The  Finnish  members  apprehend  a military  dic- 
tatorship.” 

The  St.  Petersburg  correspondent  of  The  Times 
had  previously  stated  what  the  prescription  of 
the  Russian  majority  of  the  Committee  would 
be.  They  maintain,  he  wrote,  that  “there  never 
was  a Constitution  granted  to  Finland  binding 
on  Russia  as  the  Sovereign  Power,  and  that, 
therefore,  a new  order  of  procedure  can  be  es- 
tablished independently  of  the  Finnish  author- 
ities by  an  Act  of  legislation  passed  by  the 
Russian  Legislature  alone.  They  have  drawn  up 
a list  of  matters  to  come  under  the  new  proced- 
ure. According  to  this  list  all  legislation  on  such 
matters  as  the  Russian  language  in  Finland,  the 
principles  of  Finnish  administration,  police,  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  public  education,  forma- 
tion of  business  companies  and  of  associations, 
public  meetings,  Press,  importation  of  foreign 
literature,  Customs  tariffs,  literary  and  artistic 
copyright,  monetary  system,  means  of  communi- 
cation, including  pilot  and  lighthouse  service, 
and  many  other  subjects,  shall  be  enacted  by  the 
Imperial  legislative  organs.  The  Finnish  Diet 
shall  be  entirely  ignored  in  such  matters,  while 
there  is  a provision  for  some  cases  that  the 
opinion  of  the  Finnish  Senate  shall  be  taken. 

“ It  is  difficult  to  understand  what  legislative 
matters  are  to  be  left  for  the  Finnish  Diet  to 
deal  with;  but  it  seems  that  the  Russian  mem- 
bers are  not  sure  that  they  have  covered  the 
whole  ground,  for  their  project  contains  a clause 
to  the  effect  that  additions  to  their  list  may  be 
made  by  means  of  Imperial  legislation. 


272 


FINLAND,  1910 


FOOD  FISHES 


“It  is  proposed  that  Finland  shall  be  repre- 
sented in  the  Russian  Duma  by  five  members, 
one  of  whom  shall  be  elected  by  Russian  resi- 
dents in  Finland  who  are  not  Finnish  citizens, 
whilst  the  Finnish  Diet  shall  send  one  member 
to  the  Council  of  Empire.” 

The  first  movement,  probably,  on  these  new 
lines  of  imperial  government  for  Finland,  was 
that  reported  in  a Reuter  message  from  St. 
Petersburg,  December  24,  as  follows:  “The 
Cabinet  has  approved  new  regulations  whereby 
all  documents  issued  by  the  Chancellery  of  the 
Governor-General  of  Finland  shall  be  worded  in 
Russian  without  a Finnish  or  Swedish  transla- 
tion.” 

A.  D.  1910.  — Fresh  Elections  to  the  Fin- 
nish Diet.  — The  Russian  Duma  assuming 
authority  over  Finland. — A new  Diet,  chosen 
at  elections  held  early  in  February,  1910,  is  com- 
posed as  follows:  Old  Finns,  42;  Young  Finns, 
28;  Swedish  People’s  party,  26;  Social  Demo- 
crats, 86;  Agrai'ians,  17;  Christian  Labor  party, 
1.  Fifteen  women  were  elected,  nine  of  them 
by  the  Social  Democrats. 

Just  as  this  matter  goes  into  type,  a despatch 
from  St.  Petersburg,  March  30,  1910,  announces 
the  introduction  of  a bill  in  the  Russian  Duma 
assuming  authority  in  that  body  over  Finland. 

FINSEN,  Niels  Ryberg.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

FIRE,  Great  calamities  of.  See  Baltimore; 
Chicago;  New  York  City;  San  Francisco; 
Osaka. 

FISCAL  REFORM,  Mr.  Joseph  Chamber- 
lain’s programme  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1903  (May-Sept.). 

FISCHER,  Emil.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

FISHER,  Andrew:  Prime  Minister  of  Aus- 
tralia. See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia;  A.  D. 
1908,  and  1909  (May-June). 

FISHERIES:  Newfoundland.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Newfoundland. 

FISHES,  Food:  Convention  for  their  Pre- 
servation and  Propagation  in  the  Waters 
contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  Canada. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Food  Fishes. 

FIVE  CIVILIZED  TRIBES:  End  of  their 
Autonomy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Indians,  Ameri- 
can. 

FLOODS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China;  A.  D. 
1906-1907,  and  France:  A.  D.  1910. 

FOLK,  Joseph  Wingate:  Prosecutor  of 
Municipal  Thievery  and  Corruption  in  St. 
Louis.  — Governor  of  Missouri.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Municipal  Government. 

FOOD  FISHES:  Convention  respecting 
their  Protection,  Preservation,  and  Propaga- 
tion in  the  Waters  contiguous  to  the  United 
States  and  Canada. — The  following  are  the 
articles  of  a Convention  negotiated  at  Washing- 
ton and  signed  by  Ambassador  James  Bryce, 
for  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  and  by 
Secretary  Elihu  Root,  for  that  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  11th  of  April,  1908.  Ratifications 
of  the  Convention  were  exchanged  on  the  4th  of 
June : 

“ Article  1.  The  times,  seasons,  and  methods 
of  fishing  in  the  waters  contiguous  to  the  United 
States  and  Canada  as  specified  in  Article  4 of 
this  Convention,  and  the  nets,  engines,  gear, 
apparatus,  and  appliances  which  may  be  used 
therein,  shall  be  fixed  and  determined  by  uniform 


and  common  international  regulations,  restric- 
tions, and  provisions ; and  to  that  end  the  High 
Contracting  Parties  agree  to  appoint,  within 
three  monthsafter  this  Convention  is  proclaimed, 
a Commission  to  be  known  as  the  International 
Fisheries  Commission,  consisting  of  one  person 
named  by  each  Government. 

“ Article  2.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  this  In- 
ternational Fisheries  Commission,  within  six 
months  after  being  named,  to  prepare  a system 
of  uniform  and  common  International  Regula- 
tions for  the  protection  and  preservation  of  the 
food  fishes  in  each  of  the  waters  prescribed  in 
Article  4 of  this  Convention,  which  Regulations 
shall  embrace  close  seasons,  limitations  as  to  the 
character,  size,  and  manner  of  use  of  nets,  en- 
gines, gear,  apparatus,  and  other  appliances;  a 
uniform  system  of  registry  by  each  Government 
in  waters  where  required  for  the  more  conven- 
ient regulation  of  commercial  fishing  by  its  own 
citizens  or  subjects  within  its  own  territorial 
waters  or  any  part  of  such  waters  ; an  arrange- 
ment for  concurrent  measures  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  fish ; and  such  other  provisions  and  mea- 
sures as  the  Commission  shall  deem  necessary. 

“Article  3.  The  two  Governments  engage 
to  put  into  operation  and  to  enforce  by  legisla- 
tion and  executive  action,  with  as  little  delay  as 
possible,  the  Regulations,  restrictions,  and  provi- 
sions with  appropriate  penalties  for  all  breaches 
thereof;  and  the  date  when  they  shall  be  put 
into  operation  shall  be  fixed  by  the  concurrent 
proclamations  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  and  the  Governor-General  of  the  Domin- 
ion of  Canada  in  Council. 

“And  it  is  further  agreed  that  jurisdiction  shall 
be  exercised  by  either  Government,  as  well  over 
citizens  or  subjects  of  either  party  apprehended 
for  violation  of  the  Regulations  m any  of  its 
own  waters  to  which  said  Regulations  apply,  as 
over  its  own  citizens  or  subjects  found  within 
its  own  jurisdiction  who  shall  have  violated 
said  Regulations  within  the  waters  of  the  other 
party. 

“Article  4.  It  is  agreed  that  the  waters 
within  which  the  aforementioned  Regulations 
are  to  be  applied  shall  be  as  follows:  (1)  The 
territorial  waters  of  Passamaquoddy  Bay  ; (2) 
the  St.  John  and  St.  Croix  Rivers ; (3)  Lake 
Memphremagog : (4)  Lake  Champlain ; (5)  the 
St.  Lawrence  River,  where  the  said  River  con- 
stitutes the  International  Boundary ; (6)  Lake 
Ontario  ; (7)  the  Niagara  River;  (8)  Lake  Erie  ; 
(9)  the  waters  connecting  Lake  Erie  and  Lake 
Huron,  including  Lake  St.  Clair ; (10)  Lake 
Huron,  excluding  Georgian  Bay  but  including 
North  Channel ; (11)  St.  Mary’s  River  and  Lake 
Superior;  (12)  Rainy  River  and  Rainy  Lake; 
(13)  Lake  of  the  Woods;  (14)  the  Strait  of  San 
Juan  de  Fuca,  those  parts  of  Washington  Sound, 
the  Gulf  of  Georgia  and  Puget  Sound  lying  be- 
tween the  parallels  of  48°  10'  and  49°  20';  (15) 
and  such  other  contiguous  waters  as  may  be 
recommended  by  the  International  Fisheries  Com- 
mission and  approved  by  the  two  Governments. 
It  is  agreed  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  that 
the  Canadian  Government  will  protect  by  ade- 
quate regulations  the  food  fishes  frequenting 
the  Fraser  River. 

“The  two  Governments  engage  to  have  pre- 
pared as  soon  as  practicable  charts  of  the  waters 
described  in  this  Article,  with  the  International 
Boundary  Line  indicated  thereon  ; and  to  estab- 


273 


FOOD  FISHES 


FRANCE,  1902 


lisli  such  additional  boundary  monuments,  buoys, 
and  marks  as  may  be  recommended  by  the  Com- 
mission. 

“Article  5.  The  International  Fisheries  Com- 
mission shall  continue  in  existence  so  long  as 
this  Convention  shall  be  in  force,  and  each  Gov- 
ernment shall  have  the  power  to  till,  and  shall 
fill  from  time  to  time,  any  vacancy  which  may 
occur  in  its  representation  on  the  Commission. 
Each  Government  shall  pay  its  own  Commis- 
sioner, and  any  joint  expenses  shall  be  paid  by 
the  two  Governments  in  equal  moieties. 

“Article  6.  The  Regulations,  restrictions, 
and  provisions  provided  for  in  this  Convention 
shall  remain  in  force  for  a period  of  four  years 
from  the  date  of  their  executive  promulgation, 
and  thereafter  until  one  year  from  the  date  when 
either  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  or  of 
the  United  States  shall  give  notice  to  the  other 
of  its  desire  for  their  revision  ; and  immediately 
upon  such  notice  being  given  the  Commission 
shall  proceed  to  make  a revision  thereof,  which 
Revised  Regulations,  if  adopted  and  promulgated 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the 
Governor-General  of  Canada  in  Council,  shall 
remain  in  force  for  another  period  of  four  years 
and  thereafter  until  one  year  from  the  date  when 
a further  notice  of  revision  is  given  as  above 
provided  in  this  Article.  It  shall,  however,  be 
in  the  power  of  the  two  Governments,  by  joint 


or  concurrent  action  upon  the  recommendation 
of  the  Commission,  to  make  modifications  at 
any  time  in  the  Regulations. 

“Article  7.  The  present  Convention  shall  be 
duly  ratified  by  Ilis  Britannic  Majesty  and  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  thereof, 
and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  Wash- 
ington as  soon  as  practicable.” 

FOOD  LAWS.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Public 
Health  : Pure  Food  Laws. 

FORESTS,  Conservation  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

FORMOSA:  Earthquake  in.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Earthquakes:  Formosa:  A.  D.  1906. 

Japanese  Dealing  with  the  Opium  Problem. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

FORTIS  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Italy  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

FOSTER,  John  W. : On  the  American  Vio- 
lation of  Treaties  with  China.  See  (in  this  vol. ) 
Race  Problems:  United  States  : A.  D.  1905- 
1908. 

FOSTER,  Volney  W. : Delegate  to  Second 
International  Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

FOUNDATION  FOR  THE  PROMO- 
TION OF  INDUSTRIAL  PEACE.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1907. 


FRANCE. 


A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of  Population 
compared  with  other  European  Countries.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1896-1906.  — Encroachments  of  the 
French  Algerian  Boundary  on  Morocco.  See 
Morocco  : A.  D.  1896-1906- 

A.  D.  1900.  — Comparative  Statement  of 
the  Consumption  of  Alcoholic  Drink. — Its 
Increase.  See  Alcohol  Problem. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Purchase  of  Franchises  and 
Property  of  the  French  Panama  Canal  Com- 
pany by  the  United  States.  See  Panama  Canal. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Favored  footing  in  Abyssinia. 
— Railway  Projects.  See  Abyssinia:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902.  — French  Central  Africa.  ■ — Ex- 
plorations. — A Land-locked  Empire.  See 
Africa  : French  Central. 

A.  D.  1902  (April-Oct.).  — Elections  to  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies.  — Resignation  of  Wal- 
deck-Rousseau.  - — Formation  of  a Radical 
Ministry  under  M.  Combes.  — Enforcement 
of  the  Law  of  Associations.  — Closing  of 
unauthorized  schools.  — The  first  ballot  in 
elections  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  cast 
on  the  27th  of  April,  producing  413  conclusive 
elections  and  leaving  178  to  be  decided  by  a 
second  vote.  The  new  Chamber  met  on  the  1st 
of  June,  and  elected  for  its  president,  M.  Leon 
Bourgeois,  by  a vote  of  303  against  267.  On  the 
following  day  M.  Waldeck-Rousseau,  who  had 
been  at  the  head  of  the  Ministry  for  three  years 

— an  exceptional  term  of  premiership  in  France 

— resigned,  on  the  plea  that  his  task  was  done. 
A new  Radical  Cabinet  was  then  formed  by  M. 
flmile  Combes,  which  announced  a moderate 
programme  on  the  10th,  and  received  the  de- 
clared support  of  312  members,  against  116  in 
opposition  and  149  who  took  neutral  ground.  Of 


the  previous  Cabinet,  M.  Delcasse  retained  the 
portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  General  Andre 
that  of  War.  The  session  was  short  and  little 
was  done. 

In  the  following  months  great  excitement  and 
much  disorder  in  parts  of  the  country,  especially 
in  Brittany,  was  caused  by  proceedings  taken 
to  enforce  the  law  concerning  Associations, 
passed  in  the  previous  year  (see  in  Volume  VI. 
France:  A.  D.  1901).  Some  religious  orders  — 
teaching  orders  and  others  — had  refused  or 
neglected  to  register  themselves  and  obtain  au- 
thorization, as  required  by  the  law,  and  these 
were  now  to  be  closed.  In  many  cases  there 
was  resistance  to  the  closing  of  the  unauthorized 
schools.  In  a few  cases  there  was  a refusal  by 
military  officers  to  obey  commands  for  the  assist- 
ance of  their  soldiery  in  enforcing  the  law.  Ma- 
gistrates, too,  opposed  the  government,  and  a 
majority  of  the  councils  in  the  departments  of 
France  withheld  their  support.  Nevertheless 
the  government  proceeded  firmly  in  the  matter 
and  the  provisions  of  the  law  were  carried  out. 
When  the  Chambers  were  reconvened  in  Octo- 
ber the  burning  subject  came  up  for  fierce  dis- 
cussion, and  the  attitude  and  acts  of  the  Combes 
Ministry  were  approved  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  by  329  against  233. 

A.  D.  1902  (May).  — Courtesies  at  the  un- 
veiling of  a Monument  to  Marshal  de  Ro- 
chambeau,  at  Washington.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1902  (May). 

A.  D.  1902  (Oct.).  — Strikes  in  the  Coal 
Mines  and  on  the  Docks  at  Marseilles.  See 
Labor  Organization:  France:  A.  I).  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Oct.).  — Treaty  with  Siam. — 
Acquisition  of  more  territory.  See  Siam: 
A.  D.  1902. 


274 


FRANCE,  1903 


FRANCE,  1905-1900 


A.  D.  1903.  — Elections  to  the  Senate.  — 
Execution  of  the  Associations  Law.  — 
Closing  of  Schools  and  Houses  of  the  Reli- 
gious Orders.  — Resistance  and  Rioting 
encouraged  by  Magistrates. — State  Mono- 
poly of  Education  established.  — Building 
new  Schoolhouses.  — Elections  for  a section 
of  the  Senate,  occurring  early  in  January,  1903, 
went  favorably  for  the  Government.  M.  Falli- 
6res  was  reflected  President  of  that  body,  while 
M.  Bourgeois  was  seated  again  in  the  presiding 
chair  of  the  lower  Chamber.  The  Combes  Min- 
istry was  strengthened  in  its  hold  of  power  by 
the  continued  agitation  that  attended  the  execu- 
tion of  the  Associations  Law  (see  in  Volume  VI. 
of  this  work,  France  : A.  D.  1901)  as  applied  to 
the  religious  orders  and  brotherhoods.  Its  sup- 
port was  a shifting  one,  made  up  sometimes  by 
one  combination  of  the  many  party  divisions  in 
the  Chambers  and  sometimes  by  another;  but  it 
did  not  fail  throughout  the  year  to  find  some- 
where a majority  that  would  not  allow  a politi- 
cal crisis  to  be  brought  on.  Everywhere  the 
closing  of  the  schools  and  houses  of  the  unau- 
thorized associations  was  resisted  with  increasing 
determination,  and  the  proceeding  became  too 
much  retarded  to  satisfy  the  supporters  of  the 
law.  Objection  was  raised  to  the  separate  dealing 
with  questions  of  authorization  for  this  and  that 
order  or  congregation,  and  the  Government  was 
called  upon  to  name  at  once  to  the  Chambers 
the  whole  list  of  institutions  which  it  would 
have  authorizations  refused  to.  In  March  this 
demand  was  acceded  to,  so  far  as  concerned  the 
male  congregations,  and  a great  debate,  of  a fort- 
night’s duration,  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
resulted  in  the  refusal  of  authorization  to  all  the 
teaching,  preaching,  and  contemplative  orders, 
of  Redemptorists,  Capuchins,  Benedictines,  Do- 
minicans, and  Passionists.  A few  months  later 
the  same  entire  refusal  of  authorization  to  the 
teaching  orders  of  women  was  voted,  but  by  a 
diminished  majority. 

The  Clericals,  on  their  side,  were  as  energetic 
as  the  parties  of  the  Government,  and  were  sup- 
ported very  generally  by  the  magistracy  of  the 
country  at  large,  which  dealt  so  leniently  with 
the  resistance  and  rioting  provoked  by  the  en- 
forcement of  the  law  that  the  Government  was 
left  practically  dependent  on  the  army  and  the 
police.  The  army,  too,  was  a doubtful  instru- 
ment of  authority  in  many  cases,  numerous 
officers  of  all  grades  resigning  to  escape  the  re- 
pugnant mandate  of  law.  The  most  threatening 
situation  arose  in  Brittany,  consequent  on  the 
inauguration  of  a monument  to  Renan,  which 
the  Catholics  regarded  as  an  insult  to  the 
Church. 

One  final  step  in  the  secularizing  of  education 
in  France  was  taken  late  in  the  year,  by  the  pass- 
ing of  a bill  which  practically  established  a State 
monopoly  of  education,  by  repealing  a law  of 
1850  that  abolished  such  monopoly.  By  the 
new  law  all  members  of  any  rfeligious  order, 
authorized  or  unauthorized,  were  forbidden  to 
engage  in  teaching. 

The  extent  to  which  the  schools  of  the  religious 
congregations  were  being  closed  involved  a 
great  expenditure  for  building  new  schoolhouses, 
and  the  Government  had  difficulty  in  passing  an 
Act  which  laid  the  cost  of  this  provision  on  the 
communes,  instead  of  accepting  it  for  the  state 
at  large.  It  carried  the  Act,  however,  notwith- 


standing the  opposition  of  M.  Waldeck-Rous- 
seau. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Rivalry  with  England  in  the 
Persian  Gulf.  See  (,in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D. 
1904. 

A.  D.  1904  (April).  — The  Agreements  of 
the  Entente  Cordiale  with  England.  See 

Europe:  A.  D.  1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1904  (June-July).  — Groundless 
charges  against  the  Premier.  — A great  pub- 
lic scandal  was  raised  in  June  by  charges  against 
the  Premier,  M.  Combes,  that  he  had  tried  to 
force  the  Chartreux  monks  to  buy  the  right  of 
remaining  in  France.  Investigation  showed  that 
bold  swindlers  had  attempted  to  obtain  money 
from  the  monks  on  the  pretence  of  being  able 
to  buy  such  permission  for  them.  As  the  result 
of  the  investigation  the  President  of  the  Council 
and  his  colleagues  were  vindicated  by  an  almost 
unanimous  vote  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — General  Consequences 
in  Europe  of  the  Weakening  of  Russia  in 
the  Russo-Japanese  War.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1905. — Action  with  other  Powers  in 
forcing  Financial  Reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  Separation  of 
Church  and  State. — Preceding  Contentions. 

— Measures  and  Proceedings  of  the  Separa- 
tion, as  recounted  by  writers  of  each  Party. 
— - The  separation  of  Church  and  State  in  France 
involved  the  nullification  of  the  Concordat,  ne- 
gotiated by  Napoleon  I.  with  Pope  Pius  VII.  in 
1802  (see  Papacy:  A.  D.  1808-1814,  in  Volume 
IV.  of  this  work),  and  of  what  are  known  as  the 
Organic  Statutes,  promulgated  by  the  French 
Government  at  the  same  time.  The  former  was 
in  the  nature  of  a treaty  ; the  latter  was  not. 
The  French  Government  claimed  rights  under 
both ; the  Roman  Church  acknowledged  no  force 
in  the  Statutes  that  could  be  binding  on  itself. 
This  difference,  which  entered  into  much  of  the 
controversy  preceding  the  measures  taken  by 
the  Government  to  separate  the  State  from  the 
Church,  is  explained  in  the  first  quotation  below, 

— following  which,  two  accounts  are  given  of 
some  among  those  controversies,  and  of  the  pro- 
ceedings connected' with  the  adoption  and  exe- 
cution of  the  Act  of  Separation,  — one  account 
written  from  the  view-point  of  the  Government 
and  the  other  from  that  of  the  Church  : 

“The  Concordat  consists  of  a preamble  and 
seventeen  statutes.  It  is  a reciprocal  contract 
between  the  temporal  and  spiritual  powers,  and 
is  therefore  at  the  same  time  State  law  and 
Church  law.  The  preamble  states  that  the 
Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman  religion  is  that 
of  the  great  majority  of  the  French  people  ; it 
does  not  say  that  it  is  ‘ the  religion  of  France,’ 
as  the  Holy  See  would  have  wished,  and  conse- 
quently it  does  not  restore  to  the  Catholic  reli- 
gion its  former  character  of  being  a State  reli- 
gion. After  establishing  a new  distribution  of 
the  French  dioceses,  it  directs  that  the  bishops 
shall  be  ‘ nominated  ’ by  the  Government  and 
‘ installed’  by  the  Pope.  The  alienation  of  eccle- 
siastical property,  effected  by  the  Revolution,  is 
definitely  sanctioned.  In  return  the  Government 
undertakes,  as  had  already  been  done  by  the 
Constituent  Assembly,  to  secure  ‘ a reasonable 
allowance  to  the  bishops  and  cures,  whose  dio- 
ceses and  parishes  will  be  included  in  the  new 


275 


FRANCE,  1905-1906 


FRANCE,  1905-1906 


arrangement,’  and  to  take  ‘measures  to  allow 
French  Catholics  to  make  foundations  in  favour 
of  churches  if  they  wish.’ 

“As  regards  the  Organic  Statutes,  promul- 
gated at  the  same  time  as  the  Concordat,  18th 
April,  1802,  they  proclaim  that  no  bull,  pastoral 
letter,  or  writing  of  any  kind  from  the  Holy  See 
shall  be  published  in  France  without  the  au- 
thority of  the  Government;  no  council,  general 
or  special,  shall  be  held  without  this  authority. 
There  must  be  no  other  delegate  from  Rome  in 
France  besides  the  Nuncio,  the  official  repre- 
sentative of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  Any  infrac- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  clergy  of  the  provisions 
either  of  the  Concordat  or  of  French  law  is  re- 
ferred to  the  Council  of  State,  who  must  decide 
if  there  has  been  any  abuse.  The  Organic  Stat- 
utes were  equally  concerned  with  questions  re- 
lating to  discipline,  doctrine,  and  even  dogma  — 
which  are  purely  spiritual  questions.  They 
therefore  not  only  upheld  the  Declaration  of 
1682  as  a declaration  of  the  principles  of  the 
Gallican  Church,  but  also  expected  all  the  pro- 
fessors to  teach  it  in  the  seminaries.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Concordat,  bishops  had  a right  to  ap- 
point cures ; the  Organic  Statutes  obliged  them 
to  obtain  the  approval  of  the  Government  for 
their  appointments. 

“ Although  the  Organic  Statutes  are,  with 
the  Concordat,  part  of  one  and  the  same  State 
law,,  they  must  not  be  considered  to  be  entirely 
on  the  same  footing.  The  Concordat  concluded 
between  the  two  powers  binds  them  together ; 
the  Organic  Statutes,  an  exclusive  product  of 
the  French  Government,  never  received  the 
sanction  of  the  Papal  authority.  They  were, 
on  the  contrary,  a source  of  further  quarrels 
with  the  Roman  Court.  Even  in  our  days,  they 
frequently  lead  to  conflict,  the  representatives 
of  the  Church  having  refused,  on  various  occa- 
sions, to  recognise  the  validity  of  decisions 
made  in  virtue  of  these  Statutes  by  the  French 
Government.”  — Jules  Legrand,  Church  and 
State  in  France  ( Contemporary  Review,  May, 
1901). 

Measures  and  Proceedings  of  the  Separa- 
tion as  recounted  by  its  Advocates. — “The 
action  of  the  Republic  in  suppressing  the  re- 
ligious orders  had  produced  strained  relations 
between  it  and  the  Vatican.  This  was  intensi- 
fied by  the  ‘nominavit  nobis’  controversy.  In 
the  Bulls  instituting  some  bishops  whom  the 
President  had  nominated,  and  which  had  to  have 
the  sanction  of  the  Government  before  they 
could  be  published  and  be  valid  in  France,  the 
Vatican  had  inserted  the  word  ‘nobis,’  imply- 
ing that  the  President  had  merely  nominated 
the  bishop  to  the  Pope  for  appointment  and 
that  the  appointment  was  really  in  the  hands  of 
the  Pope.  The  French  Government,  under  the 
guidance  of  M.  Combes,  the  Premier  and  Min- 
ister of  Public  Worship,  insisted  that  this  word 
must  be  removed  before  the  bull  was  sanctioned, 
and  as  both  sides  refused  to  yield  no  bishop  was 
instituted.  Relations  were  still  further  strained 
by  the  visit  of  the  President  to  the  King  of 
Italy.  ...  To  visit  the  King  was  to  insult  the 
Pope  by  disregarding  the  protest  made  by  him 
against  the  occupation  of  Rome.  President 
Loubet  was  the  first  Roman  Catholic  ruler  who 
ventured  to  disregard  the  feelings  and  protests 
of  the  Pope.  From  the  24th  to  the  28th  April, 
1904,  M.  Loubet  was  the  guest  of  King  Victor 


Emmanuel,  and  gave  no  intimation  to  the  Pope 
of  his  intention  to  visit  Rome,  and  did  not  in- 
clude a visit  to  the  Vatican  in  his  programme. 
On  the  28tli  of  April,  Cardinal  Merry  del  Val 
sent  to  the  representatives  of  the  Curia  at  the 
Courts  of  all  the  Roman  Catholic  powers  in 
the  world,  to  be  communicated  to  the  Govern- 
ments to  which  they  were  commissioned,  a 
protest  against  the  action  of  the  French  Gov- 
ernment. . . . The  French  Government  replied 
by  recalling  its  ambassador  from  the  Vatican 
and  breaking  off  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Pope. 

“In  the  summer  of  the  same  year  the  friction 
between  the  French  Government  and  the  Vati- 
can was  increased  by  the  cases  of  the  bishops 
of  Laval  and  Dijon.  Bishop  Geay  of  Laval,  in 
his  opening  discourse  in  his  cathedral,  had  pro- 
claimed his  adherence  to  the  Republic  and  his 
desire  to  be  the  shepherd  of  all  his  flock.  He 
denounced  Orleanism  and  refused  to  support  re- 
actionaries at  the  elections.  . . . He  was  sum- 
moned to  appear  at  Rome.  He  submitted  the 
summons  to  the  Government,  as  he  was  required 
by  the  Organic  Articles  to  do,  and  he  was  re- 
fused permission  to  leave  his  diocese.  Subse- 
quently, under  threats  of  excommunication,  he 
went,  and  was  immediately  informed  by  the 
Minister  of  Public  Worship  that  his  salary  was 
stopped  from  the  day  he  left  his  diocese  with- 
out permission.  A similar  summons  to  Mgr. 
Le  Nordez,  Bishop  of  Dijon,  led  to  similar  re- 
sults. . . . 

“ In  the  month  of  October,  1904,  M.  Combes, 
replying  to  several  interpellations  addressed  to 
the  Government,  reviewed  the  history  of  the 
relations  of  the  Vatican  to  the  Republic  since 
its  foundation  in  1870,  and  showed  that  there 
had  been  a continuous  disregard  of  the  Concor- 
dat and  of  the  Organic  Articles  by  the  Vatican, 
and  that  clericalism  had  been  the  most  invet- 
erate enemy  of  the  Republic.  He  showed  that 
no  stipulations  could  safeguard  the  rights  of 
the  State,  which  were  denied  by  the  doctrines 
of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  confidence  of  the 
Chamber  was  expressed  by  a vote  of  548  to  88. 
In  November  he  introduced  a Bill  for  the  separa- 
tion of  Church  aud  State,  which  was  referred  to 
a Commission,  by  which  it  was  adopted  on  the 
2nd  December.  In  the  middle  of  January,  1905, 
M.  Combes,  owing  to  resentment  at  certain  in- 
cidents in  connection  with  the  administration 
of  the  army,  carried  a vote  of  confidence  by  a 
majority  of  only  ten  votes  and  resigned.  Before 
the  end  of  the  month  a new  Cabinet  under  the 
presidency  of  M.  Rouvier,  retaining  several 
members  of  M.  Combes’  administration,  was 
formed,  which  asserted  its  determination  to  carry 
out  the  policy  of  its  predecessor  in  its  relations 
with  the  Vatican.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies 
referred  to  a new  Commission  all  the  Bills  deal- 
ing with  the  question  of  Church  and  State 
which  had  been  presented  to  it,  including  that 
of  M.  Combes.  Instead  of  adopting  any  one  of 
them,  the  Commission  decided  to  draft  its  own 
Bill,  and  shortly  afterwards  presented  to  the 
Chamber  a Bill  which  engaged  the  close  atten- 
tion of  the  deputies  for  several  months  in  the 
spring  and  summer  of  the  year  1905.  It  passed 
through  the  Chamber  on  the  3rd  of  July,  and 
was  sent  to  the  Senate  the  following  day.  . . . 
The  Senate  made  no  alterations  in  the  Bill,  and 
it  became  law  on  the  6th  of  December,  1905.”  — 


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FRANCE,  1905-1900 


John  A.  Bain,  The  New  Reformation,  ch.  17  (T. 
and  T.  Clark,  Edinburgh,  1900). 

“The  law  of  the  9th  of  December,  1905,  which 
put  an  end  to  the  regime  of  the  Concordat  and 
substituted  that  of  separation  between  Church 
and  State,  had  been  promulgated  on  the  11th  of 
December,  1905.  It  was  to  come  into  effect  a 
year  after  its  promulgation.  The  Protestants  and 
the  Israelites  had  aceepted  it  even  before  it  was 
passed;  but  they  represented  an  infinitesimal 
minority,  and  it  was  not  that  minority  that  the 
legislators  had  had  in  view  when  they  framed 
the  law  of  separation.  The  one  question  in  the 
matter  was  that  of  the  attitude  that  would  be 
taken  by  the  Catholics,  — the  counsels  that 
would  come  to  them  from  Rome. 

“In  the  French  Episcopate  there  were  two 
opposing  currents  of  opinion,  one  for  acceptance 
of  the  law,  under  certain  reserves,  the  other  for 
resistance.  In  the  latter  part  of  November,  1905, 
some  bishops  met  in  Paris  and  agreed  that  ener- 
getic efforts  must  be  made  to  prevent  action  at 
Rome  on  misinformation  as  to  the  situation  of 
the  Church  in  France  and  the  state  of  mind  pre- 
vailing in  it.  Monseigneur  Fulbert  Petit,  Arch- 
bishop of  Besangon,  was  their  chosen  envoy,  and 
in  the  following  January  he  repaired  to  Rome. 
There  he  met  other  bishops  who  had  come  to  give 
counsels  to  the  Pope  that  were  not  pacific ; and  he 
met,  also,  the  Pere  Le  Dore,  former  superior  of 
the  dissolved  congregation  of  the  Eudistes,  well 
known  for  his  uncompromising  opinions  and  his 
aggressive  temper,  but  who  had  been  commis- 
sioned to  convey  to  Rome  the  proceedings  of  the 
meeting  of  French  cardinals  at  Paris,  on  the  28th 
of  December,  which  showed  a majority  in  favor 
of  the  acceptance  of  the  law.  At  the  same  time, 
an  important  meeting  of  bishops  was  held  at 
Albi,  under  the  presidency  of  Mgr.  Mignot,  the 
majority  at  which  meeting,  notably  the  Arch- 
bishop who  received  them  and  the  Archbishop 
of  Toulouse,  Mgr.  Germain,  made  no  secret  of 
their  desire  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  law,  ac- 
cording to  the  expression  of  Cardinal  Lecot. 

“But  nothing  said  or  done  drew  the  Pope  from 
the  silence  which  he  kept.  Then  it  was  rumored 
that  the  head  of  the  Church  would  reserve  his 
decision  until  a general  assembly  of  the  French 
episcopate,  which  the  French  cardinals  had  ad- 
vised, could  be  held,  to  propose  a solution  of 
the  question.  This,  however,  was  contradicted 
positively  by  the  party  which  urged  resistance 
to  the  law. 

“Such  was  the  situation  when  the.  Govern- 
ment, obliged  to  act,  — since  the  period  of  de- 
lay fixed  by  the  law  was  only  a year,  — came  to 
the  first  proceedings  which  the  Act  prescribed. 
Article  43  of  the  law  provided  for  administrative 
rules,  of  which  the  part  relating  to  inventories 
appeared  logically  the  first,  that  being  the  op- 
eration which  needed  consideration  before  all 
others.  The  second  part  of  the  regulations  had 
to  do  with  the  life  pensions  and  temporary  pro- 
visions accorded  to  the  ministers  of  religion. 
The  regulation  concerning  pensions  and  provi- 
sions was  published  in  the  Journal  Officiel  of 
January  20,  1906.  [Article  11  of  the  Act  as- 
signed to  priests  or  ministers  of  more  than  sixty 
years  of  age,  who  had  been  not  less  than  thirty 
years  in  an  ecclesiastical  service  salaried  by  the 
state,  a yearly  life  pension  of  three-fourths  of 
their  former  stipend.  To  those  under  sixty 
years  of  age  and  above  forty -five,  whose  service 


had  been  for  less  than  thirty  years  but  not  less 
than  twenty,  it  assigned  one-half  of  their  previ- 
ous compensation.]  . . . 

“ The  first  executive  act  imposed  on  the  Gov- 
ernment was  the  inventorying  of  the  property, 
movable  and  fixed,  belonging  to  the  State,  to  the 
departments  or  to  the  communes,  of  which  the 
establishments  of  public  worship  had  had  the 
use.  Article  3 of  the  law  required  this  to  be 
proceeded  with  immediately  after  its  promulga- 
tion. This  article  had  been  voted  in  the  Cham- 
ber and  in  the  Senate  by  very  large  majorities, 
and,  so  to  speak,  without  discussion,  so  rational 
and  judicial  it  seemed  to  be.  In  fact,  as  the  ex- 
istence of  the  public  establishments  of  worship 
came  to  an  end  with  the  regime  of  the  Concordat, 
the  succession  to  them  was  left  open,  and  an 
inventory,  descriptive  and  estimative,  of  their 
property,  was  a necessary  measure  preliminary 
to  any  devolution  of  such  property,  dependent 
on  that  succession.  . . . Being  one  of  those  con- 
servative measures  which  attack  no  right  and 
leave  a continuous  state  of  things,  there  was  no 
expectation  of  much  feeling  about  it  among 
Catholics.  . . . Apparently,  the  consistent  atti- 
tude on  the  part  of  Catholics,  provisionally,  at 
least,  and  until  the  Pope  had  spoken,  would  be 
one  of  calm,  of  prudence,  of  expectancy.  Such 
was  the  purport  of  the  instructions  given  by  the 
bishops,  even  by  the  most  combative.  These  lat- 
ter, while  condemning  the  law  with  vehemence, 
did  not  counsel  a recourse  to  force  against  the 
agents  appointed  to  make  the  inventory.  They 
required  but  one  thing  of  their  priests  and  of 
the  administrators  of  parish  property,  which  was 
that  they  should  not  cooperate  in  the  work,  and 
that  they  should  make  declaration  that  their  non- 
resistance  did  not  imply  acceptance  of  the  law. 

“ On  the  29th  of  December,  1905,  a first  decree 
for  regulating  the  procedure  was  issued  by  the 
Council  of  State.  This  was  followed  by  a circu- 
lar from  the  Minister  of  Finance  which,  it  must 
be  confessed,  roused  a justifiable  feeling  among 
the  Catholics.  From  one  phrase  in  that  circular 
it  could  be  understood  that  the  officials  mak- 
ing the  inventory  were  authorized  to  demand 
the  opening  of  the  tabernacles.  M.  Groussau 
questioned  the  Minister  on  the  subject,  and  M. 
Merlou  cleared  away  all  misunderstanding  by 
replying  that  officials  were  to  accept  the  decla- 
ration of  the  cure  of  a church  as  to  the  contents 
of  its  tabernacle;  and  that  they  had  been  in- 
structed to  avoid  everything  that  could  give  pain 
to  pious  minds.  The  Abbe  Gayraud  recognized 
that  these  decisions  of  the  Government  were  in 
conformity  with  the  instructions  of  the  Cardinal 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  and  the  interpellation  was 
withdrawn. 

“ The  inventories  were  begun  at  once  after 
this  decision  of  the  question  of  the  tabernacles. 
At  first  there  was  no  disorder.  The  bishops, 
notably  those  of  Toulouse,  of  Rouen,  of  Albi,  of 
Besangon,  of  Arras  and  Chartres,  and  their  cures, 
from  their  example,  confined  themselves  to  the 
reading  of  a protestation  to  the  receiver  of  the 
registration,  after  which  the  receiver  was  left 
free  to  fulfil  his  mission.  But  soon,  in  some  di- 
oceses, particularly  in  Paris,  in  the  West,  and 
in  one  part  of  the  Center,  the  inventorying  was 
made  the  pretext  for  demonstrations  more  polit- 
ical than  religious,  organized  by  enthusiasts  or 
by  political  cliques.  Generally  the  clergy  were 
passively  present  at  these  demonstrations.  . . . 


FRANCE,  1905-1906 


FRANCE,  1905-1906 


These  tumultuous  manifestations,  at  the  head  of 
which  the  most  conspicuous  personalities  of  the 
reactionary  opposition  were  often  seen,  ended 
by  degenerating  into  veritable  riots,  necessi- 
tating the  intervention  of  troops,  and  leading 
finally  to  bloody  conflicts.”  — Rene  Wallier,  Le 
Vingtieme  Siecle  Politique,  Annee  1906,  pp.  123- 
132. 

It  was  not  until  the  17th  of  February  that  the 
silence  of  the  Pope  on  the  matters  that  were  agi- 
tating France  and  the  Papal  Church  was  broken. 
Then  the  “ Encyclical  Veliementer,”  so  named, 
according  to  custom,  from  its  first  word,  was 
published. 

Measures  and  proceedings  of  the  separa- 
tion as  recounted  by  opponents.  — ‘‘In  the 
first  period  of  his  premiership  M.  Combes  was 
not  prepared  either  to  denounce  the  Concordat 
or  to  separate  the  churches  from  the  State,  sim- 
ply because  he  found  public  opinion  not  yet  ripe 
for  either  measure.  Later  he  thought  he  saw  in 
adopting  this  course  a means  of  prolonging  his 
official  existence,  a matter  of  considerable  im- 
portance to  a country  doctor  like  himself  with- 
out large  private  resources.  Having  slaughtered 
nearly  all  religious  congregations  or  prepared 
their  ultimate  extinction,  Combes  appeared  to 
seek  no  further  occupation  for  himself  and  to 
fortify  his  position  by  attacking  the  Church  it- 
self. whose  secular  clergy  he  had  so  recently 
praised  and  sought  to  protect  from  unfair  and 
‘unjust  concurrence  or  competition  with  the 
regulars!’  Like  Waldeck-Rousseau,  Combes 
saw  here  an  opportunity  to  ‘ save  ’ the  Republic 
from  ‘ clerical  reaction.'  Throughout  its  whole 
discreditable  history  this  third  Republic  of 
France  has  only  been  kept  alive  by  being  period- 
ically ‘ saved  ’ by  some  clever  politician  from 
‘ perils’  conjured"  up  to  terrorize  the  peasantry, 
who  still  recall  the  misery  of  their  ancestors  in 
the  old  regime  and  the  misfortunes  of  France  in 
the  downfall  of  the  first  and  second  Empires. 

. . . The  Pope  protested,  in  March,  1904,  against 
the  bad  faith  and  infamous  aggressions  of  the 
French  Government  in  the  matter  of  religious 
education  and  those  imparting  it,  and  M.  Del- 
casse, through  the  French  Ambassador  at  the 
Vatican,  protested  against  the  Papal  protest.  In 
the  following  month  M.  Loubet,  as  President  of 
the  French  Republic,  visited  the  King  of  Italy 
at  Rome,  at  the  same  time  politely,  but  signifi- 
cantly, ignoring  the  existence  of  the  Pope  and 
the  Vatican,  at  which  court  France  then  had 
accredited  an  Ambassador!  Then  followed  the 
protest  of  the  Vatican,  addressed  directly  to  the 
French  Government,  and  the  protest  simultane- 
ously sent  to  all  the  powers  where  Papal  Nuncios 
are  in  residence.  . . . 

“ In  March,  1904,  had  arisen  the  trouble  in  the 
Diocese  of  Dijon,  France,  which  culminated  in 
students  of  the  diocesan  seminary  refusing  to 
receive  ordination  from  the  hands  of  the  Bishop, 
Mgr.  Le  Nordez.  The  Bishop  of  Dijon  was, 
unfortunately,  not  the  only  one  of  the  French 
episcopate  claiming  to  be  a ‘ victim  of  hatred, 
deceit  and  calumny.’  Almost  from  the  com- 
mencement of  his  episcopate  Mgr.  Geay,  Bishop 
of  Laval,  was  attacked  by  accusations  filed  at 
Rome,  charges  which  were  examined  into  dur- 
ing the  Pontificate  of  Leo  XIII.,  and  which  led 
the  Holy  Office  to  advise  the  Bishop  to  resign  his 
see.  It  was  then  (in  1900)  thought  at  Rome  that 
in  the  local  conditions  actually  then  existing  it 


was  impossible  for  Mgr.  Geay  to  govern  the  di- 
ocese with  the  necessary  authority  and  efficacy. 
Mgr.  Geay  agreed  to  resign,  provided  he  received 
another  bishopric  in  France.  This  condition 
appeared  inacceptable  to  the  Vatican,  but  no 
further  action  was  taken  in  this  case  until  May 
17,  1904,  when  by  order  of  Pius  X.  the  request 
for  the  Bishop’s  resignation  was  renewed,  and  in 
case  it  was  not  forthcoming  within  a specified 
time  an  ecclesiastical  trial  was  intimated  as  in- 
evitable. Notwithstanding  the  secret  and  pri- 
vate character  of  this  last  letter  emanating  from 
the  Holy  Office,  Mgr.  Geay  communicated  its 
contents  to  the  French  Government.  Combes 
and  Delcasse,  jealous  of  the  prerogatives  of  the 
French  State  and  presumably  caring  little  for 
the  honor  of  the  French  episcopate,  notified 
Cardinal  Merry  del  Val  (by  the  acting  Charge 
d’ Affaires)  ‘that  if  the  letter  of  May  17  is  not 
annulled  the  government  will  be  led  to  take  the 
measures  that  a like  derogation  of  the  compact 
which  binds  France  and  the  Holy  See  admits  of.’ 
The  Papal  Nuncio  at  Paris  explained  to  M.  Del- 
casse that  this  was  not  a threat  of  deposition  of 
the  Bishop  without  a decision  of  the  French 
Government,  but  an  invitation  to  the  Bishop  to 
meet  the  charges  by  a voluntary  resignation. 

“ As  regards  Mgr.  Le  Nordez  and  Mgr.  Geay, 
respectively  Bishops  of  Dijon  and  Laval,  their 
long  hesitation  bet  ween  the  wishes  of  the  French 
Government  and  the  will  of  the  Holy  See  ended 
by  the  departure  of  both  of  them  for  Rome.  The 
government  then  promptly  suppressed  their  sala- 
ries and  after  they  had  (under  virtual  pressure) 
placed  their  ‘ voluntary  resignation’  in  the  hands 
of  the  Holy  Father,  an  allowance  from  the  funds 
of  the  Vatican  was  made  to  each  of  them.  They 
have  since  lived  in  France  in  a retirement,  varied 
at  first  by  interview's  of  Mgr.  Geay  with  reporters 
that  have  since  happily  ceased.  The  severance 
of  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Vatican  was  com- 
pleted by  a note  from  M.  Delcasse  to  the  Papal 
Nuncio  at  Paris  stating  that  in  consequence  of 
the  rupture  of  diplomatic  relations  between 
France  and  the  Vatican  ‘ the  mission  of  the  Nun- 
cio would  henceforth  be  deprived  of  scope.’  In 
the  parliamentary  session  of  November  26, 1904, 
the  credit  for  the  Embassy  at  the  Vatican  was 
stricken  from  the  budget.  . . . 

“After  the  downfall  of  Combes,  through  the 
odium  attaching  to  his  spy  system,  the  Minister 
of  the  Interior  and  of  Public  Worship  presented 
to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  behalf  of  the  Rou- 
vier  Ministry  a project  of  law  to  establish  the 
separation.  If  for  Combes  separation  had  signi- 
fied little  else  than  spoliation,  aggravated  by  op- 
pression, the  Rouvier  plan  sought  to  render  spoli- 
ation lessunjust,  less  intolerant.  The  ministerial 
project  having  been  somewhat  altered  by  the 
commission,  conferences  were  held  and  a final 
agreement  having  been  obtained,  the  proposed 
law'  W'as  reported  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in 
March,  1905.  It  is  unnecessary  to  follow'  the 
parliamentary  evolution  of  this  immature  project, 
forced  as  an  issue  by  two  successive  Premiers 
who  had  far  less  solicitude  for  the  permanent  in- 
terests of  their  country  than  to  assure  their  own 
continuance  in  power.  M.  Briand,  speaking  for 
the  commission,  took  great  trouble  to  throw'  upon 
the  Pope  the  responsibility  of  a law  which  he  at 
the  same  time  declared  to  be  perfectly  good, 
beneficent  for  the  Republic  and  honorable  for  its 
authors!  Alas!  for  separatists,  in  an  unguarded 


278 


FRANCE,  1905-1900 


FRANCE,  1900 


moment  Combes  betrayed  the  utter  falsity  and 
ridiculous  insincerity  of  this  pompous  and  sol- 
emn pretence  of  the  anti-religious  majority,  that 
the  Pope  forced  the  separation  upon  France.  In 
the  parliamentary  session  of  January  14,  1905, 
Combes  declared:  ‘ When  I assumed  power  I 
j udged  that  public  opiuion  was  iusulliciently  pre- 
pared for  this  reform.  I have  judged  it  to  be 
necessary  to  lead  it  to  that.’ 

‘ ‘ When  the  law  of  separation,  as  finally  adopted 
in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  was  referred  to  the 
Senate,  the  Senatorial  commission,  under  minis- 
terial pressure,  adopted  the  law  as  passed  in  the 
Chamber,  without  change  of  a single  word.  Al- 
though the  law  was  the  most  important  of  any 
passed  in  France  for  a hundred  years,  and  though 
it  is  fraught  with  grave  influences  upon  the 
destinies  of  the  country,  this  hastily  matured, 
ill-framed  measure,  with  all  its  unjust  and  vex- 
atious provisions,  was  swallowed  whole  by  a 
commission  of  cowardly,  truckling  Senatorial 
politicians,  who  disregarded  their  plain  duty  at 
the  dictation  of  Radicals  and  Socialists  on  the 
outside.  Separationists  both  in  and  out  of  Parlia- 
ment were  eager  to  see  the  law  become  operative 
before  the  universal  suffrage  of  France  could 
have  an  opportunity  of  passing  judgment  upon 
the  principle  of  the  separation  in  the  parliament- 
ary elections  of  May,  1906.  . . . 

“ In  the  Papal  Consistory  of  December  11, 
1905,  the  Pope  pronounced  an  allocution  pro- 
testing against  the  law  of  separation  in  mild 
and  temperate  language,  announcing  his  inten- 
tion of  again  treating  upon  the  same  subject 
‘ more  solemnly  and  more  deliberately  at  an  op- 
portune time.’  The  Holy  Father  evidently 
waited  for  the  regulations  of  public  administra- 
tion that  would  indicate  in  what  manner  the 
Government  of  France  intended  to  administer 
and  enforce  the  law.  . . . 

“Immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the  law 
of  separation  the  government  appointed  a spe- 
cial commission  to  elaborate  rules  of  public 
administration  by  which  the  law  was  to  be  in- 
terpreted and  applied.  This  commission  being 
stuffed  with  the  anti-religious  element,  its  work 
was  worthy  of  its  authors.  . . . The  first  de- 
tails of  the  regulations  officially  promulgated 
governed  the  taking  of  inventories  of  all  mova- 
ble and  real  property  of  churches,  chapels  and 
ecclesiastical  buildings,  including  rectories, 
chapter  houses,  homes  of  retreat  for  aged 
and  infirm  priests  (even  pension  endowments), 
etc.,  ostensibly  to  facilitate  the  transfer  of  these 
properties  to  such  associations  for  the  main- 
tenance of  public  worship  as  might  be  formed 
under  the  provisions  of  the  law  of  separation. 
These  inventories  were  imposed  upon  all  reli- 
gious bodies  — Catholic,  Protestant  and  Jewish 
— and  the  law  was  made  applicable  to  Algiers, 
where  there  is  a large  Mahomedan  population. 
Viewed  in  the  abstract,  the  taking  of  inventories 
was  a formality  necessary  to  an  application  of 
principles  inscribed  in  the  law.  As  estimates  of 
value  such  inventories  are  worthless,  because 
compiled  by  agents  of  the  administration  of 
Public  Domains  or  treasury  agents,  unaided  by 
experts  in  art,  architecture  and  arcliivial  paleo- 
graphy. The  Director  General  of  the  Register 
prescribed  to  agents  taking  these  inventories 
a request  for  the  opening  of  tabernacles  in 
churches  and  chapels  to  facilitate  complete- 
ness and  accuracy.  This  order  aroused  a storm 


of  indignation  throughout  France  and  the  gov- 
ernment realized  that  a stupid  blunder  had  been 
made,  and  it  was  announced  that  agents  would 
content  themselves  with  gathering  and  incor- 
porating into  their  report  declarations  of  the 
priests  upon  the  nature  and  value  of  sacred  ves- 
sels contained  in  the  tabernacles. 

“The  taking  of  inventories  of  churches  and 
their  contents  commenced  simultaneously  in 
many  parts  of  France  in  the  latter  part  of  Jan- 
uary, 1906.  Instead  of  the  simple  formality 
hastily  accomplished  without  general  observa- 
tion, of  which  separatists  had  dreamed,  this 
proceeding  was  characterized  in  various  places 
by  scenes  of  the  wildest  disorder.  When  offi- 
cials of  the  Registry  presented  themselves  for 
the  taking  of  the  inventories,  the  clergy,  sur- 
rounded or  attended  by  trustees  of  the  build- 
ing, read  formal  protests  against  what  most  of 
them  styled  ‘ the  first  step  in  an  act  of  spolia- 
tion.’ ...  If  these  protests  had  not  been  ac- 
companied by  physical  violence,  the  country 
might  have  been  spared  the  shocking  scenes 
that  took  place  in  Paris  and  the  provinces.  In 
many  churches  free  fights  took  place  between 
militant  Catholic  laymen,  opposed  to  an  inven- 
tory, and  police,  firemen  and  troops,  who  burst 
open  the  doors  of  churches  or  broke  them  down 
with  fire  axes  in  order  to  make  an  inventory 
possible.  While  at  the  doors  chairs  and  frag- 
ments of  broken  confessionals  were  flying 
through  the  air,  pious  women  within  sang : 

‘ We  will  pray  God  that  the  Church  may  be  able 
to  teach  the  truth,  to  combat  error  which  causes 
division,  to  preach  to  all  charity  ! ’”  — F.  W. 
Parsons,  Separation  of  Church  and  State  in 
France  ( American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review, 
July,  1906). 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  Morocco  Question. 
— Sudden  hostility  of  Germany  to  the  Anglo- 
F rench  Agreement.  — Demand  for  an  Interna- 
tional Conference.  — The  Conference  at  Alge- 
ciras.  — The  resulting  Act.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Claims  against  Vene- 
zuela. See  Venezuela:  A.  D.  1905-1906,  and 
1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1906. — -President  Fallieres  succeeds 
Loubet. — Fall  of  the  Rouvier  Ministry. — 
Rise  of  M.  Clemenceau.  — The  Elections  of 
May. — Conformity  to  the  Separation  Law 
prohibited  by  the  Pope.  — Sequestration  of 
Church  Property. — The  Socialists  and  the 
Bourgeois. — Justice  at  last  to  Dreyfus. — 
Honors  to  Picquart. — The  presidential  term  of 
M.  Loubet,  who  had  been  elected  on  the  19tli  of 
February,  1899,  would  expire  on  the  18th  of 
February,  1906.  M.  Loubet  declined  a reflec- 
tion, and  M.  Failures,  the  chosen  candidate  of 
the  various  groups  of  Republicans,  was  elected 
President  of  the  French  Republic  at  a joint  ses- 
sion of  the  two  chambers  of  the  National  Assem- 
bly, on  the  17th  of  January,  by  449  votes  of  a 
total  848.  The  new  President  was  inducted  into 
office  on  the  18th  of  February,  and,  according 
to  usage,  was  offered  the  resignations  of  the 
existing  Ministry,  under  M.  Rouvier,  which, 
however,  he  did  not  accept.  M.  Rouvier  and 
his  colleagues  continued  in  office  until  the  7tli  of 
March,  when  a vote  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
which  expressed  want  of  confidence  compelled  a 
resignation  that  could  not  be  declined. 

The  new  Ministry  then  formed,  and  announced 


279 


FRANCE,  1906 


FRANCE,  1906 


on  the  14tli,  was  nominally  presided  over  by  M. 
Sarrien,  President  of  the  Council  and  Minister  of 
Justice,  but  its  real  chief  was  known  to  be 
M.  Clemenceau,  Minister  of  the  Interior.  Other 
important  members  of  this  Cabinet  were  M. 
Bourgeois,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  M. 
Aristide  Briand,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction 
and  of  Worship.  Sarrien  and  Bourgeois  were 
classed  politically  as  Radicals,  Briand  as  a So- 
cialist, and  Clemenceau  as  a Socialist-Radical. 
The  Ministerial  declaration  read  in  both  cham- 
bers on  the  14th  was  criticised  as  colorless,  and 
as  indicating  an  incongruity  of  political  material 
in  the  make-up  of  the  administration.  On  the 
burning  question  of  the  execution  of  the  law  for 
the  separation  of  Church  and  State  its  language 
was : ‘ 1 The  law  on  the  separation  of  Church 

and  State  has  met,  in  the  execution  of  the  pro- 
visions relating  to  the  inventories,  a resistance 
as  unexpected  as  it  is  unjustified.  There  is  no 
one  among  us  who  wishes  to  assail  in  any  man- 
ner whatever  the  freedom  of  religious  belief  and 
worship.  The  law  will  be  applied  in  the  same 
liberal  spirit  in  which  it  was  adopted  by  the 
Parliament.  . . . But  it  is  our  duty  to  insure 
the  execution  of  all  laws  throughout  the  land. 
Under  a republican  government  the  law  is  the 
highest  expression  of  national  sovereignty ; it 
must  everywhere  be  respected  and  everywhere 
obeyed.  The  Government  intends  to  apply  with 
all  necessary  circumspection,  but  with  inflexible 
firmness,  the  new  legislation  which  certain  par- 
ties of  opposition  strive  vainly  to  misrepresent.” 

On  the  14th  of  April  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
was  adjourned  sine  die,  and  fresh  elections  to  it 
were  to  be  held  in  May.  “The  seventh  legisla- 
ture held  under  the  Constitution  of  1875  came 
to  an  end  amid  a domestic  confusion  unparal- 
leled in  France  since  1871.  In  the  Nord  and  the 
Pas  de  Calais  there  were  miners’  strikes,  at 
Clermont-Ferrand  strikes  in  the  building  trade  ; 
atLorientand  Toulon  there  was  a general  strike, 
and  there  were  strikes  also  at  Alais  and  Bor- 
deaux. At  Paris  the  compositors,  the  excava- 
tors and  the  railway  men  on  the  Metropolitan 
had  left  work,  and  the  postmen  also  had  joined 
the  movement,  though  they  were  servants  of  the 
State.  M.  Clemenceau  paid  two  visits  to  Lens 
to  treat  with  the  strikers;  following  his  exam- 
ple and  by  his  orders  the  magistrates,  officers 
and  soldiers  exhibited  admirable  coolness  as 
well  as  energy  in  controlling  the  excited  crowds 
without  resorting  to  force.  . . . Attempts  were 
made  to  form  what  were  virtually  revolutionary 
governments,  and  these  announced  openly  that 
©n  May-1,  capitalism  would  be  assailed,  a gen- 
eral strike  proclaimed  in  Paris,  and  the  Govern- 
ment swept  away  if  it  showed  signs  of  attempt- 
ing to  interfere.  These  threats  set  up  an 
unprecedented  panic,  which  was  intensified  by 
the  measures  taken  by  the  Government  to  get 
rid  of  it.  Troops  guarded  the  Metropolitan 
Railway  workshops,  the  printing  establishments, 
the  bakeries.  All  the  cavalry  and  infantry  avail- 
able were  concentrated  at  Paris,  and  schools  and 
empty  houses  taken  up  for  their  accommoda- 
tion.”— Annual  Register,  1906,  p.  270. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distractions  the  politi- 
cal canvass  for  a new  representation  of  the  Re- 
public in  its  legislature  was  carried  on,  and  the 
elections  were  but  slightly  disturbed.  They 
went  so  sweepingly  in  favor  of  the  Government 
that  only  176  seats  in  the  Chamber,  out  of  589, 


were  carried  by  the  opposition.  The  victory 
of  the  Government  was  more  complete  and  de- 
cisive than  the  most  sanguine  had  expected. 
Said  a writer  in  The  Fortnightly  Review:  ‘ ‘ It 
is  the  end  of  the  long  struggle  between  the 
Republic  and  its  internal  enemies,  those  Emigres 
de  I’interieur  as  M.  Paul  Sabatier  has  happily 
called  them.  The  political  power  of  the  Church 
is  broken  forever  ; the  parties  of  reaction  are 
finally  crushed,  and  their  future  will  be  that  of 
the  Jacobites  after  Culloden.  ...  It  may  per- 
haps be  useful  to  record  the  relative  strength  of 
parties  in  the  new  Chamber  as  compared  with 
the  old.  Precise  accuracy  is  difficult,  owing  to 
the  uncertainty  as  to  the  exact  group  to  which 
a few  of  the  deputies  should  be  attributed,  but 
the  following  figures  are  as  near  exactitude  as 
possible : — 

New  Old 

Chamber.  Chamber. 
Ministerialists  : (The  Bloc) : — 


Republicans  of  the  Left 
(Alliance  Democratique 
and  Gauche  Democrat- 
ique)   90  83 

Radicals 117  98 

Radical-Socialists  ....  132  119 

Independent  Socialists  . . 20  14 

359  314 

Unified  Socialists  ....  54  41 

Opposition  : — 

Republicans  of  the  Centre 
(Union  Republicaine  and 
Progressists)  ....  68  97 

Nationalists 30  53 

Conservatives  and  Clericals  78  84 


176  234 

“ But  the  mere  figures  do  not  bring  out  the  full 
significance  of  the  election.  Even  more  impor- 
tant than  the  fact  that  only  108  Clerical  and  Na- 
tionalist deputies  were  returned  is  the  fact  that 
these  108  represent,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
the  most  ignorant  and  backward  districts  in 
France.  Immediately  after  the  election  the  Matin 
published  an  electoral  map  of  France,  in  which 
the  districts  represented  by  Opposition  deputies 
were  left  white.  It  is  an  instructive  document. 
The  whole  of  central  France  is  a solid  mass  of 
black,  in  the  north  and  south  the  white  spots  are 
few  and  scattered,  in  the  east  black  very  greatly 
predominates  ; only  in  the  west  is  there  any  con- 
spicuous show  of  white.”  — Robert  Dell,  France, 
England,  and  Mr.  Bodley  ( Fortnightly  Review, 
Sept.,  1906). 

Manifestly  the  majority  in  France  approved  the 
severance  of  religious  institutions  from  the  po- 
litical organization  of  the  State.  In  recognition 
of  the  fact,  the  General  Assembly  of  French  Bish- 
ops, sitting  soon  afterwards  at  Paris,  petitioned 
the  Pope,  by  the  vote  of  a large  majority,  to  per- 
mit the  forming  of  Public  Worship  Associations 
under  the  Separation  Law.  The  papal  reply, 
given  late  in  the  summer,  was  a new  Encyclical, 
formally  forbidding  French  Catholics  to  form 
such  Associations  for  taking  the  offered  use  of 
the  church  buildings  and  property,  as  provided 
for  continued  exercises  of  religion  by  the  law.  A 
little  later  the  prohibition  was  carried  farther, 
and  French  Catholics  were  forbidden  to  conform 
to  the  Associations  Law  of  1891,  as  well  as  to  the 
Separation  Law.  There  seems  to  have  been  a 


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disposition  in  the  Government  to  extend,  from 
one  year  to  two,  the  period  allowed  for  conform- 
ity to  the  latter  enactment ; but  this  attitude  on 
the  part  of  the  head  of  the  Church  dispelled  it. 
Accordingly,  on  the  lltli  of  December,  1906,  when 
the  term  fixed  by  the  law  expired,  sequestration 
of  the  property  of  the  vestries  was  pronounced, 
and  buildings  occupied  in  connection  with  the 
churches  by  bishops,  rectors,  seminaries,  etc., 
were  ordered  to  be  vacated  with  no  further  delay. 

Before  matters  reached  this  stage  M.  Sarrien 
had  resigned,  on  account  of  ill  health,  and  the 
premiership  had  passed  to  Clemenceau.  The 
Cabinet  underwent  a degree  of  reconstruction 
soon  afterwards,  and  the  upright,  courageous 
Picquart,  formerly  Colonel,  now  Brigadier- 
General,  who  had  stood  so  long  almost  alone  in 
army  circles  as  a champion  of  justice  to  the 
foully  wronged  Dreyfus  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of 
this  work,  France  : A.  D.  1897-1899),  had  been 
given  the  portfolio  of  War.  To  Dreyfus  him- 
self the  Republic  had  made  all  the  reparation 
that  it  could.  On  the  12th  of  July  in  this  year 
its  highest  court  had  pronounced  a decision 
which  branded  with  falsity  and  forgery  every 
document  and  the  whole  testimony  on  which  he 
had  been  convicted,  and  declared  that  “the 
accusation  against  Dreyfus  was  completely  un- 
justified.” Thereupon  he  was  reinstated  in  the 
army  with  the  rank  of  major,  and  not  many 
days  later,  on  the  spot  where  the  ceremony  of 
his  degradation  had  been  performed,  in  1894, 
he  received  the  insignia  of  a Chevalier  of  the 
Legion  of  Honor. 

In  the  May  elections  for  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties the  Socialists  had  been  heavily  reinforced, 
and  their  most  strenuous  leader,  M.  Jaures,  was 
inspired  to  say  in  his  journal,  L' Humanite  : 
“ There  is  no  more  time  to  be  lost.  This  time  we 
must  give  the  finishing  blow  to  the  Reaction,  to 
all  parties  of  the  past,  to  Clericalism  and  Csesar- 
ism.  After  clearing  the  battleground  of  all  its 
litter,  the  Proletariat  must  be  able  to  say  to  the 
face  of  the  Republican  Democracy,  the  Radical 
Democracy  which  at  last  is  master  of  public 
power:  ‘What  are  you  going  to  do  for  work- 
men ? What  reforms,  what  guarantees,  are  you 
going  to  give  them  ? How  are  you  going  to 
help  French  society  out  of  the  deep  crisis  in 
which  it  struggles  ? How,  by  what  organization 
of  Property  and  Labor,  will  you  put  an  end  to 
the  exploiting  of  men,  to  the  war  of  classes  let 
loose  by  the  Capitalist  form  of  property  ? ’ ” 
Quoting  these  words,  soon  afterwards,  a writer 
in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  remarked  : 

“ Such  words  are  not  the  mere  rhetoric  of  a 
Parliamentary  dictator  who  has  just  suffered  a 
year’s  eclipse  in  the  retrograde  combinations 
given  to  the  Radical  majority  by  Prime  Minister 
Rouvier.  Almost  physiologically,  certainly  so- 
cially, the  millions  of  French  workmen  stand 
over  against  property -holders  in  a way  to 
which  there  is  nothing  comparable  in  the  North- 
ern and  Western  United  States,  with  all  their 
labor  difficulties.  They  form  a separate  class 
in  society,  because  French  property-holders 
form  an  exclusive  caste.  It  was  the  middle 
classes,  the  property-holding  bourgeois  and  the 
peasant  proprietors  bound  up  with  them,  who 
profited  by  the  great  Revolution  against  the 
privileged  classes  of  that  day,  — royalty,  clergy, 
and  nobles.  During  the  century  which  has 
elapsed  the  triumphant  bourgeois  have  steadily 


persisted  in  throwing  around  themselves  a prac- 
tically impenetrable  wall  of  legal  and  social 
privilege  in  their  turn.  And  now  there  is  a 
spontaneous  upheaval  of  the  excluded,  unprivi- 
leged, inferior  class.” — Stoddard  Dewey,  The 
Year  in  France  ( Atlantic  Monthly,  Aug.,  1906). 

Mainly,  it  appears,  from  the  prompting  and 
the  influence  of  the  Socialist  and  Labor  organi- 
zations, France  obtained,  in  1906,  a law  making 
Sunday  a day  of  rest  from  most  descriptions  of 
industry  and  commerce,  exceptions  being  made 
to  allow  travel  and  transportation  companies, 
lighting  and  water  works,  newspaper  offices, 
and  some  other  performers  of  public  services,  to 
continue  their  operations,  while  hotels,  restau- 
rants, wine  shops,  drug  stores,  and  the  like, 
were  exempted  from  closing  their  doors.  See 
Sunday  Observance. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Woman  Suffrage  Movement. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise:  Woman 
Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1906. — The  Thrift  and  consequent 
loanable  Wealth  of  the  country.  — The 
power  that  it  makes  for  peace.  — “In  the 

world  at  large,  however,  France  has  also  come 
to  a consciousness  of  her  real  power.  An  Eng- 
lish financier  had  already  said  that  if  the  French 
people  continue  to  live  on  the  principle,  ‘ where 
you  have  four  sous  spend  only  two,’  they  will 
end  by  having  in  their  possession  all  the  coined 
gold  in  the  world.  The  great  portion  of  it  which 
they  already  possess,  and  the  distress  caused  to 
German  finance  and  industry  by  the  patriotic  re- 
fusal of  the  united  French  banks  to  allow  their 
gold  to  be  drawn  until  peace  was  secure,  had  a 
great  and  probably  decisive  influence  in  the 
happy  termination  of  this  entangled  affair  of 
Morocco.  The  floating  of  the  latest  Russian 
loan  has  since  come  to  show  yet  further  the  riches 
of  France,  to  which  tourists  alone,  it  is  estimated, 
add  two  billion  francs  in  gold  each  year.  This 
money  power  and  money  need  should  tend  to 
the  keeping  of  European  peace  more  than  all 
the  theories  of  the  pacifists  who  clamor  for  a 
disarmament  impossible  to  obtain.”  — Stoddard 
Dewey,  The  Year  in  Fi'ance  ( Atlantic  Monthly, 
Aug.,  1906). 

A.  D.  1906.  — Deposition  of  the  insane 
King  of  Anam.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Anam. 

A.  D.  1906  (Feb.). — The  Papal  Encyclical 
“ Vehementer  Nos.”  SeePAPACY:  A.  D.  1906 
(Feb.). 

A.  D.  1906-1907. — The  Separation  of 
Church  and  State. — Further  measures  and 
proceedings,  as  related  from  opposite 
standpoints. 

From  the  Separationist  Standpoint: 

‘ ‘ The  practical  question,  what  course  the 
French  Catholics  were  to  adopt  when  the  law 
should  go  into  effect,  was  first  answered  by  the 
pope  in  his  encyclical  Gravissimo,  published 
August  10,  1906,  eight  months  after  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  law.  The  gist  of  the  doc- 
ument is  in  two  sentences : ‘ After  having  con- 
demned as  was  our  duty  this  iniquitous  law, 
we  examined  with  the  greatest  care  whether  the 
articles  of  the  aforesaid  law  would  leave  at 
least  some  means  of  organizing  religious  life  in 
France  so  as  to  rescue  the  sacred  principles 
upon  which  rests  the  Holy  Church.’  Having 
consulted  the  bishops,  and  addressed  1 fervent 
prayers  to  the  Father  of  Light,’  the  pope 
came  to  the  following  conclusion:  ‘As  for  the 


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FRANCE,  1906-1907 


associations  of  worship,  as  the  law  organizes 
them,  we  decree  that  they  can  absolutely  not 
be  formed  without  violating  the  sacred  rights 
which  are  the  very  life  of  the  church.’ 

“ Is  there  any  other  form  of  association  which 
might  be  both  legal  and  canonical  ? Pius  X did 
not  see  any.  Therefore,  as  long  as  the  law  re- 
mained as  it  was,  the  Holy  Father  forbade  the 
French  Catholics  to  try  any  form  of  association 
which  did  not  promise,  in  an  ‘ unmistakable  and 
legal  manner,  that  the  divine  constitution  of 
the  church,  the  immutable  rights  of  the  Roman 
pontiff  and  the  bishops,  as  well  as  their  author- 
ity over  the  property  necessary  to  the  church, 
especially  over  the  sacred  edifices,  will  be  for- 
ever insured  in  those  associations.’  . . . 

“ For  this  decision  there  were,  from  the  ec- 
clesiastical point  of  view,  three  grounds.  One 
was  the  failure  of  the  law  of  1905  to  recognize, 
in  so  many  words,  the  authority  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical hierarchy.  Another  was  the  abrupt 
fashion  in  which  the  French  government  broke 
off  its  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Vatican. 
The  fact  that  the  government  consistently  ig- 
nored the  pope  during  the  drafting  of  the  bill 
was  a third.  . . . 

“ Under  what  regime  the  churches  were  to  live 
was  at  first  somewhat  uncertain  ; but  M.  Briand 
speedily  discovered  in  existing  legislation  all  that 
was  needed  to  insure  the  continuance  of  reli- 
gious worship.  He  was  willing  to  admit  that  the 
church  was  not  obliged  to  avail  herself  of  the 
privileges  that  the  new  law  provided  for  her. 
Law  imposes  duties  on  citizens,  but  it  does  not 
force  them  to  make  use  of  rights  or  privileges. 
Everything  that  is  not  forbidden  is  lawful.  . . . 
The  minister  stated  that  the  priests  could  make 
use  of  the  churches  after  having  filed  such  an 
application  or  declaration  as  is  required  for  ordi- 
nary meetings  by  the  law  of  1881.  These  decla- 
rations would  be  valid  for  a whole  year  instead 
of  for  one  meeting.  But  under  this  regime  the 
priests  would  be  simply  temporary  occupants  of 
the  buildings  of  worship  without  any  legal  title. 

“This  compromise  proved  no  more  satisfac- 
tory to  the  Vatican  than  the  law  of  1905.  . . . 

“The  pope  refused  to  sanction  this  arrange- 
ment. He  objected  to  the  scheme  of  yearly  de- 
claration. In  the  first  place  he  complained  that 
this  broad  interpretation  of  the  law  on  public 
meetings  was  merely  a personal  fancy  of  M. 
Briand  which  might  not  bind  his  successors.  In 
the  second  place,  the  dignity  of  the  priests  did 
not  allow  them  to  accept  the  humiliating  posi- 
tion of  simple  occupants  of  the  churches.  . . . 

“The  government,  however,  could  not  leave 
several  million  Catholics  in  a position  in  which 
opportunity  to  perform  their  religious  duties 
depended  upon  uncertain  texts  and  the  circulars 
of  a temporary  minister  of  worship.  It  there- 
fore set  out  to  draft  a bill  that  would  be  accept- 
able to  the  church  without  any  recourse  to  the 
discarded  associations  of  worship.  The  new 
bill  was  submitted  to  Parliament  December  15, 
1906;  was  accepted  by  the  Chamber  December 
21  and  by  the  Senate  December  29,  and  was 
promulgated  January  2,  1907.  . . . 

“Most  of  the  privileges  granted  in  the  law 
of  1905  are  withdrawn;  and  the  law  of  associa- 
tions of  1901,  combined  with  the  law  of  public 
meetings  of  1881,  forms  the  basis  of  the  new 
regime.  . . . 

“Of  all  the  catastrophes  prophesied  or  feared 


by  foes  or  friends  none  has  occurred.  The 
new  regime  so  violently  attacked  in  and  out  of 
France  is  being  gradually  acclimated.”  — Othon 
Guerlac,  The  Separation  of  Church  and  State  in 
France  {Political  Science  Quarterly,  June,  1908). 

From  the  Standpoint  of  the  Church  : 

“The  third  meeting  of  the  French  episcopate, 
held  at  the  Chateau  de  laMuette,  Paris,  January 
15-19,  resulted  in  a declaration  (approved  by  the 
Holy  See)  of  their  unanimous  consent  to  essay 
the  organization  of  public  worship  in  churches 
to  be  placed  at  the  Bishops’ disposal  free;  an 
essential  condition  being  a legal  contract  (author- 
ized by  Government)  between  themselves  or  their 
clergy  and  the  Prefects  or  Mayors  to  whom  such 
churches  (sequestrated  in  December)  have  been 
handed  or  will  be  handed  over ; the  contract  to  be 
for  a term  of  eighteen  years,  during  which  term 
(being  fixed  by  the  common  law  of  municipal 
leases  of  communal  properties)  neither  Mayors 
nor  Prefects  shall  in  any  way  interfere  either 
in  parochial  administration  or  in  regard  to  the 
conditions  of  occupancy  of  the  edifices,  which 
must  be,  as  regards  police,  under  control  of  the 
priest  in  charge,  the  mayor  intervening  only  on 
grave  occasions  when  his  official  duties  require 
him  according  to  law  to  re-establish  disturbed 
order. 

“ This  document,  published  on  January  29, 
was  immediately,  with  a form  of  contract,  sent 
by  each  Bishop  to  the  Parish  priests  in  his  dio- 
cese with  a request  to  be  informed  immediately 
whether  the  proposed  contract  would  be  entered 
into  by  their  respective  mayors,  and  instruct- 
ing them  if  possible  to  get  it  signed  at  once  and 
return  it  to  the  Bishop.  Of  course,  from  every 
parish  where  Catholics  are  strong  and  zealous 
the  signed  contracts  were  quickly  obtainable  or 
obtained.  But  so  soon  as  the  Minister  of  Wor- 
ship learned  these  proceedings,  he  circularized 
the  Prefects  of  France  on  February  1 : 

“ ‘You  will  shortly  receive  instructions  con- 
cerning the  application  of  the  Article  in  the 
Law  of  January  2,  1907,  providing  that  free  use 
of  Communal  buildings  intended  for  worship, 
and  of  their  fittings,  may,  subject  to  the  require- 
ments of  Article  13  in  the  Law  of  9 December, 
1905, be  accorded  by  an  administration  act  of  the 
mayors  to  the  ministers  of  worship  specified  in 
declarations  of  worship-meetings.  It  is  extremely 
urgent,  to  prevent  mayors  being  entrapped  into 
giving  their  signatures,  that  you  should  tele- 
graphically warn  them,  they  are  not  entitled  to 
enter  into  a contract  of  this  kind  without  prelim- 
inary deliberation  by  their  municipal  council, 
and  that  they  should,  pending  the  vote  of  that 
body,  confine  themselves,  if  asked  for  it,  to  giv- 
ing an  acknowledgment  of  receipt  of  any  re- 
quest for  use  of  edifices  they  may  have  received. 
You  will  also  assure  them  they  shall  at  a very 
early  date  receive  instructions  defining  the 
conditions  to  be  observed  to  render  such  contracts 
valid,  and  will  direct  them  to  do  nothing  until 
those  instructions  reach  them.’ 

“ It  is  due  to  M.  Briand  to  acknowledge:  first, 
that  he  lost  no  time  whatever  in  fulfilling  this 
promise;  second,  that  his  new  circular  on  the 
application  of  the  law  of  January  2,  1907,  which 
bears  date  Paris,  February  3rd,  and  was  pub- 
lished the  following  evening,  lays  down  regula- 
tions concerning  the  leases  of  Churches  and 
Communal  Chapels  which  on  the  face  of  these 
are  fair,  reasonable,  and  likely  to  be  universally 


282 


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FRANCE,  1907 


acceptable.  The  main  conditions  are,  approval 
of  the  agreements  by  the  municipal  councils, 
failing  which  mayors  cannot  enter  into  them ; 
maximum  term  to  be  eighteen  years  ; the  lessee 
(whether  a cure,  or  a worship  association)  to 
keep  the  buildings  in  proper  repair  ; leases  for 
longer  periods  than  eighteen  years  to  be  sanc- 
tioned by  the  prefect;  that  the  cure  acts  by  per- 
mission of  his  ecclesiastical  superior  may  be 
stated  in  the  lease,  but  such  superior  is  not  to  be 
entitled  in  any  way,  once  the  document  is  signed, 
to  interfere,  or  exercise  authority.  . . . 

“ In  Paris  the  appearance  of  the  circular  was 
hailed  with  satisfaction  by  Catholics  and  rea- 
sonable men.  . . . Cardinal  Richard  deems  it 
proper  and  useful  to  direct  his  priests  to  make 
the  declaration,  after  the  contract  is  duly  signed, 
and  wrhen  His  Eminence  shall  authorize  them 
to  make  it.  . . . 

“ His  Eminence  lost  no  time  in  submitting 
to  the  Protestant  prefect  of  the  Seine,  M.  de 
Selves,  a draft  lease  of  the  Paris  Cathedral 
(Notre  Dame)  and  the  historical  St.  Denis  Ba- 
silica. It  was  understood  that,  if  settled  and 
signed,  this  contract  should  serve  as  the  model 
to  be  followed  in  the  remaining  eighty-five 
French  dioceses.  The  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State 
at  the  Vatican  authorized  these  negotiations, 
against  his  personal  judgment,  without  any 
illusions  as  to  the  result,  simply  to  satisfy  the 
French  episcopate  and  a minority  in  the  Sacred 
College.  . . . 

“After  negotiations  extending  over  three 
weeks,  the  Prefect  informed  the  Cardinal  (in 
writing,  on  February  23)  that  His  Eminence’s 
proposals  were  inacceptable,  but  the  govern- 
ment invited  amended  ones  based  on  ministerial 
declarations  made  in  the  Chamber  during  a 
stormy  debate  on  February  19,  when  M.  Briand 
found  himself  forced  to  confess  the  churches 
were  left  open  in  view  of  the  truth  that  a parlia- 
mentary majority  had  ‘no  right  to  hinder  mil- 
lions of  Catholic  compatriots  from  practising 
their  religion.’  The  Cardinal  Archbishop  replied 
immediately  that  the  text  of  the  draft  submitted 
embodied  the  extreme  limits  of  possible  conces- 
sions.”— J.  F.  Boyd,  The  French  Ecclesiastical 
Revolution  ( American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review, 
Jan. -April,  1907). 

A.  D.  1907.  — Effects  of  the  Separation 
Law.  — The  Catholics  of  France  lose  all  Le- 
gal Organization.  — “ The  Church  Separation 
Law  has  failed  to  do  the  particular  work  for 
which  it  was  voted  by  the  preceding  Parliament. 
Catholic  citizens  have  chosen  to  undergo  its  pen- 
alties, with  new  pains  and  reprisals  voted  by  the 
present  Parliament,  rather  than  accept  that  civil 
reorganization  of  their  religion  which  it  imposed 
on  them.  The  result  has  been  to  deprive  French 
Catholics,  not  only  of  the  church  property  which 
had  been  restored  to  them  after  the  confiscations 
of  the  Revolution,  but  also  of  all  church  property 
of  whatever  kind,  even  such  as  had  since  been 
gathered  together  by  their  private  and  volun- 
tary contributions.  It  is  impossible  to  foresee 
how  they  are  legally  to  constitute  new  church 
property  for  themselves.  By  the  automatic 
working  of  separation,  Catholics,  so  far  as  any 
corporative  action  might  be  intended,  are  left 
quite  outside  their  country’s  laws. 

“The  Associations  Law  had  previously  sup- 
pressed their  religious  orders  and  congregations, 
that  is,  all  those  teaching  and  other  communities 


which  combined  individual  initiatives  into  a 
working  power  for  their  religion.  In  virtue  of 
that  law,  their  convents  and  colleges  and  the 
other  properties  of  such  religious  associations 
have  ‘reverted’  to  the  State,  which  is  gradually 
liquidating  them  for  its  own  purposes. 

“No  example  of  temporal  sacrifices  for  reli- 
gion’s sake  on  such  a scale  has  been  seen  since 
Catholics  in  the  France  of  the  Revolution  chose 
to  lose  all,  in  many  cases  life  itself,  rather  than 
accept  the  schismatical  civil  constitution  of  their 
clergy,  which  was  accompanied  by  a like  nation- 
alizing of  all  their  church  property.”  — Stoddard 
Dewey,  The  Year  in  France  ( Atlantic  Monthly, 
Aug.,  1907). 

A.  D.  1907.  — Rapid  Development  of  the 
Syndicalist  Labor  Union  Movement.  — The 
Confederation  Generate  du  Travail.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  France: 
A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Popular  Vote  on  the  Great- 
est Frenchman  of  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
awarding  the  distinction  to  Louis  Pasteur. 

See  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907- 
1908. 

A.  D.  1907  (May-July).  — The  revolt  of  the 
Wine-growers  of  the  Midi.  — From  various 
causes,  the  wine-growers  of  Southern  France 
have  suffered  from  an  increasing  decline  in  the 
market  for  their  products.  They  attributed  this 
wholly  to  the  extensive  manufacture  of  adulter- 
ated and  counterfeited  wines,  though  it  came 
partly,  without  doubt,  from  the  increasing  use 
of  beers  and  spirituous  liquors  among  the  French. 
The  struggling  cultivators  of  the  grape,  who 
could  hardly  obtain  a living  from  their  vine- 
yards, accused  the  government  of  neglect  to 
make  and  enforce  effective  laws  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  adulterating  frauds.  They  demanded 
new  measures  for  the  suppression  of  all  vinous 
beverages  that  were  not  the  pure  product  of  the 
grape.  In  the  spring  of  1907  their  attitude  be- 
came seriously  threatening ; for  a leader  named 
Marcelin  Albert,  having  an  eloquent  tongue,  a 
bold  spirit,  and  a capacity  for  command,  had 
risen  among  them.  Alarming  demonstrations 
of  popular  excitement  occurred  in  the  cities  of 
Perpignan,  Montpellier,  Narbonne,  and  others. 

Then,  in  May,  the  discontented  people  gave 
formal  notice  that  they  would  refuse  to  pay 
taxes  if  all  adulterate  wine-making  was  not  sum- 
marily stopped  by  the  10th  of  June.  At  the  ap- 
pointed time  the  threat  was  even  more  than 
made  good,  for  most  of  the  municipal  officers  in 
the  four  departments  of  Gard,  Aude,  Herault, 
and  the  Pyrenees  Orientales  resigned  and  the 
machinery  of  local  government  was  dissolved. 
The  troublesome  situation  thus  created  was 
handled  ably  by  Premier  Clemenceau.  On  one 
hand  he  secured  new  legislation  from  Parlia- 
ment against  wine  adulteration,  while  promptly 
ordering  troops  to  the  region  of  revolt  on  the 
other.  Marcelin  Albert  and  another  leader,  Dr. 
Ferroul,  Mayor  of  Narbonne,  were  arrested,  and 
order  was  soon  restored,  though  a few  collisions 
with  turbulent  crowds  were  attended  with  some 
loss  of  life. 

The  new  laws  enacted  for  the  occasion  were 
intended  in  part  to  secure  an  annual  record  of 
the  vineyard  product  of  the  country  that  would 
enable  the  Government  to  keep  knowledge  of  it 
from  the  vine  to  the  wine  cask,  and  make  fraud- 
ulent tampering  with  it  more  difficult,  at  least. 


283 


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FRANCE,  1909 


A.  D.  1907  (Sept.). — Convention  with  Great 
Britain  concerning  Commercial  Relations 
with  Canada.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D. 
1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1907.  — (Nov.). — Treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  Norway,  and  Russia, 
guaranteeing  the  integrity  of  Norway.  See 
Europe  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.).  — Treaty  with  England 
concerning  Death  Duties.  See  Death  Duties. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Operation  in  Morocco. 
— Bombardment  of  Casablanca.  — Fresh  ir- 
ritation of  Germany.  — Arbitration  of  the 
Casablanca  incident.  — Dethronement  of 
Sultan  Abd  el  Aziz  by  his  brother,  Mulai 
Hafid. — Franco-German  Agreement.  See 
Morocco:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908. — North  Sea  and  Baltic  Agree- 
ments. See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908.  — The  Situation  of  the  Catho- 
lic Church  since  the  Separation  of  Church 
and  State.  — A Church  Organization  impos- 
sible. — “To  question  whether  the  Catholics 
in  France,  who  have  alone  done  more  than  the 
Catholics  in  any  other  nation  for  foreign  missions 
and  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith,  will  succeed 
in  maintaining  the  Church  in  their  own  country 
by  private  contributions,  will  perhaps  arouse  as- 
tonishment. Nevertheless  it  may  be  questioned. 
We  do  not  doubt  the  generosity  of  our  people, 
but  that  which  does  give  us  concern  is  the  im- 
possibility of  organizing  any  revenue  which  can 
be  permanent.  . . . The  Church  would  be  able 
to  surmount  the  difficulty  if  she  had  endow- 
ments, revenues,  or  property,  as  in  other  coun- 
tries. But  that  of  course  demands  some  regular 
organization,  some  corporation  or  some  body 
recognized  by  the  laws  of  the  country  and  capa- 
ble of  acquiring,  possessing,  and  exercising  or- 
dinary property  rights.  We  cannot  state  too 
emphatically  that  such  an  organization  for  the 
Church  is  not  possible  to-day  in  France.  On  one 
side  the  only  body  authorized  by  the  law  to  look 
after  the  material  side  of  the  religious  interests 
is  the  association  cultuelle,  or  local  committee  of 
public  worship,  as  defined  and  regulated  by  the 
Law  of  Separation.  On  the  other  side,  this  asso- 
ciation cultuelle  has  been  declared  by  the  Pope  in- 
compatible with  the  hierarchical  constitution  of 
the  Church  of  Rome,  and  the  bishops,  the  priests, 
and  the  Catholic  laity,  in  obedience  to  their  Su- 
preme Head,  have  abstained  and  will  continue 
to  abstain  from  forming  any  such  organization. 
Not  only,  then,  have  there  been  no  Catholic  as- 
sociations cultuelles  to  receive  from  the  state  the 
portion  of  the  former  religious  property  (the  half 
perhaps)  which  we  might  have  kept;  but  there 
will  be  none  in  the  future  to  receive  a gift  of  any 
kind.  In  the  eyes  of  the  law  there  is  no  diocese, 
no  parish,  no  corporation  representing  diocese  or 
parish.  The  bishop  and  the  pastor  are  only  in- 
dividual citizens,  Messrs.  So-and-So.  They  can- 
not hold  property  except  as  individuals,  and 
what  they  might  receive  for  religious  purposes 
cannot  be  handed  down  to  their  successors,  — it 
must  revert  only  to  their  legal  heirs.  In  brief, 
no  permanent  body  whatever  can  provide  for  the 
maintenance  of  public  worship. 

“This  is  the  situation  with  its  almost  insur- 
mountable difficulties.  In  all  probability  it  will 
be  a long  time  before  we  escape  from  it.”  — 
Felix  Klein,  The  Present  Difficulties  of  the  Church 
in  France  ( Fortnightly  Review , April,  1908). 


A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  England, 
Denmark,  Germany,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Sweden,  for  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo 
on  the  North  Sea.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe: 
A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (June). — Treaty  with  Japan, 
adjusting  interests  of  each  country  in  the 
East.  See  Japan:  A.  D.  1907  (June). 

A.  D.  1908  (June).  — Purchase  of  the  West- 
ern Railway.  See  Railways  : France. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Operations  in  and  around 
Morocco.  — French  Mauritanie.  — Pushing 
French  lines  toward  the  West.  See  Mo- 
rocco : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Attitude  on  the  question 
of  the  Austrian  Annexation  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908-1909 
(Oct. -March). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Socialism  and  the  Socialist 
Parties. —The  classes  appealed  to.  — The 
leaders  and  the  followers.  See  Socialism  : 
France. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A late  awakening  to  the 
need  of  better  Technical  and  Industrial 
Training.  See  Education:  France:  A.  D. 
1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Cooperative  Organization  in 
Agriculture.  See  Labor  Remuneration:  Co- 
operative Organization. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Elections  to  one-third 
of  the  French  Senate.  — Success  of  the 
Socialist-Radicals.  — Endorsement  of  the 
Clemenceau  Ministry.  — Elections  to  the  one- 
third  of  the  French  Senate  which  goes  out  every 
third  year  were  held  on  Sunday,  the  3d  of  Janu- 
ary, and  resulted  heavily  in  favor  of  the  party 
which  calls  itself  Socialist-Radical,  holding  a 
middle  ground  between  the  extreme  Socialists  and 
the  Moderate  Republicans.  M.  Clemenceau,  the 
Premier,  is  of  this  party,  and  his  administration 
had  given  it  great  strength.  He  was  one  of  the 
Senators  whose  term  had  expired,  and  his  consti- 
tuents of  the  Var  re-elected  him  by  a majority  of 
390,  46  more  than  they  had  formerly  given  him. 
Of  the  103  Senators  chosen  at  this  election  the 
Socialist-Radicals  and  Radicals  (who  work  to- 
gether) won  60,  giving  them  secure  control  of 
the  Senate,  where  the  Moderate  Republicans  had 
been  holding  the  balance  of  power.  The  latter 
lost  eighteen  seats,  while  the  Conservatives  or 
Reactionists  of  the  Right  added  1 to  the  4 they 
had  previously  held.  The  strength  in  France 
of  a politically  and  practically  restrained  sym- 
pathy with  the  economic  ideas  of  Socialism  was 
proved  signally  in  this  election. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Amended  Convention 
with  Great  Britain  concerning  Commercial 
Relations  with  Canada.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Canada:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (March). — Appointment  of  Abb6 
Loisytothe  Professorship  of  the  History  of 
Religions  in  the  College  of  France. — Early  in 
March,  1909,  the  Abbe  Loisy,  most  conspicuous 
of  the  “Modernists”  who  had  been  condemned 
and  denounced  by  the  Pope,  was  appointed  by 
the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  to  be  Profes- 
sor of  the  History  of  Religions  in  the  College  de 
France,  filling  the  chair  vacated  by  the  death  of 
M.  Reville.  The  appointment  had  been  recom- 
mended by  the  authorities  of  the  College,  which 
is  reputed  to  be  an  institution  entirely  devoted  to 
“disinterested  scientific  research.”  Nevertheless, 
the  choice  was  looked  upon  at  once  as  being 


284 


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FRANCE,  1909 


prompted  by  a motive  of  offensive  antagonism  to 
the  Papacy.  The  Abbe  lias  had  distinction  for 
years  among  the  masters  of  the  higher  criticism, 
and  five  of  his  books  were  placed  on  the  “Index” 
by  the  church  in  1903.  The  propositions  charac- 
terized as  “Modernism”  and  condemned  by  the 
Pope  in  1907  were  largely  drawn  from  his  writ- 
ings. The  Abbe  replied  to  the  condemnation, 
and  was  excommunicated. 

A.  D.  1909  (March-May).  — Serious  strike 
of  Government  employes  in  the  T elegraph  and 
Postal  Service. — Overcome  by  the  firmness 
of  the  Government.  — Disciplinary  proceed- 
ings.— Court  decision  against  Trade  Unions 
among  employes  of  the  State.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization:  France:  A.  D.  1909 
(March-May). 

A.  D.  1909  (March-June).  — Report  of  Par- 
liamentary Commission  on  the  Naval  Admin- 
istration.— Alarming  conditions.  See  War, 
The  Preparations  for  : Navai,. : 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Reported  reanima- 
tion of  Clerical  Anti-Republicanism.  — “I 
learn  on  excellent  authority,”  said  an  English 
correspondent  of  the  Press,  writing  from  Paris 
in  April,  “that  the  leaders  of  anti-clericalism  in 
the  French  political  world  are  becoming  some- 
what concerned  as  to  the  rapid  recrudescence  of 
the  political  religious  orders,  which,  although 
suppressed,  are  somehow  managing  to  reestablish 
themselves  in  France.  As  was  recently  pointed 
out  by  M.  Andre  Mater,  in  a volume,  ‘ La  Poli- 
tique Religieuse  de  la  Republique  Fran^aise,’ 
published  under  the  auspices  of  the  ‘ Committee 
for  the  defence  abroad  of  the  religious  policy  of 
France,’  the  French  monks,  and  not  the  French 
Bishops  and  priests,  were  almost  entirely  respon- 
sible for  the  Vatican’s  refusal  to  accept  the  three 
Separation  Laws  which  M.  Briand,  the  then 
Minister  of  Public  Worship,  framed  in  a concil- 
iatory spirit  towards  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
and  often  with  the  assistance  of  the  French 
Bishops  themselves.  The  French  Government 
will  certainly  not  allow  the  religious  orders  to 
revive  the  old  campaign  of  anti-Republicanism, 
which  has,  in  the  opinion  of  many  French  Roman 
Catholics,  done  so  much  to  compromise  the  in- 
terests of  Roman  Catholicism  in  this  country.” 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Earthquake  on  the 
Mediterranean  coast.  See  Earthquakes  : 
France. 

A.  D.  1909  (June-July).  — Revised  Naval 
Programme.  — Changes  in  the  Department  of 
the  Marine.  See  War,  The  Preparations 
for:  Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (July).  Discussion  of  the  Navy 
Report  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. — M. 
Clemenceau’s  outbreak  of  passion.  — His 
flings  at  M.  Delcasse  resented  by  the 
Chamber.  — He  is  driven  from  office  by  its 
vote. —His  Successor,  M.  Briand,  and  the 
New  Cabinet.  — A Socialist  Statesman  at 
the  head  of  the  Government.  — When  the  re- 
port of  the  Parliamentary  Commission  on  the 
Navy  and  the  Naval  Administration  (see  War, 
The  Preparations  for:  Naval)  came  up  for 
discussion  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  July, 
it  brought  about  the  overthrow  of  Prime  Minis- 
ter Clemenceau  and  his  Cabinet  in  a singular 
way.  The  report  itself  had  not  been  seriously 
threatening  to  the  stability  of  the  Ministry.  Re- 
sponsibility for  the  weaknesses  found  in  the 
Naval  administration  belonged  evidently,  in 


large  measure,  to  the  predecessors  of  M.  Clemen- 
ceau and  his  colleagues,  and  they  were  united  in 
maintaining  that  M.  Picard,  who  held  the  Marine 
portfolio,  had  done  all  that  could  be  done  since 
he  came  to  office  towards  reforming  his  depart- 
ment. M.  Picard  himself  spoke  with  an  aggres- 
sive boldness  of  self- justification  in  the  debate. 
His  speech,  made  on  the  20th  of  July,  called  out 
M.  Delcasse,  president  of  the  investigating  Com- 
mission, who  mounted  the  tribune  and  delivered 
an  attack  on  the  Government,  fierce  with  the 
animosities  of  a long  antagonism  between  M. 
Clemenceau  and  himself.  This  angered  the 
Premier  to  a degree,  apparently,  which  over- 
powered his  usually  clear  judgment,  and  he  re- 
torted in  a speech  which  taunted  M.  Delcasse 
with  references  to  that  Morocco  affair  in  which 
he  and  France  were  subjected  to  mortifications 
at  the  hands  of  Germany  (see,  in  this  volume, 
Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906).  It  is  a matter  on 
which  sore  feeling  exists  naturally  in  France, 
and  concerning  which  the  sympathy  of  the  na- 
tion is  with  M.  Delcasse.  Hence  the  Chamber 
resented  Clemenceau’s  allusions  to  it,  and  Del- 
casse was  cheered  when  he  made  a passionate 
but  dignified  reply.  The  Premier  would  have 
needed  to  be  blind  if  he  did  not  see  that  his  own 
party  was  against  him  in  the  tone  he  had  given 
to  the  controversy;  and  yet  he  proceeded  to  a 
repetition  of  the  taunt  he  had  flung  at  his  oppo- 
nent before.  What  followed  was  thus  described 
to  the  readers  of  the  London  Times  the  next 
morning,  by  its  Paris  correspondent : 

“M.  Clemenceau  rose  in  face  of  a hostile 
Chamber,  which  had  been  profoundly  impressed 
by  M.  Delcasse,  although  on  entering  the  Palais 
Bourbon  before  the  debate  this  afternoon  not  a 
single  member  of  the  House  had  contemplated 
the  possibility  of  a division  which  would  entail 
the  fall  of  the  Ministry  and  expose  all  parties  to 
the  necessity  of  readjustments  of  electoral  ar- 
rangements under  a new  and  untried  Cabinet 
within  less  than  a year  of  the  general  election. 
M.  Clemenceau  said : — 

“ ‘ M.  Delcasse  has  taken  a great  deal  of  trou- 
ble not  to  reply  to  the  only  question  which  I put 
to  him  — namely,  you  were  Minister  and  you 
followed  a policy  which  was  bound  to  carry  us 
to  one  of  the  greatest  humiliations.’ 

“It  seemed,  as  one  gazed  down  upon  the 
House,  that  the  entire  Chamber  leapt  as  one  man 
in  indignant  repudiation  of  this  sentence,  which, 
moreover,  had  been  truncated  by  this  spontane- 
ous and  concerted  interruption.  When  the  noise 
of  the  slamming  desks  had  died  down,  M.  Cle- 
menceau was  heard  to  say  : 

“ ‘ Oh,  a truce  to  false  indignation,  I beg  of 
you.  You  led  us,  M.  Delcasse,  within  a hair’s 
breadth  of  war  and  you  did  nothing  to  prepare 
for  any  such  policy  by  taking  military  precau- 
tions. Everybody  is  aware  that  the  Ministers 
of  War  and  of  Marine  were  questioned,  and  that 
they  declared  that  we  were  not  ready.  (Loud 
protests.)  I have  not  humiliated  France,  M. 
Delcasse  humiliated  her.’ 

“As  M.  Clemenceau  returned  to  his  place, 
there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  temper  of  the 
House.  A division  was  immediately  announced 
on  an  order  of  the  day  of  confidence,  proposed 
by  M.  Jourde  and  accepted  by  the  Govern- 
ment. 

“The  vote  took  place  on  priority  in  favour  of 
this  order  of  the  day  amid  the  liveliest  agitation. 


285 


FRANCE,  1909 


FRANCE,  1909 


By  212  votes  to  176  priority  was  rejected.  As 
soon  as  the  President  had  read  out  the  figures, 
M.  Clemenceau  and  the  Ministers  rose,  and 
leaving  the  Government  Bench  filed  out  into  the 
lobbies.  Loud  cheers  from  the  Right  and  the 
Extreme  Left  followed  them  to  the  door.  It 
was  the  fall  of  the  Ministry  which  has  enjoyed 
the  longest  lease  of  life  of  any  under  the  Third 
Republic. 

“ After  holding  a consultation  at  the  Palais 
Bourbon,  the  Prime  Minister  and  his  colleagues 
immediately  proceeded  to  the  Elysee  in  order 
formally  to  tender  their  resignation.  President 
Falli&res,  who  was  at  dinner  and  who  had  not 
heard  the  result  of  the  vote  in  the  Chamber, 
was  taken  by  surprise  and  expressed  regret  at 
the  departure  of  M.  Clemenceau,  with  whom  he 
had  collaborated  so  long.  The  short  interview, 
which  lasted  only  ten  minutes,  concluded  with 
a formal  request  on  the  part  of  the  President 
that  M.  Clemenceau  and  his  colleagues  would 
continue  to  discharge  the  duties  of  their  re- 
spective Departments  until  the  appointment  of 
their  successors.” 

Though  his  colleagues  went  out  of  office  with 
him,  it  was  M.  Clemenceau,  alone,  who  could  be 
said  to  have  “fallen.”  Even  that  characteriza- 
tion of  the  occurrence  was  criticised  by  one  of 
his  opponents,  who  said:  “M.  Clemenceau  did 
not  fall;  he  plunged  out  of  office.”  “The 
Chamber  had  no  intention  of  upsetting  the  Gov- 
ernment,” said  one  of  the  Republican  journals 
of  Paris,  “and  an  hour  earlier,  in  fact,  had 
loudly  cheered  the  Minister  of  Marine,  M. 
Picard.”-  In  these  circumstances  it  was  certain 
that  the  change  of  Ministry  would  make  little 
change  in  the  character  or  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment. It  did,  in  fact,  make  no  extensive  change 
in  even  the  personnel  of  the  Ministry ; for  six 
members  of  the  Cabinet  of  M.  Clemenceau  reap- 
peared in  its  successor,  and  these  included  the 
new  Premier,  M.  Aristide  Briand. 

The  choice  of  M.  Briand  for  leadership  in 
the  Government  appears  to  have  been  made  by 
a common  consensus  of  opinion  that  he  was  the 
one  man  pointed  to  by  all  the  circumstances  of 
the  case.  As  Minister  of  Public  Worship  he 
had  shown  a temperateness  of  disposition  and 
a political  capacity,  in  steering  the  country 
through  the  stormy  achievement  of  the  separa- 
tion of  the  State  from  the  Church,  which  won 
high  admiration  and  esteem  both  at  home  and 
abroad.  He  had  been  known  as  distinctly  a 
Socialist,  according  to  the  full  meaning  of  the 
term  in  France,  and  had  come  into  public  life 
with  the  prejudices  raised  against  that  brand  of 
radicalism  to  contend  with.  But  he  had  given 
good  proof  that  he  could  be  practically  a states- 
man as  well  as  theoretically  a Socialist,  and 
France  appeared  to  be  fully  willing  to  see  the 
helm  of  Government  put  into  his  hands.  He  is 
the  first  fully  professed  Socialist  to  attain  that 
position  in  a great  State.  In  making  up  his 
Cabinet  he  called  into  it  two  others  of  his  own 
Socialist  sect,  namely,  M.  Millerand,  to  be  Min- 
ister of  Public  Works,  Posts,  and  Telegraphs, 
and  M.  Viviani  to  be  Minister  of  Labor,  as  he 
had  been  before.  For  himself  he  retained  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Worship,  and,  with  it,  the 
Ministry  of  the  Interior.  Of  other  important 
departments  of  the  Government,  that  of  Foreign 
Affairs  was  reassumed  by  M.  Pichon  and  that  of 
Public  Instruction  by  M.  Domergue.  General 


Brun  became  Minister  of  War  and  Admiral 
Boue  de  Lapeyrere,  Minister  of  Marine.  The 
Cabinet  appears  to  have  been  generally  recog- 
nized as  one  of  exceptional  strength. 

On  the  27th  of  July  the  new  Premier  spoke 
as  such  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  for  the  first 
time,  and  did  so,  it  was  manifest,  with  impres- 
sive effect.  “ If  I deemed  my  person  to  be  an 
element  of  discord  in  the  Republican  party,”  he 
said,  “I  should  ask  you  not  to  follow  me.  I 
could  not  suppose  that  serious  men  would  come 
to  ask  me  to  sort  out,  as  it  were,  from  my  old 
ideas  those  which  experience  has  confirmed 
within  me  and  those  which  it  has  made  me  dis- 
card. If  I had  been  base  enough  to  do  that,  my 
interpellators  would  be  right  if  they  refused  me 
their  confidence.  I come  before  you  just  as  I 
am,  a man  whom  you  all  know.  I have  been 
working  with  you  of  the  majority  for  the  last 
seven  years.  You  know  that  I am  not  afraid  of 
ideas,  and  that  my  way  of  thinking  is  daring. 
The  Republic  seems  to  me  to  be  the  germ  of 
all  progress,  but  I admit  only  such  ideas  as 
are  feasible.  Je  sitis  un  homme  de  realisation. 
Those  who  have  watched  me  know  that  full 
well.  If  there  be  among  you  any  who  are  still 
ignorant  of  these  facts,  let  them  vote  against 
me.  I have  as  yet  no  mandate  from  you.  To- 
night I may  have  one,  but  at  present  there  is 
still  time  for  you  to  refuse  to  invest  me  with 
one.” 

At  the  close  of  the  Premier’s  address  a motion 
of  confidence  was  made,  and  carried  by  306 
votes  against  46. 

A.  D.  1909  (July).—  French  Deputies  to  lose 
pay  when  not  in  attendance  at  the  Cham- 
ber. — Voting  by  proxy  is  permitted  in  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  this  encour- 
ages absenteeism.  To  correct  that  result  a re- 
markable rule  was  adopted  by  the  Chamber  at 
its  session  of  July  17.  “The  Socialist  Deputy 
for  the  Cher,  M.  Berton,  aided  by  the  Socialist 
Radical  M.  Dumont,  induced  the  House  to 
adopt,  by  441  votes  to  77,  a measure  in  virtue 
of  which  ‘ any  Deputy  who  shall  not  have  signed 
during  six  consecutive  sittings  a certificate  of 
attendance  shall  be  regarded  as  being  absent 
without  permission  ’ and  deprived  of  his  pay. 
M.  Pelletan,  ex-Minister  of  Marine,  who  is,  with 
men  like  M.  Brisson,  President  of  the  Chamber, 
the  type  of  the  old  Parliamentary  hand  of  the 
Republican  regime , protested  in  vain  against  a 
conception  of  Parliamentary  work  which,  as  he 
said,  humiliated  the  representatives  of  France 
to  the  position  of  schoolboys  who  have  to  be 
ruled  with  a rod  of  iron  lest  they  play  truant. 
M.  Brisson  himself  pointed  out  that  the  pro- 
posal of  the  Socialist  Deputies  was  seriously 
wanting  in  respect  for  the  national  sovereignty, 
and  he  reminded  his  colleagues  that  mere  at- 
tendance in  the  Chamber  was  by  no  means  the 
only,  nor  necessarily  the  most  effective,  way  of 
doing  one’s  duty  as  Deputy. 

A.  D.  1909  (July).  — The  Pensioning  of 
State  Railway  Employes.  — The  Pending 
Workman’s  Pension  Bill.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Poverty:  ItbProhlems:  France. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Abrogation  of  Com- 
mercial Agreements  with  the  United  States. 
See  Tariffs  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Clerical  attack  on  the 
Secular  or  Neutral  Schools.  See  Education: 
France:  A.  D.  1909. 


286 


FRANCE,  1909 


GAUTSCH 


A.  D.  1909  (Nov.).  — Contemplated  Reform 
in  Criminal  Court  Procedure.  See  Law  and 

its  Courts  : Franck. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Destructive  Floods  in  France, 
most  seriously  in  and  around  Paris. — Many 
parts  of  France  suffered  heavily  from  extraordi- 
nary floods  in  the  later  half  of  January  and  the 
early  days  of  February,  1910 ; but  Paris  had  the 
worst  of  the  calamity  to  bear.  In  its  long  his- 
tory the  city  has  been  cruelly  dealt  with  many 
times  by  the  waters  of  the  Seine,  which  its  quays 
and  bridges  constrict  and  obstruct;  but  thfs  lat- 
est experience  proved  nearly  the  climax.  It 

FRANCO,  JOAO:  His  drastic  Government 
of  Portugal.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Portugal  : 
A.  D.  1906-1909. 

FREDERICK  VIII.:  Succession  to  the 
Crown  of  Denmark.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Den- 
mark : A.  D.  1906. 

FREE  CHURCH,  of  Scotland.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Scotland:  A.  D.  1904^1905. 

FREE  ZONE,  Mexican  : Its  abolition. — - 
An  account  of  the  Free  Zone  is  given  in  Vol- 
ume VI.  of  this  work,  under  the  caption,  Mex- 
ican Free  Zone.  It  went  out  of  existence  in 
1905.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mexico  : A.  D.  1904- 
1905. 


was  comparable,  at  least,  with  a historic  flood 
that  dates  back  to  1615.  Large  districts  were 
uninhabitable  for  days;  half  the  streets  and 
squares  of  the  city  were  under  water:  founda- 
tions of  many  of  the  grandest  buildings  were  be- 
ing sapped,  while  sewers,  subways,  and  pave- 
ments were  extensively  destroyed.  It  was  not 
until  the  beginning  of  February  that  any  subsi- 
dence of  the  waters  occurred,  and  far  into  the 
month  before  much  restoration  of  conditions 
could  be  taken  in  hand.  The  suffering  mean- 
time was  very  great  and  the  pecuniary  damage 
immense. 


FRIEDJUNG  CASE,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1908-1909  (Oct.-March). 

FRIARS’  LANDS,  Governmental  pur- 
chase of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine 
Islands  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

FRY,  Sir  Edward.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization:  England:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

FULLER,  Sir  Bampfylde,  Resignation 
of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

FULTON  CELEBRATION.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  New  York  State  : A.  D.  1909. 

FURNESS,  Sir  Christopher:  His  plan  of 
Profit-sharing  with  Workmen.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Remuneration:  Profit-sharing. 


G. 


GAELIC  LEAGUE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ire- 
land: A.  D.  1893-1907. 

GAGE,  Lyman  J.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States:  A.  D.  1905. 

GALSTER,  Vice-Admiral:  Argument  for 
Submarines  against  “Dreadnoughts.”  See 

(in  this  vol.)  War,  TnE  Revolt  against  : 
A.  D.  1907-1909. 

GALVESTON,  or  Des  Moines  Plan  of 
Municipal  Government.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government  : Galveston. 

GAMBLING:  Its  suppression  in  Siam. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Slam  : A.  D.  1905. 

Race-track : Legislation  for  its  Suppression 
in  the  State  of  New  York.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  State  : A.  D.  1908. 

Legislation  for  its  Suppression  in  Louisi- 
ana and  the  District  of  Columbia.  — In  June, 
1908,  Louisiana  followed  the  example  of  New 
York  in  passing  an  Act  for  the  suppression  of 
race-track  gambling.  There,  as  in  New  York, 
only  exactly  enough  votes  to  pass  the  bill  were 
secured  ; one  Senator  was  present  for  the  final 
vote  in  spite  of  illness  which  subjected  him  to 
the  most  serious  inconvenience,  and  one  Sena- 
tor had  to  be  sought  by  messenger  with  a motor- 
car and  brought  by  an  all-night  ride  ninety 
miles  through  the  Louisiana  marshes.  Within  a 
few  months  past  the  gamblers  of  the  race  track 
had  been  similarly  placed  under  the  ban  of  the 
law  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Its  Suppression  in  Japan.  — The  following 
was  reported  from  Tokio,  March  27,  1909:  “ A 
tremendous  effort  has  been  made  by  the  race- 
track element  in  Japan  to  induce  the  govern- 
ment to  retract  and  permit  betting  upon  the 
tracks,  but  Marquis  Katsura,  the  premier,  has 
stood  firm,  and,  for  another  year,  at  least,  the 
race  tracks  of  the  Empire  will  be  without  their 
favorite  Pari  Mutuel  or  any  other  form  of  bet- 
ting. This  means  in  Japan  practically  an  end 


of  horse-racing,  and  necessarily  a heavy  loss  to 
the  stockholders  in  the  various  race  tracks.  The 
development  of  racing  in  Japan  was  extremely 
rapid.  From  a single  course  established  at 
Yokohama  by  foreigners,  at  least  half  a dozen 
tracks  were  in  full  swing  when  gambling  was 
prohibited.  So  flagrant  were  the  cases  of  fraud 
and  so  numerous  the  examples  of  ruin  brought 
about  by  reckless  betting  that  the  government 
suddenly  put  its  foot  down  upon  the  whole 
thing.” 

Stock,  and  other  Speculative  Dealing. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : United 
States:  A.  D.  1909. 

GAPON,  Father  George.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1904^-1905. 

GARCIA,  Lugardo : Deposed  President  of 
Ecuador.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ecuador. 

GARFIELD,  HARRY  A.:  President  of 
Williams  College.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Educa- 
tion : United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

GARFIELD,  James  R.  : Commissioner  of 
Corporations  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

Investigation  of  the  “Beef  Trust,”  so- 
called.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  In- 
dustrial : United  States  : A.  D.  1903-1906. 

Investigation  of  the  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany, and  Report.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combi- 
nations, Industrial:  United  States  : A.  D. 
1904-1909. 

GASOLINE  ENGINE.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention. 

GATUN  DAM.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Panama 
Canal  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

GAUNA,  Juan:  Revolutionary  President 
of  Paraguay.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Paraguay: 
A.  D.  1904. 

GAUTSCH,  Baron.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Aus- 
tria-Hungary: A.  D.  1905-1906. 


287 


GAYNOR 


GERMANY,  1902 


GAYNOR,  William  J.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  Yohk  City:  A.  I).  1909. 

GEAY,  Bishop.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

GENERAL  EDUCATION  BOARD.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1902-1909. 

“GENERAL  SLOCUM,”  Burning  of  the. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D.  1904. 

GEORGE,  David  Lloyd.  See  Lloyd- 
George,  David. 

GEORGE  V.,  King  of  Great  Britain:  His 
accession  to  the  Throne.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England:  A.  D.  1910  (May). 

GEORGE  JUNIOR  REPUBLIC.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Children,  under  the  Law:  As  Of- 
fenders. 


GEORGEI  POBIEDONOSETS,  Mutiny 
on  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1905 
(Feb. -Nov.). 

GEORGIA:  A.  D.  1908.  — Abolition  of  the 
Convict  Lease  System.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Crime  and  Criminology. 

Suffrage  Amendment  to  the  Constitution. 
See  Elective  Franchise:  United  States. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Railroad  Strike.  See  Race 
Problems:  United  States  : A.  D.  1909. 

GEORGIAN  BAY  CANAL.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1909. 

GERMAN  EAST  AFRICA:  Its  parts 
suitable  for  European  Settlement.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Africa. 

GERMAN  SOUTHWEST  AFRICA.  See 

Africa:  German  Colonies. 


GERMANY. 


Industrial  Combinations,  called  Cartels. 
See  Combinations,  Industrial:  in  Germany. 

Matters  relating  to  the  Use  of  Alcoholic 
Liquors.  See  Alcohol  Problem. 

State  and  Municipal  Dealings  with  the 
Problems  of  Poverty  and  Unemployment. 
See  Poverty. 

A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of  Population 
compared  with  other  European  Countries. 

See  Europe  : A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1898-1904.  — Rise  of  Commercial 
Universities.  See  Education:  Germany: 
A.  D.  1898-1904. 

A.  D.  1900.  — Comparative  Statement  of 
the  Consumption  of  Alcoholic  Drink.  See 

Alcohol  Problem. 

A.  D.  1901  (Dec.).  — Claims  and  Complaints 
against  Venezuela  communicated  to  the 
United  States.  — The  Reply.  — Interpreta- 
tion of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  See  Venezuela 
A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Industrial  Crisis  and 
succeeding  Depression.  See  Finance  and 
Trade:  Germany. 

A.  D.  1902  (March-May). — Measures  for 
Germanizing  the  Polish  Provinces  of  Prus- 
sia. — For  many  years  past  the  Prussian  Gov- 
ernment had  been  exerting  itself  to  dilute  the 
Polish  population  of  its  Polish  provinces,  by 
settling  German  colonists  in  them  and  by  buy- 
ing land  from  Polish  owners.  It  now  assumed 
a more  aggressive  attitude  of  hostility  toward 
that  portion  of  its  subjects,  as  appeared  from 
the  temper  of  a speech  by  Count  Billow  in  the 
Prussian  legislature,  in  January  of  this  year,  on 
what  he  characterized  as  “ the  most  important 
concern  of  Prussian  politics  at  the  present  time.” 
German  property,  be  said  “ was  steadily  passing 
into  Polish  hands,”  and  “ Polish  lawyers,  Polish 
doctors,  Polish  contractors,  were  united  in  the 
attempt  to  thrust  the  German  element  into  the 
background.”  In  support  of  the  Count’s  position 
it  was  averred  by  others  in  the  debate  that  not 
only  was  Eastern  Prussia  being  made  Polish  by 
the  rise  of  a vigorous  Polish  middle  class,  but 
that  the  Poles  already  formed  10  per  cent  of  the 
whole  population  of  Prussia,  and  were  spread- 
ing in  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  holding  them- 
selves generally  apart  from  their  German  neigh- 
bors and  cultivating  a national  patriotism  of 
their  own. 


In  March  the  Prussian  Government  issued 
orders  forbidding  the  admission  of  immigrants 
from  Russian  Poland  into  Prussia  unless  they 
brought  not  less  than  400  marks  of  money  in 
hand.  Two  months  later  a bill  was  brought  for- 
ward appropriating  250,000,000  marks  for  the 
purchasing  of  land  in  the  Polish  provinces  and 
for  settling  German  colonists  upon  it.  In  connec- 
tion with  this  measure  it  was  reported  that,  since 
the  buying  of  land  for  these  purposes  began,  in 
Posen,  the  Poles  had  acquired  more  from  Ger- 
mans than  Germans  had  acquired  from  Poles,  to 
the  extent  of  76,611  acres.  Hence  more  money 
must  be  put  into  the  game  if  it  was  to  be  played 
with  effect.  The  money  was  voted,  though  oppo- 
sition to  the  policy  which  makes  enemies  of  the 
Poles,  instead  of  Germanizing  them  by  friendly 
treatment,  made  a show  of  much  strength. 

“It  was  in  1886  that  the  Iron  Chancellor  started 
the  fight  against  the  Poles  by  the  expulsion  of 
more  than  50,000  Polish  labourers,  natives  of 
Austria  and  Russia.  This  measure  not  only  hit 
the  poor  people  who  were  driven  away,  it  also 
and  principally  was  directed  against  the  Polish 
owners  of  large  landed  estates  in  the  Eastern 
provinces,  who  thereafter  experienced  great  dif- 
ficulty in  obtaining  the  necessary  number  of 
farm-hands.  This  artificial  scarcity  of  labour, 
together  with  the  great  decrease  in  price  of  ag- 
ricultural products  which  had  just  taken  place, 
entirely  ruined  many  owners  of  large  estates, 
and  there  were  therefore  a great  number  who 
wanted  to  sell.  Bismarck  then  appointed  a Com- 
mittee of  Colonisation  to  buy  Polish  estates  and 
parcel  them  out  to  German  peasant  farmers.  The 
necessary  funds  were  provided  for  by  a sum  of 
100,000,000  marks  (equal  to  £5,000,000)  which 
was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Committee. 

“ At  the  first  moment  the  Poles  were  para- 
lysed. What  were  they  to  do  to  ward  off  such  an 
attack  aimed  at  the  poorest  among  them  ? But 
they  kept  up  a good  heart  and  did  the  only 
reasonable  thing:  some  wealthy  Polish  noble 
men  furnished  a sum  of  3,000,000  marks  (equal 
to  £150,000)  whereby  to  fight  the  mighty  Prus- 
sian Government,  with  its  Committee  of  Coloni- 
sation and  well-nigh  inexhaustible  financial  re- 
sources. With  this  capital  of  3,000,000  marks 
a Polish  land  bank  was  started  for  the  purpose 
of  buying  estates  and  reselling  them  in  small 
holdings  to  Polish  colonists.  . . . 


288 


GERMANY,  1902 


GERMANY,  1903 


“ It  maybe  guessed  from  what  is  already  stated 
that  the  Poles  have  not  only  been  able  to  main- 
tain their  former  hold  on  the  laud,  but  actually 
as  peaceable  conquerors  are  marching  triumph- 
antly westwards.  This  is  also  the  case,  but  wre 
need  not  restrict  ourselves  to  a guess,  the  ‘ Statis- 
t inches  Jnhrbuch  fur  den  Preussischen  Slant ’ for 
1903  containing  ample  corroboration  of  it.  Ac- 
cording to  this  official  handbook  there  were  par- 
celled out  in  the  years  1896  to  1901,  in  the  Pro- 
vinces of  Posen  and  West  Prussia,  7,828  estates 
by  German  activity,  containing  617,200  hectares, 
and  9,079  estates  by  Polish  activity,  containing 
213,700  hectares.  Although  the  Germans  have 
parcelled  out  a very  considerably  larger  area, 
the  Poles  have  bought  and  parcelled  out  a far 
greater  number  of  properties.  The  advantage 
thus  obtained  is  put  into  an  even  stronger  light 
when  we  learn  that  during  the  same  period  by 
this  parcelling  out  there  have  been  created  only 
15,941  German  farms,  with  an  area  of  155,200 
hectares,  as  against  22,289  Polish  farms,  with 
an  area  of  95,800  hectares,  for  these  figures  show 
that  during  these  six  years  more  than  6,000  Pol- 
ish homes  have  been  established  over  and  above 
the  number  of  German  homes  planted  on  old 
Polish  soil.  Moreover  the  advantage  thus 
gained  by  the  Poles  has  been  increased  during 
the  last  two  years.”  — Erik  Givskov,  Germany 
and  her  Subjected  Races  {Contemporary  Review, 
June,  1905). 

A.  D.  1902.  — The  Imperial  Pension  Fund 
for  Veterans.  — A statement  of  the  condition 
of  the  imperial  pension  fund  for  the  veterans 
of  the  wars  of  1864,  1866,  and  1870  showed  that 
this  fund,  which  was  established  by  setting  apart 
$138,000,000  out  of  the  war  indemnity  paid  by 
France,  had  not  for  years  past  been  able  to  meet 
the  claims  made  upon  it  out  of  the  income  it 
produced.  Recourse  was  had  to  appropriations 
of  capital,  and  the  fund  would  consequently  be 
exhausted  in  course  of  time,  probably  not  earlier 
than  1908  and  not  later  than  1910.  All  the  ex- 
penses now  covered  by  the  fund  would  then 
have  to  be  incorporated  in  the  ordinary  esti- 
mates for  the  Empire.  The  Prussian  Minister  for 
War  had  estimated  that  about  600,000  veterans 
of  the  former  wars  were  still  surviving.  Al- 
lowing 10,000  for  those  who  had  died  since  this 
estimate  was  made,  and  allowing  both  for  the 

45.000  who  already  received  a pension  and  the 

12.000  who  depended  upon  the  special  fund  at 
the  disposition  of  the  Emperor,  there  remained 
over  half  a million  veterans  who  as  yet  received 
no  support  from  the  fund. 

A.  D.  1902.  — New  Tariff  Law  and  changed 
Commercial  Policy.  — Attitude  toward  the 
United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tariffs, 
Customs  : Germany. 

A.  D.  1902  (March-Sept.). — Discussion 
of  Alcoholic  Drinking.  See  Alcohol  Problem  : 
Germany. 

A.  D.  1902  (June).  — Renewal  of  the 
Triple  Alliance.  See  Triple  Alliance. 

A.  D.  1902  (Aug.).  Curtailment  of  visits 
to  their  native  country  of  Expatriated  Ger- 
mans.— Principles  asserted  by  the  United 
States.  See  Naturalization. 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Concessions  for  building 
the  Bagdad  Railway.  See  Railways  : Tur- 
key : A.  D.  1899-1909. 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  — Coercive  proceedings 
against  Venezuela  concerted  with  Great  Brit- 


ain and  Italy.  — Settlement  of  Claims  secured. 

— Reference  to  The  Hague.  — Recognition 
given  to  the  American  Monroe  Doctrine.  See 

Venezuela  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Elections  for  the  Reichstag. 

— Large  gains  by  the  Socialists. — Their 
disability  in  Prussia.  — Strong  combination 
supporting  the  Imperial  Government.  — Bru- 
tality in  the  Army.  — Prosecutions  for  Lese 
Majeste. — State  of  Colonies. — General  elec- 
tions for  the  Reichstag,  on  the  16th  of  June,  1903, 
took  notable  significance  from  the  fact  that  the 
representation  of  the  Social  Democrats  was  in- 
creased from  58  to  81,  and  that  these  figures  gave 
no  full  measure  of  their  actual  gain  in  strength, 
since  their  votes  in  the  election  rose  in  number 
from  2,107,000  in  1898  to  3,010,771.  Had  the 
distribution  of  seats  in  the  imperial  legislature 
been  fair  to  the  towns,  instead  of  favoriug  the 
agricultural  interests,  the  Socialists  would  have 
gained  more.  In  Berlin  they  won  every  seat  but 
one.  Nevertheless,  in  the  elections  for  the  lower 
house  of  the  Prussian  Landtag,  which  took  place 
in  November,  they  could  not  carry  a single  seat 
in  the  kingdom,  owing  to  the  ingenious  disfran- 
chisement of  the  common  people  which  the  Prus- 
sian constitution  accomplishes  by  its  classifica- 
tion of  votes.  Socialist  gains  in  the  Reichstag 
were  made  at  the  expense  of  the  Radicals,  from 
whom  it  drew  votes  which  expressed,  not  so  much 
conversion  to  Socialism  as  bitterness  of  opposition 
to  the  government.  Socialist  and  Radical  repre- 
sentatives together  numbered  only  111,  against 
224  in  the  combination  of  Conservatives,  Cleri- 
cals, and  National  Liberals,  which  gave  the  Min- 
istry a more  than  ample  support. 

“The  Social  Democrats  in  Germany  are  in- 
creasing in  power  at  once  steadily  and  rapidly  ; 
for,  as  Herr  Bebel  declares,  every  speech  the 
Emperor  makes  secures  for  them  thousands  of 
adherents,  adherents  of  whom  quite  a fair  per- 
centage now  belong  to  the  Intelligentia — are 
lawyers,  professors,  journalists,  artists,  etc.  Al- 
ready the  party  numbers  nearly  seven  million 
members;  it  owns  seventy-five  journals,  of 
which  some  thirty  are  issued  daily;  and  the  Ber- 
lin branch  alone  has  under  its  control  a revenue 
of  £20,000  a year.  At  the  General  Election  in 
1874,  their  candidates  received  351,671  votes;  in 
1884,  although  the  Exceptional  Laws  were  then 
in  force,  they  received  549,990  votes;  and  in 
1893,  1,786,738.  Thus,  already  at  that  time  they 
were  numerically  the  strongest  party  in  the  Em- 
pire, as  the  Ultramontanes  received  only  1,468,- 
000  votes;  and  the  Conservatives,  1,038,300.  At 
the  ’98  General  Election  no  fewer  than  2,120,000 
votes  were  recorded  for  the  Socialists;  and,  at 
the  last  Election,  that  held  only  the  other  day, 
some  3,000,000.  Thanks  to  the  Emperor’s 
speeches,  thanks,  too,  to  the  new  Tariff,  Herr 
Bebel  and  his  friends  practically  swept  every- 
thing before  them  in  the  first  ballot,  and  cap- 
tured seats  everywhere  — five  out  of  the  six  in 
Berlin,  and,  what  is  much  more  notable,  eight- 
een out  of  the  twenty-three  seats  in  Saxony,  the 
most  ultra-Conservative  and  clerical  of  all  the 
States.  Were  every  constituency  of  equal  size 
in  Germany,  and  thus  every  vote  of  equal  value, 
the  Socialist  Party  would  already  to-day  be  the 
dominant  party  in  the  Reichstag.”  — Edith  Sel- 
lers, August  Bebel  {Fortnightly  Review,  July, 
1903). 

Throughout  the  year  1903  much  excitement  of 


289 


GERMANY,  1903 


GERMANY,  1906-1907 


feeling  was  caused  by  the  many  complaints  that 
were  brought  against  officers  of  the  army  for 
brutal  and  insolent  treatment  of  soldiers.  No 
less  than  180  convictions  are  said  to  have  been 
obtained  in  the  course  of  the  single  year,  for 
cruelty  in  the  use  of  the  power  which  military 
rank  confers.  Several  soldiers  were  found  to  have 
committed  suicide  to  escape  from  the  suffering 
and  humiliation  of  their  life  in  the  service.  An- 
other excitement  of  angry  discussion  came  often 
from  the  many  prosecutions  for  lese-majesM  that 
were  instituted  at  this  time.  In  both  matters, 
a potent  corrective  was  applied,  without  doubt, 
by  the  public  feeling  stirred  up. 

An  official  report  at  the  end  of  the  year  1903 
showed  the  total  number  of  Germans  in  the  Ger- 
man colonial  possessions  in  Africa  and  the  South 
Seas  was  only  5,125,  more  than  a fourth  of  the 
number  being  officials  or  in  the  military  force. 
Since  1884  Germany  had  expended  on  its  colo- 
nies about  $75,000,000. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Adoption  of  a new  Child 
Labor  Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Children,  un- 
der the  Law  : As  W oriiers. 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Opposition  to  Social- 
ism among  Workmen.  See  Socialism  : Ger- 
many. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Arrangement  of  Professorial 
Interchanges  between  German  and  American 
Universities.  See  Education  : International 
Interchanges. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Rivalry  with  England  in  the 
Persian  Gulf.  See  Persia:  A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904-1905. — Wars  with  Natives  in 
German  African  Colonies.  See  Africa  : A.  D. 
1904-1905,  and  1905. 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Startling  Increase  of 
Labor  Conflicts,  compared  with  previous  five 
years.  See  Labor  Organization:  Germany. 

A.  D.  1905.  — The  Emperor’s  Statement 
of  his  Peace  Policy  based  on  Preparation  for 
War.  See  War,  The  Preparations  for. 

A.  D.  1905.  - — Effect  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
War  on  the  Triple  Alliance.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Action  with  other  Powers  in 
forcing  Financial  Reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  Turkey  : A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1906. — Raising  the  Morocco 
Question.  — The  Kaiser’s  Speech  at  Tangier. 
— Demand  for  an  International  Conference.  — 
The  Conference  at  Algeciras.  See  Europe: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Spirit  of  the  Strug- 
gle between  Workmen  and  Capitalists.  See 

Labor  Organization  : Germany  : A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Extensions  of  Popular 
Rights  in  Wiirtemburg,  Baden,  Bavaria, 
Saxony,  Saxe  Weimar,  and  Oldenburg.  — A 
Comedy  of  Election  Reform  in  Prussia.  — See 
Elective  Franchise  : Germany  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906.  - — Enormous  Results  derived 
from  Technical  Education.  See  Education: 
Germany. 

A.  D.  1906.  — German  Settlements  in  Bra- 
zil. See  Brazil  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Popular  Demand  for 
better  Representation  in  Prussia  and  else- 
where. — School  “Strike”  in  Polish  Pro- 
vinces.— Dissatisfaction  with  Colonial  Pol- 
icy.— Refusal  in  the  Reichstag  of  Increased 
Appropriations.  — Dissolution  by  the  Em- 


peror.— Result  of  the  Elections.  — Popular 
Vote  heavily  against  the  Government.  — In- 
congruous Coalition  or  “ Bloc  ” secured  by 
the  Chancellor.  — The  democratic  demand  in 
Prussia  and  in  some  other  German  States,  for  a 
better  representation  in  the  legislatures  than  is 
afforded  by  their  odious  schemes  of  class  elec- 
tion, became  turbulent  in  the  early  part  of  1906, 
and  was  met  by  strong  military  preparations 
for  resistance  by  the  Government.  Notable 
demonstrations  of  popular  feeling  occurred  in 
several  cities,  but  with  proceedings  of  violence 
only  at  Hamburg.  Nothing  was  yielded  to 
the  demand  ; it  was  simply  defied. 

The  hard  Prussian  determination  to  crush  out 
Polish  sentiment  in  the  Prussian  provinces  of 
the  kingdom  was  relentlessly  pursued.  Polish 
children  in  the  schools  were  required  to  receive 
religious  instruction  in  the  German  language, 
and  punished  if  they  refused  to  answer  questions 
in  that  tongue.  This  provoked  a “ strike”  which 
took  over  100,000  pupils  out  of  the  schools.  In 
dealing  with  it,  the  Government  both  fined  and 
imprisoned  parents,  and  even  sent  children  to  a 
reformatory,  on  the  ground  that  their  parents 
were  incapable  of  giving  them  proper  care. 

The  affairs  of  the  German  colonies  in  Africa 
became  the  subject  of  most  heated  and  impor- 
tant discussion  in  the  Reichstag  during  the  last 
months  of  1906.  Both  in  German  Southwest 
Africa  and  in  German  East  Africa  the  obstinate 
revolts  of  native  tribes  were  unsubdued,  and 
the  wars  in  the  former  were  still  requiring 
nearly  15,000  troops.  The  total  German  losses 
in  Southwest  Africa  since  the  beginning  of  the 
outbreak  of  Hereros,  Hottentots,  and  Witbois, 
were  reported  to  have  been  1750  killed,  900 
wounded,  2000  disabled  by  disease.  Popular 
feeling  seemed  to  be  turning  very  strongly 
against  the  whole  colonial  policy  of  the  Empire. 
The  economic  promises  of  the  undertaking  were 
not  looked  upon  as  satisfactory.  Statistical  re- 
ports of  the  German  capital  invested  in  all 
German  colonies  excepting  Kiao-cliau,  in  China, 
showed  a total  of  370,000,000  marks  ($92,500,- 
000)  of  which  250,000,000  marks  were  classed 
as  remunerative,  100,000,000  as  “underdevel- 
opment,” 12,000,000  as  unremunerative,  and 
8,000,000  as  missionary  property.  The  capital 
value  of  the  total  productions  of  German  colo- 
nies was  estimated  at  616,000,000  marks  ($154,- 
000,000),  half  of  which  came  from  the  Kameruns 
and  Togo ; but  the  revenue  was  only  balancing 
the  cost  of  administration.  Ugly  stories,  more- 
over, of  barbarity  in  the  treatment  of  the  na- 
tives, of  official  misconduct  in  other  forms,  and 
of  private  monopolies  permitted,  were  told.  On 
the  whole,  the  colonial  situation  had  created  a 
temper  in  the  Reichstag  which  was  not  friendly 
to  the  demand  of  the  Government  for  increased 
appropriations  to  that  department  of  adminis- 
tration. Even  the  Centrum  or  Clerical  party, 
on  which  the  Ministry  counted  for  the  reinforc- 
ing of  the  Conservatives  of  “ the  Right,”  refused 
the  grant,  and  joined  the  Liberals,  the  Socialists, 
the  Polish  deputies,  and  other  discontented 
groups  in  voting  it  down.  As  soon  as  the  vote 
was  announced,  Chancellor  Billow  arose  and  read 
a decree  dissolving  the  House,  which  the  Em- 
peror had  signed,  in  expectation  of  the  defeat, 
that  morning,  December  13. 

It  is  a provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
German  Empire  that  “in  the  case  of  a dissolu- 


290 


GERMANY,  1906-1907 


GERMANY,  1900-1907 


tion  of  the  Reichstag,  new  elections  shall  take 
place  within  a period  of  sixty  days’’  (see  Con- 
stitution of  Germany  in  Volume  I.  of  this 
work).  The  elections  were  appointed  accordingly 
for  the  25th  of  January,  1907.  The  preparatory 
canvass,  compressed  within  six  weeks,  was  one 
of  extraordinary  vigor,  especially  on  the  side 
of  the  Government,  even  the  Emperor,  as  well 
as  the  Chancellor,  making  personal  appeals. 
The  efforts  of  the  latter  were  directed  especially 
against  the  party  of  the  Center,  from  its  past 
dependence  on  which  for  support  the  Govern- 
ment was  most  anxious  to  escape.  These  efforts 
were  so  little  effective,  however,  that  the  Cen- 
trists gained  two  seats  in  the  election,  carrying 
110.  The  heaviest  losers  were  the  Socialists, 
who,  though  they  gained  a quarter  of  a million 
of  electoral  votes,  yet  secured  36  fewer  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Reichstag  than  they  had  before, 
electing  only  43. 

Regarded  as  a plebiscite , the  election  went 
heavily  against  the  governnient.  That  is  to  say, 
if  the  elected  Reichstag  had  been  truly  repre- 
sentative of  the  popular  vote,  the  Government 
could  have  made  no  combination  of  parties  in  it 
that  would  have  given  it  support.  As  it  was, 
the  voters  were  so  unequally  represented  that 
Chancellor  Billow  was  able,  by  dexterous  com- 
promises, to  make  up  a precarious  coalition,  or 
“bloc,”  of  Conservatives  with  National  Liberals, 
and  even  Radicals,  against  Socialists,  Clericals 
or  Centrists,  Poles,  etc.,  which  carried  his  ad- 
ministration through  nearly  three  subsequent 
years. 

Somewhat  detailed,  the  election  resulted  as 
follows  : The  parties  which  gave  subsequent 
support  to  the  Government  for  a time  secured 
215  seats  in  the  Reichstag,  gaining  33,  thus  dis- 
tributed : Conservatives  108  (gain  13) ; National 
Liberals  56  (gain  5) ; Radicals  51  (gain  15). 

The  parties  in  opposition  won  182  seats,  — a 
net  loss  among  them  of  33,  — thus  : Center  110 
(gain  2)  ; Socialists  43  (loss  36)  ; Poles,  Alsa- 
tians, etc.  29  (gain  1). 

The  popular  vote  in  the  election  was  divided 
among  these  parties  as  follows  : 

In  the  parties  of  the  “ bloc”  — 

Conservatives  (including  Agrarians, 

Anti-Semites,  etc.) 2,235,000 

National  Liberals 1,655,000 

Radicals 1,226,000 

Total  for  Government  ....  5,116,000 

In  the  Opposition  — 

Socialists 3,259,000 

Center 2,262,000 

Poles,  etc 626,000 

Total  against  the  Government  . . 6,147,000 

To  show  what  the  Socialist  vote  really  indi- 
cated, the  following  statement  of  the  vote  cast 
and  the  seats  won  by  that  party  in  successive 
elections  of  the  past  twenty  years  is  interesting. 

Seats  that  equal 
apportionment 
would  have 


Vote. 

Seats  won. 

given. 

1887 

763,000 

11 

40 

1890 

1.427,000 

35 

80 

1893 

1,787.000 

44 

92 

1898 

2.107,000 

56 

108 

1903 

3,011,000 

79 

125 

1907 

3,259,000 

43 

116 

It  is  evident  that  the  surface-show  of  results 
in  the  election  cannot  be  taken  for  a true  indica- 
tion of  the  prevalent  state  of  mind  in  the  Empire. 
The  Centrists  or  Clericals,  for  example,  elected 
more  than  twice  as  many  deputies  as  the  Social- 
ists, by  nearly  1,000,000  votes  less.  The  Social- 
ists polled  about  250,000  votes  more  than  in  1903, 
and  yet  lost  36  seats.  The  inequity  in  the  ap- 
portionment of  representatives  which  produced 
this  travesty  of  representation  had  some  begin- 
ning, no  doubt,  in  the  organization  of  the  imperial 
system,  thirty-six  years  before  ; but  it  had  been 
aggravated  by  the  enormously  disproportionate 
growth  of  cities  ever  since.  That  one  constitu- 
ency in  Berlin,  with  a present  population  of 
nearly  700,000,  had  the  same  representation  as  a 
town  of  60,000  people,  is  doubtless  an  extreme 
instance  of  the  inequalities  that  had  come  about, 
but  the  distortion  was  universal,  and  altogether 
in  favor  of  the  country  landowning  class.  The 
Socialists  polled  some  250,000  more  votes  than 
in  1903,  and  this  was  reckoned  as  an  increase 
substantially  commensurate  with  the  general 
growth  of  population  in  four  years.  Hence  so- 
cialism may  be  said  to  have  neither  gained  nor 
lost  footing  in  the  empire;  but  hitherto  it  had 
been  showing  rapid  gains. 

‘‘The  Centrum  is  one  of  the  queerest,  most 
paradoxical  parties  to  be  found  in  any  coun- 
try. It  is  usually  called  ultramontane  by  its 
enemies  because  it  has  its  raison  d’etre  in  safe- 
guarding the  interests  of  the  Catholic  Church  ; 
yet  it  has  not  scrupled  at  times  to  disregard 
the  wishes  of  the  Vatican  in  respect  to  Ger- 
man internal  affairs ; and  the  Vatican,  on  its 
part,  carefully  avoids  identifying  its  interests 
with  those  of  the  Centrum,  since  it  is  sure  of 
getting  better  results  through  direct  diplomatic 
action  at  Berlin.  ‘ The  Centrum  is  an  incalcu- 
lable party,’  said  Prince  Billow  last  winter  in  a 
campaign  letter ; ‘ it  represents  aristocratic  and 
democratic,  reactionary  and  liberal,  ultramon- 
tane and  national  policies.’  The  party  lives 
upon  a reminiscence,  its  defeat  of  Bismarck  in 
the  Kulturkampf  [see,  in  Vol.  II.  of  this  work, 
Germany:  A.  D.  1873-1887] ; but  since  that  time 
it  has  been  without  any  sound  reason  for  its  ex- 
istence. . . . 

“The  government’s  attempt  to  break  the 
power  of  the  Centrum  had  already  been  tried  by 
Bismarck  in  1887  and  again  by  Caprivi  in  1893, 
and  it  had  failed.  Billow’s  step  was  accord- 
ingly a display  of  courage  which  the  coun- 
try had  not  been  accustomed  to  expect  from 
him.  His  breach  with  the  Centrum,  how- 
ever, proved  a most  popular  issue  with  the  non- 
Catholic  electorate ; a thrill  of  exultation  was 
its  first  response  to  the  dissolution,  and  this 
feeling  persisted  throughout  the  campaign. 
Many  of  the  most  intelligent  voters  had  hitherto 
stood  aloof  from  politics  owing  precisely  to  the 
predominance  of  the  Centrum;  but  they  now 
greeted  with  enthusiasm  the  opportunity  to  ex- 
tricate the  government  from  its  yoke.  Univer- 
sity professors,  artists,  and  literary  men  organ- 
ized an  ‘Action  Committee’  which  plied  these 
stay-at-home  Intellektuellen  with  campaign  liter- 
ature.”— W.  C.  Dreher,  The  Tear  in  Germany 
(. Atlantic  Monthly,  Dec.,  1907). 

As  stated  and  illustrated  above,  the  election 
gave  the  Government  no  majority  of  natural 
supporters.  For  the  carrying  of  its  measures  it 
was  left  dependent  on  a coalition  of  Liberal  with 


GERMANY,  1907 


GERMANY,  1907-1908 


Conservative  votes.  The  alliance  was  an  incon- 
gruous oue,  produced  by  nothing  but  a common 
opposition  to  Socialists  and  Clericals,  and  it 
brought  the  Liberals  into  an  utterly  false  posi- 
tion. Within  the  first  year  there  were  signs  of 
a Liberal  revolt  from  it  : whereupon  the  chan- 
cellor made  known  that  he  would  resign  if  the 
supporting  coalition  or  “bloc ’’was  not  main- 
tained. To  avoid  such  a governmental  crisis 
the  Liberals  were  said  to  have  given  promises  of 
continued  support. 

The  attitude  thus  assumed  by  the  German 
chancellor  toward  the  Reichstag  is  practically 
that  of  an  English  prime  minister  toward  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  it  creates  a precedent 
which  must  make  it  very  difficult,  if  not  impos- 
sible, for  imperial  ministers  to  recover  the  de- 
fiantly independent  posture  of  former  times. 
Without  verbal  amendment,  perhaps,  but  inci- 
dentally and  informally,  by  force  of  circum- 
stances, the  absolutist  features  of  the  German 
constitution  are  manifestly  dropping  away. 

A.  D.  1907. — Statistics  of  Population. — 
Birth  Rate  and  Death  Rate.  — “The  official 
report  upon  public  health  in  Prussia  for  the  year 
1907  has  just  been  published  [May,  1909],  and 
includes  the  latest  available  statistics  regarding 
the  movement  of  the  population  of  Germany. 
The  figures  confirm  the  view,  which  is  not  al- 
ways admitted,  that  a satisfactory  decrease  in 
the  death-rate  is  still  accompanied  by  a persist- 
ently unsatisfactory  decrease  in  the  birth-rate. 

“ Prussia  may  be  regarded,  roughly,  as  com- 
prising two-thirds  of  the  German  Empire.  The 
population  of  the  empire  on  December  1,  1905, 
was  60,641,278,  and  the  population  of  Prussia 
was  37,293,324.  On  January  1,  1907,  the  popu- 
lation of  Prussia  was  37,908,104.  During  the 
year  1907  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths  was 
578,687,  as  compared  with  595,942  in  1906,  514.- 
941  in  1905,  562,387  in  1904,  and  527,263  in  1903. 
Although  the  Prussian  figures  are  not  always  a 
sufficient  index,  it  may  be  estimated  that  the 
excess  of  births  over  deaths  in  the  whole  em- 
pire during  1907  did  not  exceed  900,000.  The 
comparatively  satisfactory  total  increase  of  pop- 
ulation is  due  to  a decline  in  the  death-rate  to 
17.96  per  1,000  of  the  population — the  lowest 
rate  ever  recorded.  In  Silesia,  in  Hohenzollern, 
and  in  both  West  and  East  Prussia  the  rate  ex- 
ceeds 20  per  1,000.  In  the  city  of  Berlin,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  rate  is  15.62,  and  in  Berlin 
(outside  the  city)  only  14.79.  For  the  most 
part  a high  death-rate  is  set  off  by  a high  birth- 
rate. In  Westphalia  and  the  Rhine  Province 
alone  is  a high  birth-rate  accompanied  by  a 
death-rate  below  the  average.  As  regards  ages 
at  which  death  occurred,  the  statistics  show  a 
considerable  decrease  in  infant  mortality,  al- 
though deaths  under  the  age  of  one  year  were 
31.14  per  cent.,  or  nearly  one-third,  of  the 
whole  number  of  deaths.  While  the  death-rate 
was  in  1907  the  lowest  ever  recorded  in  Prussia, 
the  birth-rate  was  the  most  unsatisfactory.  The 
total  number  of  births  was  less  by  10,621  in 
1907  than  in  1906,  and  was  actually  less  by 
1,058  than  in  the  year  1901.  The  birth-rate 
per  1,000  inhabitants  declined  to  33.23,  as  com- 
pared with  34.00  in  1906,  33.77  in  1905,  and 
35.04  in  1904.”  — Berlin  Correspondence  London 
Times,  May  27,  1909. 

The  same  correspondent  reported,  June  19, 
a further  publication  of  statistics,  which  prove 


the  Prussian  returns,  previously  given,  “to  have 
been  a fairly  accurate  index  to  the  movement 
of  population  in  the  whole  Empire.  There  is 
a marked  decline  in  the  birth-rate,  which  fell 
to  33.2  per  1,000  inhabitants,  as  compared  with 
34.08  in  1906.  The  death-rate  fell  to  18.98,  as 
compared  with  19.20  in  1906.  The  excess  of 
births  over  deaths  was  882,624,  as  compared 
with  910,275  in  1906.  The  excess,  however, 
of  births  over  deaths  (natural  increase  of  popu- 
lation) was  greater  in  1907  than  in  any  previous 
year  except  1906  and  1902  (902,243).  The  de- 
cline in  the  birth-rate,  which  stood  at  41.64  in 
1877,  38.33  in  1887,  and  37.17  in  1897,  as  com- 
pared with  33.2  in  1907,  as  now  attributable  to 
a falling  off  in  the  number  of  births  in  every 
part  of  the  Empire  except  Westphalia,  and  in 
Westphalia  the  number  of  births  is  not  quite 
keeping  pace  with  the  total  growth  of  popula- 
tion. The  decrease  in  the  number  of  births  in 
the  whole  Empire  in  1907  was  23,766,  or  1.1  per 
cent.  In  Saxony  the  decrease  was  3 per  cent., 
and  East  Prussia,  West  Prussia,  and  Pomerania 
show  about  the  same  percentage.  As  regards 
the  death-rate,  which  stood  at  28.05  in  1877, 25.62 
in  1887,  and  22.52  in  1897,  as  compared  with 
18.98  in  1907,  there  is  a steady  decline  in  the 
infant  mortality  rate  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire, 
but  especially  in  large  towns.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Rapid  Decrease  of  Agricul- 
tural Population. — “The  results  of  a census 
of  occupations,  taken  in  December  of  1907,  has 
just  been  published  and  shows  a remarkably 
rapid  shifting  of  the  population  of  Prussia  from 
agriculture  to  industry  and  trade.  The  number 
of  persons  engaged  in  industry  and  trade  was 
increased  by  1,500,000  from  1895  to  1907,  while 
the  number  engaged  in  agriculture  was  de- 
creased by  500,000.  This  means  that  the  non- 
farming population  rose  from  50  to  66  per  cent, 
in  twelve  years.”  — Press  Report  from  Berlin, 
Feb.,  1909. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Financial  Situation.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D.  1901- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.). — Treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  France,  Norway,  and  Russia,  guar- 
anteeing the  Integrity  of  Norway.  See 

Europe  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — The  Scandals  con- 
nected with  the  Trials  of  Editor  Harden. 

— Maximilian  Harden,  editor  of  the  Zukunft, 
made  attacks  on  the  character  of  Prince  Eulen- 
burg  and  Count  Kuno  von  Moltke,  in  1907, 
on  account  of  which  the  latter  brought  a libel 
suit  against  him.  “ The  charges  not  only  af- 
fected the  character  of  the  persons  accused,  but 
affirmed  that  they  had  constituted  a kind  of 
kitchen  cabinet,  or  ‘ Camarilla,’ and  had  again 
and  again  given  the  Emperor  misleading  informa- 
tion and  had  exerted  a very  unfortunate  influ- 
ence over  him.  The  case  aroused  intense  inter- 
est throughout  Germany,  and  indeed  throughout 
Europe ; and  in  spite  of  the  unspeakable  nature 
of  the  charges,  the  testimony  was  widely  re- 
printed, and  much  more  frankly,  it  may  be  said 
in  passing,  than  would  have  been  possible  for 
the  yellowest  journalism  in  this  country.  Har- 
den was  acquitted,  and  the  plaintiff  was  sen- 
tenced to  pay  the  cost  of  the  suit.  Taking  into 
account  the  exalted  political  position  of  the 
accused,  and  the  great  respect  in  which  the 
Imperial  court  is  held  in  Germany,  this  action 


292 


GERMANY,  1908 


GERMANY,  1908 


of  a German  judge  was  regarded  as  sustaining 
the  high  character  of  the  German  courts  for  in- 
dependence. A criminal  suit  was  then  brought 
by  the  public  prosecutor,  at  the  instigation  of 
Count  von  Moltke  and  his  associates,  on  the 
charge  that  Harden  bad  committed  an  offense 
against  public  morals.  On  this  trial  the  same 
witnesses  appeared  as  on  the  former  trial,  but  a 
great  change  had  taken  place  in  their  memory 
of  the  transactions  to  which  they  had  testified 
on  the  first  trial.  They  either  contradicted  or 
repudiated  their  former  statements  to  such  a 
degree  that  their  evidence  was  discredited  and 
Harden’s  defense  was  broken  down.  Harden 
was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  four  months’ 
imprisonment.  What  changed  the  attitude  of 
the  witnesses  is  a matter  of  guesswork.  It  has 
been  charged  that  their  change  of  front  was  due 
to  very  powerful  influences  brought  to  bear 
upon  them.” — The  Outlook , Jan.  18,  1908. 

An  appeal  was  taken  by  Harden  to  a higher 
court.  Official  investigations  which  followed 
the  trials  resulted  in  the  court-martialing  of 
Count  Lynar  and  General  Hohenau,  the  former 
of  whom  was  sentenced  to  fifteen  months’  im- 
prisonment, while  the  latter  was  acquitted.  In 
May,  1908,  Prince  Eulenburg  was  arrested  on 
charges  of  immorality,  but  appears  to  have  been 
so  shattered  in  health  that  he  could  not  be 
brought  to  trial.  Substantially,  Editor  Harden 
has  been  vindicated. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Opposition  to  the  “ Navy 
Fever.”  — Views  of  Herr  von  Holstein  and 
Admiral  Galster.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Maintenance  of  the  “ Bloc.” 
— Two  good  measures  of  legislation.  — Re- 
vision of  the  Bourse  Law  and  the  law  regu- 
lating meetings  and  association.  — More 
vigorous  Germanizing  of  Polish  Prussia.  — 
“Although  many  members  of  the  Bloc  thought 
its  enemies  justified  in  predicting  that  it  would 
speedily  break  down,  the  combination  did  hold 
together  during  the  past  session.  It  did  more ; 
it  passed  at  least  two  good  laws.  It  revised  the 
Bourse  Law  in  a manner  fairly  satisfactory  to 
the  financial  community,  so  that  swindling 
speculators  will  henceforth  find  it  less  easy  to 
get  the  sanction  of  the  courts  for  repudiating 
debts  incurred  in  stock  operations.  Another  law 
regulates  for  the  first  time  on  a national  basis 
the  right  of  assembly  and  association,  which  had 
hitherto  been  in  the  hands  of  the  individual 
states.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  is  an- 
other important  step  in  the  centralizing  tendency 
in  Germany.  . . . 

“ The  measure  foreshadowed  in  my  last  article 
for  the  forcible  acquisition  of  Polish  estates 
was  duly  laid  before  the  Diet.  The  discussion  of 
the  bill  brought  out  intense  antagonisms,  and 
the  line  of  cleavage  between  the  parties  was  not 
along  Bloc  lines.  The  Radicals  joined  with  the 
‘ Centrum  ’ in  opposing  the  dispossession  of  the 
Poles.  As  finally  passed,  the  bill  gives  the  Gov- 
ernment the  right  to  acquire,  under  the  law  of 
eminent  domain,  a maximum  of  174,000  acres 
in  the  provinces  of  Posen  and  West  Prussia,  and 
to  borrow  $65,000,000  for  this  purpose  and  for 
further  prosecuting  settlement  work.  The  final 
reading  of  the  bill  in  the  House  of  Lords  stirred 
that  usually  somnolent  body  to  a remarkable 
degree.  The  vote  there  showed  how  deeply,  and 
on  what  uncommon  lines,  this  radical  measure 


had  divided  the  minds  of  the  people.  While 
most  of  the  titled  lords  of  the  land,  including 
many  intimate  friends  of  the  Kaiser,  voted 
against  dispossession,  the  university  professors 
and  mayors  of  liberal  municipalities  voted  most- 
ly for  it.”  — W.  C.  Drelier,  The  Tear  in  Ger- 
many {Atlantic,  Jan.,  1909). 

In  his  advocacy  of  this  measure  Prince  Billow 
proclaimed  the  reasons  for  it  without  reserve. 

‘ ‘ Can  we,  ” he  asked , “do  without  the  two  Polish 
provinces,  one  of  which  begins  within  75  miles 
of  Berlin  ? That  is  the  crucial  point  of  the  sit- 
uation; there  is  no  doubt  about  it.  Our  eastern 
provinces  constitute  the  point  of  least  resist- 
ance in  the  public  body.  We  dare  not  wait  until 
the  grave  disease,  with  its  probable  irreparable 
consequences,  sets  in.”  An  English  view  of  the 
measure  is  presented  in  the  following: 

“ Prince  Billow  is  only  developing  the  policy 
of  Bismarck,  who  perceived,  as  Frederick  the 
Great  did  before  him,  that  the  possession  of 
Posen  was  vital  to  the  Prussian  State,  and  who 
held  that  the  surest  way  to  secure  that  province 
was  to  plant  German  settlers  on  Polish  land. 
The  strategical  importance  of  Posen  has  been 
a cardinal  article  in  the  political  and  military 
creed  of  all  Prussian  statesmen  and  soldiers  for 
generations.  Posen  is  of  far  more  importance 
to  Prussia  than  is  Ireland  to  Great  Britain,  and 
the  true  motives  which  have  induced  Prussian 
statesmen  to  make  the  agrarian  proposals  em- 
bodied in  Prince  Billow’s  Bill  are  to  be  found 
not  in  their  comparatively  trifling  difficulties 
with  Liberals,  Radicals,  and  Revolutionists  at 
home,  but  in  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Court  of 
Berlin.  . . . 

‘ ‘ That  portion  of  Poland  which  was  given  to 
Prussia  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  has  been  ad- 
ministered by  that  Power  in  accordance  with 
the  spirit  of  Frederick  the  Great.  The  object  of 
Frederick  was  to  develop  the  intellectual  and 
material  resources  of  his  Polish  possessions, 
making  them  an  integral  part  of  the  Prussian 
monarchy,  and  gradually  eliminating  all  recol- 
lections on  the  part  of  the  Poles  of  their  having 
once  been  an  independent  nation.  This  policy 
to  be  successful  should  be  carried  out  by  offi- 
cials with  intellects  as  clear,  if  not  as  powerful, 
as  that  possessed  by  Frederick  himself.  The 
Prussian  officials,  however,  who  have  adminis- 
tered Posen  since  1815,  have  not  always  risen  to 
the  height  of  their  mission.  Edward  Henry  v. 
Flottwell,  who  was  charged  with  the  govern- 
ment of  the  province  from  1830  to  1840,  alone 
understood  the  conditions  of  success.  He  knew 
that  in  politics  it  is  as  mischievous  as  it  is  futile 
to  endeavour  to  reconcile  the  irreconcilable. 
The  efforts  made  in  that  direction  after  1815 
strengthened  the  revolutionary  spirit  in  Posen. 
On  the  retirement  of  Flotjwell,  Frederick  Wil- 
liam IV.  tried  again  to  propitiate  Polish  national 
feeling,  with  the  result  that  the  irreconcilable 
forces  grew  in  strength,  and  in  March,  1848,  the 
Poles  were  the  driving-power  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary movement  in  Berlin.  . . . 

“ As  far  as  international  life  is  concerned  the 
true  significance  of  the  Polish  question  is  in  the 
relations  it  has  created  between  the  three  great 
Northern  Powers.  Those  between  Prussia  and 
Russia  have  in  consequence  become  extremely 
intimate.  At  the  present  moment  that  intimacy 
is  as  great,  if  not  greater,  than  at  any  previous 
time.  Besides  the  German  Ambassador  at  St. 


GERMANY,  1908 


GERMANY,  1908 


Petersburg  and  the  Russian  Ambassador  at  Ber- 
lin, there  is  a German  military  officer  at  St. 
Petersburg,  and  a Russian  militaiy  officer  at 
Berlin,  who  are  especially  charged  to  convey 
intimate  communications  between  the  Czar  and 
the  Kaiser.  In  spite  of  the  alliance  between 
Russia  and  France,  which  was  concluded  by  the 
former  Power,  mainly  for  financial  reasons,  and 
which  has  never  much  disturbed  the  equa- 
nimity of  Berlin,  it  is  quite  certain  that  in  no 
conceivable  circumstances  will  there  be  a real 
breach  between  Prussia  and  Russia.  The  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Kaiser  must  and  will  make 
every  possible  concession  to  Russia  rather  than 
provoke  a serious  breach.  This  is  the  true  in- 
wardness of  the  policy  as  regards  Poland.  As 
long  as  Posen  continues  Polish  Germany  will 
be  largely  dependent  on  Russia.”  — Rowland 
Blennerhassett,  The  Significance  of  the  Polish 
Question  ( Fortnightly  Review,  March,  1908). 

Dr.  Dillon,  who  reviews  European  politics 
regularly  for  the  Contemporary  Review,  says 
with  positiveness  that  the  Polish  expropriation 
bill  was  passed  “against  the  better  judgment 
of  press,  bar,  gentry,  political  parties  and  peo- 
ple.” He  cites  it  as  an  illustration  of  the  ab- 
solute domination  under  which  the  Prussian 
legislature  is  held,  and  maintains  that  national 
feeling  and  opinion  have,  practically,  no  influ- 
ence over  Prussian  policy  and  no  weight  in  the 
conduct  of  Prussian  affairs.  Concerning  mo- 
tives behind  the  Polish  expropriation,  this  well- 
informed  writer  reports  it  to  be  a prevalent 
belief  in  Austrian  and  other  political  circles  that 
the  bill  was  driven  through  as  a military  mea- 
sure, in  anticipation  of  some  future  hostile  alli- 
ance between  Russia  and  Great  Britain.  It 
seems  to  be  the  belief  that  the  Kaiser,  if  not  his 
ministers,  is  haunted  with  the  expectation  of  a 
war*to  be  fought  with  those  powers  in  combina- 
tion, and  is  determined  that,  if  a British  fleet  in 
the  Baltic  is  ever  cooperating  with  a Russian 
army,  there  shall  be  a population  of  patriotic 
Germans  instead  of  disaffected  Prussian  Poles 
between  them  and  Berlin. 

A.  D.  1908. — The  leading  motive  of  Ger- 
man Foreign  Policy  officially  stated.  — The 
Principle  of  the  “ Open  Door.”  — Colonial  Ex- 
pansion unnecessary.  — “Usually  it  has  been 
stated  that  Germany  has  an  annual  increase  of 
population  of  800,000,  that  these  new  masses 
must  be  supported  by  manufactories,  and  that 
the  German  Empire  will  thus  be  forced,  with  or 
against  its  will,  into  expansion,  in  order  to  pro- 
cure the  raw  material  and  to  establish  the  re- 
quisite markets  for  its  industrial  growth.  The 
annexation  of  Holland  and  Flemish  Belgium, 
containing  Antwerp,  is  described  as  a mere  pre- 
liminary necessary  to  make  possible  such  mea- 
sures of  expansion.  Germany  must  enlarge  its 
maritime  basis,  and  should  have  control  of  the 
Lower  Rhine  and  its  harbors.  To  the  alien, 
these  arguments  may  seem  plausible  enough. 
Whoever  is  acquainted  with  existing  conditions, 
however,  knows  that,  though  seemingly  plausi- 
ble, this  is  not  the  truth. 

“ In  the  first  place,  it  is  not  true  that  colonial 
expansion  is  a necessity  for  Germany,  resulting 
from  its  industrial  growth.  The  impetus  given 
to  German  commerce  and  German  manufactures 
is  to  be  ascribed  far  more  to  the  increase  in  the 
buying  capacity  of  other  nations  — England, 
France,  Russia  or  America — than  to  all  the  Ger- 


man colonies  combined.  Germany  needs  no  colo- 
nies ; what  she  wants  is  merely  free  competition 
on  all  seas,  the  open  door,  and  the  right  to  co- 
operate freely  on  an  equal  footing  with  all  other 
commercial  and  industrial  nations,  in  opening  up 
new  and  as  yet  unopened  districts  and  markets. 
Hence  the  principle  of  the  open  door  is  the  lead- 
ing motive  of  the  foreign  policy  pursued  by 
Germany.  It  is  the  red  thread  that  winds  itself 
through  the  Eastern-Asiatic,  the  Oriental  and 
the  Moroccan  policy  of  the  German  Empire. 
The  high  quality  of  all  German  products  obvi- 
ates the  necessity  of  unfair  preferences  accruing 
to  political  power.  All  they  need  is  a fair  chance 
to  compete  on  equal  terms  with  other  countries. 
The  world  is  large  enough,  and  rich  enough,  in 
still  dormant  possibilities,  to  admit  of  a pacific 
co-operation  by  all  nations  in  this  great  work.” 
— Baron  von  Speck-Sternburg,  Imperial  Ger- 
man Ambassador  to  the  U.  S.,  The  Truth  about 
German  Expansion  ( North  American  Review, 
March,  1908). 

A.  D.  1908.  — Amendment  to  Industrial 
Code.  — Hours  of  Labor.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Protection:  Hours  of  Labor. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Remarkable  Decrease  of  Em- 
igration. See  Immigration  and  Emigration: 
Germany. 

A.  D.  1908.  — North  Sea  and  Baltic  Agree- 
ments. See  Europe  : A.  D.  .1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Jan.).  — Institution  of  Juvenile 
Courts.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Children,  under 
the  Law  : As  Offenders. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Passage  of  Law  de- 
fining for  the  Empire  at  large  the  Rights  of 
Association  and  Public  Meeting.  — The  rights 
of  association  and  public  meeting  were  deter- 
mined for  the  Empire  at  large  by  an  enactment 
of  the  Reichstag,  for  the  first  time,  in  April,  1908. 
Hitherto  each  State  had  regulated  these  funda- 
mental matters  of  political  freedom  by  legisla- 
tion of  its  own,  some  with  considerable  latitude, 
and  others,  especially  in  the  North  German 
States,  with  a narrow  restraint,  subject,  in  an 
intolerable  degree,  to  the  discretion  or  will  of 
the  police.  The  national  law  now  brought  into 
force,  superseding  the  local  legislation,  enlarged 
greatly  the  liberty  of  citizens  to  associate  them- 
selves for  legitimate  purposes  and  to  hold  pub- 
lic meetings.  An  attempt  to  forbid  the  use  of 
any  foreign  language  at  public  meetings  was  de- 
feated ; but  public  speaking  in  other  languages 
was  sanctioned  only  in  districts  where  60  per 
cent,  of  the  population  use  the  foreign  tongue. 
This  does  not  apply,  however,  to  international 
congresses  in  Germany,  or  to  meetings  of  elec- 
tors for  the  election  of  legislative  representatives, 
Federal  or  State  ; and  the  States  have  some  priv- 
ilege of  modifying  the  rule. 

A.  D.  1908  (April). — Treaty  with  Den- 
mark, England,  France,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Sweden,  for  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo 
on  the  North  Sea.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe: 
A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Excitement  in  Europe 
over  a published  Interview  with  the  Em- 
peror. — What  may  fairly  be  called  a “ row  ” in 
the  European  world,  and  of  the  greatest  liveli- 
ness in  Germany  itself,  arose,  early  in  Novem- 
ber, 1908,  from  the  appearance  in  the  London 
Telegraph  of  a reported  interview  with  the  Em- 
peror by  “a  representative  Englishman  who 
long  siuce  passed”  it  was  said,  “from  public 


294 


GERMANY,  1908 


GERMANY,  1908-1909 


into  private  life.”  The  writer  characterized  it 
as  “ a calculated  indiscretion,”  which  was  ex- 
pected to  prove  of  great  public  service,  by  re- 
moving misconceptions  of  the  Emperor’s  feelings 
toward  the  English.  The  effect  produced  by 
the  publication  left  no  doubt  of  its  indiscretion, 
but  proved  likewise  that  it  had  been  very  badly 
miscalculated.  In  his  anxiety  to  convince  the 
English  of  his  friendliness  to  them  the  talkative 
Emperor  made  known  that  France  and  Russia, 
during  the  Boer  War,  had  invited  him  to  join 
them  in  a demand  on  England  to  stop  it,  and 
claimed  credit  for  having  prepared  for  the  Brit- 
ish army  in  that  war  a plan  of  campaign,  which 
could  be  found  at  Windsor  Castle,  and  which 
was  on  lines  that  Lord  Roberts  had  followed  in 
his  subsequent  operations  to  a large  extent. 

How  flattering  this  story  was  to  English  pride, 
and  how  pleasing  to  the  Governments  of  Russia 
and  France,  might  be  imagined  very  easily;  but 
it  would  not  have  been  so  easy  to  anticipate  the 
outbreak  of  anger  that  it  exploded  in  Germany. 
The  Empire  itself  was  surprised  by  that.  It  had 
been  submissive  to  so  many  “ indiscretions”  of 
speech  from  its  Kaiser  that  it  could  hardly  have 
expected  to  be  moved  excitedly  by  anything 
from  the  imperial  lips.  But,  with  the  indiscre- 
tion in  this  case,  there  seemed  to  be  a reckless 
interference  with  the  appointed  organs  provided 
for  dealing  with  foreign  affairs,  doing  mischief 
to  the  whole  system  of  governmental  adminis- 
tration. This  proved,  however,  to  be  less  the 
fact  than  appeared.  According  to  subsequent 
explanations,  the  Emperor  had  sent  the  manu- 
script of  the  interview  (which  embodied  the 
substance  of  a number  of  conversations  with 
several  Englishmen)  to  the  Chancellor,  Prince 
von  Bulow,  for  his  judgment  on  it,  and  the  lat- 
ter, not  recognizing  its  character,  had  not  read 
it,  but  passed  it  to  a subordinate,  wflio  simply 
verified  the  facts  stated  in  it  and  returned  it  to 
the  Emperor  as  approved. 

This  revelation  convicted  the  Chancellor  very 
clearly  of  a careless  performance  of  duty  in  his 
office,  and  laid  on  him  a large  share  of  respon- 
sibility for  the  mischievous  publication.  He 
offered  his  resignation  to  the  Emperor  and  it 
was  refused.  Constitutionally  he  was  respon- 
sible only  to  the  Emperor  ; the  Reichstag  could 
not  hold  him  to  account,  in  any  practical  way, 
nor  did  it  attempt  to  do  so ; but  there  was  such 
plain  speaking  in  the  Chamber  from  all  parties, 
Conservative,  Liberal,  and  Radical,  during  two 
days  of  debate,  November  11  and  12,  as  never 
had  been  heard  in  Germany  before.  Whatever 
the  language  of  the  Constitution  might  be,  it 
was  made  known  beyond  a question,  then  and 
in  a later  discussion,  that  Germany  expected 
the  crowned  head  of  its  Government  to  conduct 
himself  — in  the  words  of  one  speaker — as 
“ the  first  servant  of  the  State,”  preserving  his 
own  august  irresponsibility  only  by  acting  and 
speaking  in  public  matters,  through  ministers 
responsible  to  the  elected  representatives  of  the 
people.  “We  wish,”  said  Herr  Bassermann, 
leader  of  the  National  Liberals  “so  far  as  it  is 
possible,  for  trustworthy  guarantees  against  the 
intervention  of  the  personal  regime,”  and  before 
he  sat  down  he  declared  with  the  approval  of 
the  House;  “It  is  the  desire  of  my  friends  that 
the  Kaiser  should  be  thoroughly  informed  with 
regard  to  these  proceedings.  . . . Although 
fully  convinced  that  even  these  utterances  of 


our  Kaiser  sprang  from  his  deep  anxiety  for 
the  welfare  of  his  people,  we  must  give  expres- 
sion to  the  earnest  desire  that  the  Kaiser  will, 
in  his  political  activity,  impose  upon  himself 
the  reserve  proper  to  a Constitutional  ruler.” 

Dr.  Wiener,  for  the  Radicals,  corroborated  the 
previous  speaker  by  declaring  that  the  article  in 
question  had  tilled  the  entire  nation  with  embit- 
terment,  consternation,  and  rage,  because  it  was 
felt  that  “ confidence  in  our  trustworthiness  had 
been  shaken.  Everywhere  it  had  been  recognised 
that  Germany’s  prestige  had  received  a severe 
blow.”  The  trend  of  his  speech  was  to  show 
that  the  so-called  “interview”  had  been  inter- 
preted in  Germany  as  a crass  specimen  of  per- 
sonal regime  which  was  distasteful  to  the  nation 
in  its  entirety.  Constitutional  Government  was 
what  was  wanted  : the  Minister,  not  the  Sover- 
eign, should  be  responsible  to  the  people. 

Prince  Hatzfeld,  of  the  Imperial  party,  who 
stands  in  great  favor  with  the  Kaiser,  im- 
pressed upon  the  House  that  the  Chancellor  and 
not  the  wearer  of  the  crown  was  the  responsible 
personage  in  the  State.  Prince  von  Bulow,  speak- 
ing on  the  first  day  of  debate,  declared  that  grave 
injury  had  been  caused  by  the  publication  in  the 
Daily  Telegraph.  He  added  that  immediately 
on  reading  the  article  in  question,  as  to  the  dis- 
astrous consequences  of  which  he  could  not  for 
a moment  be  in  doubt,  he  sent  in  his  resignation, 
taking  upon  himself  full  responsibility  for  the 
mistakes  which  had  been  made  in  handling  the 
manuscript.  And  he  followed  this  up  with  the 
following  significant  statement:  “Gentlemen! 
recognition  that  the  publication  of  these  utter- 
ances has  not  in  England  had  the  effect  antici- 
pated by  his  Majesty  the  Emperor,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  Germany  has  called  forth  great 
excitement  and  painful  regret,  will  — this  firm 
conviction  I have  won  in  these  sad  days  — in- 
duce his  Majesty  the  Kaiser  in  future  to  impose 
upon  himself,  even  in  his  private  conversations, 
that  reserve  which  is  indispensable  to  a consist- 
ent policy  and  to  the  authority  of  the  Crown. 
If  that  were  not  so,  neither  I nor  any  of  my 
successors  could  accept  responsibility  for  it.” 

Proposals  of  amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
carrying  such  ministerial  responsibility  into  the 
fundamental  law,  were  advocated  without  suc- 
cess ; but  the  unwritten  constitution  which  pub- 
lic opinion  moulds  slowly  in  every  country  took 
a notable  shaping  from  these  debates. 

For  some  time  the  Emperor  was  very  silent, 
and  kept  himself  unusually  retired.  Having 
occasion  to  speak  publicly  at  Berlin  on  the  21st 
of  November,  when  the  centennial  of  the  for- 
mation of  the  City  Council  was  celebrated,  it 
was  reported  that  “Prince  von  Billow  stepped 
forward  and  impressively  handed  him  a printed 
sheet,”  from  which,  contrary  to  his  custom,  he 
read  his  remarks. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Attempted  Reform  of 
Imperial  Finance  and  its  Defeat.  — Breaking 
of  Chancellor  Billow’s  “ Bloc  ” in  the  Reichs- 
tag by  the  Government’s  project  of  New 
Taxes.  — Triumph  of  the  Agrarian  Inter- 
ests in  renewed  Coalition  with  the  Center. — 
Resignation  of  Chancellor  Billow.  — His  suc- 
cessor.—Expenditure  outrunning  income  from 
year  to  year  — thanks  mainly  to  the  burden  of 
army  and  navy  — with  deficits  made  good  by 
loans,  mortgaging  the  future  in  an  ever-grow- 
ing public  debt,  had  forced  the  Government,  in 


GERMANY,  1908-1909 


GERMANY,  1908-1909 


1908,  to  a resolution,  not  that  the  imperial  ex- 
penditure on  armament  must  be  cut  down,  but 
that  imperial  taxation  must  be  increased.  The 
Governments  of  the  Federated  States,  which  are 
directly  represented,  as  such,  in  the  Federal 
Council,  were  assenting  parties  to  this  conclu- 
sion, and  the  resulting  measure  was  regarded, 
in  all  the  proceedings  which  followed,  as  ema- 
nating essentially  from  that  senatorial  branch  of 
the  Parliament  of  the  Empire. 

Preparatory  to  the  undertaking,  a new  Min- 
ister of  Finance,  Herr  Reinhold  Sydow,  was 
brought  into  office,  and  early  in  November, 
1908,  he  submitted  to  the  Reichstag  a bill  pro- 
viding for  new  taxes  that  were  estimated  to  add 
500,000,000  marks  ($125,000,000)  yearly  to  the 
Treasury  of  the  Empire.  The  scheme  included 
an  extended  and  augmented  inheritance  tax, 
new  methods  of  deriving  revenue  from  spirits 
and  tobacco,  added  excise  duties  on  beer  and 
bottled  still  wines,  taxes  on  electricity,  gas,  ad- 
vertisements, etc.  The  bill  went  to  the  Finance 
Committtee  of  the  Reichstag  and  developed 
there,  during  the  next  five  months,  an  antag- 
onism of  class  interests,  and  consequently  of 
parties,  which  completely  shattered  the  “ bloc,” 
or  coalition,  which  Chancellor  Billow  had  con- 
trived to  organize  in  1906  for  the  support  of 
his  administration.  The  proposed  new  inher- 
itance tax  or  death  duty  was  especially  obnox- 
ious to  the  land-owning  classes,  — the  agrarian 
core  of  German  conservatism, — and  no  influ- 
ence from  the  Government  could  save  it  from 
being  stifled  in  their  hands.  Other  oppositions 
were  rallied  against  the  proposals  which  touched 
spirits,  tobacco,  electricity,  gas,  and  newspaper 
advertisements,  and  by  the  20th  of  March,  1909, 
it  was  known  that  the  Finance  Committee  had 
rejected  or  would  reject  all  but  about  one-fifth 
of  the  new  taxation  which  the  Government  and 
the  Federal  Council  claimed  from  it. 

A month  later  the  Government  signified  its 
abandonment  of  a present  expectation,  at  least, 
of  financial  reform,  by  inviting  subscriptions 
to  a fresh  loan.  The  budget  wrangle  in  Com- 
mittee went  on,  however,  until  the  13th  of  May, 
when  the  National-Liberals,  the  Radicals,  and 
the  Socialists  of  the  Committee  withdrew  from 
it,  the  Chairman,  Herr  Paasche,  a National- 
Liberal,  resigning,  refusing  to  take  any  further 
part  in  proceedings  which  they  wholly  disap- 
proved. This  left  the  Conservatives,  the  Center 
or  Clerical  party,  and  the  Poles,  who  seem  to 
have  practically  organized  an  opposition  “bloc,” 
which  proceeded  to  frame  a budget  on  entirely 
different  lines  from  that  which  the  Govern- 
ment desired,  one  of  its  contemplated  features 
being  a tax  on  purchases  and  sales  of  stocks. 
On  the  18th  of  May  the  Reichstag  was  ad- 
journed until  the  15th  of  June,  and  a month  of 
rest  from  the  controversy  was  enjoyed. 

When  the  Reichstag  reassembled  the  Gov- 
ernment laid  before  it  several  proposals  of 
taxes  to  be  substituted  for  those  which  the 
Committee  had  rejected.  Inheritance  taxation 
was  still  prominent  in  the  revised  scheme,  but 
considerably  modified  in  its  range  and  reduced 
in  productiveness.  With  it  went  an  extensive 
readjustment  of  stamp  duties,  applied  to  bonds, 
stock  certificates,  transfers  of  real  estate,  bills 
and  checks  and  a tax  on  policies  of  fire  insur- 
ance. This  revised  budget  of  additions  to  the 
Imperial  revenue  was  estimated  to  yield  about 


$35,000,000.  It  fared  no  better  than  the  origi- 
nal proposals  of  the  Government.  A week  after 
its  introduction  the  Reichstag  adopted  the  tax 
on  securities  (called  the  Cotierungssteuer)  which 
the  Government  disapproved,  and  on  the  24th 
of  June  it  rejected  the  new  inheritance  tax  bill, 
by  194  votes  to  186,  the  minority  being  com- 
posed of  National-Liberals,  Radicals  and  Social- 
ists, with  a few  from  the  Conservative  side.  On 
the  next  day,  rumors  of  the  intended  resigna- 
tion of  Prince  Billow  were  checked  by  the  publi- 
cation of  the  following  semi-official  statement : 
“Prince  von  Billow  will  remain  as  chancellor 
of  the  empire.  The  Reichstag  will  not  be  dis- 
solved. The  chancellor  holds  that  his  duty  is  to 
be  in  accord  with  the  conviction  of  the  Federal 
Council  of  the  necessity  to  bring  about  the 
passage  of  a taxation  measure,  but  with  the  ex- 
clusion therefrom  of  duties  on  stock  transfers, 
the  output  of  the  grain  mills,  and  the  exports  of 
coal.  Financial  reform  must  now  come  into  op- 
eration. What  the  chancellor  will  do  after  this 
has  been  accomplished  is  his  personal  affair.” 
Nevertheless,  it  was  made  known  on  the  27th 
that  the  Chancellor  had  offered  his  resignation 
to  the  Emperor,  who  had  declined  to  accept  it, 
pointing  out  “that  in  the  unanimous  conviction 
of  the  Federal  Governments  the  early  achieve- 
ment of  finance  reform  is  a vital  question  for 
the  internal  welfare  of  the  Empire,  as  well  as 
for  its  position  in  relation  to  foreign  countries. 
In  the  circumstances  he  could  not  take  into 
closer  consideration  the  fulfilment  of  Prince  Bil- 
low’s wish  to  be  relieved  of  his  offices  until  the 
labours  for  the  reform  of  the  Imperial  finances 
should  have  produced  a result  of  a positive  kind 
which  the  Federal  Governments  could  accept.” 
To  this  statement  there  was  added,  semi-offi- 
cially,  next  day,  the  following:  “Subject  to 
the  rejection  of  those  taxation  proposals  which 
would  be  injurious  to  the  general  interest,  and 
therefore  impossible  of  acceptance  by  the  Fed- 
eral Governments,  the  Imperial  Chancellor  was 
unwilling  not  to  comply  with  the  Emperor’s 
desire.  Nevertheless,  having  regard  to  the  po- 
litical development  which  was  manifested  by  the 
division  on  the  inheritance  tax,  he  is  irrevocably 
resolved  to  retire  from  office  immediately  after 
the  accomplishment  of  finance  reform.” 

Then  followed  negotiations  with  the  Conser- 
vative-Clerical majority  now  fully  in  control  of 
the  Reichstag,  the  Government  yielding  step  by 
step,  and  the  Federal  Council  coming  openly 
into  the  management  of  the  negotiations,  the 
Chancellor  falling  into  the  background,  and 
■waiting  only  for  permission  to  lay  his  office 
down.  In  the  resulting  budget  of  new  taxes 
there  was  very  little  saved  of  the  “financial  re- 
form ” which  the  Federal  Council  and  the  Chan- 
cellor had  undertaken  to  introduce.  On  most 
points  the  land-owners  had  their  way.  The 
character  and  effect  of  the  legislation  accom- 
plished in  the  early  days  of  July  were  described 
thus  by  a Berlin  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  who  wrote  on  the  11th  of  the 
month:  “The  leitmotif  of  the  bill  is  that  pro- 
perty shall  be  protected  and  industry  shall 
pay.  Even  on  the  reckoning  of  the  new  ma- 
jority the  ratio  between  indirect  and  direct  tax- 
ation in  the  scheme  is  as  14  to  34,  but  in  reality 
property  comes  off  far  better.  . . . The  large 
land-owners  will  not  be  hit  at  all.  The  only 
tax  that  could  touch  them  to  any  appreciable 


296 


GERMANY,  1908-1009 


GERMANY,  1909 


extent  is  the  stamp  duty  on  transfers  of  real  es- 
tate. But  the  remedy  lies  in  their  hands ; they 
need  not  sell,  and,  in  any  event,  of  the  $10,000,- 
000  at  which  the  returns  are  estimated  only 
$1,250,000  at  most  falls  on  landed  property. 
If  the  spirits  bounty  to  be  paid  by  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  spirit  distilleries  (which  are  in  agra- 
rian hands)  is  set  against  this  sum,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  agrarians  do  not  only  not  suffer, 
but  net  a profit  of  some  ten  millions  of  dollars. 
Most  of  all  it  is  the  consuming  classes  that  are 
the  victims  of  the  new  majority's  taxation  pro- 
posals. Every  cup  of  coffee,  the  staple  nour- 
ishment of  the  German  workingman’s  family, 
every  cup  of  tea,  every  glass  of  beer  and 
schnapps,  the  staple  refreshment  of  the  Ger- 
man workingman,  will  cost  more,  the  total  sum 
to  be  derived  from  these  sources  reaching 
$54,250,000,  which,  with  the  duty  on  the  poor 
man’s  cigar,  amounts  to  over  $60,000,000.  Add- 
ing to  this  30  per  cent,  for  the  increase  in  the 
middleman’s  prices,  the  total  burden  of  the  con- 
suming classes  reaches  over  $80,000,000,  or  an 
increase  of  $7.50  on  the  workingman’s  house- 
hold expenses  a year.” 

On  the  13th  of  July  the  session  of  the  Reichs- 
tag was  closed  by  Imperial  decree.  On  the  14th 
the  following  announcement  appeared  in  the 
Imperial  Gazette:  “His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
and  King  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  accede 
to  the  request  of  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  the 
President  of  the  Ministry,  and  Minister  for  For- 
eign Affairs,  Prince  Billow,  to  be  relieved  of 
his  offices,  and  has  conferred  upon  him  the 
High  Order  of  the  Black  Eagle  with  brilliants. 
His  Majesty  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  ap- 
point Dr.  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Interior,  Minister  of  State,  to  be 
Imperial  Chancellor,  President  of  the  Ministry, 
and  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.”  Herr  Sydow 
now  resigned  from  the  secretaryship  of  the  Im- 
perial Treasury,  and  was  made  Prussian  Minis- 
ter of  Commerce,  in  place  of  Herr  Delbruck, 
•who  succeeded  the  new  Chancellor  as  “Impe- 
rial Secretary  of  State  for  the  Interior  and  re- 
presentative of  the  Imperial  Chancellor.”  Herr 
Sydow’s  place  in  the  department  of  the  Impe- 
rial Treasury  was  taken  by  Herr  Wermuth. 

A.  D.  1908-1909  (Sept. -May).  — The  Casa- 
blanca Incident  and  its  Arbitration  at  The 
Hague.  — Friendly  Agreement  with  France. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Accelerated  Naval  Construc- 
tion. — Excitement  in  Great  Britain.  — Par- 
liamentary Debates.  See  War,  The  Prepa- 
rations for  : Naval. 

A.  D.  1909. — Extent  of  Trade  Unionism. 
See  Labor  Organization  : Germany. 

A.  D.  1909. — Proposed  Amendments  of  the 
System  of  Workingmen’s  Insurance.  See 

Poverty,  The  Problems  of  : Pensions  ; also. 
Labor  Protection  : Accident  and  Sickness 
Insurance. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Rejection  of  Proposed 
Reforms  of  the  Elective  Franchise  in  Prus- 
sia. See  Elective  Franchise  : Prussia. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Economic  Conditions. 

— Gain  of  Fifteen  Years  in  National  Wealth. 

— Increased  Cost  of  Living. — Diminished 
Savings.  — Check  on  the  Overcrowding  of 
Towns.  — ■ A report  by  the  British  Consul-Gen- 
eral on  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  consular 
district  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main  for  the  year 


ending  April  30,  1909,  gave  the  following  items 
of  interest  touching  general  economic  conditions 
of  the  year : 

Early  in  1909  the  national  wealth  of  Germany, 
which  had  been  estimated  at  220,000,000,000 
marks  15  years  ago,  was  estimated  to  have 
reached  350,000,000,000  marks  — i.  e.,  an  in- 
crease of  59  per  cent,  in  half  a generation. 

“ The  cheapening  of  all  manufactured  com- 
modities in  comparison  with  the  price  they  had 
reached  during  the  end  of  the  boom  has  failed 
until  now,  iu  spite  of  an  unprecedented  supply 
of  cash,  because  the  development  which  had 
taken  place  behind  the  wall  of  protection  — the 
system  of  syndication  — has  killed  free  competi- 
tion at  home  and  has  unduly  raised  the  cost  of 
the  raw  material  needed  by  the  finishing  indus- 
tries. The  agricultural  protection  as  well  as  the 
industrial  has,  moreover,  increased  the  cost  of 
living  and  has  narrowed  down  the  margin  of 
profit  which  might  have  been  used  like  a safety 
valve  for  reductions  of  price  to  revive  trade  at 
home  or  facilitate  competition  abroad.  Syndi- 
cation and  protection  have  in  fact  combined  to 
deprive  German  manufacture  of  that  elastic 
cheapening  power  which  ought  chiefly  to  revive 
trade  during  the  period  succeeding  a commercial 
high  tide.  At  the  same  time  the  increased  pro- 
tection of  the  home  market  has  admittedly  ren- 
dered foreign  markets  more  difficult  for  the 
German  manufacturer.” 

See,  also,  Labor  Remuneration:  Wages,  &c. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Speech  of  the  Em- 
peror on  the  Pride  of  his  Subjects  in  “the 
Game  of  War.”  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Preparations  for  : Military. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). — -Latest  Statistics  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Party.  See  Socialism  : 
Germany. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Dec.).  — Socialist  Gains 
in  By-elections,  etc.  — Changed  relations  be- 
tween Parties  and  the  Government.- — Several 
by-elections  for  the  Reichstag  and  elections  to 
the  diets  of  Saxony  and  Baden  in  these  months 
showed  somewhat  startling  gains  for  the  Social- 
ists. In  the  Saxon  Diet  they  won  25  seats, 
whereas  in  the  late  chamber,  elected  in  1907, 
they  had  held  but  1.  Both  the  Conservatives 
and  the  National  Liberals  were  losers  in  the  con- 
test, the  former  most  heavily.  The  Radicals 
shared  a few  of  the  gains.  In  the  Baden  Diet 
the  Socialist  gain  was  8.  At  a by-election  in 
one  of  the  Brandenburg  divisions  the  Socialists 
increased  their  vote  by  more  than  a thousand. 

The  Reichstag  was  reopened  by  the  Emperor 
on  the  30th  of  November.  On  the  organization 
of  the  House,  Dr.  Herman  S.  Paasclie,  National 
Liberal,  declined  election  as  Second  Vice-Presi- 
dent, stating  that  the  National -Liberal  party  had 
decided  unanimously  not  to  accept  office  in  the 
reorganization  of  the  House.  The  Imperial 
party,  or  free  Conservatives,  also  declined  to 
take  part  in  the  organization,  while  the  Radi- 
cals went  so  far  as  to  decide  that  they  would 
cast  blank  votes.  These  three  parties  are  deter- 
mined to  place  the  full  responsibility  for  the 
coming  legislation  upon  the  German  Conserva- 
tives and  Clericals. 

This  new  attitude  of  parties,  as  one  side  of 
the  sequence  to  the  dissolution  of  the  bloc  of  the 
past  two  years,  and  to  the  retirement  of  Chan- 
cellor Billow,  was  responded  to  most  appositely 
on  the  side  of  the  Government  by  the  new  Im- 


GERMANY,  1909 


GIFTS  AND  BEQUESTS 


perial  Chancellor,  Dr.  von  Bethmann  Hollweg, 
when  he  made  his  first  speech  in  that  capacity 
to  the  Reichstag,  December  9th.  In  not  many 
words  he  made  it  plain  that  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment’s policy  now  was  “to  stand  aloof  from 
parties  and  groups  of  parties  ; in  short,  that  the 
government  of  Germany  was  not  a government 
by  party.  Governmental  measures  would  be 
submitted  to  the  Reichstag  for  adoption,  but 
he  was  not  disposed  to  define  the  constellation  of 
parties  which,  he  thought,  would  support  these 
measures.  The  recent  political  crisis  over  the 
taxation  bill  had  made  no  change  in  German 
institutions,  he  continued.  Radicalism  strove 
to  divide  all  Germany  into  two  political  camps, 
but  the  existence  of  such  a dualism  was  a fiction 
devised  for  party  objects.  It  could  not  con- 
tribute to  the  sound  development  of  the  country 
for  every  proposal  to  be  classified  as  either 
radical  or  reactionary.  Germany,  the  chancellor 
affirmed,  needed  continuous  and  steady  policies, 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  to  satisfy  the  people 
to  the  end  that  their  work,  either  material  or 
intellectual,  might  be  undisturbed  by  disorders 
or  experiments.”  His  words  in  part  were  as 
follows  : 

“ As  decidedly  as  the  separate  parties  have 
ever  refused,  and  still  refuse,  to  be  Government 
parties  — and  I personally  can  thoroughly  under- 
stand it — so  little  will  a Government  in  Ger- 
many ever  be  able  to  be  a party  Government. 
With  the  difficulties  which  arise  from  this  fact 
every  German  statesman  has  had  to  fight,  and 
in  this  relation  of  things,  which  is  historic  and 
based  upon  the  peculiarity  of  our  party  life  and 
of  our  State  institutions,  the  last  crisis  has  al- 
tered nothing  whatever.  I do  not  shut  my  eyes,” 
continued  the  Chancellor,  “to  the  excitement 


GHENT:  A.  D.  1900.  — Municipal  organi- 
zation of  Insurance  against  Unemployment. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of:  Un- 
employment. 

GHOSE,  Dr.  Rash  Bihari.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

GIBBONEY,  D.  Clarence.  See  (in  this 
\vol.)  Municipal  Government:  Philadelphia. 
GIFTS  AND  BEQUESTS,  Notable:  Of 
Andrew  Carnegie:  To  Building  for  the  Bu- 
reau of  American  Republics.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  American  Republics,  Bureau  of. 

For  Court  House  and  Library  for  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague. 
See  War,  The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1903. 

To  Foundation  for  the  Improvement  of 
Teaching.  See  Education  : United  States: 
A.  D.  1905-1908. 

To  Hero  Funds.  See  Carnegie  Hero 
Funds. 

To  Institute  at  Pittsburg.  See  Education  : 
United  States  : A.  D.  1907. 

To  Institution  of  Washington.  See  Sci- 
ence and  Invention  : Carnegie  Institution. 

To  Scottish  Universities.  See  Education  : 
Scotland  : A.  D.  1901. 

Of  George  Crocker  for  Cancer  Research. 
See  Public  Health  : Cancer  Research. 

Of  Edwin  Ginn  to  Fund  for  the  Peace  Prop- 
aganda. See  War,  The  Revolt  against  : 
A.  D.  1909. 

Of  Mrs.  Harriman  and  others  to  the  State 
of  New  York  for  a State  Park  on  the  Hudson. 

See  New  York  State  : A.  D.  1909-1910. 


of  party  politics  which  pervades  the  country.” 
But  he  believed  that  there  were  wide  circles 
of  the  German  people  who  did  not  wish  to  live 
permanently  on  political  excitement  and  recrim- 
ination. “ What  our  people  desires  in  the  first 
place  is  not  to  be  disturbed  in  its  actual  work, 
whether  economic  or  intellectual,  either  at  home 
or  abroad,  in  the  markets  of  the  world,  by  un- 
rest or  experiments.  It  wishes  to  be  supported 
and  encouraged  by  a policy  of  continuity  and 
stability  at  home  and  abroad.”  As  in  the  past 
there  had  never  been  a single  party  which  had 
given  its  stamp  to  German  policy,  so  all  parties 
must  work  together  in  the  future.  The  question 
was  not  one  of  “actual  collaboration  ” or  of  ner- 
vous anxiety  about  the  creation  of  a temporary 
Parliamentary  majority,  but  of  the  conviction 
that  thereVas  an  obligation  to  work  imposed  by 
the  community  upon  each  of  its  representatives, 
and  the  certainty  that  this  obligation  would  sur- 
vive the  present  turmoil. 

It  is  an  interesting  experiment  which  the  new 
Chancellor  is  venturing  on ; but  it  seems  to 
require  a Bismarck  in  the  Chancellor’s  shoes. 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.).  — The  Mannesmann 
Concession  Question.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mo- 
rocco: A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1910  (March).  — Demand  of  the 
Reichstag  for  Ministerial  Responsibility. — 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1910,  it  was  reported 
from  Berlin  that  the  Reichstag  had  adopted  a 
motion,  made  by  a Socialist  member,  demand- 
ing the  introduction  of  a bill  making  the  chan- 
cellor responsible  to  the  Reichstag  for  his  official 
acts  and  also  extending  his  responsibility  to 
cover  all  of  the  acts  and  documents  made  by 
the  Emperor,  for  which  responsibility  he  shall 
be  answerable  in  a court  of  law. 


Of  Miss  Anna  T.  Jeanes  to  Schools  for 
Southern  Negroes.  See  Education  : United 
States  : A.  D.  1907. 

Of  Mr.  John  Stewart  Kennedy.  — Nearly 

$30,000,000,  out  of  an  estate  valued  close  to 
$60,000,000,  was  left  to  public  institutions  by 
John  Stewart  Kennedy,  banker  and  railroad 
builder,  who  died  early  in  November,  1909. 
The  renmiuder  of  the  estate  was  bequeathed  to 
relatives  and  employes.  The  larger  bequests 
to  religious,  educational,  and  benevolent  institu- 
tions were  the  following  : 


Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United 

States $2,250,000 

Board  of  Home  Missions  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United 

States  2,250,000 

Board  of  Church  Erection  Fund  of 
the  General  Assembly  of  the  Pres- 
byterian Church  in  the  United 

States 2,250,000 

Presbyterian  Hospital  in  New  York 

City  2,250,000 

New  York  Public  Library,  Astor, 

Lenox,  and  Tilden  Foundations  . 2,250,000 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art  . . . 2,250,000 

Columbia  University 2,250,000 

Church  Extension  Committee  of  the 
Presbytery  of  New  York  . . 1.500,000 

Trustees  of  Robert  College,  Constan- 
tinople, Turkey 1,500,000 

University  of  the  City  of  New  York  750,000 


GIFTS  AND  BEQUESTS 


GREECE 


American  Bible  Society 750,000 

Presbyterian  Board  of  Aid  for  Col- 
leges   750,000 


Charity  Organization  Society  of  the 
City  of  New  York  for  its  School 
of  Philantlirophy,  “to  which  I 
have  already  given  an  endowment 
of  $250,000,  or  to  the  said  school 
if  the  same  be  separately  incor- 
porated at  the  time  of  my  death,”  750,000 
United  Charities,  a corporation  of 
the  State  of  New  York  ....  1,500,000 

Of  Letchworth  Park  to  the  State  of  New 
York.  See  New  York  State  ; A.  D.  1907. 

Of  Rhodes  Scholarships.  See  Education  : 
Rhodes  Scholarships. 

Of  John  D.  Rockefeller  to  the  General  Ed- 
ucation Board.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1902-1909. 

The  Russell  Sage  Foundation.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Social  Betterment.  United  States: 
A.  D.  1907. 

F rom  Mrs.  Russell  Sage  to  Yale  University. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1910. 

Of  Mrs.  Russell  Sage  to  the  U.  S.  Govern- 
ment. See  Constitution  Island. 

GINN,  Edwin:  Great  Gift  to  Fund  for  the 
Peace  Propaganda.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1909. 

GIOLITTI,  Signor  Giovanni:  Minister  of 
the  Interior  and  then  Premier  of  the  Italian 
Government.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy:  A.  D. 
1901,  1903,  and  after. 

GIORGIS,  General  De:  Command  of  Gen- 
darmerie in  Macedonia.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Tuukey  : A.  D.  1903-1904. 

GLADSTONE,  Herbert  J.  : Secretary  of 
State  for  Home  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

First  Governor-General  of  United  South 
Africa.  See  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

GOBAT,  Albert.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

GOETHALS,  Lieut. -Colonel  George  W.: 
Chief  Engineer  of  the  Panama  Canal.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Panama  Canal:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

GOLGI,  Camillo.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes 

GOLUCHOWSKI,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

GOMEZ,  Josd  Miguel:  President  of  Cuba. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

GOMEZ,  General  Maximo  : Military  head 
of  the  last  Cuban  Rising  against  Spain.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Cuba  : A.  D.  1902. 

GOMEZ,  General : Acting  President  of 
Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Venezuela  : A.  D. 
1905-1906,  and  1907-1909. 

GOMPERS,  Samuel:  Sentence  for  alleged 
Violation  of  an  Injunction.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

GORDON  MEMORIAL  COLLEGE,  at 
Khartoum.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education: 
Egypt. 

GOREMYKIN,  Ivan  Logginovich.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1906. 

GORGAS,  Dr.  W.  C.,  U.  S.  A.:  In  charge 
of  the  Sanitation  of  the  Panama  Canal  Zone. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health:  Panama 
Canal. 


GOVERNORS’  CONFERENCE,  on  Con- 
servation of  Natural  Resources.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources: 
United  States. 

“ GRAFT,”  so  called,  in  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. 

GRAND  TRUNK  PACIFIC  RAILWAY 
PROJECT.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D. 
1903. 

GRAY,  Justice  George:  On  the  Anthracite 
Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commission.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

GREAT  BRITAIN.  See  England. 

GREECE  : A.  D.  1905. — Assassination  of 
Prime  Minister  Delyannis. — His  succes- 
sors. - — Theodoros  Delyannis,  the  Premier  of 
Greece,  was  assassinated  on  the  13th  of  June, 
1905,  by  a revengeful  gambler  whose  place  had 
been  closed  by  the  police  A new  Ministry 
formed  by  M.  Ralli  conducted  the  Government 
until  December,  when  its  defeat  in  the  election 
of  a president  of  the  representative  assembly 
forced  a resignation.  It  was  succeeded  by  a 
Cabinet  formed  under  M.  Theotokis,  the  leader 
of  the  Opposition. 

A.  D.  1905-1908. — Barbarities  of  Greek 
bands  in  Macedonia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key: A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Insurrection  in  Crete. — 
Demand  for  Union  with  “ her  MotherGreece.” 
— Investigation  by  the  Powers. — Resigna- 
tion of  Prince  George.  — Appointment  of 
M.  Zaimis.  See  Crete  ; A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — The  Cretan  Situation 
as  dealt  with  by  the  Four  Protecting  Powers. 
See  Crete  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (July). — Destructive  Earthquake 
in  Ellis.  See  Earthquakes  : Greece. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Government  dominated 
by  a Military  League.  — Its  submission  to  the 
Dictatorship.  — Whatever  vitality  may  previ 
ously  have  animated  the  forms  of  constitutional 
government  in  Greece  was  extinguished  sud- 
denly in  July,  1909,  by  a demonstration  of  power 
on  the  part  of  a league  of  army  officers  to  give 
orders  to  it.  The  Military  League  was  backed, 
evidently,  by  a strong  popular  feeling  against 
the  Government,  partly  well  founded,  perhaps, 
but  largely  due  to  an  unreasoning  desire  for  rash 
undertakings  to  secure  the  annexation  of  Crete. 
The  revolution  in  Turkey  had  stimulated  this  by 
seeming  to  open  opportunities  for  breaking  the 
island  away  from  the  claimed  sovereignty  of  the 
Turks.  What  Bulgaria  had  been  able  to  do  in 
the  situation  for  herself,  and  what  Austria  had 
done  in  annexing  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  it 
must  be  that  the  Powers  which  held  Crete  in 
commission,  so  to  speak,  could  do  for  Greece,  in 
the  present  state  of  things,  if  Greece  had  a com- 
petent Government  to  deal  with  affairs.  This 
seems  to  have  been  the  feeling,  to  a large  extent, 
which  produced  the  Military  League  and  the 
popular  threatenings  whereby  the  Ministry  of  M. 
Theotoki  was  impelled  to  resign  office  on  the 
17th  of  July.  The  new  Cabinet  constructed  by 
the  King,  under  M.  Ralli,  held  the  semblance  of 
power  a little  more  than  a month,  and  then  had 
to  choose  between  dropping  it  and  taking  orders 
from  the  League.  When  it  hesitated,  and  ven- 
tured an  arrest  of  several  leaders  of  the  military 
combination,  the  latter,  in  a body,  to  the  num- 


299 


GREECE 


GREECE 


ber  of  over  500,  with  about  2000  of  the  men  of 
their  commands,  took  possession  of  a hill  outside 
of  Athens,  on  the  27th  of  August,  and  established 
there  a menacing  camp.  Parley  was  then  opened 
with  them  and  they  submitted  a programme  of 
demands  which  M.  Ralli  declined  to  accept,  and 
resigned. 

According  to  a manifesto  published  by  the 
League  on  the  27th,  its  demands,  summarized 
in  a letter  from  Athens,  were  as  follows  : “The 
officers  belonging  to  the  Military  League  re- 
spectfully ask  the  King  and  the  Government 
to  carry  out  radical  reforms,  and  especially  to 
proceed  with  the  reorganization  of  the  army 
and  navy,  in  order  that  Greece  might  not  in  the 
future  have  to  undergo  any  more  humiliations 
such  as  she  had  had  to  tolerate  in  the  past. 
The  commands  held  by  the  Royal  Princes  in 
the  army  and  navy  are  considered  by  the  league 
to  be  prejudicial  to  their  own  prestige  and  to 
the  accomplishment  of  their  duties.  The  offi 
cers  consequently  insist  that  the  Crown  Prince, 
who  is  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and 
the  other  Royal  Princes,  should  not  hold  any 
command  in  the  army.  They  demand  that  the 
army  shall  be  controlled  by  a council  composed 
of  the  commanders  of  the  three  divisions  under 
the  presidency  of  the  eldest  of  them,  and  the 
superintendence  of  the  Crown  Prince.  They 
further  ask  that  the  two  War  Ministries  should 
be  invariably  entrusted  to  the  best  officers  in 
the  army  and  navy  and  not  to  civilians.  Among 
the  detailed  features  of  their  programme  they 
ask  that  four  classes  of  the  reserve  should  be 
called  to  the  colours  annually  for  manoeuvres, 
that  a battleship  of  not  less  than  10,000  tons, 
and  eight  destroyers  of  not  less  than  150  tons 
each,  should  be  constructed,  that  the  existing 
three  cruisers  should  be  repaired,  that  all  the 
useless  small  ships  should  be  sold,  including  the 
Royal  yachts,  with  the  exception  of  one  for  the 
King,  that  a war  school  should  be  established, 
that  a foreign  general  with  some  officers  should 
be  called  in  to  organize  a Staff  service  and  to 
look  after  the  theoretical  and  practical  training 
of  the  army  and  navy,  and  that  a more  efficient 
corps  of  Gendarmerie  should  be  organized.  In 
order  to  provide  the  necessary  funds  to  carry 
out  these  reforms  the  league  suggests  that  large 
retrenchments  should  be  made  in  the  general 
Budget.” 

The  King  found  a compliant  premier,  M.  Mav- 
romichalis,  who  submitted  to  these  dictations  in 
principle,  amnestied  the  whole  League,  and  took 
one  of  its  leaders,  Colonel  Lapathiotis,  into  his 
Cabinet,  as  Minister  of  War.  Since  that  day 
the  actual  Government  of  Greece  has  beentrans 
ferred  from  the  King,  his  Constitutional  Minis- 
ters and  the  “ Boule,”  or  Legislative  Chamber,  to 
the  Military  League.  The  nominal  Government 
turned  a cheerful  face  to  the  world  by  publish- 
ing a semi-official  explanation  which  began  as 
follows  : 

“ Now  that  the  situation  has  become  clearer  it 
becomes  plain  that  the  sole  object  of  the  military 
movement  was  the  reorganization  of  the  army 
and  the  reform  and  improvement  of  the  Ad- 
ministration. The  movement  was  at  no  time 
directed  against  the  King  or  the  dynasty,  nor 
had  it  as  its  object  the  diminution  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  Crown  or  the  violation  of 
the  Constitution.  The  request  of  the  Military 
Committee  that  the  Crown  Prince  and  the  Royal 


Princes  should  be  relieved  of  their  high  com- 
mands in  the  army  was  only  formulated  in  their 
Highnesses’  interests,  and  with  a view  to  relieve 
them  of  grave  responsibilities  likely  to  injure 
their  prestige  and  in  order  to  avert  the  discord 
and  hatred  which  personal  favoritism  and  the 
sympathies  of  the  Princes  would  inevitably 
have  engendered  among  the  officers  serving 
under  them.” 

That  the  League  had  strong  backing  in  the 
country  was  shown  by  popular  demonstrations, 
one  of  which,  at  Athens,  on  the  27th  of  Sep- 
tember, brought  50,000  people,  it  was  said,  to 
the  Champ  de  Mars,  to  pass  a resolution  and  to 
convey  it  to  the  King.  “ The  resolution  began 
by  expressing  profound  satisfaction  at  the  ini- 
tiation of  the  struggle  by  the  Military  League 
against  the  mischievous  influence  of  parties  on 
State  affairs,  and  against  the  misuse  of  interest 
in  the  army  and  navy,  and  . . . concluded  by 
declaring  the  determination  of  the  people  to 
exercise  constant  supervision  over  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  Chamber  until  their  demands  had 
been  completely  fulfilled. 

“The  demonstrators  then  marched  to  the 
Royal  Palace,  where  the  committee  were  re- 
ceived by  the  King  and  handed  his  Majesty  the 
resolution.  The  King,  after  congratulating 
them  upon  the  orderly  and  lawful  way  in  which 
the  people  had  made  known  their  wishes,  ex- 
pressed his  conviction  that  his  Government  and 
the  Chamber  would  consider  them  and  would 
vote  the  requisite  laws.” 

The  Chamber,  however,  was  less  compliant, 
and  showed  marked  signs  of  refusing  legislation 
for  the  removal  of  the  royal  Princes  from  active 
service  in  the  army.  This  angered  the  military 
dictators,  and  fresh  trouble  was  threatened.  It 
was  averted  by  the  resignation  of  the  Princes, 
and  by  the  speedy  adoption  of  the  whole  series 
of  measures  demanded  by  the  League,  no  less 
than  twenty-three  bills  being  enacted  within 
the  space  of  an  hour. 

The  dictatorial  work  of  the  League,  however, 
had  not  gone  far  enough  to  satisfy  one  of  its 
chiefs,  a Lieutenant  Typaldos,  commander  of 
a fleet  of  torpedo-boats  and  submarines,  who 
suddenly  set  on  foot  a naval  revolt  of  his  own, 
withdrawing,  with  a few  other  officers  and  men, 
to  Salamis  and  seizing  the  arsenal  there.  But, 
having  the  League  against  him,  Typaldos  was 
easily  put  to  flight,  and  was  captured  event- 
ually in  ignominious  disguise.  For  a time  after 
this  all  went  smoothly,  and  the  Government 
was  credited  with  a number  of  good  measures, 
which  its  military  masters  permitted  it  to  adopt. 
The  situation  was  ruffled  again  toward  the  end 
of  December  by  some  offensive  words  in  the 
Chamber  from  the  Minister  of  War,  Colonel 
Lapathiotis,  which  a large  part  of  the  deputies 
resented.  These  gave  notice  that  they  would 
not  enter  the  Chamber  again  while  the  Colonel 
remained  in  the  Ministry.  Fortunately,  just  at 
this  time,  the  obnoxious  Minister  gave  offense 
to  his  associates  of  the  League,  by  promoting 
several  officers  without  consulting  them,  and 
they  were  willing  that  he  should  be  dismissed. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Agreements  for  a restored 
Constitutional  Regime.  — The  dismissal  of 
Colonel  Lapathiotis  emboldened  the  party  in  the 
Chamber  which  follows  the  lead  of  ex-Premier 
Rallis  to  make  some  show  of  an  independent  op- 
position, and  provoked  thereby  the  most  arro- 


300 


GREECE 


IIAKKI  BEY 


gaut  reminder  yet  given  of  the  dictatorial  power 
of  the  Military  League.  On  the  2d  of  January 
two  officers  from  the  League  appeared  in  the 
Chamber,  bearing  letters  addressed  to  the  Prime 
Minister  and  to  the  two  leaders  of  Opposition 
parties,  M.  Rallis  and  M.  Theotokis,  requiring 
the  Chamber  to  pass  twenty-seven  specified 
measures,  besides  the  pending  budget,  and  re- 
quiring the  Government  to  recall  its  diplomatic 
representatives  from  Paris,  Berlin,  Vienna,  and 
Rome.  The  messengers  announced  that  they 
would  return  at  2 p.  M.  for  a reply,  and  when 
they  did  so  they  were  assured  that  the  com- 
mands received  would  be  obeyed.  A few  hours 
later  the  Premier  received  a fresh  mandate  to 
dismiss  his  Minister  of  the  Interior.  On  this, 
he  and  his  colleagues  attempted  to  resign,  but 
were  so  entreated  by  the  King  to  remain  and 
submit  to  the  humiliating  situation,  rather  than 
bring  the  country  to  a state  of  complete  political 
wreck,  that  they  did  so,  excepting  the  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  who  withdrew. 

In  the  succeeding  four  weeks,  negotiations  ap- 
pear to  have  been  effected  between  the  League 
and  the  leaders  of  political  parties,  with  the  re- 
sult announced  as  follows  in  a telegram  from 
Athens  to  the  American  Press,  January  28  : “ An 
agreement  was  reached  to-day  by  the  Theotokis 
party,  the  Rallis  party,  and  the  Military  League 
to  convoke  the  National  Assembly  for  a revision 
of  the  Constitution,  with  the  condition  that  the 
league  shall  first  be  dissolved.  The  powers  of 
the  National  Assembly  will  be  limited  as  to  the 
sections  of  the  Constitution  to  be  revised,  and  no 
interference  with  the  royal  prerogatives  will  be 
permitted.” 

King  George  assented  to  the  proposed  convo- 
cation of  a National  Assembly  for  the  revision 
of  the  Constitution,  though  the  existing  Consti- 
tution would  be  violated  by  the  method  of  pro 
cedure  to  be  taken,  since  the  choice  seemed  to 
lie  between  this  and  a complete  wreckage  of 
constitutional  government.  A Cretan  leader, 
M.  Venezelo,  of  high  reputation  for  political 
sagacity,  came  to  Athens  on  invitation  and  con- 
ducted a settlement  of  the  affair  with  apparent 
success.  The  Mavromichalis  Ministry  gave 
way  to  another,  formed  under  M.  Dragoumis  ; 
a programme  of  constitutional  changes  to  be 
laid  before  the  contemplated  National  Assembly 
was  agreed  upon  ; the  election  of  the  Assembly 
was  appointed  for  August  next  and  its  meeting 
for  September,  and  the  dissolution  of  the  Mili- 


HAAKON VII.,  King  of  Norway.  See  (in 

this  vol. ) Norway:  A.  D.  1902-1905. 

HABIBULLAH,  Ameer  of  Afghanistan. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Afghanistan:  A.  D.  1901- 
1904. 

HAECKEL,  Ernst  Heinrich.  — Eminent 
German  scientist,  retired  from  his  Professor- 
ship at  Jena  University  on  his  75th  birthday, 
Feb.  10,  1909. 

HAGEN-HAGEN,  Lieutenant:  Tragically 
ended  Greenland  Coast  Survey.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 

HAGOPIAN,  H. : On  the  Turkish  Revolu- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -May). 

HAGUE  TRIBUNAL,  The:  A.  D.  1902. 


tary  League  was  pledged.  Such  was  the  situa- 
tion in  the  later  days  of  March,  1910. 

GREEN  HILLS,  Capture  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May- Jan.). 

GREY,  Albert  Henry  George,  Earl:  Gov- 
ernor-General of  Canada.  See*  (in  this  vol.) 
Canada:  A.  D.  1904. 

GREY,  Sir  Edward:  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  D.  1905  (Dec.),  1905-1906;  and  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1905-1908. 

Correspondence  on  American  Fishing 
Rights  in  Newfoundland  waters.  See  New- 
foundland: A.  D.  1905-1909. 

On  the  Changed  Conditions  in  Europe  that 
make  for  Peace.  See  Europe:  A.  D.  1909. 

On  the  Budget  of  1909  and  the  House  of 
Lords.  See  England  : A.  D.  1909  (Afril- 
Dec.). 

GROCERS’  ASSOCIATION,  Dissolution 
of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  In- 
dustrial: United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1906. 

GROSSCUP,  Judge  Peter  S.:  Decision  in 
the  Case  of  the  United  States  v.  Swift  & 
Co.,  et  al.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  In- 
dustrial: United  States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

Opinion  in  Standard  Oil  Case.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial,  &c. : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

GRUITCH,  GENERAL:  Head  of  Radical 
Servian  Ministry.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan 
and  Danubian  States  : Servla:  A.  D.  1903. 

GUANTANAMO:  Coaling  and  Naval 
Station  leased  to  the  United  States.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D.  1903. 

GUATEMALA.  See  Central  America. 

GUERRA,  Colonel  Pino:  Leader  of  Insur- 
rection in  Cuba.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D. 
1906  (Aug.-Oct.). 

GUIANA,  BRITISH:  A.  D.  1904.— Set- 
tlement of  Brazilian  boundary  dispute.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Brazil:  A.  D.  1904. 

GULLY,  W.  C. : Resignation  of  the 

Speakership  of  House  of  Commons.  — Eleva- 
tion to  the  Peerage.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1905  (June). 

GUMMERfe,  S.  R. : American  Delegate  to 
the  Alegeciras  Conference  on  the  Morocco 
Question.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

GUTHRIE,  George  W. : Mayor  of  Pitts- 
burg. See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Govern- 
ment. 


— Decision  of  the  Pious  Fund  Question  be- 
tween Mexico  and  the  United  States.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Mexico  : A.  D.  1902  (May). 

A.  D.  1903.  — Decision  on  Venezuela  Ques- 
tion. See  Venezuela:  A.  D 1902-1903. 

Carnegie  Gift  to  it  of  a Court  House  and 
Library.  See  War,  The  Revolt  against  : 
A.  D.  1903. 

HAGUE,  The:  A.  D.  1907.  — The  Second 
Peace  Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1907. 

HAICHENG,  Russian  evacuation  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (July- 
Sept.). 

HAKKI  BEY : Grand  Vizier.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (May-Dec.). 


HALDANE 


HAITI,  1902 


HALDANE,  Richard  B. : Secretary  of 
State  for  War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England  : 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

HALE  vs.  HENKEL,  The  case  of.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

HAMID  EDDIN,  Sheik  of  the  Hadra- 
maut : His  claims  to  the  Caliphate,  against 
the  Sultan.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 

1903- 1905. 

HAMLIN,  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : Turkey,  &c. 

HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN  RAILWAY 
LOAN.  — The  question  of  American  par- 
ticipation. See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D. 

1904- 1909. 

HANSEN,  Ole.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark  : 
A.  D.  1901. 

HARBIN,  or  Kharbin : A.  D.  1905.  — 
Opened  to  all  commerce.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China  : A.  D.  1905  (Dec.). 

HARCOURT,  Vernon-.  See  Vernon  Hak 

COURT. 

HARDEN,  Maximilian  : The  Trials  of. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

HARDIE,  Keir.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1905-1906 ; Labor  Organization  : 
England:  A.  D.  1903;  and  Socialism:  Eng- 
land. 

HARRIMAN,  Edward  H. : His  extraor- 
dinary Accumulation  and  Organization  of 
Railway  Properties.  — His  death.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways  : United  States:  A.  D.  1901- 
1909. 

HARRIMAN,  Mrs.  E.  H.  — Gift  of  land  to 
New  York  for  a State  Park.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  State:  A.  D.  1909-1910. 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY:  Inter- 
changes of  Professors  with  French  and  Ger- 
man Universities.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion : International  Interchanges. 

HASSAN  FEHMI  EFFENDI,  Assassi- 
nation of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -May). 

HATSUSE,  Sinking  of  the.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.). 

HATTI  HUMAYUN,  The  Turkish.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

HAUSA  LAND.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa: 
A.  D.  1903  (Nigeria). 

HAVANA:  A.  D.  1907.  — Population. — 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba  : A.  D.  1907. 

HAY,  John:  Secretary  of  State.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1905, 
and  1905-1909. 

Negotiation  of  the  Hay-Bond  Reciprocity 
Treaty.  See  Newfoundland:  A.  D.  1902- 
1905. 

Negotiation  of  Treaty  with  China  to  open 
two  new  Ports  to  Foreign  Trade.  See 
China:  A.  D.  1903  (May-Oct.). 

Honorary  President  of  Second  Interna- 
tional Conference  of  American  Republics. 
See  American  Republics. 

Proclamation  of  his  death.  See  United 
States:  A.  D.  1905  (July). 

H AY - P AUNCEFOTE  CANAL 
TREATY,  Interoceanic.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Panama  Canal  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

HAITI:  A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Participation 
in  Second  International  Conference  of  Ameri- 
can Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics. 


A.  D.  1902.  — Revolution  and  Civil  War 
produced  by  a Blunder  of  Law.  — Resigna- 
tion of  President  Sam.  — Election  of  General 
Nord  Alexis.  — An  outbreak  of  revolution  in 
Haiti  occurred  under  singular  circumstances 
on  the  12th  of  May,  1902.  As  related  in  a de- 
spatch of  a few  days  later  by  Mr.  W F.  Powell, 
United  States  Minister  to  Haiti,  the  circum- 
stances were  these : When,  in  April,  1896.  General 
Theresias  Simon  Sam  was  elected  President  of 
the  Republic  (see,  under  Hayti,  in  Volume  VI. 
of  this  work),  on  the  sudden  death  of  President 
Ilypolite,  “Congress  enacted  a law  requiring 
him  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  Presidential 
office  at  once,  and  to  remain  in  office  until  May 
15,  1903.  This  law,  it  seems  now,”  wrote  Mr. 
Powell,  “was  not  constitutional,  as  the  consti- 
tution states : ‘ That  upon  the  death,  resignation, 
malfeasance  in  office,  or  removal  therefrom  of 
the  President  before  the  15th  of  May  (in  any 
year)  the  cabinet  or  council  of  ministers  is 
charged  with  these  functions  until  the  15th  of 
May,  when  the  newly  elected  President  shall 
assume  the  duties  of  the  Presidency ; but  if  a 
President  should  accept  office  or  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  the  same  prior  to  this  time  (15th  of 
May),  then  his  term  of  office  must  expire  on 
the  15th  of  May  of  the  year  preceding  the  time 
that  it  actually  expired,  thus  not  allowing  the 
incumbent  to  remain  in  office  the  full  seven 
years,  the  time  for  which  he  was  elected.’ 

“For  some  reason  this  provision  of  the  con- 
stitution was  not  thought  of,  or  else  forgotten, 
at  the  time  General  Sam  was  elected.  No  men- 
tion was  made  of  this  section  until  about  a year 
ago,  when  the  question  was  launched  upon  the 
public  view  by  the  enemies  of  the  Government. 
The  more  this  question  was  discussed  the  more 
potent  it  became,  until  it  occupied  the  attention 
of  all  classes  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  mat- 
ters. . . . The  several  political  arrests  and  the 
exile  of  many  persons  within  the  past  two  years 
have  been  on  account  of  this  discussion,  they 
demanding  that  this  article  of  the  constitution 
should  be  literally  followed,  the  Government, 
on  its  part,  believing  that  in  the  arrest  and  exile 
of  all  such  persons  all  discussions  and  agitation 
of  this  matter  would  cease.  But  this  rigor  on 
the  part  of  the  Government  produced,  instead 
of  friends,  enemies,  who  were  daily  gaining 
strength. 

“At  the  several  interviews  I had  with  the  Pre- 
sident up  to  the  time  I left  for  Santo  Domingo 
(February  10)  he  stated  that  it  was  his  intention 
to  remain  in  office  until  he  had  finished  his  term 
(to  May  15,  1903)  and  that  he  woidd  not  resign 
or  cease  to  be  President  prior  to  that  time.  He 
had  also  impressed  this  fact  upon  the  members 
of  his  cabinet  up  to  May  1 of  the  present  year, 
when  it  was  learned  that  it  was  his  intention  to 
resign  at  an  early  day.”  This  announcement 
brought  a number  of  candidates  into  the  field, 
and  Mr.  Powell,  on  returning  to  Port  au  Prince 
on  the  11th  of  May,  found  a precarious  situation 
there.  He  secured  an  interview  with  President 
Sam  the  following  morning,  and  “ was  informed 
that  he  had  determined  to  resign,  that  his  resig- 
nation was  ready  to  be  sent  to  Congress,  that  he 
was  tired  of  this  constant  agitation,  and  that  he 
would  leave  by  the  French  steamer  then  in  port 
for  France,  where  he  would  pass  the  remainder 
of  his  life  in  quietness  and  peace  ; that  since  it 
was  the  wish  of  the  people  to  have  a new 


302 


HAITI,  1902 


HAITI,  1908 


President  he  would  not  oppose  them,  but  would 
abide  by  article  93  of  the  national  constitution, 
and  if  the  chambers  did  not  elect  a President 
to-day,  Monday,  the  country  would  be  without 
a President.” 

One  of  the  candidates,  General  Leconte,  a 
member  of  the  Government  about  to  be  dis- 
solved, “ felt  certain  that  he  would  be  elected,  as 
he  had  sufficient  votes  pledged  in  both  houses  to 
elect  him.  This  news  spread  rapidly,  the  streets 
became  full  of  armed  citizens  wending  their 
way  toward  the  chambers  to  prevent,  forcibly 
if  necessary,  his  election.  At  first  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  get  the  members  together.  The  streets 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  legislative  halls 
were  thronged  with  people  and  the  Govern- 
ment troops,  the  latter  to  protect  the  members 
in  case  of  violence.  Several  secret  meetings  of 
the  members  were  held.  At  last  the  doors  were 
opened,  and  as  soon  as  opened  every  avail- 
able space  not  occupied  by  the  two  houses  was 
filled  by  the  friends  and  foes  of  General  Leconte. 
As  the  balloting  was  about  to  commence  some 
one  in  the  chambers  fired  his  revolver.  In  an 
instant  shooting  commenced  from  all  parts  of 
the  room.  One  or  two  were  killed  and  the  same 
number  wounded.  The  members  all  sought 
shelter  in  the  most  available  places  they  could 
find  — under  benches  or  desks.  Others  forgot 
the  way  they  entered  and  sought  exit  by  means 
of  the  windows.  By  this  means  the  populace 
prevented  the  election  of  General  Leconte, 
forcibly  adjourned  the  chambers  without  date, 
and  dispersed  the  members  of  both  chambers. 
The  Government  troops  immediately  retired  to 
the  palace,  the  arsenal,  the  barracks,  or  the  ar- 
rondissement,  as  it  was  thought  that  an  attack 
would  be  immediately  made  on  each  place. 

‘‘A  committee  of  safety  was  at  once  formed 
to  safeguard  the  interests  of  the  city,  and  as  the 
newTs  reached  the  other  cities  of  the  Republic 
similar  committees  were  named  with  like  duties. 
The  next  object  was  to  secure  the  palace,  arse- 
nal, and  the  Government  buildings.  A concerted 
attack  was  made  on  each  of  the  above  places  at 
10  p.  m.,  lasting  about  twenty  minutes,  in  which 
the  Government  troops  were  the  victors.  It  is 
supposed  that  in  these  engagements  about  one 
hundred  persons  were  either  killed  or  wounded.” 

The  next  day,  on  the  ex-President’s  request, 
Mr.  Powell,  as  dean  of  the  diplomatic  corps, 
arranged  with  his  associates  to  escort  General 
and  Mrs.  Sam,  together  with  General  Leconte, 
to  the  steamer  on  which  they  wished  to  embark, 
and  their  departure  was  undisturbed. 

On  the  26th  of  May  a Provisional  Government, 
with  General  Boisrond  Canal  for  its  President, 
was  established  by  delegates  sent  from  “ the  sev- 
eral sections  of  the  Republic.”  Elections  for  a 
new  Chamber  of  Deputies  were  appointed  to  be 
held  early  in  July  ; though  the  Constitution  had 
declared  that  such  elections  “ must  occur  during 
the  first  weeks  in  the  month  of  January.”  This 
gave  a fine  opening  for  future  troubles.  Mean- 
time, irregular  skirmishing,  preliminary  to  posi- 
tive civil  war,  was  bringing  all  business  to  an 
end.  On  the  26th  of  July  Mr.  Powell  reported  to 
Washington  that  civil  war  had  been  declared. 
The  contest  for  the  Presidency  seemed  narrowed 
to  two  candidates.  General  Nord  Alexis,  Minis- 
ter of  War  and  Marine  in  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, and  Mr.  A.  Firmin,  whose  cause  was 
supported  by  the  Haytian  navy,  of  two  gunboats, 


commanded  by  Admiral  Killick.  It  is  needless 
to  give  details  of  the  hostilities  that  ensued. 

The  elections  were  determined  and  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  was  organized  about  the  20th  of 
August.  The  Deputies  had  then  to  choose  the 
Senatorial  body,  and  the  strife  of  factions  among 
them  prevented  that  election  until  late  in  the 
year,  when  the  forces  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment had  achieved  successes  which  brought  the 
civil  war  practically  to  an  end.  General  Nord 
Alexis,  who  had  been  campaigning  for  months, 
returned  triumphantly  with  his  army  to  Port  au 
Prince  on  the  14th  of  December ; was  acclaimed 
President  by  the  Army  on  the  17th,  and  was 
formally  elected  by  the  National  Assembly  on 
the  21st.  He  was  then  reported  to  be  85  years 
old. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Revolution  once  more.  — 
Overthrow  and  expulsion  of  President  Nord 
Alexis. — General  Antoine  Simon  his  elected 
successor.  — The  Government  under  President 
Nord  Alexis  was  maintained  for  six  years,  by  its 
own  unsparing  use  of  power,  it  would  seem, 
rather  than  by  the  good  will  of  the  country. 
Revolutionary  projects  had  been  crushed  with 
prompt  vigor  before  they  had  much  chance  of 
development,  until  November,  1908,  when  one, 
led  by  a displaced  military  commander,  General 
Antoine  Simon,  ran  so  rapid  a course  that  it 
arrived  at  complete  success  on  the  2d  of  the  fol- 
lowing month.  The  aged  but  indomitable  Nord 
Alexis  strove  hard  to  resist  it,  even  to  the  last 
inch  of  fighting  in  his  own  palace  ; but  Port  au 
Prince  rose  against  him;  his  partisans  fell  away ; 
his  soldiers  deserted  ; and  finally,  on  the  after- 
noon of  December  2d,  he  consented  to  be  taken 
on  board  a French  training-ship,  then  in  port. 
In  doing  this  there  was  difficulty  in  saving  him 
from  an  angry  city  mob.  The  escape  of  the 
fallen  President  was  described  in  a Port  au 
Prince  despatch  to  the  Associated  Press  as  fol- 
lows : 

“So  serious  was  the  situation  that  the  French 
minister,  M.  Carteron,  and  other  foreign  re- 
presentatives, with  members  of  a specially  ap- 
pointed committee,  forced  themselves  upon  the 
President,  who  finally  consented  to  withdraw. 
Shouts  greeted  him  as  he  stepped  to  his  carriage. 
M.  Carteron,  carrying  the  French  tri-color,  threw 
the  folds  of  the  flag  over  the  shoulders  of  the  de 
posed  president  to  protect  him.  All  along  the 
route  the  people  who  lined  the  streets  shouted, 
jeered  and  cursed  the  fallen  President,  but  when 
the  landing  stage  was  reached,  the  mob  lost  all 
restraint.  The  scene  was  tragic  and  shameful. 
Infuriated  women  broke  through  the  cordon  of 
troops  and  shrieked  the  coarsest  insults  into  the 
very  face  of  the  President,  who  strove  bravely 
to  appear  undismayed.  They  hurled  themselves, 
fighting  witli  hands  and  feet,  against  the  soldiers, 
who  found  difficulty  in  forcing  them  back.  One 
woman  with  a murderous  knife,  got  to  the  Pre- 
sident’s side  and  made  a sweep  at  his  body,  but 
the  blow  fell  short,  and,  before  she  could  follow 
it  with  another,  she  was  seized  by  a soldier.  A 
man  struck  the  President  a glancing  blow  with 
his  fist  on  the  neck.  Alexis,  shaking  his  head, 
so,  turned  to  M.  Carteron  and  said  : ‘ I told  you 
your  excellency.’ 

“To  clear  space,  the  troops  fired  several  vol- 
leys over  the  heads  of  the  mob.  For  a moment, 
they  gave  way,  and  Alexis,  with  the  French  col- 
ors draped  about  him,  was  bustled  into  a skiff. 


303 


HAITI,  1909 


HIGHBINDER  ASSOCIATIONS 


in  tow  of  a steam  launch,  his  disordered  suite 
tumbling  in  after  him.  As  the  launch  drew 
away,  three  Haytian  gunboats  and  the  Ameri- 
can warships  in  the  harbor  fired  a salute  to  the 
fallen  President. 

“ A trunk  which  was  left  behind  on  the  pre- 
cipitate departure  of  the  President  and  his  party 
from  the  wharf,  was  seized  upon  by  the  rioters 
and  broken  open.  It  was  found  to  contain  some 
§10,000  in  gold  and  20,000  Haytian  gourdes. 
The  specie  was  scattered  about  and  promptly 
pillaged.” 

According  to  a despatch  of  the  next  day, 
“ riot  and  pillage  swept  through  the  night  fol- 
lowing the  flight  of  the  fallen  President,  Nord 
Alexis.  The  populace,  maddened  by  a taste  of 
revolt,  gave  themselves  over  to  absolute  license, 
They  looted  stores  and  residences  and  then 
fought  among  themselves  over  the  booty  until 
an  armed  force,  hastily  gathered  together  by 
General  Poitevin,  fired  a volley  into  the  mob  and 
finally  drove  them  into  hiding.  In  all,  twelve 
persons  were  killed  and  many  wounded  before 
order  was  restored.  . . . 

“ Past  90  years  of  age  — how  many  years  be- 
yond nobody  knows  — Nord  Alexis  had  faced 
his  foes  with  the  strength  and  determination  of 
a man  in  the  very  prime  of  life.  To-day  he 
said  : ‘ The  courageous  conduct  of  M.  Carteron 
(the  French  minister)  saved  my  life.’  , . . The 
President  was  broken-hearted  over  the  attitude 
of  his  people,  of  whose  hostility  he  was  entirely 
ignorant.  ‘They  always  cheered  me  when  I 
appealed  in  the  streets,’  he  said  mournfully, 
‘and  I have  always  labored  for  their  good.’ 

“He  protested  against  the  ‘legend’  that  he 
ever  had  shown  any  enmity  toward  the  whites, 
and,  for  the  first  time,  expressed  his  views  with 
regard  to  the  summary  executions  which  took 
place  on  March  15tli  last,  when  many  men  were 
shot  to  death  by  order  of  General  Leconte.  He 
had  always  been  convinced,  he  said,  that  the 
men  had  been  killed  during  an  attack  upon  the 
palace.  His  officials  and  those  upon  whom  he 
depended  had  kept  back  the  truth  from  him. 

“ With  regard  to  his  destination,  Nord  Alexis 
said  that  he  would  wait  until  he  could  be  trans- 
ported to  Jamaica,  Saint  Thomas  or  Marti- 
nique.” 

General  Simon  and  his  victorious  army  of  re- 
bellion entered  the  capital  on  the  5th.  Some 
degree  of  order  had  been  restored  by  a Commit- 
tee of  Safety,  under  ex-President  Legitime,  but 
fresh  strifes  were  imminent  between  rival  can- 
didates for  the  vacant  presidency.  Simon,  with 
his  military  following,  brushed  them  aside,  and 
obtained  a unanimous  election  by  the  Haitian 
Congress  on  the  17th,  assuming  office  as  Presi- 
dent on  the  20th. 

A.  D.  1909. — The  Haitian  People.  — The 
splendid  industry  of  the  Women.  — The 
curse  of  the  country  in  its  Military  Gov- 
ernment. — “ Four-fifths  of  the  Haitians — the 
peasantry  of  the  country,  that  is  to  say  — are 
liardivorking,  peaceable  country  people.  These 
four-fifths  of  3,000,000  are  entirely  negro  in 
race,  and  probably  represent  a mingling  of  West 
African  types  from  Senegambia,  Dahome,  and 
the  Congo.  It  is  a race  which  exhibits,  away 
from  the  towns,  a fine  physical  development ; 
its  skin  colour  is  much  darker  and  the  negro 
type  more  pronounced  than  in  the  United 
States.  . . . The  women  are  the  best  part  of 


the  nation  They  are  splendid,  unremitting 
toilers.  In  the  face  of  all  discouragements  with, 
which  a bad  Government  clouds  their  existence 
the  women  of  Haiti  almost  remind  one  of  cer- 
tain patient  types  of  ant  or  termite,  who,  as 
fast  as  you  destroy  their  labour  of  months  or 
days,  hasten  to  repair  it  with  unslacking  energy. 

“The  curse  of  Haiti  from  the  day  she  estab- 
lished her  independence  in  1804  to  the  present 
time  is  the  tyrannical  and  wasteful  Government 
of  the  military  party.  . . . Scarcely  a Presi- 
dent in  the  history  of  Haiti  has  not  been  a mili- 
tary man  and  the  favourite  leader,  for  the  time 
being,  of  the  major  portion  of  the  army.  . . 
That  President' Antoine  Simon  will  follow  in 
the  bloody  footsteps  of  all  his  Presidential  pre- 
decessors is  improbable.  He  is  a man  of  obvi- 
ously kindly  nature,  with  a record  of  22  years’ 
essentially  clement  government  of  the  great 
southern  province  of  Haiti ; but  he  is  an  old 
man  of  imperfect  education,  and  though  he 
may  turn  out  a complete  surprise,  yet  so  far  he 
has  done  nothing  to  improve  the  conditions  of 
political  elections.  The  whole  power  of  the 
country  is  still  entirely  based  on  the  soldiers.” 
— Sir  Harry  Johnston,  in  The  London  Times, 
April  13,  1909. 

HEARST,  William  R. : Candidacy  for 
Mayor  of  New  York.  See  New  York  City: 
A.  D.  1905  and  1909. 

Candidacy  for  Governor  of  New  York  State. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  State:  A.  D. 
1906-1910. 

HEDERVARY  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

HENEY,  Francis  J.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government:  San  Francisco,  and 
United  States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

HENRIQUES,  Campos.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

HENRY  PHIPPS  INSTITUTE.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Public  Health:  Tuberculosis. 

HENRY,  Prince  of  Prussia:  Visit  to  the 
United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902  (Feb. -March). 

HEPBURN  ACT.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Rail 
ways  : United  States  : A.  D.  1870-1908,  and 
1906-1909. 

HERMANN,  Binger : U.  S.  Commissioner 
of  the  Land  Office,  involved  in  Land  Frauds. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  I).  1903- 
1906. 

HERO  FUNDS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Car- 
negie Hero  Funds. 

HERREROS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Africa  : A.  D.  1904^1905,  and  Germany  : A.  D. 
1906-1907. 

HERRING,  A.  M.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent:  Aeronautics. 

HERVfe,  Gustave:  Apostle  of  Anti-Mili- 
tarism in  France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1909. 

HERZEGOVINA.  See  Balkan  and  Dan- 
ubian  States. 

HETCH  HETCHY  PROJECT,  The.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  San  Francisco  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

HICKS-BEACH,  Sir  Michael:  Retirement 
from  the  English  Chancellorship  of  the  Ex- 
chequer. See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D. 
1902  (July). 

HIGHBINDER  ASSOCIATIONS,  Chi- 
nese. See  (in  this  vol.)  San  Francisco:  A.  D. 
1902. 


304 


HILL 


ICELAND 


HILL,  David  Jayne:  Commissioner  Pleni- 
potentiary to  the  Second  Peace  Conference. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

HILL,  James  J. : His  connection  with  the 
Northern  Securities  Case.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Railways  : United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1905. 

HILMI  PASHA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : 
A.  D.  1902-1903;  1908  (Jui,y-Dec.),  and  after. 

HINDU  DISAFFECTION.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

HINDU  IMMIGRATION:  The  Resist- 
ance to  in  South  Africa,  Australia,  and  else- 
where. See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems. 

HISGEN,  Thomas  L. : Nominated  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (April- 
Nov.). 

HITCHCOCK,  Ethan  Allen:  Secretary 
of  the  Interior.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1901-1905,  1903-1906,  and  1905- 
1909. 

HITCHCOCK,  Frank  H. : Postmaster- 
General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

HOFF,  Jacobus  Henricus  Van’t.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

HOHENLOHE,  Prince.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

“HOLDING  COMPANY,”  The:  Deci- 
sion of  its  Illegality  as  a method  of  Combina- 
tion between  Corporations.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Railways  : United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1905. 

HOLLAND.  See  Netherlands. 

HOLSTEIN,  Herr  von:  On  the  German 
“ Navy  Fever.”  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

HOLSTEIN -LED  RE  BORG  MINIS- 
TRY. See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

HOLY  SEE.  See  Papacy. 

“HOLY  WAR,”  in  Arabia.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1903-1905. 

HOMEL,  Jewish  Massacre  at.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1901-1904. 

HONDURAS.  See  Central  America. 

HORUP,  M.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark: 
A.  D.  1901. 

HOTTENTOTS,  Revolt  of  the.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 


HOURS  OF  LABOR.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1902;  Germany:  A.  D.  1908.  Also,  Labor  Pro- 
tection: Hours  of  Labor;  and  Labor  Re- 
muneration: Wages  and  Cost  of  Living. 

HOUSING  AND  TOWN-PLANNING 
ACT.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Social  Betterment: 
England:  A.  D.  1909. 

HSIHOYEN,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 

HSUAN-TUNG  : Child-Emperor  of  China. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1908  (Nov.). 

HUDSON  BAY  REGION:  A.  D.  1903- 
1904.  — Canadian  measures  to  establish  Sov- 
ereignty over  Land  and  Sea.  See  (in  this  vol. ) 
Canada:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

Projected  Railway  from  the  Canadian 
Northwest.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Railways  : Can- 
ada : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

HUDSON-FULTON  COMMEMORA- 
TION. See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  State  : 
A.  D.  1909. 

HUDSON  TUNNELS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  City  : A.  D.  1900-1909. 

HUGHES,  Charles  Evans : Counsel  of 
the  Legislative  Joint  Committee  to  Inves- 
tigate Life  Insurance  Companies  in  New 
York.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York.  See 
New  York  State:  A.  D.  1906-1910.  Also, 
Elective  Franchise:  United  States,  and 
Public  Utilities. 

On  the  Proposed  Income  Tax  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1909  (July). 

HUMPHREY,  Judge:  Immunity  Decision 
in  “ Beef  Trust”  Case.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Com- 
binations, Industrial  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1903-1906. 

HUNGARY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria- 
Hungary. 

HYDE,  Dr.  Douglas:  Founder  of  Gaelic 
League.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ireland:  A.  D. 
1893-1907. 

HYDE,  Henry  B. : Founder  of  the  Equi- 
table Life  Assurance  Society.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

HYDE,  James  Hazen:  Relations  to  the 
Equitable  Life  Assurance  Society.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 


I. 


ICELAND  : Its  Ancient  Claims  to  Na- 
tionality. — Within  the  last  few  years  the  Ice- 
landers have  been  asserting  their  ancient  right 
to  a national  life  of  their  own  so  seriously  that 
the  King  of  Denmark  has  exerted  himself  to 
soothe  their  discontent  with  but  partial  success. 
For  many  historical  reasons  Iceland  ought  to 
have  an  independent  standing  among  the  Eu- 
ropean states.  For  some  of  those  reasons  its 
people  seem  fairly  entitled  to  recognition  as 
the  foremost  representatives  of  the  old  Norse  or 
Scandinavian  race.  Their  ancestors  were  men 
of  the  best  blood  of  Norway,  who  quitted  that 
country  in  the  ninth  century  and  took  possession 
of  the  arctic  island,  because  they  would  not  sub- 
mit to  the  despotism  established  by  Harold  the 
Fairhaired.  That  they  took  with  them  the  best 
culture  of  their  race  and  time  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that  almost  everything  we  know  of  the  old 


Norse  literature,  and  of  the  mythology  and  his- 
tory embedded  in  it,  was  preserved  by  their 
pens.  Learning  was  cherished  and  cultivated 
among  them  from  the  first  : and  they  had  the 
capacity  and  the  spirit  for  self  -government  from 
the  first.  Before  the  end  of  the  tenth  century 
they  had  adopted  a republican  constitution  and 
founded  a commonwealth  which  endured  for 
about  300  years.  This  antedated  the  rise  of  the 
city  republics  of  Italy  and  the  free  cantons  of 
the  Swiss  by  one  or  two  centuries  at  the  least. 

The  Icelandic  republic  was  destroyed  at  last 
by  feuds  among  its  leading  families,  which 
invited  Norwegian  intervention  from  time  to 
time,  and  subjected  the  island  to  the  parent 
kingdom  in  the  end.  Late  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury the  three  Scandinavian  kingdoms  of  Nor- 
way, Sweden,  and  Denmark  were  joined  in  a 
union  which  did  not  endure.  Its  dissolution  left 


305 


ICELAND 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


Norway,  with  Iceland  as  a dependency,  attached 
to  Denmark,  and  that  connection  was  main- 
tained till  1814.  Norway  was  then  transferred 
from  the  Danish  to  the  Swedish  crown ; but  Ice- 
land was  still  kept  as  a part  of  the  dominion  of 
the  Danish  King.  Norway  regained  national  dis- 
tinctness and  independence  in  1905,  and  now  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  Iceland  will  have  its  just 
turn. 

The  island  has  never  been  governed  as  a mere 
province  of  Denmark,  but  always  under  its  own 
laws.  Its  old  representative  assembly,  the  Al- 
thing, was  suspended  during  most  of  the  first 
half  of  the  last  century,  but  revived  in  1845  as 
a merely  consultative  assembly.  As  such  it 
voiced  very  steadily  the  claim  of  the  Icelanders 
to  more  of  autonomy  and  political  distinctness 
than  their  Danish  lord  was  willing  to  yield.  In 
1874,  however,  at  the  1,000th  anniversary  of  the 
Icelandic  settlement,  he  granted  a constitution 


which  reinvested  the  Althing  with  legislative 
powers,  and  met  the  wishes  of  the  island  in 
other  important  ways;  but  not  so  far  as  to  pro- 
duce content. 

IDAHO  : A.  D.  1905-1907.  — Murder  of  ex- 
Governor  Steunenberg.  — Trial  and  ac- 
quittal of  Haywood.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization:  United  States:  A.  D.  1899- 
1907. 

IDE,  Henry  Clay:  Governor-General  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

IGNATIEFF,  Count  Alexei : Assassina- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1906. 

ILLINOIS:  A.  D.  1899.  — Enactment  of 
the  first  Juvenile  Court  Law.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Children,  under  the  Law:  As  Of- 
fenders. 

IMAM,  Ali.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D. 
1907-1909. 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION. 


Australia  : A.  D.  1909. — The  needs  of  the 
country.  — The  attitude  of  the  people  to- 
ward Immigration.  — The  difficulties.  — 
Speaking  at  a dinner  in  his  honor,  given  in  Lon- 
don, after  his  return  from  five  years  of  service  as 
Governor-General  of  Australia,  Lord  Northcote 
touched  on  what  he  described  as  “the  Aaron’s 
rod  of  all  political  questions  in  Australia,  which, 
if  it  does  not  swallow  up  the  others,  at  all  events 
the  others  depend  upon  it,’’  — meaning  the  in- 
crease of  Australia’s  population.  As  to  the 
attitude  of  Australia  to  the  immigration  question 
he  said:  “No  doubt,  from  time  to  time  cer- 
tain over-zealous  officials  have  made  mistakes 
which  have  prejudiced  Australia  in  the  eyes  of 
the  British  public,  but  I do  not  believe  that 
anything  in  the  nature  of  a fixed  desire  to  keep 
out  men  who  are  able  to  sustain  themselves  by 
their  labour  has  ever  existed.  Of  course,  Aus- 
tralia has  her  number  of  unemployables,  and  is 
not  prepared  to  import  more  from  the  old  coun- 
try. Then  I come  to  the  very  important  ques- 
tion of  coloured  immigration,  and  that  is  a 
question  we  should  look  at  from  an  Australian 
as  well  as  from  a British  point  of  view.  . . . 

“Suppose  Australia  or  Canada  confronted  by 
the  presence  of  a large  number  of  Asiatics,  men 
of  ability  enough  to  hold  their  owrn,  men  who, 
if  they  come  there,  come  to  stay,  and  it  is  quite 
conceivable  from  an  Australian  point  of  view  that 
if  they  do  not  rigidly  secure  themselves  against 
the  possibility  of  being  swamped  by  Asiatic 
labour,  they  may  be  presented  with  a problem 
even  more  serious  than  is  the  great  negro  ques- 
tion in  the  United  States.  I say  this  to  show 
that  there  is  more  to  be  said  for  the  Australian 
point  of  view  than  some  people  are  inclined  to 
suppose.  Of  course  a great  deal  depends  upon 
whether  the  huge  northern  territory  can  be  pop- 
ulated by  white  men.  Upon  that  I hesitate  to 
pronounce  a definite  opinion.  I believe  it  is 
possible  for  a white  man,  if  he  is  steady,  sober, 
and  careful,  to  colonize  for  a time  this  great 
tropical  land ; but  it  is  a very  serious  matter 
how  far  the  climate  is  suitable  for  women  and 
children,  and  whether  we  can  hope  from  gener- 
ation to  generation  that  a healthy  and  virile 
race  can  continue  to  live  and  breed  in  that  cli- 


mate. The  territory  is  over  half  a million 
square  miles  in  extent,  and  the  white  popula- 
tion is  well  under  2,000  people.  . . . 

“There  is  plenty  of  land  all  through  Austra- 
lia for  men  who  are  willing  to  go  there  and  will 
be  steady  and  sober  and  work  hard.  I have 
been  North,  South,  East,  and  West.  I can 
claim  for  myself  the  credit  that  I have  travelled 
fairly  hard,  and  I have  seen  in  every  State  of 
Australia  plenty  of  land  available  for  close  set- 
tlement. If  the  great  landowners  are  disinclined 
to  sell  their  holdings  — and  I quite  acknowledge 
that  a great  deal  of  the  best  land  in  Australia  is 
in  comparatively  few  hands  — at  all  events  the 
State  Governments  have  very  large  reserves  of 
land  ; and  by  the  application  of  irrigation  and 
other  methods  of  scientific  farming  they  could 
compete  on  even  terms  at  least  with  these  squat- 
ters, and  they  could  turn  these  waste  lands  into 
fertile  country  fit  for  settlers.  I am  very  glad 
to  think  that  both  in  New  South  Wales  and  Vic- 
toria very  large  irrigation  works  are  in  progress 
and  will  be  completed  in  a very  short  time, 
adding  enormously  to  the  acreage  of  land  fit 
for  cultivation ; and  I say  deliberately  and  ad- 
visedly, I care  not  for  reports  of  Commissions 
or  individuals,  that  there  is  land  and  to  spare 
for  generations  for  men  who  are  ready  to  under- 
take the  cultivation.” 

A correspondent  of  the  Loudon  Times,  writ- 
ing from  Sydney  in  January,  1909,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  vast  quantity  of  fertile  land  in  Aus- 
tralia that  is  locked  up  by  private  owners  in 
vast  sheep  runs,  to  the  exclusion  of  settlement, 
had  this  to  say:  “ You  may  take  it  as  an  axiom 
that  immigration  to  Australia  will  do  no  good 
till  the  fertile  lands  are  thrown  open.  And  a 
very  large  proportion  of  the  closed  land  is  con- 
trolled from  London,  either  by  ex-Australians 
who  live  there  and  draw  their  income  from  Aus- 
tralian property,  or  by  big  British  companies. 

. . . It  is  necessary  to  warn  seriously  sharehold- 
ers and  directors  of  the  big  companies  that  they 
must  put  pressure  on  their  officials  out  here,  or 
prepare  to  have  more  drastic  pressure  forced  on 
themselves.  At  present,  those  officials  are  often 
responsible  for  Australian  dislike  of  the  absentee 
company.” 


306 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


In  another  letter  to  the  same  paper  it  was 
said:  “ Somehow  or  other  the  locked-up  lands 
must  be  opened  for  agricultural  uses.  No  one 
now  doubts  that,  and  only  a few  owners,  usually 
either  absentees  or  corporations,  pretend  to  doubt 
it.  The  Labour  recipe  is  a Federal  land  tax  on 
estates  over  £5,000  in  value,  of  such  a kind  that 
fair  use  of  the  land  will  produce  profit  on  which 
the  tax  will  be  a mere  fleabite,  while  it  will  be 
a serious  charge  on  fertile  land  that  is  used  only 
for  sheep  runs.  The  proposed  tax  is  to  be  Fed- 
eral simply  because  there  is  no  hope  of  passing 
the  requisite  Bill  through  several  of  the  State 
Upper  Houses  ; otherwise  it  is  more  properly  a 
State  concern.  Now  what  we  have  to  remember 
is  that  this  is  not  only  Labour’s  remedy.  I be- 
lieve it  would  be  quite  possible  to  carry  such 
a proposal  in  the  present  Federal  Parliament, 
so  definitely  has  public  opinion  swung  round 
against  the  big  owners  who  keep  their  land  idle. 
If  it  is  not  carried  next  session,  it  will  be  be- 
cause Mr.  Deakin  gave  his  word  two  years  ago 
that  he  would  not  introduce  the  subject  in  this 
Parliament ; but  Mr.  Deakin’s  attitude  is  this 
— that  he  wishes  the  States  would  do  it,  that 
he  does  not  consider  this  Parliament  has  any 
mandate  to  legislate  for  it,  but  that  he  person- 
ally has  always  favoured  such  a tax,  and,  if  the 
States  take  no  steps  in  that  direction,  he  will 
support,  or  even  propose,  the  measure  when  it 
has  been  submitted  to  the  country  at  a general 
election.  It  is  useless,  therefore,  for  any  one  to 
decry  the  tax  as  merely  a Labour  idea,  a ‘ So- 
cialistic’ nostrum.  The  support  given  it  in 
Australia  is  far  wider  than  that.  And,  apart 
from  the  many  who  advocate  it  as  the  best 
remedy  for  the  present  land-hunger,  there  is  an 
increasing  body  of  electors  who  are  being  forced 
into  supporting  it  because  no  other  remedies 
seem  practicable.” 

The  attitude  of  the  Australian  Labor  Party 
on  the  inseparable  immigration  and  land  ques- 
tions was  stated  very  clearly  and  succinctly  in 
a letter  to  the  London  Times,  dated  at  New- 
castle, New  South  Wales,  June  30,  1909,  by  a 
member  of  the  Party,  Frank  Pittock,  who  signs 
himself  “a  Magistrate  of  the  Territory.”  He 
writes  : “We  cannot  at  present  obtain  land  for 
our  own  genuine  land-seekers,  skilled  in  the  pe- 
culiar requirements  of  pastoral  and  agricultural 
work  on  the  Australian  soil.  We  certainly  are 
unable  to  give  our  own  unemployed  a chance 
on  the  land.  Any  importations  of  labour  from 
over  the  seas  merely  serve  to  render  more  dis- 
tressful the  unfortunate  position  of  the  colonial 
out-of-works.  On  the  other  hand,  we  do  now, 
and  always  have,  welcomed  new  arrivals  who 
may  be  able,  in  the  near  future,  to  effectively 
augment  our  productive  wealth.  The  party 
fully  recognizes  the  need  of  population  — of  the 
right  sort.  We  have  vast  empty  spaces  all 
over  the  continent,  now  grazing  grounds  for 
sheep,  yet  eminently  suitable  for  intense  settle- 
ment. The  Australian  Labour  party  seeks  the 
support,  at  the  forthcoming  general  election,  of 
all  who  believe,  as  does  your  own  Australian 
Correspondent,  that  the  satisfying  of  the  earth- 
hunger  of  our  people  is  the  great  outstanding 
need  of  the  day.  Can  we  but  be  authorized  to 
force  the  huge  monopolists  to  surrender  por- 
tions of  their  holdings  we  shall  have,  not  only 
land  for  our  own  landless,  but  land  and  to  spare 
for  those  who  seek  it  from  the  British  Isles.  . . . 


We  dare  not,  as  a conscientious  and  human- 
itarian party,  invite  our  kith  and  kin  from  other 
parts  to  come  here  now.  We  should  be  traitors 
to  the  Empire,  betrayers  of  the  race,  if  we  en- 
dorsed in  any  way  the  attitude  of  those  who 
seek,  apparently,  to  flood  this  fair  land  with 
any  population  at  all,  regardless  of  the  evil  con- 
sequences to  the  immigrants  themselves,  and 
alike  regardless  of  the  grave  injustice  thereby 
done  to  native-born  landless  and,  in  many  cases, 
at  present,  work-seeking  Australians.” 

A Press  despatch  from  Sydney,  October  30, 
made  the  following  announcement:  “Under 
the  closer  settlement  amendment  Bill,  which  is 
now  before  the  Legislative  Council  of  New 
South  Wales,  the  Government  will  be  empow- 
ered by  proclamation  to  earmark  estates  in  the 
vicinity  of  towns  which  might  impede  settle- 
ment. When  such  estates  are  of  the  value  of 
£10,000  and  upwards  the  Government  may  agree 
with  the  owners  to  subdivide  them  on  terms 
and  areas  to  be  agreed  upon,  so  as  to  ensure 
bona  fide  settlement.  If  the  owners  fulfil  the 
agreement,  the  proclamation  will  be  cancelled ; 
if  the  owners  refuse  to  subdivide  within  five 
years,  the  Government  reserves  the  power  to 
resume  at  the  value  on  the  date  of  proclama- 
tion.” 

Brazil:  1908-1909.  — Increasing  Influx. — 

“ During  the  year  [1908]  112,234  persons  came 
into  the  country,  of  which  17,539  were  visitors 
and  94,695  immigrants.  This  shows  a notable 
increase  of  26,908  immigrants,  or  about  forty 
per  cent,  over  the  number  registered  in  1907. 
Of  these  74,999  came  at  their  own  expense  and 
11,109  at  the  cost  of  the  Union.  The  increase 
continues  this  year,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  re- 
cord of  the  Port  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  alone,  which 
received  13,580  immigrants  during  the  first 
quarter  of  this  year,  as  compared  with  8,607  in 
1908  and  5,943  in  1907.  In  spite  of  the  small 
grant  allotted  to  this  service,  it  has  been  con- 
ducted with  the  greatest  efficiency.  The  De- 
partment for  the  Peopling  of  the  Soil  has 
effected  the  location  of  immigrants  in  26  colo- 
nies, situated  respectively  in  the  States  of  Es- 
pirito  Santo,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Minas  Geraes,  Sao 
Paulo,  Parana,  Santa  Catharina,  and  Rio-Grande- 
do-Sul,  eleven  of  which  are  directly  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Union.  All  the  nucleus  col- 
onies founded  last  year  enjoy  unrestricted  pros- 
perity, and  it  has  been  even  necessary  to  acquire 
neighbouring  lands  in  order  to  satisfy  the  con- 
stant demand  for  more  land  on  the  part  of  the 
families  settled.” — President’s  Message  to  Con- 
gress, May  3,  1909. 

Canada:  A.  D.  1896-1909.  — The  “Amer- 
ican Invasion”  of  the  Northwest. — Immi- 
gration of  the  last  decade.  See  (in  this  vol. ) 
Canada:  A.  D.  1896-1909. 

England:  A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Aliens 
Act. — Restrictions  on  the  admission  of 
Aliens. —A  new  policy.  — Until  1905,  Eng- 
land offered  practically  an  open  door  to  the 
aliens  who  sought  either  a permanent  home  or 
a temporary  residence  on  her  island  soil.  Lit- 
tle scrutiny  was  given  to  them  and  almost  no 
restriction  on  their  coming  in.  But  some  years 
before  that  date  a growing  criticism  of  such  un- 
conditioned hospitality  was  begun.  In  1888  it 
induced  the  appointment  of  a Select  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Commons  “to  inquire  into  the 
laws  existing  in  the  United  States  and  elsewhere 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


on  the  subject  of  the  immigration  of  destitute 
aliens,  and  the  extent  and  effect  of  such  immi- 
gration into  the  United  Kingdom,  and  to  report 
whether  it  is  desirable  to  impose  any,  and  if  so, 
what,  restrictions  on  such  immigration.”  The 
Commission  reported  in  1889  that  it  thought 
“ the  alien  population  was  not  numerous  enough 
to  create  alarm,”  and  that  it  was  “ not  prepared 
to  recommend  legislation  at  present,”  but  saw 
“the  possibility  of  such  legislation  becoming 
necessary  in  the  future.”  Several  proposals  of 
restrictive  measures  were  urged  without  success 
in  the  course  of  the  next  dozen  years,  and,  in 
1902,  a Royal  Commission  was  appointed,  “ to 
inquire  into  — (1)  the  character  and  extent  of 
the  evils  which  are  attributed  to  the  unrestricted 
immigration  of  aliens,  especially  in  the  Metro- 
polis ; (2)  the  measures  which  have  been  adopted 
for  the  restriction  and  control  of  alien  immigra- 
tion in  foreign  countries  and  in  British  colonies.” 
The  Commission  produced  an  elaborate  report 
in  1903  (Parliamentary  Papers,  Cd.  1741).  Re- 
viewing the  hospitality  of  the  past,  it  found 
that  the  migrant  aliens  of  former  generations 
had  made  the  English  people  “ their  debtors”  ; 
but  they  were  of  a different  stamp  from  the  im- 
migrants of  the  present  movement,  which  “ may 
be  said  to  have  begun  about  1880,  and  is  drawn 
mainly  from  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Eastern 
Europe.”  The  causes  of  this  recent  exodus 
have  been  partly  economic  and  partly  due  to 
oppressive  measures;  and  the  result  of  the  Com- 
mission’s investigation  of  it  was  the  expressed 
opinion  that  “in  respect  of  certain  classes  of 
immigrants,  especially  those  arriving  from 
Eastern  Europe,  it  is  necessary  in  the  interests 
of  the  State  generally,  and  of  certain  localities 
in  particular,  that  the  entrance  of  such  im- 
migrants into  this  country  and  their  right  of 
residence  here  should  be  placed  under  conditions 
and  regulations  coming  within  that  right  of 
interference  which  every  country  possesses  to 
control  the  entrance  of  foreigners  into  it.  Such 
regulations  should,  in  our  opinion,"  the  report 
went  on  to  say,  “be  made  in  order  to  prevent 
so  far  as  possible  this  country  being  burdened 
with  the  presence  of  ‘ undesirable  aliens’  and  to 
provide  for  their  repatriation  in  certain  cases. 

“But  we  think  that  the  greatest  evils  pro- 
duced by  the  presence  of  the  alien  immigrants 
here  are  the  overcrowding  caused  by  them  in 
certain  districts  of  London,  and  the  consequent 
displacement  of  the  native  population.  There 
seems  little  likelihood  of  being  able  to  remedy 
these  great  evils  by  the  enforcement  of  any  law 
applicable  to  the  native  and  alien  population 
alike.  We  therefore  think  that  special  regula- 
tions should  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting aliens  at  their  own  will  choosing  their 
residence  within  districts  already  so  overcrowded 
that  any  addition  to  dwellers  within  it  must 
produce  most  injurious  results.  On  this  point 
the  Commission  recommended  specifically  that 
if  it  be  found  that  the  immigration  of  aliens 
into  any  area  has  substantially  contributed  to 
any  overcrowding,  and  that  it  is  expedient  that 
no  further  newly-arrived  aliens  should  become 
residents  in  such  area,  the  same  may  be  declared 
prohibited  area. 

“We  are  also  of  opinion  that  efforts  should 
be  made  to  rid  this  country  of  the  presence  of 
alien  criminals  (and  other  objectionable  char- 
acters).” 


An  Act  embodying  substantially  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  Commission  passed  Parlia- 
ment in  1905.  Both  the  Act  and  the  admin- 
istration of  it  have  been  criticised  since,  as 
lacking  stringency.  Its  working  was  reviewed 
at  considerable  length  in  The  Times  of  February 
9,  1909  which  made  the  following  statements, 
among  others,  on  the  subject;  “The  Act,  as 
now  administered,  does  not  subject  all  alien  im- 
migrants, or  even  all  steerage  immigrants,  to 
inspection.  To  begin  with,  the  regulation  of 
alien  immigration  is  confined,  practically,  to  the 
traffic  between  the  United  Kingdom  and  ports 
in  Europe  or  within  the  Mediterranean  Sea.” 

In  fact,  according  to  The  Times,  “the  vast 
majority  of  aliens  are  not  affected  by  the  Act. 
A foreigner  may  enter  this  country  unchallenged 
— If  he  comes  from  an  ‘extra-European’  port 
(with  some  exceptions) ; if  he  is  a cabin  pas- 
senger ; if  he  is  an  exempted  second-class  pas- 
senger ; if  he  is  a transmigrant ; if  he  is  a pas- 
senger in  a ship  containing  fewer  than  21  ‘ alien 
steerage  passengers.’ 

“Then  also,  though  nominally  a subject  for 
inspection,  he  is  not  called  upon  to  satisfy  4he 
full  requirements  of  the  Act,  if  he  is  proceeding 
to  a destination  outside  the  United  Kingdom  ; 
if  he  holds  a return  ticket ; if  he  is  a seaman ; 
if  he  is  fleeing  from  religious  or  political  perse- 
cution.” 

Germany:  A.  D.  1904-1908.  — Remark- 
able decrease  of  Emigration.  — “ German  em- 
igration has  dwindled  so  steadily  and  rapidly 
that  at  present  it  would  seem  to  have  reached 
the  low-water  mark  in  its  downward  trend.  A 
glance  at  the  official  statistics  of  emigration  will 
indicate  the  remarkable  extent  of  this  retro- 
gression. In  1852,  Germans,  to  the  number  of 
145,918,  and  in  1854,  to  the  number  of  215,009, 
went  to  the  United  States  alone.  In  1872,  just 
after  the  unification  of  the  Empire,  the  grand  to- 
tal of  German  emigration  amounted  to  128,152  ; 
in  1873,  to  110,438  ; in  1881,  to  220,902  ; in  1882, 
to  203,585  persons.  During  the  years  succeed- 
ing 1882  up  to  1892,  the  figures,  in  the  average, 
still  surpassed  100,000,  but  since  then  they  have 
shown  a notable  falling  off.  Thus  only  22,309 
in  1900;  22,073  in  1901 ; 32,098  in  1902  ; 36,310 
in  1903;  27,984  in  1904  — were  recorded  as  hav- 
ing gone  from  Germany  to  lands  beyond  the 
sea. 

“This  retrogressive  tendency  appears  the 
more  surprising  when  it  is  remembered  that 
Germany’s  population,  mainly  as  a result  of  the 
excess  of  births  over  deaths,  but  partly  through 
its  inland  migration,  has,  since  the  foundation  of 
the  Empire,  increased  at  an  average  annual  rate 
of  over  half  a million,  during  recent  years  at 
the  still  higher  rate  of  800,000  per  annum.  The 
cause  for  this  seeming  anomaly  lies  in  the  ex- 
traordinary economical  development  of  Germany 
during  the  last  decade,  in  the  consequent  steady 
improvement  of  the  social  status  of  its  laboring 
classes,  brought  about  by  a progressive  rise  in 
wages,  and  in  the  elimination,  thereby,  of  one 
of  the  strongest  incentives  to  emigration  in  for- 
mer days.”  — Baron  Speck  von  Sternburg,  The 
Phantom  Peril  of  German  Emigration  and  South- 
American  Settlements  ( North  American  licview, 
May,  1906). 

Of  the  emigrants  from  Germany  in  1908,  the 
U.  S.  Consul-General  reported  that  they  num- 
bered only  19,880,  being  11,816  less  than  in  1907. 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


“From  1897  to  1907  the  yearly  mean  average 
was  27,526,  or  0.47  per  cent,  of  the  population. 
Altogether  since  1871  the  German  Empire  has 
lost  only  2,750,000  people  by  emigration,  or  as 
many  people  as  can  be  made  good  in  four  years 
by  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths.” 

Italy  : A.  D.  1908.  — Great  falling  off  ill 
the  Movement  of  Emigration. — As  reported 
in  a Press  despatch  from  Rome,  in  June,  1909, 
the  statistics  of  1908  showed  a marked  falling 
off  in  Italian  emigration.  “In  1907  the  total 
number  of  emigrants  was  704,675  ; in  1908  it 
was  only  486,674.  The  most  notable  reduction 
is  in  the  number  of  emigrants  to  the  United 
States,  which  has  fallen  from  298,124  in  1907  to 
131,501  in  1908.  This  chiefly  affects  Southern 
Italy,  the  Abruzzi,  Campania,  Calabria,  Basili- 
cata, and  Sicily ; the  northern  emigration, 
which  for  the  most  part  is  directed  towards 
European  countries,  is  also  diminished,  but  in  a 
less  proportion.  Unfortunately,  this  change  is 
not  due  to  more  favourable  labour  conditions 
in  Italy,  but  to  a smaller  demand  for  labour  in 
North  America.  The  number  of  emigrants  to 
Argentina  has  slightly  increased  from  78,493  to 
80,699  ; but  the  great  market  for  Italian  labour, 
the  United  States,  is,  to  judge  from  the  figures 
of  this  year  as  well  as  last  year,  surely  and  irre- 
trievably growing  smaller.” 

Peru:  A.  D.  1906. — Decree  for  the  Encour- 
agement of  Immigration. —The  following  de- 
cree was  promulgated  by  President  Pardo  the 
10th  of  August,  1906  : 

“First.  The  State  will  provide  third-class 
passages  for  the  natives  of  Europe  and  America 
who  may  wish  to  introduce  industrial  or  private 
enterprises,  provided  that  they  fulfill  the  fol- 
lowing conditions:  (a)  That  they  are  from  16 
to  50  years  of  age,  if  they  are  males,  and  from  10 
to  40  if  they  are  females,  fulfilling  the  conditions 
of  morality  and  health  laid  down  in  the  rules 
now  in  force.  (5)  That  they  come  to  engage  in 
agriculture,  in  mining,  or  in  other  industries, 
or  to  devote  themselves  to  these  occupations  for 
account  of  colonization,  immigration,  or  irriga- 
tion enterprises. 

“Second.  The  payment  of  the  passages  will 
be  made  through  the  consuls  of  the  Republic 
in  the  ports  of  shipment  in  view  of  the  orders 
cabled  by  the  ministry  of  fomento,  to  which  of- 
fice must  be  presented  in  writing  the  request  of 
the  interested  parties  for  such  payment,  indicat- 
ing at  the  same  time  the  number  of  immigrants, 
the  agricultural  estate  or  industrial  establish- 
ment to  which  they  are  destined,  and  declaring 
themselves  obliged  to  provide  lodging,  board, 
and  medical  attendance  for  the  immigrants 
from  the  port  of  landing  to  the  place  of  destina- 
tion. 

“Third.  The  consuls  of  the  Republic,  on  re- 
ceipt of  the  order  from  the  minister  of  fomento, 
shall  make  the  payment  of  the  passages  to  the 
steamer  companies  direct,  with  previous  personal 
and  individual  evidence  that  the  immigrants  ful- 
fill the  conditions  set  forth  in  Article  1 of  this 
decree,  and  for  this  purpose  they  shall  give  a 
certificate  to  each  immigrant,  which  shall  be  col- 
lected by  the  maritime  authorities  of  the  port  of 
landing  and  afterwards  forwarded  to  the  minis- 
try of  fomento. 

“Fourth.  A general  register  of  immigrants 
shall  be  opened  in  the  agricultural  section  of  the 
ministry  of  fomento,  in  accordance  with  the  mod- 


els and  instructions  obtaiued  from  that  depart- 
ment.” 

United  States  : A.  D.  1868-1908.  — Chinese 
Exclusion  Laws  vs.  Treaties  with  China. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : United 
States  : A.  D.  1868-1900,  and  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — National  Conference  of 
1905.  — The  New  Immigration  Law.  — Ex- 
cluded Classes. — Congressional  Commission 
to  investigate  Immigration.  — Its  Prelimi- 
nary Report. — Information  for  Immigrants. 
— Measures  for  distributing  them. — Back- 
ward turn  of  the  tide  in  1908.  — At  a Na- 
tional Conference  on  the  subject  of  Immigra- 
tion, held  at  New  York  in  December,  1905,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  National  Civic  Federation, 
the  Commissioner-General  of  Immigration,  Mr. 
Frank  P.  Sargent,  presented  some  facts  of  the 
immigration  of  the  preceding  statistical  year 
which  claimed  very  grave  consideration.  Dur- 
ing the  twelve  monthsending  June  30  there  had 
been  1,026,499  arrivals  in  this  country,  and  of 
this  number  seven  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
thousand,  or  76  per  cent.,  settled  in  sixStates — - 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  Illi- 
nois, New  Jersey,  and  Ohio.  New  York  re- 
ceived over  three  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand, 
while  the  West  received  only  forty  three  thou- 
sand; Pennsylvania  received  over  two  hundred 
and  ten  thousand,  while  the  South  received  only 
forty-six  thousand.  Fifty-seven  thousand  came 
to  New  Jersey,  while  North  Carolina’s  share 
was  one  hundred  and  eighty -three.  These  fig- 
ures gave  point  to  Mr.  Sargent’s  statement  that 
the  immigrants  go  where  their  friends  are.  Their 
only  sources  of  information  concerning  this 
country  are  the  agents  of  the  transportation 
companies  and  their  friends  who  have  come 
here  before.  The  resulting  lack  of  know- 
ledge concerning  those  parts  of  the  country  in 
which  they  are  most  needed  is  the  chief  cause 
of  the  congestion  in  the  large  cities  and  the 
more  densely  populated  States  which  is  one  of 
the  most  serious  aspects  of  the  immigration 
problem. 

Nearly  twelve  thousand  immigrants  were  re- 
fused admission  during  the  year,  of  whom  eight 
thousand  were  paupers,  two  thousand  diseased, 
and  one  thousand  brought  in  violation  of  the 
contract  labour  law.  “ It  is  right,”  said  Mr.  Sar- 
gent, “that  they  should  be  denied  admission, 
wrong  that  they  ever  should  have  been  started 
from  home.” 

In  the  new  Immigration  Law  enacted  by  Con- 
gress in  February,  1907,  provision  was  made  for 
giving  information  to  immigrants,  after  their 
landing  in  the  country,  such  as  may  guide  them 
in  the  choice  of  their  place  of  settlement.  It 
authorized  the  Commissioner-General  of  Immi- 
gration to  establish  a Division  of  Information, 
the  duty  of  which  shall  be  “ to  promote  a bene- 
ficial distribution  of  aliens  admitted  into  the 
United  States  among  the  several  States  and  Ter- 
ritories desiring  immigration.”  To  which  end 
“ correspondence  shall  be  had  with  the  proper 
officials  of  the  States  and  Territories,  and  said 
division  shall  gather  from  all  available  sources 
useful  information  regarding  the  resources,  pro- 
ducts, and  physical  characteristics  of  each  State 
and  Territory,  and  shall  publish  such  informa- 
tion in  different  languages  and  distribute  the 
publications  among  all  admitted  aliens  who  may 
ask  for  such  information  at  the  immigrant  sta- 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


IMMIGRATION  AND  EMIGRATION 


tions  of  the  United  States  and  to  such  other  per- 
sons as  may  desire  the  same.”  Agents  appointed 
by  any  State  or  Territory  to  represent  to  arriv 
ing  immigrants  the  inducements  it  can  offer  to 
them  are  to  have  perfect  freedom  and  opportu- 
nity to  do  so. 

For  checking  the  immigration  of  prohibited 
classes  of  aliens  at  the  foreign  starting-points  of 
their  journey  to  America,  instead  of  at  the  laud- 
ing places  on  this  side  of  the  ocean,  the  new  law 
only  lays  more  rigid  restrictions  and  heavier 
penalties  on  the  transportation  companies,  to 
make  them  exercise  a more  careful  discrimina- 
tion in  their  acceptance  of  passengers.  It  adds 
several  classes  to  the  former  list  of  aliens  to  be 
excluded  from  admission  to  the  United  States. 
The  list  now  reads  : “ All  idiots,  imbeciles,  fee- 
ble-minded persons,  epileptics,  insane  persons, 
and  persons  who  have  been  insane  within  five 
years  previous  ; persons  who  have  had  two  or 
more  attacks  of  insanity  at  any  time  previously; 
paupers;  persons  likely  to  become  a public 
charge  ; professional  beggars ; persons  afflicted 
with  tuberculosis  or  with  a loathsome  or  dan- 
gerous contagious  disease  ; persons  not  compre- 
hended within  any  of  the  foregoing  excluded 
classes  who  are  found  to  he  and  are  certified  by 
the  examining  surgeon  as  being  mentally  or 
physically  defective,  such  mental  or  physical 
defect  being  of  a nature  which  may  affect  the 
ability  of  such  alien  to  earn  a living  ; persons 
who  have  been  convicted  of  or  admit  having 
committed  a felony  or  other  crime  or  misde- 
meanor involving  moral  turpitude  ; polygamists, 
or  persons  who  admit  their  belief  in  the  practice 
of  polygamy,  anarchists,  or  persons  who  believe 
in  or  advocate  the  overthrow  by  force  or  violence 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  of  all 
government,  or  of  all  forms  of  law,  or  the  assas- 
sination of  public  officials  : prostitutes,  or  wo- 
men or  girls  coming  into  the  United  States  for 
the  purpose  of  prostitution  or  for  any  other  im- 
moral purpose  ; persons  who  procure  or  attempt 
to  bring  in  prostitutes  or  women  or  girls  for  the 
purpose  of  prostitution  or  for  any  other  immoral 
purpose,”  — together  with  contract  laborers,  so 
called,  assisted  immigrants,  and  children  under 
sixteen  years  of  age  unaccompanied  by  one  or 
both  of  their  parents. 

The  new  law  created  a Commission  to  investi- 
gate the  subject  of  immigration  and  to  report 
its  findings  and  recommendations  to  Congress. 
The  Commission  to  be  composed  of  three  Sena- 
tors, three  Representatives,  and  three  persons  to 
be  appointed  by  the  President.  A preliminary 
report  from  this  Commission  was  presented  to 
Congress  on  the  1st  of  March,  1909.  This  indi- 
cated no  more  than  the  progress  that  had  been 
made  in  a most  exhaustive  investigation,  which 
probably  would  require  the  greater  part  of  an- 
other year  to  carry  it  to  completion.  It  was  cov- 
ering every  phase  of  the  immigration  question, 
including  Oriental  aliens  and  other  excluded 
classes,  peonage,  charity  among  immigrants, 
white  slave  traffic,  conditions  of  steerage,  an 
thropology,  congestion  in  large  cities,  alien  crim- 
inality, competition  of  immigrants,  school  in- 
quiries, administration  of  the  immigration  laws, 
distribution  of  immigrants,  and  other  questions. 
In  its  work  the  Commission  had  employed  198 
persons,  of  whom  82  were  in  Washington,  2 in 
New  York,  2 in  San  Francisco,  92  in  field  work, 
and  20  in  special  lines  of  inquiry. 


The  preliminary  report  of  the  Commission  in- 
dicates that  the  present  provisions  of  law  for 
the  exclusion  of  undesirable  persons  are  stronger 
in  theory  than  they  are  effective  in  practice, 
and  that  thousands  of  very  undesirable  immi- 
grants enter  the  country  every  year.  The  Com- 
mission expresses  a confident  expectation  of 
finding  means  of  prevention  that  will  be  effect- 
ive. It  is  conducting  an  inquiry  of  great  im- 
portance into  the  subject  of  alien  criminality. 
The  higher  criminal  courts  of  New  York  city 
are  keeping  records,  at  its  request,  in  detail,  of 
each  person  convicted  of  crime,  and  it  is  in- 
tended that  a study  of  foreign-born  criminals, 
and  criminals  of  the  second  generation,  will  be 
made  in  that  city.  The  investigation,  however, 
is  not  confined  to  the  larger  cities. 

The  Division  of  Information  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor  which  the  new 
Immigration  Law  provided  for  was  organized 
with  Mr.  Terence  V.  Powderly,  former  Com- 
missioner-General of  Immigration,  as  its  Chief. 
In  July,  1909,  there  was  an  announcement  of 
its  undertaking  to  bring  about  cooperation  with 
the  Governors  of  States  and  Territories,  in  or- 
ganized measures  to  accomplish  a better  distri- 
bution through  the  country  of  the  foreigners 
that  come  to  it. 

Dr.  L.  Pierce  Clark  has  lately  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  the  increase  of  immigration  into 
the  United  States  has  reached  the  point  of  mak- 
ing the  influx  of  aliens  the  principal  source  of 
population,  and  that  “ its  character  has  changed 
so  fundamentally  that  it  has  assumed  an  entirely 
new  relation  to  American  social  problems.  Up 
to  1900  the  average  annual  immigration  had  not 
exceeded  one-half  of  one  per  cent  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States,  and  the  races  which 
had  made  the  first  settlement  in  the  country 
were  still  contributing  more  than  75  per  cent,  of 
the  whole  number  of  arrivals.  By  1901  the  new 
immigration  had  fairly  started,  the  English, 
Irish,  German,  and  Scandinavian  had  been  sup- 
planted by  Hebrews,  Slavs,  and  Italians,  and  the 
impetus  had  been  received  which,  four  years 
later,  was  to  carry  immigration  past  the  million- 
a-year  mark.  More  than  one-fifth  of  all  the  im- 
migrants who  have  come  to  this  country  have 
arrived  since  1900,  and,  with  the  changed  source 
of  immigration,  a remarkable  transformation  in 
the  composition  of  our  foreign-born  population 
is  in  progress.” 

The  industrial  depression  of  1907,  however, 
produced  evidence  that  much  of  this  later  immi- 
gration has  not  been  for  permanent  settlement ; 
that  the  facilitation  and  cheapening  of  travel 
have  brought  about  extensive  movements  of 
people,  from  southern  and  southeastern  Europe, 
especially,  who  come  to  America  only  to  earn 
and  save  a little  fund  which  suffices  for  a com- 
fortable remainder  of  life  in  their  own  land. 
The  check  to  such  earning  which  occurred  in 
1907  turned  the  tide  of  migration  instantly  back 
from  America  to  Europe.  According  to  statis- 
tics prepared  by  Mr.  Watcliorn,  the  late  Com- 
missioner-General of  Immigration,  the  excess  of 
departures  over  arrivals  at  the  port  of  New 
York,  in  the  half  year  from  January  1 to  July  1, 
1908,  was  129,511.  In  the  whole  fiscal  year  that 
ended  June  30,  1908,  the  departures  from  New 
York  were  631,458 ; the  arrivals  689,474  ; show- 
ing the  gain  of  population  to  the  country  that 
year  from  incomers  through  the  port  of  New 


310 


IMPERIAL  CONFERENCE 


INDIA,  1902-1903 


York  to  have  been  only  58,016,  even  if  all  be- 
came permanent  inhabitants. 


IMPERIAL  CONFERENCE.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  British  Empire:  A.  D.  1907. 

IMPERIAL  PRESS  CONFERENCE, 
The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire  : A. 
D.  1909  (June). 

INCOME  TAX:  Proposed  amendment 

to  the  U.  S.  Constitution.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1909  (July). 

INDEMNITY  FOR  THE  BOXER  RIS- 
ING: Remittance  of  part  of  it  by  the 

United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D. 
1901-1908. 

INDEPENDENCE  LEAGUE.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D.  1905,  and 
New  York  State:  A.  D.  1906-1910. 


See,  also  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems,  and 
Canada. 


INDEPENDENCE  PARTY,  or  Kossuth 
Party.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria-Hungary: 
A.  D.  1902-1903,  and  1904. 

INDEPENDENT  FILIPINO  CHURCH. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands:  A.  D. 

1902. 

INDEPENDENT  LABOR  PARTY, 
British.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D. 

1903,  and  1905-1906;  also,  Socialism:  England. 

INDEPENDENTS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1907. 

INDEPENDISTAS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907. 

INDETERMINATE  SENTENCES. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology. 


INDIA. 


A.  D.  1902-1903. — Ravages  of  the  Bubonic 
Plague.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health  : 
Bubonic  Plague. 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  — Forced  opening  of  Tibet 
to  trade.  — The  mission  and  expedition  of 
Colonel  Younghusband.  See  Tibet  : A.  D. 
1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  question  of  Indian  La- 
bor in  South  Africa.  See  South  Africa  : A. 
D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1903  (Jan.).  — Great  Durbar  at  Delhi. 

— A great  Durbar  or  reception  was  held  at 
Delhi,  on  the  first  of  January,  1903,  by  the 
Viceroy  and  by  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Con- 
naught, specially  deputed  to  represent  their 
majesties  the  Emperor  and  Empress  of  India. 
About  100  ruling  chiefs  were  in  attendance, 
and  the  visitors  drawn  by  the  spectacle  were 
estimated  to  number  173,000. 

A.  D.  1903-1908.  — Hostility  in  the  Trans- 
vaal to  British  Indian  Immigration.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : South  Africa  : 
A.  D.  1903-1908. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Cooperative  Industrial 
Movement.  See  Labor  Organization:  India. 

A.  D.  1905  (April).  — Terrific  earthquake 
in  the  Punjab  and  United  Provinces.  See 
Earthquakes:  India:  A.  D.  1905. 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — Resignation  of  Lord 
Curzon.  — Announcement  of  the  resignation  of 
the  Viceroyalty  by  Lord  Curzon  was  made 
August  21.  The  immediate  cause  of  his  action 
was  understood  to  be  the  refusal  of  the  Home 
Government  to  approve  his  nomination  of  an 
officer.  General  Barrow,  whom  he  wished  to 
have  placed  on  the  Viceroy’s  Council.  But 
friction  between  Lord  Curzon  and  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  in  India,  Lord  Kitchener,  over 
questions  of  military  administration  and  the  au- 
thority belonging  to  their  respective  offices  had 
been  troublesome  for  some  time  past,  and  the 
Viceroy  had  seemed  to  regard  the  attitude  of 
the  government  at  home  as  more  favorable  to 
Lord  Kitchener  than  to  himself. 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — Agreement  concern- 
ing India  between  Great  Britain  and  Japan. 
See  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1905-1908. — The  Starving  Poverty 
of  the  Mass  of  the  People. — “ Suppose  we 
divide  the  past  century  into  quarters,  or  periods 


of  twenty-five  years  each.  In  the  first  quarter 
there  were  five  famines,  with  an  estimated  loss 
of  life  of  1,000,000.  During  the  second  quarter 
of  the  century  were  two  famines,  with  an  esti- 
mated mortality  of  500,000.  During  the  third 
quarter  there  there  were  six  famines,  with 
a recorded  loss  of  life  of  5,000,000.  During  the 
last  quarter  of  the  century,  what  ? Eighteen 
famines,  with  an  estimated  mortality  reaching 
the  awful  totals  of  from  15,000,000  to  26,000,- 
000.  And  this  does  not  include  the  many  more 
millions  (over  6,000,000  in  a single  year)  barely 
kept  alive  by  government  doles. 

“ What  is  the  cause  of  these  famines,  and 
this  appalling  increase  in  their  number  and  de- 
structiveness. The  common  answer  is,  the  fail- 
ure of  the  rains.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  evi- 
dence that  the  rains  fail  worse  now  than  they 
did  a hundred  years  ago.  Moreover,  why  should 
failure  of  rains  bring  famine  ? The  rains  have 
never  failed  over  areas  so  extensive  as  to  pre- 
vent the  raising  of  enough  food  in  the  land  to 
supply  the  needs  of  the  entire  population.  Why 
then  have  people  starved  ? . . . Because  they 
were  so  indescribably  poor.  All  candid  and 
thorough  investigation  into  the  causes  of  the 
famines  of  India  has  shown  that  the  chief  and 
fundamental  cause  has  been  and  is  the  poverty 
of  the  people,  — a poverty  so  severe  and  terrible 
that  it  keeps  the  majority  of  the  entire  popula- 
tion on  the  very  verge  of  starvation  even  in 
years  of  greatest  plenty.  . . . 

“ And  the  people  are  growing  poorer  and 
poorer.  The  late  Mr.  William  Digby,  of  Lon- 
don, long  an  Indian  resident,  in  his  recent  book 
entitled,  Prosperous  India,  shows  from  official 
estimates  and  Parliamentary  and  Indian  Blue 
Books,  that,  whereas  the  average  daily  income 
of  the  people  of  India  in  the  year  1850  was  esti- 
mated as  four  cents  per  person  (a  pittance  on 
which  one  wonders  that  any  human  being  can 
live),  in  1882  it  had  fallen  to  three  cents  per 
person  and  in  1900  actually  to  less  than  two 
cents  per  person.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  people 
reduced  to  such  extremities  as  this  can  lay  up 
nothing?  . . . 

“One  cause  of  India’s  impoverishment  is 
heavy  taxation.  Taxation  in  England  and  Scot- 
land is  high,  so  high  that  Englishmen  and 
Scotchmen  complain  bitterly.  But  the  people 


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INDIA,  1903-1909 


INDIA,  1905-1909 


of  India  arc  taxed  more  than  twice  as  heavily  as 
the  people  of  England  and  three  times  as  heavily 
as  those  of  Scotland.  According  to  the  latest 
statistics  at  hand,  those  of  1905,  the  annual  aver- 
age income  per  person  in  India  is  about  $6.00, 
and  the  annual  tax  per  person  about  $2.00.  . . . 

“Notice  the  single  item  of  salt-taxation. 
Salt  is  an  absolute  necessity  to  the  people,  to 
the  very  poorest;  they  must  have  it  or  die. 
But  the  tax  upon  it  which  for  many  years  they 
have  been  compelled  to  pay  has  been  much 
greater  than  the  cost  value  of  the  salt.  Under 
this  taxation  the  quantity  of  salt  consumed  has 
been  reduced  actually  to  one-half  the  quantity 
declared  by  medical  authorities  to  be  absolutely 
necessary  for  health.  . . . 

“Another  cause  of  India’s  impoverishment  is 
the  destruction  of  her  manufactures,  as  the  re- 
sult of  British  rule.  . . . Great  Britain  wanted 
India’s  markets.  She  could  not  find  entrance 
for  British  manufactures  so  long  as  India  was 
supplied  with  manufactures  of  her  own.  So 
those  of  India  must  be  sacrificed.  England  had 
all  power  in  her  hands,  and  so  she  proceeded  to 
pass  tariff  and  excise  laws  that  ruined  the  manu- 
factures of  India  and  secured  the  market  for  her 
own  goods 

“A  third  cause  of  India’s  impoverishment  is 
the  enormous  and  wholly  unnecessary  cost  of 
her  government.  . . . 

“Another  burden  upon  the  people  of  India 
which  they  ought  not  to  be  compelled  to  bear, 
and  which  does  much  to  increase  their  poverty, 
is  the  enormously  heavy  military  expenses  of  the 
government.  . . . 

“ Perhaps  the  greatest  of  all  the  causes  of 
the  impoverishment  of  the.Indian  people  is  the 
steady  and  enormous  drain  of  wealth  from  India 
to  England,  which  has  been  going  on  ever  since 
the  East  India  Company  first  set  foot  in  the 
land,  three  hundred  years  ago,  and  is  still  going 
on  with  steadily  increasing  volume.  . . . Says 
Mr.  R.  C.  Dutt,  author  of  the  Economic  History 
of  India  (and  there  is  no  higher  authority),  ‘ A 
sum  reckoned  at  twenty  millions  of  English 
money,  or  a hundred  millions  of  American 
money  [some  other  authorities  put  it  much 
higher],  which  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  is 
equal  to  half  the  net  revenues  of  India,  is 
remitted  annually  from  this  country  [India]  to 
England,  without  a direct  equivalent.’” — J.  T. 
Sunderland,  The  New  Nationalist  Movement  in 
India  (Atlantic  Monthly , Oct. , 1908). 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Partition  of  Ben- 
gal. — Resentment  and  Disaffection  of  the 
Bengalese.  — The  Swadeshi  Movement. — 
Reported  improvement  of  conditions  in  the 
new  province  of  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam. 
— The  partition  of  Bengal,  in  October,  1905, 
one  of  the  latest  measures  of  Lord  Curzon’s  ad- 
ministration of  the  Government  of  India,  gave 
rise  to  much  native  agitation  and  disaffection, 
and  is  still  under  criticism  in  England,  but  not 
likely  to  be  undone.  In  the  view  of  the  Anglo- 
Indian  Government  the  partition  was  a neces- 
sity, because  of  the  magnitude  of  the  province, 
in  territory  and  population,  which  made  the 
task  of  provincial  administration  too  difficult. 
It  was  far  the  largest  of  the  administrative  di- 
visions of  British  India,  containing  nearly  a 
third  of  the  Indian  subjects  of  the  English 
King.  Assam,  formerly  joined  with  it,  had 
been  separated  from  it  administratively  in  1874, 


under  a Chief  Commissioner.  Fifteen  of  the 
eastern  districts  of  Bengal,  adjacent  to  Assam, 
were  now  united  with  the  latter  to  form  a new 
province,  called  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam, 
and  this  disruption  of  the  old  province  was  re- 
sented very  passionately  by  a large  part  of  the 
Bengalese.  They  refused  to  believe  the  reasons 
given  for  the  partition,  but  gave  it  an  offensive 
explanation,  which  one  of  the  native  journals 
in  Calcutta  put  briefly  as  follows:  “The  ob- 
jects of  the  scheme  are,  briefly,  first,  to  destroy 
the  collective  power  of  the  Bengali  people ; sec- 
ondly, to  overthrow  the  political  ascendency  of 
Calcutta;  and,  thirdly,  to  foster  in  East  Bengal 
the  growth  of  a Mohammedan  power  which  it 
is  supposed  will  have  the  effect  of  keeping  in 
check  the  rapidly  growing  strength  of  the  edu- 
cated Hindu  community.”  In  the  official  Brit- 
ish view,  on  the  other  hand,  the  whole  stir  of 
Bengalese  feeling  was  artfully  wrought  up  for 
mischievous  ends ; but  it  is  easier  to  believe  that 
something  in  the  nature  of  a historic  sentiment 
of  nationality  was  really  hurt  and  angered  by 
the  partition.  Yet  Bengal  cannot  be  said  to 
have  had  anything  that  resembled  a distinct  na- 
tional history  for  many  centuries  before  it  came 
under  the  rule  of  the  British  East  India  Com- 
pany, in  1765.  Nor  had  its  name  been  precisely 
and  continuously  attached  to  any  well-defined 
territory. 

Whatever  the  source  of  excited  feeling  may 
have  been,  however,  it  was  ardent  and  persist- 
ent, especially  in  the  educated  class,  and  it  gave 
a start  to  what  received  the  name  of  the  Swa- 
deshi or  national  movement  of  hostility  to  all 
things  English,  directed  mainly  to  the  boycot- 
ting of  English  merchandise,  and  to  the  organi- 
zation of  efforts  for  promoting  home  production 
in  all  industrial  fields.  The  Swadeshi  movement 
soon  spread  beyond  Bengal;  but  its  stimulations 
have  been  centered  there.  The  intensity  of  the 
feeling  in  Bengal  was  such  that  on  the  16th  of 
October,  1905,  when  the  partition  took  effect, 
the  Hindus  of  Calcutta  put  on  mourning  gar- 
ments, suspended  business  and  work,  and  vowed 
that  its  anniversaries  should  be  memorial  mourn- 
ing days.  Pupils  in  native  schools  became  so 
offensive  in  their  anti-English  demonstrations 
that  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  new  pro- 
vince, Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller,  in  February,  1906, 
unwisely  requested  the  Calcutta  University  to 
disaffiliate  two  schools  in  the  Pabna  district, 
taking  away  the  pecuniary  aid  they  received. 
The  request  was  disapproved  by  Lord  Curzon’s 
successor  in  the  Viceroyalty,  Lord  Minto,  and 
rather  than  withdraw  it  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor resigned. 

In  the  winter  of  1909  the  London  Times  sent 
a special  correspondent  into  Eastern  Bengal  to 
study  the  results  of  the  partition,  so  far  as  de- 
veloped in  three  years.  His  observations  and 
conclusions  were  communicated  in  a long,  inter- 
esting letter  from  Dacca,  February  15th.  He 
wrote  : “ No  one  can  visit  the  new  province,  and 
endeavour  to  inquire  impartially  into  its  condi- 
tion before  the  ‘partition,’  without  realizing  that 
some  administrative  division  of  Bengal  had  be- 
come imperative.  Until  five  years  ago,  Eastern 
Bengal  was  the  ‘ Cinderella  ’ of  the  provinces 
of  India.  Good  administration  stopped  short  on 
the  line  of  the  Ganges.  Beyond  that  line  officers 
were  few,  and  the  interest  of  the  central  author- 
ities in  their  work  and  in  the  welfare  of  the 


312 


INDIA,  1905- 1909 


INDIA,  1905-1909 


people  in  tbeir  charge  was  comparatively  lim- 
ited. . . . Laud  revenue  administration  was  per- 
sistently neglected  in  the  temporary  settled 
tracts.  Calcutta  and  its  immediate  vicinity,  and 
the  more  accessible  districts  of  Old  Bengal,  ab- 
sorbed the  greater  part  of  the  time  and  atten- 
tion of  the  Bengal  Government.  Money  was 
poured  out  upon  Calcutta  and  its  environs,  and 
Eastern  Bengal  was  financially  starved.  Very 
little  was  spent  upon  education,  and  the  whole 
riverain  region  was  most  inadequately  policed. 
Crime  was  far  more  rife  in  the  southern  districts 
of  the  province  than  in  any  other  part  of  India. 
The  peasantry  groaned  beneath  the  exactions 
of  the  representatives  of  absentee  landlords, 
and  they  were  left  unregarded  and  unprotected. 
The  whole  province  suffered  because  its  rulers 
were  immersed  in  the  preoccupations  of  Cal- 
cutta. The  very  railways  were  constructed,  not 
to  serve  the  needs  of  these  30  millions  of  people, 
but  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  city  on  the 
Hughli.  . . . 

“It  is  remarkable  to  note  how,  in  the  short 
space  of  three  years,  the  old  deplorable  condi- 
tions of  Eastern  Bengal  have  already  under- 
gone a satisfactory  process  of  modification. 
The  province  is  no  longer  content  to  be  dragged 
at  the  tail  of  Old  Bengal.  A new  and  inde- 
pendent provincial  spirit  is  springing  up.  East- 
ern Bengal  is  beginning  to  recognize  all  that  a 
separate  existence  means  to  it.  Its  Civil  ser- 
vants, from  the  Lieutenant-Governor  down- 
wards, take  a pride  in  the  great  work  of  regen- 
eration which  has  been  entrusted  to  them. 
Their  task  is  enormous,  and  the  workers  are 
far  too  few.  They  are  like  men  who  have 
been  set  to  create  a new  colony  out  of  a land 
of  chaos.  They  have  before  them  almost  as 
formidable  an  undertaking  as  the  making  of 
modern  Egypt,  but  it  is  an  Egypt  of  green 
rice-fields  with  half-a-dozen  Niles.  . . . 

“The  demand  for  higher  education  in  East- 
ern Bengal  is  perhaps  greater  than  in  any  other 
part  of  India.  The  admirable  Government  Col- 
lege at  Dacca  has  now  been  provided  with 
splendid  buildings,  begun,  however,  before  the 
'partition.'  The  whole  province  is  being  sup- 
plied with  a set  of  colleges  adequate  to  its 
needs.  The  staffs  of  the  colleges  are  being  aug- 
mented and  their  administration  overhauled. 
The  principal  private  colleges  are  also  being  as- 
sisted with  liberal  grants  and  transformed  into 
institutions  which  will  give  a sound  education. 
The  exceptionally  large  number  of  * high’ 
English  schools  in  Eastern  Bengal  had  also  been 
greatly  neglected,  both  those  under  the  Govern- 
ment and  those  in  private  hands.  All  are  now 
being  improved,  and  are  receiving  liberal  assist- 
ance. . . . 

“Another  important  task  undertaken  by  the 
new  Government  is  that  of  conducting  an  elabo- 
rate survey  and  framing  a Record  of  Rights  in 
the  zemindari  tracts  which  constitute  the  bulk 
of  the  province.  The  undertaking  was  devised 
before  the  ‘partition,’  but  it  has  been  expe- 
dited by  the  change.  It  is  an  extraordinary 
thing  that  in  all  these  permanently  settled  areas 
there  has  been  hitherto  no  record  and  no  map. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  cultivators  were 
constantly  bullied  and  harassed  by  the  agents 
of  the  absentee  zemindars,  and  were  never  able 
to  feel  any  reasonable  security  of  tenure  of  the 
land  they  tilled.  Land  disputes  were  incessant, 


and  were  constantly  accompanied  by  loss  of 
life.  In  the  Backergunge  district,  the  most 
turbulent  area  in  India,  there  were  frequent 
riots,  of  which  murders  were  an  almost  invari- 
able feature.  Since  the  framing  of  the  Record 
of  Rights  in  Backergunge  this  class  of  crime 
has  already  decreased  by  50  per  cent. 

“I  have  yet  to  meet  anybody,  English  or  In- 
dian, who  can  tell  me  in  what  respect  the  ‘ parti 
tion’  has  injured  a single  living  soul;  while  one 
has  only  to  visit  this  province,  invigorated  with 
new  life  and  inspired  by  new  aspirations,  to  real- 
ize the  benefits  the  severance  has  conferred 
upon  millions  of  neglected  people.  Toalter  or  to 
modify  it  now  would  be  suicidal  folly;  it  would 
be  worse,  for  it  would  be  a criminal  blunder.  It 
would  not  placate  the  wordy  ‘ patriots’  of  Cal- 
cutta, who  have  used  the  ‘partition’  as  a rally- 
ing cry  for  lack  of  a better  grievance  ; and  it 
would  alienate  the  18  millions  of  backward 
Mahomedans  in  the  province  who  have  placed 
their  alliance  in  British  honour  and  British 
pledges.  The  Nawab  of  Dacca,  with  whom  I 
had  a long  conversation  on  the  subject,  declared 
that  any  attempt  to  meddle  with  the  ‘partition’ 
— an  attempt  he  still  seemed  to  fear  was  possi- 
ble — ■ would  produce  the  most  deplorable  results 
among  his  co-religionists.  . . . Nor  is  there  the 
slightest  need  for  change  or  modification.  The 
‘partition’  is  already  thrice  justified  in  the 
eyes  of  all  men,  save  only  a few  malcontent 
members  of  Parliament  who  know  nothing  of 
present  conditions  in  Bengal.  Even  in  Calcutta 
the  outcry,  which  was  always  less  against  the 
fact  of  the  ‘ partition  ’ than  against  the  motive 
which  the  Bengalis  erroneously  believed  to  have 
prompted  it,  has  long  ago  died  away.  Yet,  jus- 
tifiable and  necessary  though  the  ‘ partition  ’ 
was,  it  remains  to  be  added  that,  apart  from  its 
complex  administrative  problems,  Eastern  Ben 
gal  will  never  be  a very  easy  province  to  control. 
The  high-caste  Hindus,  the  Brahmins,  theBaid- 
yas,  and  the  Kayasths — the  Brahmins  and  the 
iesser  Brahmins,  — rule  the  roast,  and  it  will  be 
long  years  before  the  teeming  millions  of  Ma- 
hometan cultivators  emerge  from  their  depressed 
condition.  The  few  Mahomedan  families  who 
can  claim  noble  birth  are  decadent  and  disap- 
pearing. The  Hindus  have  absorbed  their  lands, 
the  clever  lawyers  have  converted  themselves 
into  rich  landowners.  It  is  from  the  ranks  of 
these  high-caste  Hindus  that  are  drawn  the  mem- 
bers of  the  revolutionary  societies  to  which  I 
alluded  in  a telegraphic  despatch  sent  from  this 
city  yesterday.  These  classes  show  a persistent 
and  increasing  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  British 
Raj  which  no  amount  of  conciliatory  measures 
will  overcome.  It  is  impossible  to  move  about 
the  province  and  to  converse  with  the  men  who 
know  it  best  without  feeling  that  the  situation 
is  full  of  dangerous  possibilities.  The  men  of 
Eastern  Bengal  are  more  courageous,  more  de- 
termined, more  persistent  than  their  compatriots 
in  Old  Bengal ; and  the  better  classes  of  Hindus 
have  qualities  which  are  not  easily  discernible 
in  the  Calcutta  bnbu.  They  approach  more 
nearly  to  the  spirit  of  the  Mahrattas  of  the  Deccan 
than  any  other  section  of  the  people  on  this  side 
of  India.  It  is  a significant  fact  that  most  of  the 
prisoners  now  under  trial  at  Alipur  in  connexion 
with  the  anarchist  conspiracy  came  from  Eastern 
Bengal.  But  even  as  one  writes  one  realizes  how 
difficult  it  is  to  generalize  in  this  country  of 


313 


INDIA,  1907 


INDIA,  1907-1908 


startling  paradox.  Yesterday,  in  Dacca,  200 
Hindu  pundits  assembled  to  present  a Sanscrit 
address  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  Sir  Lancelot 
Hare.  Many  of  them  had  come  long  distances. 
They  were  all  old  men  with  great  nobility  of 
countenance,  some  with  long  beards,  others  with 
the  face  of  the  Caesars.  And  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  ceremony  each  kindly  and  venerable 
scholar  advanced,  and  with  great  dignity  pre- 
sented the  Lieutenant-Governor  with  a rose. 
From  the  bombs  of  last  week  to  the  roses  of 
yesterday,  what  a gulf  lies  between  the  two!  ” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Hostility  in  Western  Can- 
ada to  Hindu  Laborers.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Race  Problems:  Canada. 

A.  D.  1907  (Dec.).  — Meeting  and  Resolu- 
tion of  the  All-India  Moslem  League.  — Ma- 
homedan  loyalty  to  the  British  Government. 

- — A new  factor  in  Indian  politics. — “On 
December  30th  last  a Mahomedan  Conference, 
in  session  at  Dacca,  the  capital  of  the  newly- 
created  Province  of  Eastern  Bengal,  departing 
absolutely  from  its  traditions,  openly  discussed 
the  question  of  tiie  protection  of  Mahomedan  in- 
terests from  a political  standpoint,  and  finally 
carried  unanimously  a motion  for  the  formation 
of  an  ‘All-India  Moslem  League’  to  promote 
among  the  Mahomedans  of  India  feelings  of 
loyalty  to  the  British  Government,  and  to  re 
move  any  misconceptions  that  may  arise  as  to 
the  intentions  of  Government  with  regard  to 
any  of  its  measures  ; to  protect  and  to  advance 
the  political  rights  and  interests  of  the  Ma- 
homedans of  India,  and  respectfully  to  repre- 
sent their  needs  aud  aspirations  to  Government, 
and  to  prevent  the  rise  among  Mahomedans 
in  India  of  any  feelings  of  hostility  towards 
other  communities,  without  prejudice  to  the 
other  objects  of  the  League.  A strong  Provi- 
sional Committee  was  formed,  with  power  to 
add  to  its  number,  and  the  joint  secretaries  ap- 
pointed were  the  Nawabs  Vicar-ul-mulk  aud 
Mohsin-ul-mulk,  two  of  the  most  important 
members  of  the  Mahomedan  community  in  In- 
dia and  men  of  great  intellectual  capacity.  The 
Committee  was  charged  to  frame  a constitution 
within  a period  of  four  months,  and  further  to 
convene  a meeting  of  Indian  Mahomedans  at  a 
suitable  time  and  place  to  lay  the  constitution 
before  such  meeting  for  final  approval  and 
adoption.  The  Rubicon  has  been  crossed  ; the 
Mahomedans  of  India  have  forsaken  the  shades 
of  retirement  for  the  political  arena  ; henceforth 
a new  factor  in  Indian  politics  has  to  be  reck- 
oned with.” — E.  E.  Lang,  The  All-India  Moslem 
League  ( Contemporary  Review,  September,  1907). 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — The  Outbreak  of  An- 
archism.— Summary  Measures  of  Suppres- 
sion. — The  native  disaffection  in  Bengal  which 
became  anarchistic  in  its  violence  in  1907,  and 
which  perpetrated  a number  of  murders  before 
it  was  suppressed,  culminated  on  the  10th  of 
February,  1909,  in  the  assassination  of  a promi- 
nent native  lawyer,  Ashutosh  Biswas,  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  prosecution  of  some  of  the  an- 
archists. Writing  of  that  crime,  from  Calcutta, 
a special  correspondent  of  the  London  Times, 
who  had  been  pursuing  an  investigation  of  the 
terrorist  conspiracy  from  its  beginning,  gave  an 
extended  account  of  what  he  had  learned,  part 
of  which  is  given  in  the  following: 

“All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that 
the  gospel  of  violence,  the  creed  which  advo- 


cates the  use  of  any  form  of  force  against  the 
British,  is  Mahratta  in  its  origin  ; but  so  far  it  is 
the  Bengalis  alone  who  have  put  it  into  prac- 
tice. It  was  conceived  in  Poona,  which  city  has 
always  continued  to  inspire  and  direct  it ; it  was 
transferred  to  Baroda,  where  it  flourished  in 
secret  among  a limited  circle  ; and  it  was  trans- 
planted to  Calcutta,  where  it  grew  apace,  some- 
where between  the  years  1902  and  1904.  Certain 
classes  of  Bengalis,  who  are  all  adepts  at  in- 
trigue, took  up  the  new  idea  with  enthusiasm  ; 
but  not  all  who  knocked  were  admitted  to  the 
inner  circle.  The  real  conspirators  were  still 
probably  few  in  number  when  the  ‘ partition  ’ of 
Bengal  gave  the  politicians  their  opportunity. 
The  anarchists  were  furious  at  the  partition  agi- 
tation. They  were  quite  content  that  less  mili- 
tant persons  should  prepare  the  ground  for 
them,  by  preaching  to  the  people  of  the  iniqui- 
ties of  the  British  Raj  ; but  they  were  reluctant 
to  see  the  popular  mind  actively  diverted  to  such 
minor  issues  as  swadeshi  and  the  boycott.  The 
extermination  of  the  British  was  their  one  and 
only  aim. 

“ However,  as  the  Congress  politicians  had 
succeeded  in  arousing  intense  excitement  about 
the  partition,  the  anarchist  gang  sought  to  turn 
the  situation  to  their  own  advantage.  . . . Re- 
cruits were,  however,  only  gradually  admitted 
into  the  inner  ring;  and  there  were  many  people 
who  associated  with  the  anarchists,  aud  some- 
times furnished  them  with  funds,  who  never 
took  part  in  their  operations.  Propaganda 
formed  a prominent  feature  of  the  anarchists’ 
work.  In  this  department  the  worst  types  of 
seditious  journals,  which  have  now  disappeared, 
played  a great  part.  Such  newspapers  as  the 
Tugantar  started  ‘messes’  and  ‘hostels,’  to 
which  subscribers,  particularly  those  residing 
up-country,  were  invited  to  come  free  of  charge. 
They  stayed  for  a day  or  two,  heard  the  new 
gospel  preached,  and  then  made  way  for  oth- 
ers. . . . 

“ The  existence  of  this  considerable  organiza- 
tion was  not  really  suspected  by  the  police  until 
after  the  attempt  to  wreck  Sir  Andrew  Fraser’s 
train  in  December,  1907.  Some  of  the  anarchists 
were  under  suspicion,  and  were  being  watched 
as  notoriously  disaffected  persons,  but  even  the 
shooting  of  Mr.  B.  C.  Allen,  District  Magistrate 
of  Dacca,  in  the  same  month,  did  not  reveal  the 
conspiracy.  The  police  were,  however,  on  the 
right  track  ; and  a couple  of  days  after  two 
unfortunate  ladies  had  been  killed  by  a bomb  at 
Muzaffarpur,  on  April  30,  1908,  they  acted.  At 
a house  in  Calcutta,  and  in  a garden  on  the  out- 
skirts, large  seizures  of  bombs,  explosives,  and 
revolvers  were  made  and  about  30  alleged  an- 
archists were  arrested.  Other  arrests  followed. 
The  famous  Manicktollali  garden  was  the  princi- 
pal scene  of  anarchist  activity.  It  is  so  secluded 
that  one  wonders  it  was  ever  discovered.  Far 
on  the  confines  of  Calcutta,  through  a network 
of  mean  huts  beneath  waving  palms,  a series  of 
winding  paths  leads  to  a couple  of  mouldering 
gate-pillars  innocent  of  any  gate.  Within,  under 
shady  trees,  stands  a small  building  in  the  last 
stage  of  disrepair.  It  is  mean  and  dirty  and 
squalid,  the  true  squalor  of  anarchism.  If  it  is 
only  in  such  a spot  that  any  movement  can  be 
hatched  for  the  overthrow  of  the  British  Raj, 
then  the  British  Raj  is  safe  for  a long  time. 

“ The  prisoners  were  taken  to  the  Alipur  Gaol, 


314 


INDIA,  1907-1908 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


and  their  trial  was  commenced  at  the  Alipur 
Police  Court.  I visited  the  Court  one  day  — I 
think  it  was  the  seventieth  day  of  the  trial  — 
and  marvelled  afresh.  They  were  ranged  in 
rows,  about  50  men,  all  young,  all  huddled 
together  and  squatting  on  their  haunches. 
The  only  man  among  them  with  an  intellectual 
face  was  Arabindo  Ghose,  the  alleged  leader, 
who  sat  in  a far  corner.  He  has  the  face  of  a 
dreamer,  as  indeed  he  is,  and  with  his  long  hair 
and  short  beard  might  very  well  pass  for  a 
certain  type  of  artistic  Frenchman.  Whether 
he  be  guilty  or  not  is  no  affair  of  mine,  but  his 
record  excites  pity.  He  went  to  England  with 
brilliant  gifts  and  high  hopes,  and  he  had  a 
distinguished  career  at  school  and  University. 
But  men  who  profess  to  know  say  that  he  had 
more  than  the  ordinary  share  of  the  rough  and 
tumble  of  juvenile  life  amidst  alien  and  often 
thoughtless  comrades,  and  that  those  years 
were  made  thoroughly  unhappy  for  him.  When 
at  last,  after  he  had  passed  for  the  Civil  Service, 
he  was  rejected  because  he  could  not  pass  the 
horsemanship  test,  one  can  perhaps  understand 
that  a man  of  his  temperament  returned  to  India 
with  black  rage  and  despair  at  his  heart.  But 
his  associates  seemed  to  be  mere  boys,  haggard, 
wild  looking  youths  of  a peculiarly  low  physical 
type.” 

The  trial  of  the  prisoners  described  above,  at 
Alipur,  resulted  in  the  condemnation  of  two  to 
death,  six  to  transportation  for  life,  one  to  im- 
prisonment for  life,  and  five  to  imprisonment 
for  terms  ranging  from  one  to  ten  years.  The 
remainder,  including  the  alleged  leader,  Ara- 
bindo Ghose,  were  acquitted.  With  the  sanc- 
tion of  Lord  Morley,  the  Secretary  for  India, 
summary  measures  were  taken  to  silence  the 
seditious  journalism  and  speech  which  took  a 
terroristic  tone  and  instigated  crime.  Loud  pro- 
tests against  these  measures  were  called  out  in 
England,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  Liberal, 
Labor,  and  Irish  Members  of  Parliament  ad- 
dressed a note  in  May  last  to  the  Prime  Minister, 
asking  his  attention  to  ‘ ‘ the  fact  that  ever  since 
the  8th  December  last  nine  British  subjects  in 
India  have  been  deported  from  their  homes  and 
detained  in  prison  without  having  been  charged 
with  any  offence  or  informed  even  of  the 
grounds  of  suspicion  entertained  against  them 
by  the  Government  of  India.  Some  of  them 
are  admitted  to  be  men  of  high  character.  None 
are  alleged  to  have  been  previously  convicted 
of  any  crime.  Under  these  circumstances,”  said 
the  writers,  “ we  may  venture  to  make  an  urgent 
appeal  to  you  that  they  may  be  either  brought 
to  trial  or  set  at  liberty.” 

In  his  reply  Mr.  Asquith  said:  “ Such  an  ap- 
peal is  perfectly  natural,  and  I am  not  surprised 
to  find  that  it  is  widely  and  influentially  sup- 
ported. Deportation  without  trial  as  a method 
of  dealing  with  political  agitation  must  neces- 
sarily be  repugnant  to  Englishmen,  and  to  no 
one  has  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  such  a 
measure  been  more  repugnant  than  to  Lord 
Morley.  When,  however,  I am  appealed  to  on 
behalf  of  the  persons  so  deported,  I must  ask 
you  and  those  who  are  acting  with  you  to  bear 
in  mind  that  deportation  has  been  resorted  to 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  preserving  the  country 
from  grave  internal  commotion.  It  is  a prevent- 
ive not  a punitive  measure,  and  the  responsi- 
bility for  fixing  the  period  of  detention  must, 


therefore,  rest  with  those  who  are  charged  with 
the  arduous  and  anxious  duty  of  maintaining 
order  in  India. 

“ The  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Government 
of  India  are,  I submit,  the  only  possible  judges 
of  the  circumstances  which  may  warrant  the 
release  or  the  further  detention  of  the  persons 
deported,  and  the  decision  is  one  which,  in  my 
view  — and  I hope  that  you  and  your  co- 
signatories may  find  yourselves  in  agreement 
with  me  — may  be  left  with  absolute  confidence 
in  their  hands. 

“It  is  particularly  necessary  at  a moment 
when  a great  extension  of  popular  representa- 
tive elements  in  Indian  administration  has  just 
been  sanctioned  by  Parliament  that  none  of  the 
various  forms  of  anarchical  violence  should  be 
tolerated,  and  that  no  lawful  instrument  for 
suppressing  them  should  be  discarded.” 

One  of  the  trials  for  seditious  journalism  which 
caused  most  excitement  throughout  India  did  not 
arise  from  publications  in  Bengal,  but  in  Bom- 
bay. The  accused  was  Bal  Gangadhar  Tilak, 
a Brahmin,  professor  of  law  and  mathematics, 
who  conducted  a native  paper  called  the  Mah- 
ratta.  The  specific  charge  against  him  was  that 
in  his  newspaper  he  had  urged  the  people  to  de- 
mand the  restoration  of  the  old  Shiwaji  religious 
festivals  and,  if  it  was  refused,  to  throw  bombs 
until  it  was  granted.  The  government  contended 
that  he  had  not  incited  the  people  to  violence  in 
overt  words,  but  by  subtle  insinuations  and  un- 
mistakable innuendo.  At  his  trial  in  July,  1908, 
he  spoke  in  his  own  defence,  with  great  ability, 
for  five  days.  He  was  convicted  and  sentenced 
to  imprisonment  for  six  years. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Mortality  Statistics 
and  Birth  Rate.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public 
Health. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — The  recent  Movements 
of  Discontent. —Their  Character,  Causes, 
and  Meaning. — Hindu  and  Moslem  feeling. 
— English  attitude.  — The  Past  of  British 
Government  and  its  Fruits.  — Neglect  of  Ed- 
ucation and  Political  Training.  — Slight  Or- 
ganization of  Local  Self-Government.  — 
The  Governed  not  taken  into  the  confidence 
of  the  Government.  — Is  Democracy  forbid- 
den to  Asiatic  peoples?  — The  political  dis- 
affection in  India  which  has  been  expressing 
itself  violently  within  the  last  few  years,  not 
only  in  seditious  speech  and  print,  but  in  the 
manner  of  the  Russian  terrorists,  with  bombs 
and  other  instruments  of  anarchy  and  assassi- 
nation, was  not  started  by  the  Bengal  Partition 
and  the  resentments  which  that  measure  gave 
rise  to,  but  those  gave  a fresh  and  strong  im- 
pulse to  feelings  that  had  been  in  fermentation 
for  some  time.  Behind  that  immediate  impulse 
was,  undoubtedly,  a much  stronger  one,  which 
came  from  the  startling  revelation  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War,  that  one  Asiatic  people,  at  least, 
could  outfight  one,  at  least,  of  the  proud  and 
domineering  Powers  of  Europe,  and  outdo 
them  all  in  a practical  handling  of  the  boasted 
“Science  of  the  West.”  Torpid  energies  and 
sleeping  ambitions  were  pricked  in  India  by  the 
amazing  triumph  of  the  Japanese,  as  they  were 
elsewhere  throughout  the  East ; and  it  is  since 
1905  that  the  demand  of  the  Hindus  for  a 
political  life  of  their  own  has  taken  a tone 
which  commands  the  ear  of  all  open-minded 
and  generous  Englishmen,  like  John  Morley, 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


and  draws  from  them  the  response  they  are  now 
trying  to  make. 

So  far  as  it  is  a demand  for  an  Independent 
Indian  Empire,  with  the  whole  fabric  of  Brit- 
ish rule  swept  away,  it  comes  manifestly  from 
nothing  that  has  weight  or  force  in  India  itself. 
Probably  no  Hindu  who  could  make  intelligent 
use  of  political  freedom  ever  dreams  of  the  pre- 
sent possibility  of  a nationalized  India,  in  which 
the  200,000,000  of  his  own  race  and  creed  and 
the  60,000,000  of  Mohammedans  (saying  nothing 
of  the  added  millions  of  other  lineages  and 
other  faiths)  would  be  peaceful  fellow  citizens, 
administering  the  institutions  of  self-govern- 
ment in  harmony  together,  The  Moslems,  at 
least,  are  under  no  illusion  as  to  what  would 
happen  if  the  incongruous  elements  of  the  enor- 
mous population  of  India  were  left  politically  to 
themselves,  under  the  conditions  that  now  exist. 
In  1908,  when  that  idea  seemed  to  be  growing 
in  Hindu  thought,  they  organized  an  “All- 
India  Moslem  League,”  avowedly,  as  declared 
by  the  Nawab  of  Dacca,  “to  save  themselves 
from  being  submerged  by  an  enormous  and 
noisy  majority  of  the  other  race.”  “ The  safety 
of  the  Mohammedans,”  said  the  president  of  the 
conference,  ‘ ‘ lay  in  loyalty  to  the  government ; 
they  must  be  prepared  to  fight  for  the  govern- 
ment if  necessary.”  Thus  British  rule  in  its 
present  form  has  the  Moslem  dread  of  Hindu 
ascendency  to  give  it  a substantial  support, 
even  though  the  Hindus  outnumber  the  Mos- 
lems by  more  than  three  to  one.  In  thinking 
power,  the  Hindu  is  perhaps  the  higher  type 
of  man  ; but  the  blood  of  the  Afghan  and  Mon- 
gol conquerors  of  Hindustan  must  have  trans- 
mitted more  of  political  as  well  as  military 
energy  to  the  Moslems  of  the  present  day. 
The  Hindu  mind  is  too  mystically  metaphysical 
for  the  politics  of  a world  that  is  dominated 
by  its  least  metaphysical  minds. 

But  the  higher  intelligence  of  the  Hindus  ap- 
pears to  agree  with  that  of  the  Moslems  in 
understanding  that  India  is  in  no  present  condi- 
tion for  taking  its  political  fortunes  into  its  own 
hands.  The  really  intelligent  classes  have  been 
making  it  plain,  however,  that  they  do  want  a 
more  effective  participation  in  the  management 
of  their  own  affairs  than  has  been  allowed  to 
them  hitherto,  and  it  is  the  claim  of  that  class 
which  Lord  Morley  and  his  colleagues  in  the 
British  Government  are  acknowledging  and 
aiming  to  satisfy.  It  seems  to  have  been  gen- 
erally and  fairly  represented  in  the  great  con- 
ventions assembled  annually  for  many  years 
past,  under  the  name  of  the  “ Indian  National 
Congress,”  an  unofficial  Congress,  possessing  no 
authority,  but  exercising  an  influence  that  has 
increased.  Its  character  was  described  a few 
years  ago  in  one  of  the  American  reviews  by  a 
writer  who  said  that  he  had  watched  it  from 
its  birth: 

“The  Indian  National  Congress,”  he  wrote, 
“is  avowedly  national  in  its  name  and  scope. 
The  Provincial  Congresses  which  meet  in  every 
province  for  the  discussion  of  provincial  matters, 
unite  together  in  a National  Congress,  which  is 
annually  held  at  a chosen  centre,  for  the  further- 
ance and  discussion  of  national  interests.  A 
Congress  consists  of  from  five  hundred  to  one 
thousand  of  the  political  leaders  of  all  parts  of 
India,  comprising  representatives  of  noble  fami- 
lies, landowners,  members  of  local  Boards  and 


municipalities,  honorary  magistrates,  fellows  of 
universities,  and  professional  men,  such  as  engi- 
neers, bankers,  merchants,  shopkeepers,  jour- 
nalists, lawyers,  doctors,  priests  and  college  pro- 
fessors. The  delegates  are  able  to  act  in  concert 
and  to  declare  in  no  uncertain  accents  the  com- 
mon public  opinion  of  the  multitude  of  whom 
they  are  the  mouthpiece.  They  are  as  repre- 
sentative in  regard  to  religion  as  to  rank  and 
profession;  Hindus,  Parsis,  Mohammedans  and 
Christians  have  in  turn  presided. 

‘ ‘ The  deliberations  are  marked  by  acumen 
and  moderation.  The  principal  items  of  their 
propaganda  constitute  a practical  programme 
displaying  insight  and  sagacity,  and  covering 
most  of  the  political  and  economic  problems  of 
the  Indian  Empire.  I take  it  upon  myself  to 
say,  as  a watchful  eye-witness  from  its  birth, 
that  the  Indian  National  Congress  has  dis- 
charged its  duties  with  exemplary  judgment 
and  moderation.”  — Sir  Henry  Cotton,  The  New 
Spirit  in  India  ( North  American  Review,  Nov., 
1906). 

The  meeting  of  this  Indian  Congress  in  1908 
was  held  at  Madras  on  the  27th  of  December, 
not  long  after  Lord  Morley  had  explained  his 
plan  for  the  enlargement  of  the  Legislative 
Councils  in  India  and  for  the  election  of  a cer- 
tain number  of  their  members  by  popular  vote. 
In  the  address  of  the  President  of  the  Congress, 
Dr.  Rash  Bihari  Ghose,  the  proposed  reforms 
were  discussed  at  length,  and  welcomed  with 
warmth,  as  going  near,  apparently,  to  satisfying 
the  claims  of  the  majority  of  those  represented 
in  the  Congress.  “We  are  now,”  said  the 
speaker,  “on  the  threshold  of  anew  era.  An 
important  chapter  has  been  opened  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and 
India  — a chapter  of  constitutional  reform 
which  promises  to  unite  the  two  countries  to- 
gether in  closer  bonds  than  ever.  A fair  share 
in  the  Government  of  our  own  country  has  now 
been  given  to  us.  The  problem  of  reconciling 
order  with  progress,  efficient  administration 
with  the  satisfaction  of  aspirations  encouraged 
by  our  rulers  themselves,  which  timid  people 
thought  was  insoluble,  has  at  last  been  solved. 
The  people  of  India  will  now  be  associated  with 
the  Government  in  the  daily  and  hourly  admin- 
istration of  their  affairs.  A great  step  forward 
has  thus  been  taken  in  the  grant  of  represent- 
ative government  for  which  the  Congress  had 
been  crying  for  years.  . . .We  do  not  know 
what  the  future  destiny  of  India  may  be.  We 
can  see  only  as  through  a glass  darkly.  But  of 
this  I am  assured,  that  on  our  genuine  co-opera- 
tion with  the  British  Government  depend  our 
future  progress  and  the  development  of  a fuller 
social  and  political  life.  Of  this  also  I am 
assured,  that  the  future  of  the  country  is  now  in 
a large  measure  in  our  own  hands.” 

At  about  the  same  time  the  All -India  Moslem 
League  held  its  meeting  at  Amritsar,  and  gave 
an  equally  hearty  welcome  to  the  principle  of 
the  proposed  reforms,  but  appealed  against  the 
mode  of  election  contemplated,  which  might  be 
to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Moslem  minority. 
In  the  address  of  the  President,  Mr.  Ali  Imam, 
he  said:  “It  is  impossible  for  thoughtful  men 
to  approach  the  subject  without  regard  to  the 
pathetic  side  of  the  present  situation.  It  is  the 
liberalism  of  the  great  British  nation  that  has 
taught  Indians,  through  the  medium  of  English 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


education,  to  admire  democratic  institutions,  to 
hold  the  rights  of  the  people  sacred  above  all 
rights  and  to  claim  for  their  voice  first  place  in 
the  government  of  the  country.  The  mind  of 
close  upon  three  generations  of  the  educated 
classes  in  the  land  has  been  fed  on  the  ideas  of 
John  Stuart  Mill,  Milton,  Burke,  Sheridan  and 
Shelley,  has  been  filled  with  the  great  lessons 
obtainable  from  chapters  of  the  constitutional 
history  of  England  and  has  been  influenced  by 
inexpressible  considerations  arising  out  of  the 
American  War  of  Independence,  the  relation  of 
Great  Britain  with  her  Colonies,  and  last, 
though  not  least,  the  grant  of  Autonomy  to  the 
Boers  after  their  subjugation  at  an  enormous 
sacrifice  of  men  and  money.  The  bitterest 
critic  of  the  educated  Indian  will  not  hold  him 
to  blame  for  his  present  state  of  mind.  It  is  the 
English  who  have  carefully  prepared  the  ground 
and  sown  the  seed  that  has  germinated  into  what 
some  of  them  are  now  disposed  to  consider  to 
be  noxious  weed.  It  will  be  a dwarfed  imagina- 
tion however  that  will  condemn  the  educational 
policy  of  the  large-hearted  and  liberal-minded 
Englishmen  who  laid  its  foundation  in  this 
country.  Those  who  inaugurated  it  aimed  at 
raising  the  people  to  the  level  where  co-opera- 
tion and  good  understanding  between  the  rulers 
and  the  ruled  are  possible.  Under  the  circum- 
stances, the  desire  of  the  educated  Indian  to 
take  a prominent  part  in  the  administration  of 
his  country  is  neither  unnatural  nor  unex- 
pected. . . . 

“ The  best  sense  of  the  country  recognizes 
the  fact  that  the  progress  of  India  rests  on  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  internal  peace,  and  that 
order  and  internal  peace  in  view  of  the  condi- 
tions obtaining  in  our  country  at  present  and  for 
a very  long  time  to  come,  immeasureably  long 
time  to  come,  spell  British  occupation.  British 
occupation  not  in  the  thin  and  diluted  form  in 
which  Canada,  Australia  and  South  Africa  stand 
in  relation  to  England,  but  British  occupation 
in  the  sense  in  which  our  country  has  enjoyed 
internal  peace  during  the  last  50  years.  Believe 
me  that  as  long  as  we  have  not  learnt  to  over- 
come sectarian  aggressiveness,  to  rise  above  pre- 
judices based  on  diversity  of  races,  religions  and 
languages,  and  to  alter  the  alarming  conditions 
of  violent  intellectual  disparity  among  the 
peoples  of  India,  so  long  British  occupation  is 
the  principal  element  in  the  progress  of  the 
country.  The  need  of  India  is  to  recognize  that 
true  patriotism  lies  in  taking  measure  of  the 
conditions  existing  in  fact,  and  devoting  one’s 
self  to  amelioration.  . . . The  creed  of  the  All- 
India  Muslim  League  is  cooperation  with  the 
Rulers,  cooperation  with  our  non-Muslim  coun- 
trymen and  solidarity  amongst  ourselves.  This 
is  our  idea  of  United  India.” 

These  expressions  from  prominent  leaders  of 
the  two  principal  races  of  India  are  quite  in 
accord  with  the  judgment  of  liberal-minded 
Englishmen,  as  to  the  present  duty  of  their  gov- 
ernment to  the  people  of  this  great  Asiatic  De- 
pendency. They  are  quite  in  accord  with  the 
judgment  that  has  dictated  the  measure  under- 
taken by  the  present  British  Government.  They 
recognize  that  the  relation  which  England  bears 
to  India,  however  unjustifiable  in  its  origin  it 
may  be,  is  one  that  cannot  be  suddenly  changed 
without  great  danger  and  certain  harm.  As 
Gold  win  Smith  has  said: 


“To  attempt  to  strike  the  balance  between  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  British  rule  in 
India  would  be  to  enter  into  a boundless  contro- 
versy. Foreign  rule  in  itself  must  always  be  an 
evil.  India  was  rescued  by  Great  Britain  from 
murderous  and  devastating  anarchy.  Though 
at  the  time  she  was  plundered  by  official  corrup- 
tion of  a good  deal  of  the  wealth  which,  being 
poor  though  gorgeous,  she  could  ill  afford  to 
lose,  she  has  since  enjoyed  general  peace  and 
order  ; both,  we  may  be  sure,  to  a far  greater 
extent  than  she  otherwise  would  have  done. 
The  deadly  enmity  between  her  races  and  reli- 
gions has  been  controlled  and  assuaged.  . . . 

“ It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  consid- 
erable migration  from  the  provinces  directly 
under  British  dominion  to  those  which  are  under 
native  rule.  The  people,  no  doubt,  are  gener- 
ally fixed  to  their  habitations  by  poverty  and 
difficulty  of  movement ; still,  if  they  greatly 
preferred  the  native  rule,  a certain  amount  of 
migration  to  it  there  would  probably  be.  That 
the  masses  of  India  in  general  are  miserably 
poor  cannot  be  denied.  The  question  is,  whether 
under  the  Mogul  Emperors  they  were  better  off. 

. . . The  population  has  vastly  increased,  and 
its  increase  may  in  some  measure  account  for 
dearth.  With  regard  to  fiscal  and  commercial 
questions,  it  may  safely  be  said  that,  at  all 
events  in  late  years,  there  has  been  no  disposi- 
tion on  England’s  part  to  do  anything  but  jus- 
tice to  India. 

“ India’s  complaints,  speaking  generally,  seem 
to  be  of  things  inseparable  from  foreign  rule, 
the  withdrawal  of  which  would  be  the  only 
remedy.  But  suppose  British  rule  withdrawn 
from  India,  what  would  follow  ? Is  there  any- 
thing ready  to  take  its  place  ? would  not  the  re- 
sult be  anarchy,  such  as  prevailed  when  England 
came  upon  the  scene,  or  a struggle  for  ascend- 
ency between  the  Mahometan  and  the  Hindoo, 
with  another  battle  of  Paniput  ? Suppose  the 
Mahometan,  stronger  in  spirit  though  weaker  in 
numbers,  to  prevail,  would  his  ascendency  be 
more  beneficial  and  less  galling  to  the  Hindoo 
than  is  that  of  the  English  Sahib  ? ” — Goldwin 
Smith,  British  Empire  in  India  ( North  Ameri- 
can Review,  Sept.  7,  1906). 

Of  the  ultimate  possibilities  of  a nationalized 
unification  of  the  mighty  masses  of  population 
in  the  vast  peninsula,  there  can,  perhaps,  be  as 
much  or  more  said  hopefully  as  against  the  hope. 
A writer  who  believes  that  there  may  be  an 
independent  India  has  put  an  outline  of  the  ar- 
gument, pro  and  con,  in  these  few  following 
words : 

“India,  we  are  almost  tired  of  hearing,  is  as 
large  as  Europe,  putting  aside  Russia  and 
Scandinavia,  with  as  great  a population,  as 
many  diverse  and  heterogeneous  nationalities, 
differing  from  each  other  in  language,  in  custom, 
in  religion,  and  in  everything  that  makes  for 
individuality ; and  we  might  as  well  speak  of 
the  Indian  nation  as  the  European  nation.  . . . 
To  this  contention  Young  India  opposes  the 
most  emphatic  contradiction.  India  is  a nation, 
a people,  a country  : its  interests  and  aspirations 
are  one  and  unique.  Railways,  telegraphs,  post- 
office,  the  Press,  education,  knowledge  of  Eng- 
lish, have  welded  into  one  harmonious  whole  all 
the  manifold  centrifugal  forces  of  its  vast  area. 
Young  India  will  quote  Switzerland  as  an  ex- 
ample of  a country  with  several  languages  and 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


two  conflicting  religions,  and  yet  undoubtedly 
constituting  a nation.  If  the  only  tongue  in 
which  the  Madrassi  and  the  Bengali  can  com- 
municate is  English,  so  let  it  be.  It  is  suflicient 
that  a medium  of  communication  exists.  And 
it  does  exist.  The  educated  Indian  speaks  and 
writes  in  English  as  easily  as  in  his  own  mother- 
tongue.  It  is  in  English  that  the  most  vehement 
tirades  against  British  rule,  whether  printed, 
spoken,  or  dealt  with  in  private  correspondence, 
are  hurled  across  the  land.  Politically  speaking, 
Lahore  is  a suburb  of  Calcutta.  The  fact  can- 
not be  gainsaid  and  must  be  reckoned  with. 
India,  as  a whole,  as  a political  unit,  has  found 
a voice.  There  is  a national  India,  as  there  is  not 
a national  Europe.”  — E.  C.  Cox,  Banger  in 
India  (Nineteenth  Century,  Dec.,  1908). 

This  view  recognizes,  as  was  recognized  in 
the  address  of  the  President  of  the  All-India 
Moslem  League,  quoted  above,  that  English 
rule  and  English  influence  have  done  much  to- 
wards preparing  both  the  country  and  the  peo- 
ple for  the  self-government  to  which  the  latter 
are  now  beginning  to  aspire.  It  must  be  said, 
however,  that  most  of  this  preparation  has  been 
casually  consequent  on  policies  that  had  no  such 
deliberate  intent.  Until  quite  late  years  there  is 
little  sign  to  be  seen  in  British  Indian  policy  of 
a thought  of  developing  opportunity  and  capa- 
bility in  the  people  to  become  more  than  valu- 
able customers  and  docile  wards.  While  India 
was  in  the  hands  of  a commercial  company  it 
was  managed,  naturally,  like  an  imperial  estate, 
with  strictly  economic  objects  in  view.  Even 
then  there  was  wisely  economic  consideration 
given  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  people ; but 
it  was  welfare  as  seen  from  the  estate- owners' 
standpoint.  The  proprietary  government  did 
many  things  for  its  subjects  and  servants  ; bet- 
tered their  conditions  in  many  ways;  added 
greatly  to  the  equipment  of  their  lives ; but  it 
did  very  little,  if  anything,  toward  putting 
them  in  the  way  of  bettering  things  for  them- 
selves. It  contemplated  nothing  for  India  but 
the  perpetuity  of  its  management  as  an  imperial 
estate,  entailed  in  the  possession  of  a proprietary 
race. 

The  taking  of  this  imperial  estate  from  com- 
pany management  into  national  management 
has  not  seemed  hitherto  to  alter  the  business 
nature  of  its  administration  very  much.  Its 
many  millions  of  inhabitants  have  been  better 
governed  and  better  cared  for,  without  doubt; 
but  the  idea  of  benevolence  to  them  has  never 
been  much  enlarged  beyond  the  idea  of  an  hon- 
estly good  overseeing  care.  Institutions  have 
been  provided  or  encouraged  for  the  educating 
of  a class  among  them  which  could  be  of  useful 
assistance  in  the  caretaking  of  the  mass;  but 
common  education  for  the  mass,  to  qualify  them 
better  for  the  care  of  themselves,  received  scant 
attention  till  25  years  ago.  In  the  very  expla- 
nation that  is  often  given  of  the  present  discon- 
tent in  India  there  is  an  impeachment  of  the 
past  treatment  of  the  country  by  its  able  and 
powerful  masters.  It  is  said  that  the  educated 
Hindus  find  no  satisfying  career  for  themselves 
outside  of  the  service  of  the  government,  and 
that  an  increasingly  large  class  in  excess  of  the 
openings  which  that  service  can  afford  has  been 
educated  in  recent  years  ; that,  consequently, 
the  swelling  crowd  of  disappointed  place-seek- 
ers, whose  intelligence  and  ambition  have  been 


whetted  in  the  higher  schools  and  colleges  of 
the  Indian  Empire,  are  the  disturbers  of  public 
content.  After  a century  and  a half  of  su- 
preme British  influence  and  power  in  India, 
there  ought  to  have  been  more  and  better  open- 
ings of  opportunity  for  educated  young  Hindus 
than  through  the  doors  of  public  office.  There 
would  have  been  if  the  development  of  country 
and  people  had  been  conducted  with  more  refer- 
ence to  their  benefit,  and  with  less  close  atten- 
tion to  the  interests  of  British  trade. 

Since  1882-3  there  has  been  more  endeavor  to 
establish  and  assist  native  primary  schools  ; but 
the  percentage  of  population  that  they  reach  is 
small.  The  statistics  given  in  an  official  “ State- 
ment exhibiting  the  Moral  and  Material  Pro- 
gress and  Condition  of  India  during  the  year 
1905-06  ” make  the  following  showing  : 


Provinces. 

No.  of 

Institutions. 

No.  of 
Pupils. 

Bengal 

43,996 

1,232,278 

United  Provinces  . . . 

15,708 

576,336 

Punjab  

3,762 

211,464 

Burma 

20,996 

385,214 

Central  Provinces  . . . 

Eastern  Bengal  and  As- 

3,090 

209,680 

sam 

21,790 

722,371 

Coorg  

116 

4,666 

N.  W.  Frontier  Province  . 

1,087 

28,496 

Madras  Presidency  . . 

Bombay  and  Sind  Presi- 

28,258 

918,880 

dency  

13,865 

736,209 

Total 

152,668 

5,025,594 

Except  in  the  Punjab  and  in  Eastern  Bengal 
and  Assam  these  figures  include  both  public  and 
private  institutions  of  education,  of  all  grades, 
from  primary  schools  to  colleges.  All  institu- 
tions in  which  the  course  of  instruction  con- 
forms to  standards  prescribed  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  Education  or  by  the  University,  and 
which  either  undergo  inspection  by  the  Depart- 
ment or  present  pupils  at  public  examinations, 
are  classed  as  “ public,”  but  may  be  under  either 
public  or  private  management.  While  the 
schools  and  colleges  seem  numerous,  it  will  be 
seen  that  they  average  but  33  pupils  each,  and 
give  teaching  to  a slender  fraction  of  the  chil- 
dren of  the  294,000,000  of  people  under  British 
rule.  In  the  report  from  which  we  quote  the 
proportion  of  pupils  to  the  estimated  population 
of  school-going  age  is  given  as  28.4  per  cent,  of 
boys  and  2.9  per  cent,  of  girls  in  Bengal ; 8.06 
per  cent,  of  boys  and  .96  per  cent,  of  girls  in  the 
United  Provinces;  21.8  per  cent,  of  boys  and 
1.8  of  girls  in  the  Central  Provinces;  28.2  per 
cent,  of  boys  and  2.9  per  cent,  of  girls  in  Eastern 
Bengal  and  Assam  ; 29  per  cent,  of  boys  and  5.4 
per  cent,  of  girls  in  Madras;  31.8  per  cent,  of 
boys  and  6 per  cent  of  girls  in  Bombay.  The 
total  expenditure  on  education,  from  all  sources, 
including  fees,  was  £735,043  in  Bengal  (in- 
creased to  £830,415  in  1907-8)  ; £441,421  in  the 
United  Provinces  (increased  to  £491,723  in 
1907-8);  £331,038  in  the  Punjab;  £218,445  in 
Burma  ; £145,389  in  the  Central  Provinces ; 
£318,788  in  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam;  £624,- 
602  in  the  Madras  Presidency  (increased  to 
£712,740  in  1907-8);  £685,  444  in  the  Presidency 
of  Bombay  (increased  to  £756,168  in  1907-8). 
Total  in  1905-6,  £3,500,170.  Education  In 
British  India  cannot  be  made  wide  or  deep  on 
expenditure  of  this  scale. 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


Education  in  the  literary  meaning,  then,  was 
tardily  undertaken  and  is  very  limited  yet  in  its 
extent.  Quite  as  tardy,  and  quite  as  scant  in 
the  measure  until  John  Morley  got  the  handling 
of  it,  has  been  the  political  training  that  Eng- 
land, — greatest  of  political  teachers  as  she  has 
been  for  the  world  at  large, — has  allowed  her 
Indian  subjects  to  receive.  It  must  not  be 
understood  that  nothing  of  self-government  has 
been  conceded  hitherto  to  these  people.  The 
exact  measure  of  their  participation  in  the  man- 
agement of  their  own  public  affairs,  and  the 
period  within  which  they  have  exercised  it,  are 
described  in  the  official  “Statement  exhibiting 
the  Moral  and  Material  Progress  and  Condition 
of  India  ” from  which  the  above  exhibit  of  edu- 
cational institutions  is  taken.  The  following  is 
quoted  partly  from  the  “Statement”  of  1905-6 
and  partly  from  the  later  one  of  1907-8  : 

“ Local  self-government,  municipal  and  rural, 
in  its  present  form,  is  essentially  a product  of 
British  rule.  Beginning  in  the  Presidency 
towns,  the  principle  made  little  progress  until 
1870,  when  it  was  expressly  recognised  by  Lord 
Mayo’s  Government  that  ‘ local  interest,  super- 
vision, and  care  are  necessary  to  success  in  the 
management  of  funds  devoted  to  education, 
sanitation,  medical  charity,  and  local  public 
works.’  The  result  was  a gradual  advance  in 
local  self-government,  leading  up  to  the  action 
taken  by  Lord  Ripon’s  Government  in  1883-84, 
and  to  various  provincial  Acts  passed  about  that 
time,  which  form  the  basis  of  the  provincial 
systems  at  present  in  force.  Municipal  com- 
mittees now  exist  in  most  places  having  any 
pretension  to  importance,  and  have  charge  of 
municipal  business  generally,  including  the  care 
and  superintendence  of  streets,  roads,  fairs  and 
markets,  open  spaces,  water  supply,  drainage, 
education,  hospitals,  and  the  like.  Local  and 
district  boards  have  charge  of  local  roads,  sani- 
tary works,  education,  hospitals,  and  dispensa- 
ries in  rural  districts.  A large  proportion  of 
their  income  is  provided'  by  provincial  rates. 
Bodies  of  port  trustees  have  charge  of  harbour 
works,  port  approaches,  and  pilotage.  There 
is  also  a smaller  number  of  non-elective  local 
bodies  discharging  similar  duties  in  towns  other 
than  constituted  municipalities,  and  in  canton- 
ments. 

“The  municipal  bodies  exist,  raise  funds,  and 
exercise  powers  under  enactments  which  pro- 
vide separately  for  the  special  requirements  of 
each  province  and  of  the  three  presidency  cap- 
itals, Bombay,  Calcutta,  and  Madras.  In  the 
municipalities  as  a whole  about  half  of  the  mem- 
bers are  elected  by  the  townsfolk  under  legal 
rules ; in  every  town  some,  and  in  a few  minor 
towns  all,  of  the  members  are  appointed  by  the 
Government.  In  almost  every  municipal  body 
one  or  more  Government  officials  sit  as  members. 
The  number  of  Indian  and  non-official  members, 
however,  in  every  province,  largely  exceeds  the 
number  of  Europeans  and  officials.  The  mu- 
nicipal bodies  are  subject  to  Government  con- 
trol in  so  far  that  no  new  tax  can  be  imposed, 
no  loan  can  be  raised,  no  work  costing  more  than 
a prescribed  sum  can  be  undertaken,  and  no 
serious  departure  from  the  sanctioned  budget 
for  the  year  can  be  made,  without  the  previous 
sanction  of  the  Government ; and  no  rules  or 
bye-laws  can  be  enforced  without  similar  sanc- 
tion and  full  publication. 


“There  were  746  municipalities  at  the  end  of 
1907-8,  containing  within  their  limits  over  16 
million  people  or  7 per  cent,  of  the  total  popu- 
lation. Generally  speaking,  the  income  of  mu- 
nicipalities is  small.  In  1907-8  their  aggre- 
gate income  amounted  to  £3,910,000,  excluding 
loans,  sales  of  securities,  and  other  extraordinary 
receipts.  About  40  per  cent,  of  the  total  is 
provided  by  Calcutta,  Bombay,  Madras,  and 
Rangoon.  . . . 

“The  interest  in  municipal  elections,  and  in 
municipal  affairs  generally,  is  not  usually  keen, 
save  in  a few  cities  and  large  towns ; but,  as  ed- 
ucation and  knowledge  advance,  interest  in  the 
management  of  local  affairs  gradually  increases. 
In  most  provinces  municipal  work  is  fairly  well 
done,  and  municipal  responsibilities  are,  on  the 
whole,  faithfully  discharged,  though  occasional 
shortcomings  and  failures  occur.  The  tendency 
of  local  bodies,  especially  in  the  smaller  towns, 
is  to  be  slow  in  imposing  additional  taxes,  in 
adopting  sanitary  reforms,  and  in  incurring  new 
expenditure.  Many  members  of  municipal  bodies 
are  diligent  in  their  attendance,  whether  at 
meetings  for  business  or  on  benches  for  the  de- 
cision of  petty  criminal  cases.” 

The  elected  members  of  these  municipal  com- 
mittees number  less  than  five  thousand.  This, 
therefore,  is  the  extent  of  the  class  in  the  whole 
of  British  India,  which  now  receives  an  ele- 
mentary political  training.  Nothing  more  is 
needed  for  proving  that  India  cannot  possibly  be 
prepared  for  independent  self-government. 

In  a memorable  speech  made  by  Lord  Ma- 
caulay in  1833  he  predicted  a time  when  Eng- 
land’s Indian  subjects  might  demand  English 
institutions,  and  exclaimed:  “Whenever  the 
day  comes  it  will  be  the  proudest  in  English 
history.”  The  day  has  come,  and  it  does  not 
bring  pride  to  England  ; because  her  wards  in 
India  have  not  been  made  ready  for  what  they 
ask.  It  will  need  time  to  repair  the  long  neg- 
lect ; but  there  is  no  grander  fact  in  recent  his- 
tory than  the  beginning  of  the  labor  of  repair. 
It  is  to  be  a work  of  education,  not  for  the  peo- 
ple of  India  alone,  but  for  Englishmen  as  well. 
They  are  to  learn,  and  have  begun  to  learn,  the 
mistake  of  egotism  and  self-sufficiency  in  their 
government  of  these  people.  Some  months  ago 
there  was  published  in  The  Times  of  India,  at 
Bombay,  a number  of  articles  on  the  causes  of 
the  existing  discontent,  some  by  English  writers, 
some  by  Hindus,  some  by  Mohammedans,  all 
seriously  and  frankly  studying  the  situation,  and 
most  suggestive  in  their  thought.  The  cause 
emphasized  most  by  one  of  the  English  writers 
is  that  which  always  has  worked  and  always 
will  work  when  one  self-complacent  and  self- 
confident  people  undertakes  to  be  an  overruling 
providence  for  another  people,  by  making  laws 
for  it  and  managing  its  affairs.  The  more  con- 
sciousness there  is  on  the  ruling  side  of  just 
intention  and  superior  knowledge,  the  less  likely 
it  is  to  satisfy  the  ruled  ; because  the  satisfying 
of  its  own  judgment  of  what  is  good  for  the 
latter  is  assumed  to  be  enough. 

During  the  last  half  century,  at  least,  the 
British  Government  has  endeavored,  without  a 
doubt,  to  do  good  to  its  Indian  subjects,  and  it 
has  done  them  great  good;  but  everything  has 
been  done  in  its  own  way,  from  its  own  points 
of  view  and  upon  its  own  judgment  of  things 
needful  and  good  and  right.  And  this  is  why 


319 


INDIA,  1907-1909 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


its  Indian  subjects  not  only  feel  wronged,  but 
are  wronged. 

As  the  writer  in  The  Times  of  India  reminds 
his  countrymen,  “right  is  a relative  term,”  and 
not,  he  says,  “as  we  Islanders  would  have  it,  an 
absolute  one.  A thing  that  is  right  for  us,  with 
our  past  training  and  traditions,  may  not  only 

seem,  but  really  be,  a grave  wrong  to  those  whose 
environment  differs  from  our  own.”  He  cites 
instances  of  grave  mistakes  in  well-intended 
legislation  that  would  have  been  avoided,  if  the 
makers  of  the  laws  had  counseled  sufficiently 
with  natives  of  experience  in  the  matters  con- 
cerned. One  example  is  in  a land  alienation  act, 
for  the  Punjab,  which  was  framed  with  purely 
philanthropic  motives,  being  intended  to  free 
the  native  peasantry — the  ryots — from  thral- 
dom to  money  lenders,  but  which,  by  making 
the  recovery  of  debts  difficult,  has  trebled  the 
rate  of  interest  to  the  ryot,  who  borrows  just  as 
much,  and  mortgages  himself  instead  of  mort- 
gaging his  land.  Alluding  to  this  and  to  an- 
other act  of  excellent  intention  but  irritating 
effect,  the  writer  says:  “When  these  worthy 
aims  of  government  were  debated  in  the  Bom- 
bay and  Punjab  legislatures,  who  was  there, 
among  the  officials,  in  touch  with  Indian  feeling 
and  sentiment  ? Who  among  the  senators  ever 
suggested  the  possibility  that  the  evil  of  mort- 
gage and  borrowing  was  not  intrinsically  an  evil 
in  India,  but  that  legislation  — our  own  past 
legislation  — had  made  it  so  ? W as  there  no  offi  - 
cer  of  government  who  could  advise  the  author- 
ities that  every  Hindoo,  almost,  is  at  heart  a 
money  lender  ; that  it  is  second  nature  to  him ; 
that  indebtedness  in  itself  is  neither  reproach 
nor  handicap  in  his  eyes;  and  that  if  you  take 
from  him  his  freedom  of  barter  you  do  take  his 
life  ? ” 

“We  have  failed,”  says  this  writer,  “toavail 
ourselves  of  the  material  we  ourselves  have 
trained.”  That,  undoubtedly,  is  the  cardinal 
mistake  that  the  English  in  India  have  made. 
Until  now,  they  have  not  taken  the  best  of  India 
into  their  confidence  and  their  counsels. 

Another  of  the  writers  referred  to  above  gave 
another  characterization  of  the  British  rule  as 
the  natives  more  generally  feel  it,  in  which  a 
deeper  working  of  more  subtle  irritations  can  be 

seen.  He  wrote:  “Personal  rule,  the  will  of 
the  king,  God’s  anointed  and  therefore  invested 
with  quasi-divine  sanction,  is  the  only  rule  to 
which  the  East  has  been  used,  which  it  can  like 
and  respect.  The  people  can  understand,  even 
while  they  suffer  under,  the  most  extravagant 
individual  caprices;  and  when  the  tyranny  be- 
comes too  intolerable,  they  always  had  in  the 
last  resort  an  excellent  chance  of  being  able  to 
overthrow  it.  But  they  cannot  and  probably 
never  will  understand,  still  less  appreciate,  the 
cold,  implacable,  inhuman  impersonality  of  the 
English  government.  They  might  as  well  be 
governed  by  a dynamo,  without  human  bowels 
or  passions.  It  cannot  be  humanly  approached  ; 
it  has  no  human  side  ; its  very  impeccability  is 
exasperating ; and  the  exactitude  with  which  it 
metes  out  its  machine-made  justice,  according 
to  inflexible  rules  and  formulae  into  which  no 
human  equation  enters,  chills  and  repels  the 
Eastern  mind,  and  its  strength  is  commensurate 
with  its  remorselessness.” 

“They  might  as  well  be  governed  by  a dy- 
namo! ” That,  in  this  connection,  is  a power- 


fully expressive  phrase.  The  dynamo  and 
everything  of  a dynamic  nature  — every  me- 
chanical motor-working  of  forces,  whether  ma- 
terial or  political,  are  naturally  congenial  to  the 
man  of  the  Western  world  — understandable  by 
him,  serviceable  to  him  — and  they  are  not  so  to 
the  man  of  the  East.  Somewhere  in  the  process 
of  their  evolution  the  one  got  an  aptitude  for 
projecting  work  outwardly  from  the  worker  — 
action  at  some  remove  from  the  actor  — shuttle 
throwing,  for  example,  carried  out  from  the 
weaver  to  the  arms  and  fingers  of  a machine, 
and  government  from  the  personally  governing 
will  to  an  organic  political  system  — while  the 
other  did  not.  In  this,  more  than  in  anything 
else,  perhaps,  the  radical  difference  of  nature 
between  the  Occidental  and  the  Oriental  peoples 
is  summed  up.  The  one  is  endowed  with  a self- 
enhancing power  to  act  through  exterior  agen- 
cies, of  mechanism  in  his  physical  labors,  of 
representative  institutions  in  his  government,  of 
systems  and  organisms  in  all  his  doings,  which 
the  other  lacks. 

This  might  have  seemed  a generation  ago  to 
set  an  insurmountable  barrier  against  the  pass- 
ing of  democracy  and  democratic  institutions 
into  Asia ; but  we  have  little  right  to-day  to 
imagine  that  anything  can  stop  their  march. 

A.  D.  1908.  — American  Mission  Schools. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  India. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Passage  of  the  Indian 
Councils  Bill  by  the  British  Parliament. — 
Popular  Representation  in  the  Legislative 
Councils  introduced.  — Lord  Morley’s  expla- 
nations of  the  Measure.  — Appointment  of  a 
native  member  of  the  Viceroy’s  Executive 
Council.  — The  great  project  of  reform  in  the 
Government  of  India  which  Lord  Morley,  as 
Secretary  for  India  in  the  British  Administra- 
tion, brought  before  Parliament  in  December, 
1908,  embodied  fundamentally  in  what  was 
known  during  the  discussion  of  it  as  the  Indian 
Councils  Bill,  had  its  origin  more  than  two 
years  before  that  time,  not  in  the  councils  of 
the  British  Ministry,  but  in  those  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  India.  The  facts  of  its  inception 
and  preliminary  consideration  were  indicated  in 
a British  Blue  Book  of  1908  (Cd.  4426),  which 
contained  proposals  on  the  subject  from  the 
Government  of  India,  dated  October  1,  1908, 
and  the  reply  of  Lord  Morley  to  them,  Novem- 
ber 27.  More  recently  the  early  history  of  the 
reform  project  was  told  briefly  by  the  Viceroy 
of  India,  the  Earl  of  Minto,  in  a speech  in 
Council,  on  the  28tli  of  March,  1909.  He  said: 

“The  material  from  which  the  Councils  Bill 
has  been  manufactured  was  supplied  from  the 
Secretariat  at  Simla,  and  emanated  entirely  from 
the  bureaucracy  of  the  Government  of  India.  It 
was  in  August,  1906,  that  I drew  attention  in 
Council  in  a confidential  minute  to  the  change 
which  was  so  rapidly  affecting  the  political 
atmosphere,  bringing  with  it  questions  we 
could  not  afford  to  ignore,  which  we  must  at- 
tempt to  answer,  pointing  out  that  it  was  all- 
important  that  the  initiative  should  emanate 
from  us,  that  the  Government  of  India  should 
not  be  put  in  the  position  of  appearance  of  hav- 
ing its  hands  forced  by  agitation  in  this  country 
or  by  pressure  from  home,  and  that  wc  should 
be  the  first  to  recognize  the  surrounding  con- 
ditions and  place  before  his  Majesty’s  Govern- 
ment the  opinion  which  personal  experience 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


and  close  touch  with  the  everyday  life  of  India 
entitle  us  to  hold.  I consequently  appointed 
the  Arundel  Committee.  That  minute  was  the 
first  seed  of  our  reforms  sown  more  than  a year 
before  the  first  anarchist  outrage  sent  a thrill 
of  shocked  surprise  throughout  India — the 
attempt  to  wreck  Sir  Andrew  Fraser’s  train 
in  December,  1907.  The  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  India  in  respect  to  reforms  has  ema- 
nated from  mature  consideration  of  political 
and  social  conditions,  while  the  administrative 
changes  they  advocated,  far  from  being  conces- 
sions wrung  from  them,  have  been  over  and 
over  again  endangered  by  the  commission  of 
outrages  which  could  not  but  encourage  doubts 
as  to  the  opportuneness  of  the  introduction  of 
political  changes,  but  which  I steadfastly  re- 
fused to  allow  to  injure  the  political  welfare  of 
the  loyal  masses  in  India.” 

The  Indian  Councils  Bill  was  printed  on  the 
20th  of  February,  1909,  and  its  second  reading 
in  the  House  of  Lords  was  moved  by  Lord  Mor- 
ley  in  an  explanatory  speech  on  the  23d.  A 
prefatory  memorandum  accompanying  the  text 
of  the  Bill  was  as  follows  : 

“The  object  of  this  Bill  is  to  amend  and  ex- 
tend the  Indian  Councils  Acts,  1861  and  1892,  in 
such  a way  as  to  provide  : 

“(i.)For  an  enlargement  of  the  Legislative 
Council  of  the  Governor-General  and  of  the  ex- 
isting Provincial  Legislative  Councils ; 

“ (ii.)  For  the  election  of  a certain  proportion 
of  their  members  by  popular  vote  ; and 

“(iii.)  For  greater  freedom  to  discuss  matters 
of  general  public  interest  and  to  ask  questions 
at  their  meetings,  and  more  especially  for  the 
discussion  of  the  annual  financial  statements. 

“The  Executive  Councils  of  the  Governments 
of  Madras  and  Bombay  are  enlarged,  and  pow- 
ers are  taken  to  create  Executive  Councils  in 
the  other  Provinces  of  India,  where  they  now 
do  not  exist.  Provision  is  also  made  for  the 
appointment  of  Vice-Presidents  of  the  various 
Councils. 

“The  details  of  the  necessary  arrangements, 
which  must  vary  widely  in  the  different  Pro- 
vinces, are  left  to  be  settled  by  means  of  regula- 
tions to  be  framed  by  the  Government  of  India 
and  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  State.” 

In  his  speech  on  moving  the  second  reading 
of  the  Bill,  Lord  Morley  said:  “I  invite  the 
House  to  take  to-day  the  first  definite  and  op- 
erative step  in  carrying  out  the  policy  which  I 
had  the  honour  of  stating  to  your  lordships 
just  before  Christmas,  and  which  has  occupied 
the  active  consideration  both  of  the  Home  Gov- 
ernment and  of  the  Government  of  India  for 
very  nearly,  if  not  even  more  than,  three  years. 
The  statement  was  awaited  in  India  with  an 
expectancy  that  with  time  became  almost  im- 
patience, and  it  was  received  in  India  — and 
that,  after  all,  is  the  point  to  which  I looked 
with  the  most  anxiety  — with  intense  interest 
and  attention  and  various  degrees  of  approval, 
from  warm  enthusiasm  to  cool  assent  and  ac- 
quiescence. So  far  as  I know  . . . there  has 
been  no  sign  in  any  quarter,  save  possibly  in  the 
irreconcilable  camp,  of  organized  hostile  opinion 
among  either  Indians  or  Anglo-Indians.  . . . 

“ There  are,  I take  it,  three  classes  of  people 
that  we  have  to  consider  in  dealing  with  a 
scheme  of  this  kind.  There  are  the  extremists, 
who  nurse  fantastic  dreams  that  some  day  they 


will  drive  us  out  of  India.  In  this  group  there 
are  academic  extremists  and  physical  force  ex- 
tremists, and  I have  seen  it  stated  on  a certain 
authority  — it  cannot  be  more  than  guessed  — 
that  they  do  not  number,  whether  academic  or 
physical  force  extremists,  more  than  one-tenth, 
I think,  or  even  3 per  cent.,  of  what  are  called 
the  educated  class  in  India.  The  second  group 
nourish  no  hopes  of  this  sort,  but  hope  for  au- 
tonomy or  self-government  of  the  colonial  species 
and  pattern.  And  then  the  third  section  of  this 
classification  ask  for  no  more  than  to  be  admit- 
ted to  co-operation  in  our  administration,  and  to 
find  a free  and  effective  voice  in  expressing  the 
interests  and  needs  of  their  land.  I believe  the 
effect  of  the  reforms  has  been,  is  being,  and  will 
be  to  draw  the  second  class,  who  hope  for  colo- 
nial autonomy,  into  the  third  class,  who  will  be 
content  with  being  admitted  to  a fair  and  full 
co-operation.” 

As  to  the  objections  raised  by  the  Mahomedans 
of  India,  to  the  plans  of  the  measure  for  their 
representation  in  the  Councils,  Lord  Morley 
announced  the  readiness  of  the  Government  to 
yield  to  them.  “We,”  he  said,  “suggested  to 
the  Government  of  India  a certain  plan.  We 
did  not  prescribe  it,  we  did  not  order  it,  but  we 
suggested  and  recommended  this  plan  for  their 
consideration  — no  more  than  that.  It  was  the 
plan  of  a mixed  or  composite  electoral  college, 
in  which  Mahomedans  and  Hindus  should  pool 
their  votes,  so  to  say.  The  wording  of  the 
recommendation  in  my  dispatch  was,  as  I soon 
discovered,  ambiguous  — a grievous  defect,  of 
which  I make  bold  to  hope  I am  not  very  often 
in  public  business  guilty.  But,  to  the  best  of 
my  belief,  under  any  construction  the  plan  of 
Hindus  and  Mahomedans  voting  together  in  a 
mixed  and  composite  electorate  would  have  se- 
cured to  the  Maliomedan  electors,  wherever  they 
were  so  minded,  the  chance  of  returning  their 
own  representative  in  their  due  proportion.  The 
political  idea  at  the  bottom  of  that  recommenda- 
tion which  has  found  so  little  favour  was  that 
such  composite  action  would  bring  the  two  great 
communities  more  closely  together,  and  this  idea 
of  promoting  harmony  was  held  by  men  of  very 
high  Indian  authority  and  experience  who  were 
among  my  advisers  at  the  India  Office.  But  the 
Mahomedans  protested  that  the  Hindus  would 
elect  a pro-Hindu  upon  it,  just  as  I suppose  in  a 
mixed  college  of  say  75  Catholics  and  25  Pro- 
testants voting  together  the  Protestants  might 
suspect  that  the  Catholics  voting  for  the  Pro- 
testant would  choose  what  is  called  a Romaniz- 
ing Protestant  and  as  little  of  a Protestant  as 
possible.  ...  At  any  rate,  the  Government  of 
India  doubted  whether  our  plan  would  work, 
and  we  have  abandoned  it.  I do  not  think  it 
was  a bad  plan,  but  it  is  no  use,  if  you  are 
making  an  earnest  attempt  in  good  faith  at  a 
general  pacification,  out  of  parental  fondness  for 
a clause  interrupting  that  good  process  by  sit 
ting  too  tight. 

“The  Mahomedans  demand  three  things.  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a deputation  from 
them  and  I know  very  well  what  is  in  their 
minds.  They  demand  the  election  of  their  own 
representatives  to  these  councils  in  all  the  stages, 
just  as  in  Cyprus,  where,  I think,  the  Mahome- 
dans vote  by  themselves.  They  have  nine  votes 
and  the  non-Mahomedans  have  three,  or  the 
other  way  about.  So  in  Bohemia,  where  the 


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INDIA,  1908-1909 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


Germans  vote  alone  and  have  their  own  regis- 
ter. Therefore  we  are  not  without  a precedent 
and  a parallel  for  the  idea  of  a separate  regis- 
ter. Secondly,  they  want  a number  of  seats  in 
excess  of  their  numerical  strength.  Those  two 
demands  we  are  quite  ready  and  intend  to  meet 
in  full.  There  is  a third  demand  that,  if  there 
is  a Hindu  on  the  Viceroy’s  Executive  Council 
— a subject  on  which  I will  venture  to  say  a 
little  to  your  lordships  before  I sit  down  — 
there  should  be  two  Indian  members  on  the 
Viceroy’s  Council  and  that  one  should  be  a Ma- 
homedan.  Well,  as  I told  them  and  as  I now 
tell  your  lordships,  I see  no  chance  whatever  of 
meeting  their  views  in  that  way  to  any  extent 
at  all.” 

Turning  to  a much  criticised  feature  of  the 
projected  remodelling  of  Indian  Government  — 
namely,  the  announced  intention  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  name  an  Indian  member  of  the  Vice- 
roy’s Executive  Council  — the  Secretary  re- 
minded the  House  that  this  was  not  touched  by 
the  pending  bill,  for  the  reason  that  the  ap- 
pointment of  that  Council  lies  already  within 
the  province  of  the  Crown.  In  meeting  the  ob- 
jections raised  to  this  part  of  the  reform  pro- 
ject, he  amused  the  House  greatly  by  remark- 
ing: “Lord  MacDonnell  said  the  other  day: 
‘I  believe  you  cannot  find  any  individual  native 
gentleman  who  has  enjoyed  the  general  confi- 
dence who  would  be  able  to  give  advice  and 
assistance  to  the  Governor-General  in  Council.  ’ 
It  has  been  my  lot  to  be  twice  Chief  Secretary 
for  Ireland,  and  I do  not  believe  I can  truly  say 
I ever  met  in  Ireland  a single  individual  native 
gentleman  who  ‘enjoyed  general  confidence.’ 
And  yet  I received  at  Dublin  Castle  most  excel- 
lent and  competent  advice.  Therefore  I will 
accept  that  statement  from  the  noble  lord.  The 
question  is  whether  there  is  no  one  of  the  300 
millions  of  the  population  of  India  who  is  com- 
petent to  be  the  officially-constituted  adviser  of 
the  Governor-General  in  Council  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  Indian  affairs.  You  make  an  Indian 
a Judge  of  the  High  Court,  and  Indians  have 
even  been  acting-Chief  Justices.  As  to  capa- 
city, who  can  deny  that  they  have  distinguished 
themselves  as  administrators  of  native  States, 
where  far  more  demand  is  made  on  their  re- 
sources, intellectual  and  moral  ? It  is  said  that 
the  presence  of  an  Indian  member  would  cause 
restraint  in  the  language  of  discussion.  For  a 
year  and  a half  I have  had  two  Indians  at  the 
Council  of  India,  and  I have  never  found  the 
slightest  restraint  whatever.” 

Debate  on  the  Bill  in  the  House  of  Lords  was 
resumed  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  it  was  amended 
by  striking  out  a clause  which  gave  power  to 
constitute  provincial  executive  councils  in  other 
provinces  than  Madras  and  Bombay,  where  they 
were  already  existing.  It  then  passed  through 
Committee,  and  on  the  11th  of  March  it  was 
read  a third  time  and  passed  by  the  Upper 
House. 

A fortnight  later,  Lord  Morley  brought  into 
exercise  the  authority  possessed  by  the  Crown, 
to  appoint  on  its  own  judgment  a native  member 
of  the  Viceroy’s  Executive  Council.  His  choice 
fell  on  a distinguished  Hindu  lawyer,  Mr.  Saty- 
endra Prasanna  Sinha,  of  whom  the  London 
Times , on  announcing  the  appointment,  said  : 
“Mr.  Sinha  now  fills  the  office  of  Advocate- 
General  of  Bengal,  to  which  he  was  not  long  ago 


promoted,  and  he  will  succeed  Sir  Henry  Rich- 
ards as  Legal  Member  of  Council.  Of  his  fitness 
to  discharge  the  departmental  duties  of  his  new 
position  we  make  no  question.  Lord  Morley 
has  doubtless  satisfied  himself  that  the  qualifica- 
tions of  his  nominee  in  this  respect  will  not  dis- 
credit the  experiment  on  which  he  has  ventured. 
But,  however  high  those  qualifications,  and 
however  well  they  may  stand  the  test  of  experi- 
ence, gifts  and  attainments  of  another  order  are 
needed  for  the  post  to  which  Lord  Morley  has 
named  him.  A member  of  the  Viceroy’s  Execu- 
tive Council  is  much  more  than  a departmental 
chief.  . . . For  him  there  are  no  State  secrets 
and  no  confidential  documents.  He  has  a right 
to  know  and  to  debate  the  imperii  arcana.  The 
most  delicate  mysteries  of  diplomacy,  the  most 
carefully  guarded  of  military  precautions,  are 
trusted  to  his  faith  and  to  his  discretion. 
Breadth  of  political  knowledge  and  of  judgment, 
insight  into  men  and  things,  a sure  sense  and 
grasp  of  realities,  coolness,  courage,  and  rapid 
decision  in  emergencies,  absolute  impartiality 
between  native  races,  creeds,  and  classes,  and 
an  instinctive  devotion  to  England,  to  her  tradi- 
tions and  to  her  ideals,  are  amongst  the  qualities 
which  have  been  deemed  the  best  recommenda- 
tions for  so  immense  a trust.  Mr.  Sinha  may 
possess  them  all,  but  they  are  rare  amongst  the 
men  of  any  race,  and  some  of  them  are  noto- 
riously uncommon  amongst  Orientals.” 

This  expresses  the  English  opinion  that  ob- 
jects to  the  admission  of  Indians  to  the  Execu- 
tive Councils  of  Indian  Government,  even  while 
assenting  to  their  representation  in  the  Legisla 
tive  Councils  of  the  dependency.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  Mr.  Sinha  will  help  to  weaken  that 
opinion.  Reports  from  India  on  the  appoint- 
ment were  to  the  effect  that  it  had  given  great 
general  satisfaction. 

On  the  return  of  the  Councils  Bill  to  the  Com- 
mons the  clause  which  the  Lords  had  stricken 
out  was  restored,  but  in  a modified  form.  Au- 
thority to  extend  the  creation  of  provincial  exec- 
utive councils  was  given,  but  with  the  reser- 
vation to  the  House  of  Lords  as  well  as  to  the 
House  of  Commons  of  a veto  upon  the  estab- 
lishment of  such  councils  in  any  new  provinces, 
except  Bengal.  As  thus  amended  the  clause 
was  accepted  by  the  Upper  House  and  became 
law,  May  25,  1909. 

The  following  are  the  essential  provisions  of 
the  Act:  “i.  — (1)  The  additional  members  of 
the  councils  for  the  purpose  of  making  laws  and 
regulations  (hereinafter  referred  to  as  Legisla- 
tive Councils)  of  the  Governor-General  and  of  the 
Governors  of  Fort  Saint  George  and  Bombay, 
and  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Councils 
already  constituted,  or  which  may  hereafter  be 
constituted,  of  the  several  Lieutenant-Governors 
of  Provinces,  instead  of  being  all  nominated  by 
the  Governor-General,  Governor,  or  Lieutenant- 
Governor  in  manner  provided  by  the  Indian 
Councils  Acts,  1861  and  1892,  shall  include 
members  so  nominated  and  also  members  elected 
in  accordance  with  regulations  made  under  this 
Act,  and  references  in  those  Acts  to  the  members 
so  nominated  and  their  nomination  shall  be  con- 
strued as  including  references  to  the  members 
so  elected  and  their  election. 

“(2)  The  number  of  additional  members  or 
members  so  nominated  and  elected,  the  number 
of  such  members  required  to  constitute  a quo- 


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INDIA,  1908-1909 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


rum,  the  term  of  office  of  such  members  and  the 
manner  of  filling  up  casual  vacancies  occurring 
by  reason  of  absence  from  India,  inability  to 
attend  to  duty,  death,  acceptance  of  office,  or 
resignation  duly  accepted,  or  otherwise,  shall,  in 
the  case  of  each  such  council,  be  such  as  may 
be  prescribed  by  regulations  made  under  this 
Act: 

“Provided  that  the  aggregate  number  of 
members  so  nominated  and  elected  shall  not,  in 
the  case  of  any  Legislative  Council  mentioned  in 
the  first  column  of  the  First  Schedule  to  this 
Act,  exceed  the  number  specified  in  the  second 
column  of  that  schedule. 

“2.  — (1)  The  number  of  ordinary  members 
of  the  councils  of  the  Governors  of  Fort  Saint 
George  and  Bombay  shall  be  such  number  not 
exceeding  four  as  the  Secretary  of  State  in  Coun- 
cil may  from  time  to  time  direct,  of  whom  two 
at  least  shall  be  persons  who  at  the  time  of  their 
appointment  have  been  in  the  service  of  the 
Crown  in  India  for  at  least  twelve  years. 

“(2)  If  at  any  meeting  of  either  of  such 
councils  there  is  an  equality  of  votes  on  any 
question,  the  Governor  or  other  person  presid- 
ing shall  have  two  votes  or  the  casting  vote. 

“3.  — (1)  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the  Governor- 
General  in  Council,  with  the  approval  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  in  Council,  by  proclamation, 
to  create  a council  in  the  Bengal  Division  of  the 
Presidency  of  Fort  William  for  the  purpose  of 
assisting  the  Lieutenant-Governor  in  the  execu- 
tive government  of  the  province,  and  by  such 
proclamation  — 

‘‘(a)  to  make  provision  for  determining  what 
shall  be  the  number  (not  exceeding  four)  and 
qualifications  of  the  members  of  the  council; 
and 

“(b)  to  make  provision  for  the  appointment 
of  temporary  or  acting  members  of  the  council 
during  the  absence  of  any  member  from  illness 
or  otherwise,  and  for  the  procedure  to  be  adopted 
in  case  of  a difference  of  opinion  between  a 
Lieutenant-Governor  and  his  council,  and  in  the 
case  of  equality  of  votes,  and  in  the  case  of  a 
Lieutenant-Governor  being  obliged  to  absent 
himself  from  his  council  from  indisposition  or 
any  other  cause. 

“(2)  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council,  with  the  like  approval,  by  a 
like  proclamation  to  create  a council  in  any  other 
province  under  a Lieutenant-Governor  for  the 
purpose  of  assisting  the  Lieutenant-Governor  in 
the  executive  government  of  the  province  : Pro- 
vided that  before  any  such  proclamation  is  made 
a draft  thereof  shall  be  laid  before  each  House 
of  Parliament  for  not  less  than  sixty  days  dur- 
ing the  session  of  Parliament,  and,  if  before  the 
expiration  of  that  time  an  address  is  presented 
to  His  Majesty  by  either  House  of  Parliament 
against  the  draft  or  any  part  thereof,  no  further 
proceedings  shall  be  taken  thereon,  without 
prejudice  to  the  making  of  any  new  draft. 

" (3)  Where  any  such  proclamation  has  been 
made  with  respect  to  any  province  the  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor may,  with  the  consent  of  the  Gov- 
ernor-General in  Council,  from  time  to  time 
make  rules  and  orders  for  the  more  convenient 
transaction  of  business  in  his  council,  and  any 
order  made  or  act  done  in  accordance  with  the 
rules  and  orders  so  made  shall  be  deemed  to  be 
an  act  or  order  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  in 
Council. 


“(4)  Every  member  of  any  such  council  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  Governor-General,  with  the 
approval  of  His  Majesty,  and  shall,  as  such,  be 
a member  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  in  addition  to  the  mem- 
bers nominated  by  the  Lieutenant-Governor  and 
elected  under  the  provisions  of  this  Act. 

“4.  The  Governor-General,  and  the  Governors 
of  Fort  Saint  George  and  Bombay,  and  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  every  province  respect- 
ively shall  appoint  a member  of  their  respect- 
ive councils  to  be  Vice-President  thereof,  and, 
for  the  purpose  of  temporarily  holding  and  ex- 
ecuting the  office  of  Governor-General  or  Gov- 
ernor of  Fort  Saint  George  or  Bombay  and  of 
presiding  at  meetings  of  Council  in  the  absence 
of  the  Governor-General,  Governor,  or  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, the  Vice-President  so  appointed 
shall  be  deemed  to  be  the  senior  member  of 
Council  and  the  member  highest  in  rank,  and 
the  Indian  Councils  Act,  1861,  and  sections  sixty- 
two  and  sixty-three  of  the  Government  of  India 
Act,  1833,  shall  have  effect  accordingly. 

“5.  — (1)  Notwithstanding  anything  in  the 
Indian  Councils  Act,  1861,  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council,  the  Governors  in  Council  of 
Fort  Saint  George  and  Bombay  respectively, 
and  the  Lieutenant-Governor  or  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor in  Council  of  every  province,  shall  make: 
rules  authorising  at  any  meeting  of  their  re- 
spective legislative  councils  the  discussion  of 
the  annual  financial  statement  of  the  Governor- 
General  in  Council  or  of  their  respective  local 
governments,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  of  any 
matter  of  general  public  interest,  and  the  ask- 
ing of  questions,  under  such  conditions  and 
restrictions  as  may  be  prescribed  in  the  rules 
applicable  to  the  several  councils. 

“ (2)  Such  rules  as  aforesaid  may  provide  for 
the  appointment  of  a member  of  any  such  coun- 
cil to  preside  at  any  such  discussion  in  the  place 
of  the  Governor-General,  Governor,  or  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, as  the  case  may  be,  and  of  any 
Vice-President. 

“(3)  Rules  under  this  section,  where  made  by 
a Governor  in  Council,  or  by  a Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, or  a Lieutenant-Governor  in  Council,  shall 
be  subject  to  the  sanction  of  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral in  Council,  and  where  made  by  the  Governor- 
General  in  Coimcil  shall  be  subject  to  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Secretary  of  State  in  Council,  and 
shall  not  be  subject  to  alteration  or  amendment 
by  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  Governor- 
General,  Governor,  or  Lieutenant-Governor. 

“6.  The  Governor-General  in  Council  shall, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
in  Council,  make  regulations  as  to  the  condi- 
tions under  which  and  manner  in  which  persons 
resident  in  India  may  be  nominated  or  elected 
as  members  of  the  Legislative  Councils  of  the 
Governor-General,  Governors,  and  Lieutenant- 
Governors,  and  as  to  the  qualifications  for  being, 
and  for  being  nominated  or  elected,  a member 
of  any  such  council,  and  as  to  any  other  matter 
for  which  regulations  are  authorised  to  be  made 
under  this  Act,  and  also  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  those  regulations  are  to  be  carried  into 
effect.  Regulations  under  this  section  shall  not 
be  subject  to  alteration  or  amendment  by  the 
Legislative  Council  of  the  Governor-General. 

“ 7.  All  proclamations,  regulations  and  rules 
made  under  this  Act,  other  than  rules  made  by 
a Lieutenant-Governor  for  the  more  convenient 


323 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


INDIA,  1908-1909 


transaction  of  business  in  his  council,  shall  be 
laid  before  both  Houses  of  Parliament  as  soon  as 
may  be  after  they  are  made.” 

FIRST  SCHEDULE. 

MAXIMUM  NUMBERS  OF  NOMINATED  AND  ELECTED 
MEMBERS  OF  LEGISLATIVE  COUNCILS. 

Maximum 


Legislative  Council.  Number. 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Governor-General  60 
Legislative  Council  of  the  Governor  of  Fort 

Saint  George 50 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Governor  of  Bom- 
bay   50 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  the  Bengal  division  of  the  Presi- 
dency of  Fort  William 50 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  the  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and 

Oudh 50 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  the  Province  of  Eastern  Bengal 

and  Assam . . 50 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  the  Province  of  the  Punjab  ...  30 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  the  Province  of  Burma 30 

Legislative  Council  of  the  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  any  Province  which  may  hereafter 
be  constituted 30 


As  will  be  seen,  the  Act  only  conveys  in  out- 
line to  the  Government  of  India  the  authority 
needed  for  introducing  the  intended  reforms, 
leaving  all  constructive  details  to  be  filled  out 
by  the  latter  in  regulations  and  rules.  Six  months 
were  occupied  in  that  task  by  the  Indian  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  resulting  prescriptions  were 
published  on  November  15th,  in  a document  fill- 
ing 450  pages  of  print.  The  following  is  a sum- 
mary of  them,  communicated  to  The  Times  by 
its  Calcutta  correspondent : 

“ They  comprise,  first,  a short  notice  bringing 
the  new  Councils  Act  into  force;  secondly,  the 
rules  and  regulations  for  guiding  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  enlarged  Imperial  and  Provincial 
Councils,  with  election  rules;  thirdly,  rules  for 
the  discussion  of  the  annual  financial  statement 
and  general  resolutions  and  for  the  asking  of 
questions  ; and,  fourthly,  a Government  resolu- 
tion explaining  the  reasons  for  the  changes  made 
and  their  main  details. 

“The  resolution  shows  that  the  Imperial 
Council  will  consist  of  68  members,  while  the 
number  of  members  in  each  of  the  Provincial 
Councils  will  be  as  follows: — Bengal,  51; 
Madras  and  Bombay,  each  48  ; the  United 
Provinces,  49;  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam,  43; 
the  Punjab,  27;  and  Burma,  18. 

“The  Viceroy’s  Council  has  an  official  ma- 
jority of  three,  while  all  the  Provincial  Councils 
have  non-official  majorities,  ranging  from  14  in 
Bengal  to  three  in  Burma.  In  the  Viceroy’s 
Council  the  Mahomedans  will  have  in  the  first 
Council  six  members  elected  by  purely  Ma- 
homedan  electorates,  and  will  also  presumably 
get  seats  in  Sind  and  the  Punjab,  as  the  resolu- 
tion says  that  a representative  of  the  Bombay 
landholders  on  the  Imperial  Council  will  be 
elected  at  the  first,  third,  and  subsequent  alter- 
nate elections  by  the  Sind  landholders,  the  great 
majority  of  whom  are  Mahomedan,  and  at  the 
other  elections  by  the  Sirdars  of  Gujarat  and  the 
Deccan,  the  majority  of  whom  are  Hindus. 

“Again,  the  Punjab  landholders  consist 
equally  of  Mahomedans  and  non-Maliomedans, 
and  presumably  a Mahomedan  will  be  alter- 
nately chosen.  Accordingly,  it  has  been  de- 


cided that  at  the  second,  fourth,  and  alternate 
elections,  when  these  two  seats  shall  not  be  held 
by  Mahomedans,  there  shall  be  two  special  elec- 
torates consisting  of  Mahomedan  landholders 
who  are  entitled  to  vote  for  the  member  repre- 
senting them  in  the  Imperial  Council,  and  the 
landowners  of  the  United  Provinces  and  of  East- 
ern Bengal  and  Assam  respectively.  The  Bom- 
bay Mahomedan  member  of  the  Imperial  Coun- 
cil will  be  elected  by  the  non-official  Mahomedan 
members  of  the  Provincial  Council. 

“The  tea  and  jute  industries  get  five  mem- 
bers on  the  Provincial  Councils  of  the  Bengals 
and  Madras. 

“All  members  are  required  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  Crown  before  sitting  on 
any  of  the  Councils,  and  no  person  is  eligible 
for  election  if  the  Imperial  or  a Provincial  Gov- 
ernment is  of  opinion  that  his  election  would 
be  contrary  to  public  interest.  This  provision 
takes  the  place  of  the  old  power  to  reject  mem- 
bers selected  by  the  electorate. 

“ The  examination  of  the  annual  financial  pro- 
posals is  divided  into  three  parts.  The  first 
allows  a chance  for  discussing  any  alteration  in 
taxation  and  any  new  loan  or  grant  to  a local 
Government.  Under  the  second  any  head  of 
revenue  or  expenditure  will  be  explained  by  the 
member  in  charge  of  the  Department  concerned 
and  any  resolution  may  be  moved,  and  at  the 
third  stage  the  Finance  Minister  presents  his 
budget  and  explains  why  any  resolutions  will 
not  be  accepted,  a general  discussion  follow- 
ing. 

“The  resolution  concludes  as  follows  : 

“The  new  Provincial  Councils  will  assemble 
early  in  January  and  the  Imperial  Council  in  the 
course  of  that  month.  . . . 

“‘The  maximum  strength  of  the  Councils 
was  126 ; it  is  now  370.  There  are  now  135 
elected  members  against  39,  while  an  elected 
member  will  sit  as  of  right,  needing  no  official 
confirmation.  The  functions  of  the  Councils  are 
greatly  enlarged.  Members  can  demand  further 
information  in  reply  to  formal  answers  and 
discussion  will  be  allowed  on  all  matters  of 
public  interest.  They  will  also  in  future  be  en- 
tiled to  take  a real  and  active  part  in  shaping 
financial  proposals.  They  will  have  liberal  op- 
portunity to  criticize  and  to  initiate  and  suggest 
definite  resolutions. ' ” 

As  operative  at  the  center  of  discontent,  in 
Bengal,  an  unfortunate  defect  in  the  regulations 
was  soon  discovered,  which  made  trouble  at 
once.  It  was  reported  to  The  Times  as  follows : 
“The  regulations  for  the  election  of  the  new 
Councils  have  produced  a political  situation  here 
which  will  be  scarcely  intelligible  to  those  who 
are  not  acquainted  with  the  peculiarities  of  the 
Bengali  character.  The  educated  classes  in  Cal 
cutta  were  in  despair  when  they  discovered  that 
the  rules  virtually  excluded  their  leaders,  and 
the  more  extreme  men  seized  the  opportunity 
of  advocating  a boycott  of  the  reforms.  Sir  Ed- 
ward Baker,  however,  promptly  recognized  that 
the  regulations  required  modification.  The  rule 
which  restricted  the  candidates  for  the  repre- 
sentation of  district  boards  and  municipalities 
to  present  members  of  these  bodies  was  at  once 
altered  so  as  to  include  those  who  had  at  any 
time  served  for  three  years  on  a local  authority. 
The  effect  of  this  concession  was  to  render  eli 
gible  many  previously  excluded.  Further,  when 


324 


INDIA,  1909 


INSURANCE 


it  was  pointed  out  that  Mr.  Surendranath  Baner- 
jee  was  shut  out  by  the  rule  disqualifying  dis- 
missed Government  servants,  Sir  Edward  Baker 
spontaneously  intimated  to  the  Bengali  leader 
that  he  was  exempted  from  the  operation  of  this 
regulation.  But,  in  spite  of  these  conciliatory 
steps,  pressure  is  being  put  on  Mr.  Banerjee  to 
refuse  to  stand,  apparently  on  the  ground  that, 
as  many  of  the  well-known  Moderates  are  still 
ineligible,  it  is  incumbent  on  Mr.  Banerjee  to 
refuse  his  services  to  his  country  rather  than 
weaken  the  force  of  a united  protest.”  — These 
persuasions  had  success.  Mr.  Banerjee  refused 
to  be  a candidate. 

The  following  report  from  Dacca,  Dec.  29,  in- 
dicates the  result:  ‘‘The  Council  elections  for 
Eastern  Bengal  are  not  yet  complete.  They 
show,  however,  a marked  preponderance  of  Ma- 
homedan  representation,  due  to  the  deliberate 
abstention  of  the  Hindu  electorate.  This  absten- 
tion has  been  worked  from  Calcutta  in  accord- 
ance with  the  manifesto  issued  by  the  Bengali 
leaders.  It  is  very  noticeable  among  the  Ze- 
mindar voters,  who  are  mainly  Hindu.  The  idea 
is  that  the  Government  will  nominate  Hindu 
representatives  and  will  thus  defeat  the  object 
of  the  Reform  Scheme.” 

A.  D.  1909  (July). —Assassination  in  Lon- 
don of  Sir  W.  Curzon-Wyllie  by  an  Indian 
Anarchist. — The  virulence  of  the  hostility  in 
India  to  British  rule,  as  developed  in  schools  of 
anarchism  and  terrorism,  was  shown  startlingly 
to  England  on  the  1st  of  July,  1909,  when  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Sir  William  Curzon-Wyllie  and 
Dr.  Cawas-Lalcaca,  a Parsee,  were  shot  dead 
by  an  Indian  student,  at  the  close  of  a reception 
held  in  the  Imperial  Institute  at  London.  Sir 
Curzon-Wyllie,  formerly  of  the  Indian  Staff 
Corps,  had  been  serving  since  1901  as  political 
aide-de-camp  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India, 
at  London.  The  reception  at  which  he  was  as- 


sassinated was  one  of  the  evenings  “ At  Home” 
of  the  National  Indian  Association,  held  mainly 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  many  young  In- 
dians residing  temporarily  in  England  an  op- 
portunity for  social  intercourse  with  friendly 
English  people.  The  assassin,  a student  named 
Dhinagri,  came  as  a guest.  His  brother,  a doc- 
tor in  Calcutta,  hearing  that  he  had  been  coming 
under  anarchist  influences,  had  asked  Sir  Curzon- 
Wyllie  some  time  before  to  talk  with  him,  and 
that  gentleman  had  done  so,  with  no  effect  ap- 
parently, but  to  rouse  his  resentment.  The 
motive  of  the  crime,  however,  appears  to  have 
been  wholly  in  the  desire  to  make  a display  of 
“ patriotism  ” and  to  achieve  distinction  as  a 
martyr  to  the  cause  of  liberty  for  India.  The 
victim  might  easily  have  been  some  other.  Sir 
Curzon-Wyllie  was  leaving  the  place  when  he 
paused  to  speak  to  Dhinagri,  and  received  two 
deadly  bullets  at  close  range,  in  the  face.  Dr. 
Lalcaca,  who  stood  near,  rushed  forward  to  in- 
tervene, and  the  pistol  was  turned  on  him.  Others 
seized  the  assassin  before  he  could  do  more. 

When  tried  and  convicted,  on  the  23d  of  July, 
and  asked  if  he  had  anything  to  say,  Dhinagri 
replied  angrily:  “ I have  told  you  over  and  over 
again  that  I do  not  acknowledge  the  authority 
of  the  Court.  You  can  do  whatever  you  like. 
I do  not  mind  at  all.  You  can  pass  sentence  of 
death  on  me.  I do  not  care,  but  remember  that 
one  day  we  shall  be  all  powerful,  and  then  we 
can  do  what  we  like.  That  is  all  I want  to  say.” 
On  being  sentenced  to  death,  the  prisoner,  mak- 
ing an  Oriental  salute  to  the  Judge,  said,  — 
‘ ‘ Thank  you,  my  Lord.  I don ’t  care.  I am  proud 
to  have  the  honour  of  laying  down  my  life  for 
the  cause  of  my  country.” 

The  family  of  Dhinagri,  in  India,  employed 
counsel  to  attend  his  trial,  who  announced  to  the 
court  that  they  viewed  his  crime  with  the  great- 
est abhorrence. 


INDIAN  (EAST)  IMMIGRATION:  The 
resistance  to  it  in  South  Africa,  Australia, 
and  elsewhere.  (See  in  this  vol.)  Race  Prob- 
lems. 

INDIAN  NATIONAL  CONGRESS,  The. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

INDIAN  TERRITORY. — United  with 
Oklahoma  to  form  the  State  of  Oklahoma. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  . A.  D.  1906 
(June). 

INDIANS,  The  American:  End  of  the 
T ribal  Autonomy  of  the  Five  Civilized  T ribes. 
— The  last  of  the  proceedings  for  ending  the 
autonomy  of  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  (see,  in 
Yol.  VI.,  Indians,  American:  A.  D.  1893-1899), 
making  them  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 
dividing  their  tribal  lands  among  them  indi- 
vidually, was  finished  in  the  summer  of  1902,  by 
the  Cherokee  Council,  which  ratified  agreements 
already  accepted  by  the  other  four  tribes. 

According  to  Mr.  William  Dudley  Foulke,  who 
investigated  the  circumstances,  the  Creek  nation 
has  suffered  grievous  frauds  in  the  final  settle- 
ment of  their  land  affairs,  by  the  operation  of 
the  Curtis  Act,  in  the  matter  of  the  sale  of  town 
sites.  Mr.  Foulke’s  account  of  the  case  is  given  in 
an  article  entitled  “Despoiling  a Nation,”  pub- 
lished in  The  Outlook,  January  2,  1908. 

INDUSTRIAL  ARBITRATION.  See 
Labor. 

INDUSTRIAL  COMBINATIONS  (capi- 


talistic). See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations, 
Industrial. 

INDUSTRIAL  COMBINATIONS  (of  the 
employed).  See  Labor. 

INDUSTRIAL  COMMISSION  (United 
States),  of  1898-1902:  On  the  Sherman  Anti- 
Trust  Act,  of  1898,  applied  to  Railroads. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1890-1902. 

On  Hours  of  Labor.  See  same,  A.  D.  1902. 
INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING.  See  Educa- 
tion. 

INHERITANCE  TAX  : Defeated  Propo- 
sal in  Germany.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany: 
A.  D.  1908-1909 ; also,  Death  Duties. 

INITIATIVE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Referen- 
dum. 

INJUNCTIONS,  in  Labor  Disputes.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Law  and  its  Courts:  United 
States. 

INLAND  WATERWAYS  COMMIS- 
SION. See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources  : United  States. 

INMEDIATISTAS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907. 

INSTITUTE  OF  INTERNATIONAL 
RIGHT,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

INSURANCE,  against  Unemployment. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of  : 
Unemployment;  Germany. 


325 


INSURANCE 


INSURANCE 


INSURANCE,  Industrial.  See  Labor  Pro- 
tection. 

INSURANCE,  Life:  The  Legislative  In- 
vestigation of  Companies  doing  business  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  in  1905.  — Startling 
Disclosures  of  Vicious  Management  in  the 
greater  organizations,  and  of  Perfunctory 
State  Superintendence.  — Report  and  Re- 
commendations of  the  Committee.  — Re- 
medial Legislation. — A conflict  in  the  Board 
of  Directors  of  the  Equitable  Life  Assurance 
Society  of  New  York,  which  came  to  public 
knowledge  in  February,  1905,  afforded  the  be- 
ginning of  exciting  revelations,  as  to  practices 
and  conditions  in  the  management  of  the  stu- 
pendous organizations  of  life  insurance  that  are 
centered  in  New  York  City. 

The  Equitable  Society  was  founded  in  1859 
by  Henry  B.  Hyde  as  a stock  company,  with  a 
capital  of  $100,000,  in  1000  shares,  and  neither 
its  legal  constitution  nor  its  capital  had  been 
changed ; but  its  assets  at  the  end  of  the  year 
1904,  according  to  its  statement,  had  grown  to 
the  enormous  total  of  $412,438,380,  and  it  held 
a surplus  over  liabilities  of  $80,394,861.  This 
prodigious  fund  had  come  under  the  control  of 
the  holders  of  the  small  capital  stock  of  the 
company- — $100,000;  and  practically  it  was 
controlled  by  one  stockholder,  James  Hazen 
Hyde,  son  of  the  deceased  founder,  who  had  in- 
herited a majority  of  the  shares.  By  the  Charter 
of  the  Society,  its  stockholders  were  entitled 
to  semi-annual  dividends  at  a rate  not  exceeding 
3 1-2  per  cent.,  and  its  business  was  to  be  con- 
ducted on  the  mutual  plan : that  is,  earnings  and 
receipts  above  dividends,  losses  and  expenses 
were  to  be  accumulated  and  policy  holders 
were  to  be  cre'dited  with  equitable  shares  of  the 
net  surplus,  after  sufficient  deduction  to  cover 
outstanding  risks  and  other  obligations.  Never- 
theless, the  opportunities  for  personal  enrich- 
ment, afforded  by  the  controlling  of  the  great 
floods  of  money  poured  into  its  coffers  had  been 
found  to  be  immense. 

James  Hazen  Hyde,  inheritor  of  the  majority 
of  stock,  was  Vice  President  of  the  company. 
Under  the  terms  of  his  father’s  will  he  had  not 
yet  come  into  personal  possession  of  his  inher- 
itance, but  would  do  so  in  a short  time.  The 
President  of  the  company,  James  Alexander,  ap- 
pears to  have  become  anxious  as  to  the  use  the 
young  man  would  make  of  the  power  of  that 
possession  when  it  came  to  him,  and  he  entered 
on  a movement  toward  changing  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Equitable  Society,  to  make  it  a mu- 
tual institution  in  reality,  by  securing  to  the 
policy  holders  a voice  in  the  election  of  direc- 
tors, leaving  their  board  no  longer  a body  to  be 
chosen  by  a single  man.  This  movement  became 
necessarily  public,  and  the  situation  in  the  com- 
pany was  exposed  to  public  knowledge  in  a sud- 
den and  startling  way.  Flood-gates  of  discussion 
were  opened  and  questions  started  which  ran 
from  the  Equitable  to  other  mammoths  of  life 
insurance  organization  that  had  grown  up. 
Facts  came  to  light  which  showed  the  magni- 
tude of  financial  power  they  had  drawn  into 
small  circles  of  men  and  families,  and  the  ex- 
travagance of  compensation  appropriated  to 
themselves  by  some  of  these  self-appointed  and 
self-perpetuated  administrators  of  life  insurance 
funds.  Such  disclosures  became  the  sensation, 
not  merely  of  a day,  but  of  months. 


At  the  outset  of  the  undertaking  of  President 
Alexander  to  reform  the  constitution  of  the 
Equitable,  Vice-President  Hyde  was  able  easily 
to  defeat  his  movement  and  make  good  his  own 
mastery  of  the  board  of  directors ; but  as  the 
public  became  a party  to  the  controversy,  more 
and  more,  it  bore  down  Mr.  Hyde.  In  April 
the  directors  were  constrained  to  appoint  a com- 
mittee to  investigate  and  report  on  “the  present 
management  of  the  society.”  The  committee, 
composed  of  H.  C.  Frick,  E.  H.  Harriman, 
Brayton  Ives,  Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  and  M.  E. 
Ingalls,  made  a report  on  the  2d  of  June  which 
was  a deadly  indictment  of  the  society,  on 
many  counts,  — for  “excessive  salaries,  excess- 
ive commissions,  excessive  expenses,  superfluous 
offices,”  and  a “ general  looseness  in  the  admin- 
istration of  its  affairs.”  Mr.  Hyde  and  his  board 
made  a show  of  disputing  the  findings  of  the 
committee  and  rejecting  its  recommendations, 
but  the  atmospheric  pressure  from  outside 
proved  irresistible,  and  they  gave  way  to  it. 
Mr.  Hyde  sold  his  502  shares  of  stock  to  Thomas 
F.  Ryan  for  $2,500,000  cash,  Mr.  Ryan  making 
it  a condition  of  the  purchase  that  the  Hon. 
Paul  Morton,  formerly  prominent  in  railway  ad- 
ministration and  lately  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
in  President  Roosevelt’s  cabinet,  should  be 
chairman  of  the  Equitable  board  of  directors 
and  should  have  a free  hand  in  reorganizing  its 
management.  Mr.  Ryan  then,  on  the  15th  of 
June,  placed  the  shares  in  a voting  trust,  com- 
posed of  ex-President  Grover  Cleveland,  Justice 
Morgan  J.  O’Brien,  and  George  Westinghouse. 
The  deed  of  transfer  to  these  trustees  empow- 
ered them  to  carry  out  a plan  of  mutualization, 
to  the  end  that  the  society’s  policy  holders 
should  elect  a majority  of  the  directors  in  its 
board. 

The  Equitable  Life  Assurance  Society  was 
now  in  a fair  way  to  be  placed  on  a footing 
that  would  justify  its  name;  but  the  events 
which  accomplished  this  had  created  an  impera- 
tive demand  for  thorough  proceedings  of  law, 
to  reform  and  regulate  the  whole  system  under 
which  the  profoundly  serious  obligations  and 
responsibilities  of  life  insurance  are  fulfilled. 
The  first  step  to  that  end  was  taken  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York  on  the 
20th  of  July,  1905,  when  it  appointed  a joint 
committee  of  the  Senate  and  Assembly  and 
directed  the  committee  “to  investigate  and 
examine  into  the  business  and  affairs  of  life  in- 
surance companies  doing  business  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  with  reference  to  the  investments 
of  said  companies,  the  relation  of  the  officers 
thereof  to  such  investments,  the  relation  of  such 
companies  to  subsidiary  corporations,  the  gov- 
ernment and  control  of  said  companies,  the 
contractual  relations  of  said  companies  to  their 
policy  holders,  the  cost  of  life  insurance,  the 
expenses  of  said  companies,  and  any  other 
phase  of  the  life  insurance  business  deemed  by 
the  committee  to  be  proper,  for  the  purpose  of 
drafting  and  reporting  to  the  next  session  of  the 
Legislature  such  a revision  of  the  laws  regulat- 
ing and  relating  to  life  insurance  in  this  State 
as  said  committee  may  deem  proper.” 

This  most  notable  investigating  committee 
was  composed  of  Senators  William  W.  Arm- 
strong, William  J.  Tully,  D.  J.  Riordan,  and  As 
semblymen  James  T.  Rogers,  W.  W.  Wemple, 
Ezra  P.  Prentice,  John  McKeown.  It  was  or- 


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ganized  on  the  1st  of  August,  with  Senator 
Armstrong  as  its  chairman,  and  opened  public 
hearings  on  the  5th  of  September  following, 
having  engaged  for  its  counsel  Messrs.  Charles 
E.  Hughes  and  James  McKeen.  Mr.  Hughes 
was  little  known  to  the  public  at  large  when  he 
accepted  the  duty  of  conducting  this  investi- 
gation. It  revealed  him  to  the  State  and  the 
Nation,  and  was  the  fortunate  introduction  to 
public  life  of  a man  of  rare  nobility  in  character 
and  of  remarkable  powers. 

Eighteen  insurance  companies  doing  business 
in  New  York  were  subjected  to  investigation ; 
but  interest  in  the  proceeding  was  centered  with 
intensity  on  the  probing  of  the  affairs  of  a few 
of  the  greater  institutions,  such  as  the  Equi- 
table, the  Mutual  Life,  the  New  York  Life,  the 
Prudential,  and  the  Metropolitan.  The  disclos- 
ures were  rich  in  sensation ; a few  only  can  be 
noted  here.  As  to  salaries,  for  example  : in  the 
Equitable,  the  late  Henry  B.  Hyde  and  his  suc- 
cessor, Mr.  Alexander,  as  presidents,  had  re- 
ceived $75,000  per  annum  in  the  early  years  and 
$100,000  in  the  later  years  of  their  terms.  James 
H.  Hyde,  graduated  from  college  ^n  1898  and 
made  vice-president  the  next  year,  on  his  father’s 
death,  received  in  the  first  year  $25,000,  in  the 
next  two  years  $30,000,  in  his  fourth  year  $75,- 
000,  and  thereafter  $100,000.  Second  vice-presi- 
dents were  paid  as  high  as  $50,000  per  annum  ; 
third  vice-presidents  as  high  as  $40,000;  fourth 
vice-presidents  as  high  as  $30,000.  Salaries  of 
secretaries  and  comptrollers  had  run  up  to  $25,- 
000  and  $30,000.  Thirteen  executive  officers  in 
the  society  whose  salaries  aggregated  $297,600 
in  1900,  were  drawing  $448,500  in  1905. 

Executive  officers  in  the  Mutual  Life  sur- 
passed even  this  experience  of  bounty.  The 
president’s  salary  had  been  $30,000  from  1877  to 
1885,  $50,000  from  1886  to  1892,  then  raised  to 
$75,000  in  1893,  to  $90,000  in  1895,  to  $100,000 
in  1896,  and  to  $150,000  in  1901.  Richard  A. 
McCurdy  had  been  president  for  twenty  years 
and  vice-president  for  the  preceding  twenty. 
The  vice-president’s  salary  had  grown  from 
$20,000  in  1877  to  $50,000  in  1902;  the  trea- 
surer’s had  been  $40,000  since  1896. 

In  the  New  York  Life  the  salary  of  the  presi- 
dent, John  A.  McCall,  had  stopped  its  increment 
at  $100,000,  which  it  reached  in  1901.  The  second 
vice-president’s  salary  went  to  $75,000  the  same 
year.  The  total  salaries  of  executive  officers  were 
raised  from  $149,000  in  1893  to  $322,000  in  1905. 

Agency  commissions  were  sometimes  richer 
sources  of  income  than  the  fixed  salaries  of  these 
generous  companies.  In  the  Mutual  Life  Com- 
pany, the  president’s  son,  Robert  H.  McCurdy, 
had  an  interest  in  the  general  agency  of  the  com- 
pany for  New  York  City  from  which  he  drew 
$530,788  between  1889  and  1904;  besides  which, 
as  superintendent  of  the  foreign  department  of 
the  company,  he  was  paid  commissions  on  its 
foreign  business  which  yielded  him  $1,268,390 
between  1886  and  1905 ; some  part  of  which 
commissions,  however  (to  an  amount  not  ascer- 
tained), were  shared  by  him  with  his  partner  in 
the  New  York  City  agency.  The  total  net  profits 
of  that  metropolitan  agency,  — in  which  the 
president’s  son-in-law  was  likewise  a partner,  — 
were  found  by  the  investigating  committee  to 
have  been  $2,389,123  in  the  twelve  years  1893- 
1904. 

These,  however,  were  not  the  worst,  in  their 


moral  implications,  of  the  disclosures  that  re- 
sulted from  the  search  light  brought  to  bear  on 
the  administration  of  certain  life  insurance  com- 
panies by  the  Legislative  Committee  and  Mr. 
Hughes.  A startling  share  of  the  prodigal  expend- 
itures of  some  boards,  from  the  excessive  profits 
of  their  business,  went  secretly,  with  no  acount- 
ing,  to  undiscoverable  purposes,  which  were  pur- 
poses, of  course,  that  would  not  bear  questioning. 
The  following,  from  the  report  of  the  investigat- 
ing Committee  on  the  Mutual  Life  Company,  is 
indicative  of  the  glimpses  given  of  foul  uses  to 
which  the  funds  of  that  company  were  applied. 
“ For  a considerable  period,”  says  the  report,  “it 
has  been  the  practice  for  the  Committee  on  Ex- 
penditures to  authorize  the  payment  to  its  chair- 
man of  $25,000  every  few  months,  or  from 
$75,000  to  $100,000  a year,  upon  the  request  of 
one  of  the  executive  officers.  The  persons  to 
whom  the  moneys  were  to  be  paid  by  the  com- 
pany, or  the  services,  if  any,  for  which  the  pay- 
ment was  to  be  made,  were  not  known  to  the 
committee,  and  the  only  voucher  was  the  receipt 
of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  who  received 
and  paid  over  the  money  in  cash.  There  was  no 
reason  for  this  practice  save  to  conceal  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  moneys  were  used,  and  it  ob- 
viously facilitated  improper  payments. 

“ There  were  also  a large  number  of  payments 
charged  to  legal  expenses  which  were  made  upon 
the  recommendation  of  one  Andrew  C.  Fields, 
who  for  many  years  was  the  head  of  the  ‘ Supply 
Department.’  He  was  in  actual  charge  of  and 
gave  a large  part  of  his  time  to  matters  of  legis- 
lation. For  many  years  the  company  maintained 
under  his  care  a house  at  Albany,  and  through 
him  and  his  agents  a close  watch  was  kept  upon 
the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature.  The  rent 
of  this  house,  the  supplies  there  consumed,  and 
the  wages  of  the  cook  and  other  servants,  were 
charged  to  ‘legal  expenses.’  Fields  left  for 
parts  unknown  soon  after  the  Committee  began 
its  hearings  and  it  has  not  been  able  to  procure 
his  testimony.  It  appears,  however,  that  he 
acted  also  for  the  Equitable,  and  from  their 
records  have  been  produced  a series  of  memo- 
randa of  instructions  sent  Fields  by  Thomas 
D.  Jordan,  its  comptroller,  whose  whereabouts 
the  Committee  has  been  unable  to  ascertain,  al- 
though it  has  made  diligent  effort  to  do  so.” 

The  Committee  quotes  extensively  from  these 
memoranda  of  “ T.  D.  J.,”  who  instructs  his  Al- 
bany lobbyist  what  bills  the  latter  is  to  “kill,” 
and  what  he  is  to  support.  There  are  depths 
of  corruption  suggested  by  this  story  of  the  hos- 
pitable Andrew  Fields,  the  vigilant  Thomas  D. 
Jordan,  their  “legal  expenses”  for  hospitable 
house-keeping  at  Albany,  and  the  sudden  van- 
ishment of  both  when  Mr.  Hughes  began  to  do 
his  questioning;  but  the  depths  are  left  un- 
fathomed, because  the  Committee  found  no 
sounding  line. 

“The  testimony  taken  by  the  committee,” 
says  their  report,  “makes  it  abundantly  clear 
that  the  large  insurance  companies  systemati- 
cally attempted  to  control  legislation  in  this  and 
other  States  which  could  affect  their  interests, 
directly  or  indirectly,  and  that  in  this  effort 
Fields,  who  concerned  himself  mainly  with  this 
State,  played  a most  important  role.  The  three 
companies  [Mutual,  New  York  Life,  and  Equi- 
table] divided  the  country,  outside  of  New  York 
and  a few  other  States,  so  as  to  avoid  a waste 


327 


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INSURANCE 


of  effort,  each  looking  after  legislation  in  its 
chosen  district  and  bearing  its  appropriate  part 
of  the  total  expense.”  The  so-called  “legal  ex- 
penses ” of  the  Mutual  in  seven  ’ years,  1898- 

1904,  exceeded  two  millions  of  dollars.  "In 
1904  they  amounted  to  $364,254.95,  while  those 
of  the  New  York  Life  and  Equitable  for  the 
same  year  were  $172,698.42  and  $204,019.25  re- 
spectively.” 

The  New  York  Life  employed  one  Andrew 
Hamilton  to  give  attention  to  matters  of  legisla- 
tion throughout  the  country,  and  the  company 
was  found  to  have  paid  him  no  less  than  $1,167,- 
697  for  “legal  expenses,”  between  1895  and 

1905,  no  vouchers  being  filed  beyond  Hamilton’s 
receipt.  And  these  “legal  expenses  were  in 
addition  to  all  the  ordinary  outlays  in  connec- 
tion with  suits  or  legal  proceedings  or  the  work 
of  the  legal  department  of  the  company.” 

In  the  accounts  of  the  Equitable,  “among 
the  disbursements  charged  to  legal  expenses  ap- 
pear annual  retainers  of  $20,000  paid  Chauncey 
M.  Depew  [United  States  Senator  from  New 
York]  and  $5000  (for  one  year  — 1900 — $7500)  to 
David  B.  Hill.  Mr.  Depew  testifies  . . . that  his 
services  consisted  of  advising  the  late  Mr.  Hyde 
in  regard  to  matters  of  investment,  settlement 
of  controversies  and  troublesome  questions  of 
various  sorts.  . . . During  this  time  Mr.  Depew 
was  a director  and  member  of  the  Executive 
Committee.  The  testimony  as  to  the  services  is 
very  general,  and  it  does  not  appear,”  says  the 
committee,  “that  outside  of  those  which  the  so- 
ciety was  fairly  entitled  to  receive  from  him  as 
a director,  the  services  were  such  as  to  warrant 
the  payments  made.  . . . The  Equitable  con- 
tributed to  the  Republican  National  Committee 
$50,000  in  1904;  undoubtedly  contributions  were 
made  in  prior  national  campaigns,  but  their 
amount  has  not  been  stated.  For  many  years 
the  society  has  made  an  annual  contribution  of 
$10,000  to  the  Republican  State  Committee 
through  Senator  Platt.”  Senator  Platt  was  a 
collector,  also,  of  similar  contributions  from  the 
Mutual  Life,  and  that  company  gave  $40,000  to 
the  Republican  National  Committee  in  1904,  as 
well  as  smaller  sums  in  previous  years. 

Of  the  management  in  these  great  companies 
of  the  enormous  surplus  of  profit,  which  even 
their  inordinate  self-appropriations  left  in  their 
keeping,  no  clear  account  could  be  given  here. 
It  is  set  forth  in  the  Committee’s  report  by  ex- 
amples of  investments,  in  stocks,  bonds,  and 
real  property,  so  conducted,  through  subsidiary 
organizations,  etc.,  as  to  yield  a personal  profit 
to  the  skilful  financiers  within  the  life  insur- 
ance circle.  The  details  which  make  the  matter 
plain  cannot  be  abridged  and  require  more  space 
than  can  be  afforded  in  this  place. 

From  the  investigation  of  the  life  insurance 
companies  the  Committee  and  its  counsel  passed 
to  the  State  Department  which  was  instituted 
to  scrutinize  and  supervise  these  organizations, 
for  the  detection  and  prevention  of  such  abuses 
in  their  management  as  had  now  come  to  light. 
Their  findings  in  this  direction  were  stated  partly 
as  follows: 

“It  would  seem  that  the  Superintendent  [of 
Insurance]  has  had  ample  power,  and  has  been 
charged  with  the  correlative  duty,  to  inquire 
into  and  to  ascertain  the  transactions  of  insur- 
ance companies,  to  the  end  that  abuses  may  be 
exposed  and  correct  administration  assured.  The 


scheme  by  which  the  superintendent  may  re- 
quire detailed  written  statements  duly  verified, 
as  to  any  matter  of  corporate  business  and  may 
supplement  these  statements  by  an  examination 
of  the  company’s  books  and  of  the  officers  and 
agents  under  oath,  would  appear  well  calculated 
to  prevent  the  secret  growth  of  improper  prac- 
tices. Not  only  through  the  visitorial  powers 
of  the  superintendent  were  a wholesale  publi- 
city and  the  consequent  enforcement  of  the  law 
to  be  assured,  but  the  superintendent  was  also 
charged  with  the  duty  of  recommending  to  the 
Legislature  annually  such  amendments  to  the 
law  as  in  his  judgment  were  needed  to  correct 
evils  found  to  be  without  the  purview  of  exist- 
ing statutes. 

‘ ‘ But  the  supervision  by  the  department  has 
not  proved  a sufficient  protection  against  extrav- 
agance and  maladministration.  Annual  state- 
ments from  the  corporations  have  been  received, 
filed  and  published,  but  in  many  particulars 
without  sufficient  detail  to  exhibit  the  real  ef- 
ficiency of  honesty  of  the  management.  Nor 
has  there  been  suitable  effort  upon  the  facts 
actually  reported  to  detect  and  expose  evasions 
of  departmental  requirements  and  the  resort  to 
artifice  and  double  dealing  in  order  to  avoid  a 
true  disclosure  of  the  companies’  affairs.  For 
the  most  part  a critical  examination  of  the  re- 
ports so  made  seems  to  have  been  neglected, 
and  the  verification  of  the  annual  statements 
has  been  left  to  examinations  conducted  at  ir- 
regular intervals.  No  rule  seems  to  have  been 
adopted  with  reference  to  the  frequency  of  ex- 
aminations. Thus  the  Security  Mutual  Insur- 
ance Company  has  been  examined  four  times 
since  its  reincorporation  in  1898,  at  its  request 
and  apparently  with  no  other  object  than  to  en- 
able it  to  use  the  department’s  certificate  in 
support  of  its  annual  statement,  while  the  Prov- 
ident Savings  Life  Assurance  Society  has  been 
examined  only  once  in  the  past  ten  years  (1897) 
and  it  would  seem  that  this  was  the  only  exam- 
ination in  its  history.  The  Metropolitan  Life 
Insurance  Company  has  also  been  examined 
only  once  during  ten  years,  that  is,  in  1900.  The 
advisability  of  frequent  examinations  is  suffi- 
ciently illustrated  by  the  case  of  the  Washing- 
ton Life  Insurance  Company,  where  it  appeared 
on  the  examination  in  1904  that  during  the  in- 
terval of  four  years  since  the  prior  examination 
it  had,  in  at  least  two  annual  statements,  de- 
ceived the  department  by  glaringly  false  returns 
of  its  existing  liabilities,  and  that  instead  of  hav- 
ing an  alleged  surplus  of  considerable  amount 
its  capital  was  seriously  impaired.  In  connec- 
tion with  this  company  it  may  be  noted  that  a 
more  careful  scrutiny  of  the  reports  to  the  de- 
partment of  lapsed  and  restored  policies  would 
have  led  at  an  earlier  date  to  the  investigation 
which  appears  finally  to  have  been  induced  by 
outside  criticism.” 

As  to  remedial  legislation,  the  main  recom- 
mendations of  the  Committee  were  in  substance 
these  : (1)  Investments  in  stocks  of  banks  and 
trust  companies,  in  the  common  stock  of  any 
corporation,  in  syndicate  participations,  and  in 
speculative  bonds,  to  be  forbidden.  (2)  No 
political  contributions  or  lobby  expenditures  to 
be  permitted.  (3)  Full  publicity  regarding  sala- 
ries and  expenses.  (4)  New  business  of  the  “ big 
three”  companies  restricted  to  $150,000,000  a 
year  each,  and  the  business  of  other  companies 


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limited.  (5)  Agents’  commissions  to  be  based  on 
the  amount  of  the  policy  and  not  on  the  amount 
of  the  premium.  (6)  Only  four  kinds  of 
standard  policies  to  be  permitted  — term,  straight 
life,  limited  payment  and  endowment.  (7)  In- 
vestment policies  to  be  discouraged  and  deferred 
dividends  forbidden.  (8)  All  dividends  on  par- 
ticipating policies  to  be  apportioned  annually. 
(9)  No  company  to  be  permitted  to  sell  both 
participating  and  non-participating  policies.  (10) 
The  present  trustees  of  mutual  companies  to  be 
removed.  New  ones  to  be  elected  under  a sys- 
tem whereby  the  policy-holders  really  elect. 

The  Committee  presented  the  elaborate  re- 
port of  its  investigation  to  the  Legislature  on 
the  22d  of  February,  1906,  and  its  recommenda- 
tions were  embodied  for  the  most  part  in  an 
enactment,  the  drafting  of  which,  to  a large  ex- 
tent, was  the  careful  work  of  Mr.  Hughes,  the 
master  mind  of  the  whole  proceeding  of  inves- 
tigation. 

The  statements  made  above  are  drawn  en- 
tirely from  the  Committee’s  Report,  as  pub- 
lished in  volume  10  of  the  printed  testimony  and 
report.  — Assembly  Document  No.  41,  State  of 
New  York,  1906. 

“INTELLECTUALS.”  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Socialism  : France  : A.  D.  1909. 

INTELLIGENZIA,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

INTEMPERANCE.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Al- 
cohol Problem. 

INTERFEROMETER,  Professor  Mi- 
chelsen’s.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention, Recent. 

INTERNATIONAL  AGREEMENTS. 

See  Europe. 

INTERNATIONAL  ARBITRATION. 

See  War,  The  Revolt  against,  and  Arbitra- 
tion, International. 

INTERNATIONAL  BARBARISM.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for. 

INTERNATIONAL  BUREAU  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  American  Republics. 

Resolution  of  the  Third  International  Con- 
ference of  American  Republics.  See  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

INTERNATIONAL  CONFERENCE 
OF  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS,  Second  and 
Third.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESS  OF 
ARTS  AND  SCIENCES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
St.  Louis.  A.  D.  1904. 

INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESS  ON 
ALCOHOLISM.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alcohol 
Problem  : International. 

INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESSES,  of 
Science.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion. 

INTERNATIONAL  COUNCIL  OF 
WOMEN.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Women. 

INTERNATIONAL  COURT  OF  JUS- 
TICE, Central  American.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Central  America:  A.  D.  1907. 

INTERNATIONAL  FISHERIES  COM- 
MISSION, United  States  and  Canada.  See 
(in  this  vol. ) Food  Fishes. 


INTERNATIONAL  GEOGRAPHIC 
CONGRESS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Geographic 
Congress. 

INTERNATIONAL  HARVESTER 
COMPANY : Profit-sharing  with  Employ- 
ees. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Remuneration: 
Profit-sharing. 

INTERNATIONAL  INSTITUTE  OF 
AGRICULTURE.  See  Agriculture. 

INTERNATIONAL  INTER- 
CHANGES, Educational.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : International  Interchanges. 

INTERNATIONAL  LAW:  Convention 
providing  for  a Commission  of  Jurists  to 
draft  a Code  for  Regulation  of  Relations  be- 
tween American  Nations.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics:  Third  International 
Conference. 

INTERNATIONAL  MERCANTILE 
MARINE  COMPANY,  Formation  of  the. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial 
(International). 

INTERNATIONAL  PEACE  CON- 
GRESSES. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Re- 
volt against  : A.  D.  1904. 

INTERNATIONAL  RAILWAY  CON- 
GRESS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United 
States:  A.  t).  1905. 

INTERNATIONAL  RIGHT,  The  Insti- 
tute of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

INTERNATIONAL  SCHOOL  OF 
PEACE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1909. 

INTERNATIONAL  WOMAN  SUF- 
FRAGE ALLIANCE.  See  Elective  Fran- 
chise : Woman  Suffrage. 

INTERNATIONALISM,  superseding 
Nationalism.  See  (in  this  vol.)  World  Move- 
ments : Fichte’s  Prophecy. 

INTEROCEANIC  CANAL.  See  Panama 
Canal. 

INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION, 
The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

INTERSTATE  COMMERCE  ACT,  and 
Commission.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
United  States  ; also,  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial: United  States. 

INTERSTATE  COMMERCE  COM- 
MISSION.— On  the  passage,  in  1906,  of  the 
Hepburn  Act,  amendatory  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Law,  the  Commission  was  recon- 
structed by  fresh  appointments,  in  making 
which  the  President  retained  Messrs.  Knapp,  of 
New  York,  Prouty,  of  Vermont,  Clements,  of 
Georgia,  and  Cockrell,  of  Missouri.  His  new 
appointees  were  Franklin  K.  Lane,  of  Califor- 
nia, Edgar  Erastus  Clark,  of  Iowa,  and  James 
S.  Harlan,  of  Illinois. 

INTOXICANTS,  Problems  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem,  and  Opium 
Problem. 

INTRANSIGENTES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907. 

INVENTORY  OF  CHURCH  PROPER- 
TY, The  French.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 


329 


IRELAND,  1870-1903 


IRELAND,  1870-1903 


IRELAND. 


A.  D.  1870-1903.  — The  Working  of  the 
successive  Land  Laws. — The  Act  of  1903. 
— Text  of  its  main  provisions.  — The  French 
writer,  L.  Paul-Dubois,  whose  work,  L’lrlande 
Contemporaire,  published  in  1907,  has  appeared 
since  in  an  English  translation,  seems  to  have 
made  a very  careful  and  intelligent  study  of  the 
working  of  the  successive  land-laws  for  Ireland, 
intended  to  be  beneficial  to  the  tenants,  which 
began  with  that  of  Gladstone  in  1870  (see,  under 
Ireland,  in  Yols.  III.  and  VI.  ofthiswork).  Mr. 
Gladstone,  himself,  in  the  Act  of  1881,  endeav- 
ored to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  Act  of  1870  ; 
but  M.  Paul-Dubois  finds  that,  while  the  later 
Act  “ brought  and  continues  to  bring  immense 
good  to  the  country,”  yet  “the  system  estab- 
lished by  it  is,  as  a matter  of  fact,  no  longer  bear- 
able for  any  one,” — for  the  reason  that  “the 
first  great  characteristic  of  the  Gladstonian  legis- 
lation is  duality  of  ownership.”  It  is,  as  he  ex- 
plains, an  unhealthy  system,  unsound  both  eco- 
nomically and  socially,  — this  dual  ownership, 
which  turns  the  landlord  and  tenant  into  co- 
proprietors of  the  soil.  It  paralyses  agriculture 
by  preventing  the  investment  of  capital  on  either 
side,  and  by  destroying  all  interest  of  either  land- 
lord or  tenant  in  the  good  farming  of  the  land. 
The  landlord  feels  himself  no  longer  called  upon 
to  do  anything  for  his  property,  and  has  no  care 
left  but  that  of  collecting  his  rents.  The  tenant, 
on  the  other  hand,  refrains  from  making  any  im- 
provement or  advances  that  might  cause  his  rent 
to  be  raised  at  the  next  quindecennial  revision; 
the  land  is  thus  starved  of  both  labor  and  capital. 
We  may  add,  also,  that  the  new  regime  gives  rise 
to  an  infinity  of  ruinous  lawsuits  between  the 
co-owners.  . . . For  a quarter  of  a century  there 
has  been  only  one  class  of  men  whose  affairs  have 
prospered,  namely,  the  solicitors.  Their  number 
has  increased  by  30  per  cent.”  In  his  view  of 
the  results,  M.  Paul-Dubois  is  sympathetic  with 
both  landlords  and  tenants.  But  in  his  judgment 
the  tenants  were  not  fairly  dealt  with  under  the 
Gladstonian  laws  by  the  Land  Commission  or 
by  the  courts.  The  courts,  especially,  in  inter- 
preting the  Act  of  1881,  which  left  “fair  rent” 
undefined,  established  rulings  which  practically 
nullified  the  intentions  of  the  law,  until,  as  this 
writer  expresses  it,  “the  Act  of  1896  brought  the 
Irish  judges  to  reason.” 

Eleven  years  before  that  time,  however,  a lit- 
tle experiment  was  begun  on  the  line  of  a true 
solution  of  the  Irish  land  question,  namely,  to- 
ward the  buying  of  the  soil  of  the  island  from  its 
landlords  and  making  its  cultivators  the  owners 
of  it.  This  was  in  the  Ashbourne  Land  Purchase 
Act  of  1885,  which  provided  a fund  of  £5,000,000 
for  advances  to  be  made  to  tenant  purchasers, 
with  provision  for  the  repayment  of  the  loan  in 
forty-nine  annuities.  In  1889  this  fund  was 
increased  to  £10,000,000.  By  1891  the  fund  had 
been  exhausted,  and  “25,367  tenants  had  been 
turned  into  owners  of  their  farms.  Its  success 
even  alarmed  some  of  the  landlords,  who  began 
to  fear  that  the  farmers  would  combine  and 
force  them  to  sell  their  land.  However  this  may 
be,”  says  the  French  writer,  “in  1891  the  Con- 
servative Government  passed  a new  Act  which, 
under  the  pretence  of  regulating  the  progress 
of  the  operation,  complicated  it  to  such  an  ex- 


tent that  the  machine  almost  stopped  working. 
In  1896,  by  another  Act,  the  existing  evils  were 
slightly  remedied,  but  only  to  an  insufficient 
extent.  . . . Finally,  in  1903,  it  was  found  that 
imder  the  new  system  established  in  1891  and 
1896,  only  38,251  tenants  had  been  turned  into 
proprietors ; and  at  that  same  date  the  total 
number  of  peasant  owners  created  from  first  to 
last  had  reached  no  higher  figure  than  73,917. 
As  Land  Purchase  was  progressing  more  and 
more  slowly,  it  was  felt  that  some  new  impulse 
must  be  given  to  the  machine.  This  was  the 
aim  of  the  great  Land  Act  of  1903.”  — L.  Paul- 
Dubois,  Contemporary  Ireland,  pt.  2,  ch.  1-2 
(Maunsel  & Co.,  Dublin,  1908). 

“ The  Irish  Land  Purchase  Act  of  1903  was  in 
every  respect  epoch-making.  It  was  preceded 
by,  and  founded  upon,  the  report  of  a conference 
held  between  the  representatives  of  landlord  and 
tenant  in  Dublin.  The  Landlords’  Convention, 
the  official  representative  of  the  landlord  party, 
held  aloof  and  refused  to  join  in  the  conference. 
Typical  landlords,  such  as  the  Duke  of  Aber- 
corn,  Lord  Barrymore,  and  Colonel  Saunderson, 
refused  to  serve,  ridiculing  the  project  as  ab- 
surd and  quixotic.  Lord  Dunraven  led  a saner 
section  of  landlords,  with  the  result  that,  after 
a session  of  five  days,  the  conference  agreed  to  a 
report,  upon  which  the  government  acted.  The 
official  landlords,  seeing  the  reasonableness  of 
the  findings  and  recognizing  their  own  folly, 
succumbed  at  once,  and  fell  in  with  the  general 
tendency  for  settlement.  Substantially,  the  Act 
of  1903  accepted  the  principle  of  universal  sale 
of  the  landlord’s  interest  to  the  occupier.  It  ig- 
nored legal  compulsion.  But  it  accepted  what 
was  finely  called  the  principle  of  compulsion  by 
inducement.  It  placed  the  sum  of  £100,000,000 
($500,000,000)  at  the  disposal  of  landlord  and 
tenant  for  the  purposes  of  the  act.  It  went  fur- 
ther, — for  it  enacted  that  out  of  a fund  called 
the  Land  Purchase  Aid  Fund  each  landlord  who 
sold  should  receive  a bonus  (Latin  for  gift)  of  12 
per  cent,  on  the  purchase  money.  It  appointed 
a new  tribunal  to  administer  the  Act.  And  to 
this  tribunal  were  given  powers  of  re-settling 
congested  districts  by  the  purchase  of  grass  lands, 
the  enlargement  of  uneconomic  holdings,  and 
the  restoration  of  certain  evicted  tenants  where 
possible.”  — Thomas  W.  Russell,  M.  P.,  The 
Workings  of  the  Irish  Land  Law  ( American  Re- 
view of  Reviews,  Nov.,  1905). 

The  following  are  among  the  important  pro- 
visions of  the  Land  Act  of  1903 ; 

“1.  — (4)  Notwithstanding  any  provisions  to 
the  contrary  contained  in  the  Purchase  of  Land 
(Ireland)  Amendment  Act,  1888,  an  advance  may 
be  sanctioned  under  the  provisions  of  the  Land 
Purchase  Acts  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  seven 
thousand  pounds  to  one  purchaser  where,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Land  Commission,  it  is  expedient 
to  make  any  such  advance  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  the  sale  of  a holding  to  which  the 
Land  Law  Acts  apply.  . . . 

“2.  — (1)  In  the  case  of  the  sale  of  an  estate 
advances  under  the  Land  Purchase  Acts  may  be 
made  for  the  purchase  of  parcels  thereof  by  the 
following  persons  : — (a)  A person  being  the 
tenant  of  a holding  on  the  estate  ; (b)  A person 
being  the  son  of  a tenant  of  a holding  on  the 


330 


IRELAND,  1870-1903 


IRELAND,  1893-1907 


estate ; (c)  A person  being  the  tenant  or  proprie- 
tor of  a holding  not  exceeding  five  pounds  in 
rateable  value,  situate  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
t he  estate ; and  (d)  A person  who  within  twenty- 
five  years  before  the  passing  of  this  Act  was  the 
tenant  of  a holding  to  which  the  Land  Law  Acts 
apply,  and  who  is  not  at  the  date  of  the  purchase 
the  tenant  or  proprietor  of  that  holding.  Provided 
that  in  the  case  of  the  death  of  a person  to  whom 
an  advance  under  this  paragraph  might  other- 
wise have  been  made,  the  advance  may  be  made, 
to  a person  nominated  by  the  Land  Commission 
as  the  personal  representative  of  the  deceased 
person 

“(2)  Advances  under  this  section  shall  not, 
together  with  the  amount  (if  any)  of  any  previ- 
ous advance  under  the  Land  Purchase  Acts  then 
unrepaid  by  the  purchaser,  exceed  one  thousand 
pounds : 

“Provided  that  the  limitation  in  this  subsec- 
tion may,  subject  to  the  other  limitations  in  the 
Land  Purchase  Acts,  be  exceeded  where  the 
Land  Commission  consider  that  a larger  advance 
may  be  sanctioned  to  any  purchaser  without 
prejudice  to  the  wants  and  circumstances  of 
other  persons  residing  in  the  neighbourhood. 

“(3)  The  Land  Purchase  Acts  shall,  subject 
to  the  provisions  of  this  section,  apply  to  the 
sale  of  a parcel  of  land  in  pursuance  of  this  sec- 
tion, in  like  manner  as  if  the  same  was  a hold- 
ing, and  the  purchaser  was  the  tenant  thereof 
at  the  time  of  his  making  the  purchase,  and  the 
expression  “ holding”  in  those  Acts  shall  include 
a parcel  of  land  in  respect  of  the  purchase  of 
which  an  advance  has  been  made  in  pursuance 
of  this  section.  . . „ 

“6.  — (4)  In  the  case  of  a congested  estate  as 
defined  by  this  section,  if  the  Land  Commission, 
with  the  consent  of  the  owner,  certify  to  the 
Lord  Lieutenant  that  the  purchase  and  resale  of 
the  estate  are  desirable  in  view  of  the  wants  and 
circumstances  of  the  tenants  thereon,  then  the 
LaiM  Commission  may  purchase  the  estate  for  a 
price  to  be  agreed  upon,  and  in  such  case  the 
condition  in  this  section  as  to  resale  without 
prospect  of  loss  may  be  relaxed  to  such  extent 
as  the  Lord  Lieutenant  may  determine. 

“(5)  The  expression  “congested  estate” 
means  an  estate  not  less  than  half  of  the  area 
of  which  consists  of  holdings  not  exceeding  five 
pounds  in  rateable  value,  or  of  mountain  or  bog 
land,  or  not  less  than  a quarter  of  the  area  of 
which  is  held  in  rundale  or  intermixed  plots.  . . . 

“ 8.  The  Land  Commission  may  purchase  any 
untenanted  land  which  they  consider  necessary 
for  the  purchase  of  facilitating  the  resale,  or  re- 
distribution, of  estates  purchased,  or  proposed 
to  be  purchased,  by  them,  and  the  foregoing 
provisions  of  this  Act,  with  respect  to  advances 
for  the  purchase  of  parcels  of  land  comprised  in 
estates,  shall  apply  in  the  case  of  the  sale  by  the 
Commission  of  any  parcel  of  such  untenanted 
land. 

“ 9.  — (1)  There  shall  not  be  at  any  time 
vested  in  the  Land  Commission  lands  exceeding 
in  the  aggregate,  according  to  the  estimate  of 
the  Commission,  as  approved  by  the  Treasury, 
the  capital  value  of  five  million  pounds  in  re- 
spect of  which  undertakings  to  purchase  have 
not  been  received  by  the  Commission.  . . , 

“ 12.  — (1)  The  Land  Commission  may  take 
such  steps  and  execute,  or  cause  to  be  executed, 
such  works  as  may  appear  expedient  for  the 


benefit  or  improvement  of  estates,  or  untenanted 
land,  purchased  or  proposed  to  be  purchased 
uuder  this  Act,  or  for  the  use  or  enjoyment  there- 
of or  generally  for  the  purposes  of  this  Act.  . . . 

“ 19.  Where  an  estate  is  purchased  by  the 
Land  Commission  and  tenants  on  the  estate  to 
the  extent  of  tlhree-fourths  in  number  and 
rateable  value  have  agreed  to  purchase  their 
holdings,  the  Estates  Commissioners  may,  if, 
having  regard  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
they  think  it  expedient,  order  that  the  remaining 
tenants,  or  any  of  them,  shall  be  deemed  to  have 
accepted  the  offers  made  to  them,  and  the  Land 
Purchase  Acts  shall  apply  accordingly,  where 
the  tenant  could  have  obtained  an  advance 
of  the  entire  purchase  money,  and  the  Land 
Commission  have  offered  in  the  prescribed  man- 
ner to  make  the  advance." 

A.  D.  1893-1907.  — The  Gaelic  League. — 
“At  the  eve  of  the  great  famine,  the  mass  of  the 
people,  outside  the  large  towns,  still  spoke  Irish  ; 
to-day  partly  owing  to  emigration,  Irish  is  only 
spoken  by  600,000  persons,  out  of  four  and  a 
half  millions,  and  that  concurrently  with  Eng- 
lish. Twenty  thousand  persons  speak  Irish 
only  ; these  are  mainly  of  the  West.  . . . An 
glicisation  had  begun  its  work,  when  the  old 
language  had  been  lost.  Therefore,  must  not 
the  Irish  renaissance  begin  with  the  readoption 
of  that  language  ? So  thought  a small  and  elite 
group  of  Irish  patriots,  men  of  talent  and  enthu 
siasm,  imbued  with  the  national  gospel  preached 
by  Thomas  Davis  forty  years  earlier  — a gospel 
which  Ireland  had  to  some  extent  forgotten 
amidst  the  sufferings  of  the  Great  Famine,  Fe- 
nianism  and  the  Land  Wars.  Prominent  in  this 
group  was  the  descendant  of  an  old  Protestant 
family  of  Roscommon,  a Celtic  scholar  and  folk- 
lorist, a poet  of  merit  in  English,  a poet  in  Irish 
also,  so  say  the  connoisseurs,  Dr  Douglas  Hyde. 
He  had  the  genius  for  propaganda,  and  when  the 
country  was  ripe  for  it,  gave4}ody  to  his  ideas 
by  founding  the  Gaelic  League,  with  the  aid  of 
his  early  friends,  in  1893.  The  Gaelic  League  — 
though  to  limit  the  Irish  renaissance  by  placing 
it  under  this  title  would  be  to  limit  its  actual 
scope  — may  be  said  to  be  a faithful  representa- 
tive of  the  general  ideas  underlying  the  new 
Irish  movement.  It  has  declared  its  objects  to 
be,  the  preservation  of  Irish  as  the  national  lan- 
guage, the  study  of  ancient  Irish  literature,  and 
the  cultivation  of  a modern  literature  in  the 
Irish  language.  But  we  must  be  careful  not  to 
judge  it  by  its  name.  The  Gaelic  League  is  not 
a society  of  scholars,  and  leaves  to  others  all 
that  concerns  literature  and  philology,  pure  and 
simple.  It  is  occupied  with  propaganda,  the 
application  of  its  doctrine  of  a national  renais- 
sance on  the  basis  of  a national  language.  It 
intends  to  confer  anew  upon  the  country  a psy- 
chological education,  and,  by  means  of  the  na- 
tional language,  by  the  revival  of  national  art 
and  literature,  and  the  reconstitution  of  a na- 
tional social  system,  to  regenerate  its  soul  from 
within  and  teach  Ireland  how  she  may  again  be 
a nation.  . . . Though  still  growing,  it  has  al- 
ready in  Ireland  964  branches,  local  and  popular 
centres  of  activity,  whose  work  it  is  to  spread 
the  national  idea  and  the  national  language  by 
every  means,  and  to  make  them  active  factors 
in  the  every-day  life  of  the  family  and  social 
circle.  Their  primary  duty  is  to  organise  Irish 
language  classes  for  the  benefit  of  their  members. 


331 


IRELAND,  1901 


IRELAND,  1902 


These  classes  are  practical  above  all  in  their 
scope,  and  are  conducted  sometimes  by  paid 
teachers  and  sometimes  by  generous  volunteers 
whose  work  is  almost  always  good.  . . . Such  a 
teacher  in  the  country  manages,  on  his  rounds, 
to  hold  a dozen  classes  or  so  regularly  every 
week.  There  are  special  classes  for  workmen, 
for  students,  for  ladies;  special  classes  for  be- 
ginners, for  veterans,  Irish  history  classes,  sing- 
ing and  even  dancing  classes,  where  the  old  na- 
tional airs  are  taught  and  the  national  reel  and 
jig.  ...  In  the  summer,  during  holiday  time, 
the  enthusiasts  of  Irish  speech  come  together 
in  the  western  villages  for  the  Sgoil  Saoire 
(Summer  school).  There  their  teachers  are  the 
old  peasants,  from  whom  they  learn  not  only 
the  correct  accent,  the  music  of  the  language, 
but  the  spirit  and  tradition  of  ancient  Irish  cul- 
ture, of  which  these  peasants,  who,  from  gener- 
ation to  generation,  have  gathered  up  the  songs 
and  legends  of  former  times,  are  the  most  faith- 
ful guardians.  In  the  summer  also  the  Seilge 
are  organised,  that  is  to  say,  excursions  to  places 
of  historical  interest,  with  national  sports  and 
recreations.  A seilg  in  Galway  in  1901  was  at- 
tended by  no  less  than  2,000  pilgrims.  In  the 
winter  evenings  each  branch  holds  reunions 
from  time  to  time,  lectures  ( seanchus ),  followed 
by  discussions  on  Irish  subjects,  concerts  ( sgor - 
uidheacht ),  with  choirs,  Irish  dances  and  songs, 
and  ceilidhe,  informal  meetings  on  the  lines  of 
ancient  village  gatherings,  where  serious  conver- 
sation— in  Irish — alternates  with  music  or  a 
‘ recital,’  that  is  to  say,  a story  or  a piece  of  news, 
told,  according  to  popular  custom,  by  the  author 
or  a raconteur.  Every  year  the  Gaelic  and  Na- 
tional Festival,  that  of  St.  Patrick,  is  celebrated 
throughout  Ireland,  but  notably  in  Dublin.  . . . 

A start  — the  first  and  greatest  difficulty  — has 
been  made,  and  now  the  League  is  a power  in 
Ireland.  It  sells  annually  20,000  Gaelic  books 
and  pamphlets,  in  which  are  included  editiones 
principes  of  the  poets  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  new  Irish  publications,  tales,  and  novels. 
Its  financial  resources  are  moderate.  They  re- 
present, however,  the  spontaneous  obol  of  the 
poor  ; and  a large  part  of  the  annual  subscrip- 
tion to  the  Language  Fund,  during  St.  Patrick’s 
week,  is  made  up  of  pence  and  of  half-pence. 
From  the  start  the  League  has  had  the  good 
sense  officially  to  declare  that  it  was  both  neces- 
sary and  desirable  that  it  should  stand  apart 
from  all  political  and  religious  struggles  ; such 
has  been  its  line  of  conduct,  and  now  within  it 
are  found  representatives  of  every  party,  from 
the  strongest  Orangemen  to  the  fiercest  sepa- 
ratists.”— L.  Paul-Dubois,  Contemporary  Ire- 
land, pt.  3,  ch.  2 ( Maunsel  & Co.  Dublin,  1908). 

Public  meetings  have  been  held  in  Ireland  dur- 
ing the  past  year  (1909)  to  support  the  demand 
of  the  Gaelic  League  “that  the  Irish  language, 
both  oral  and  written,  and  Irish  history  be  made 
essential  subjects  for  matriculation  in  the  new 
national  University,  and  that  proper  provision 
be  made  for  the  teaching  of  Irish  in  all  its  col- 
leges.” 

A.  D.  1901  (March). — Census  — “4,456,- 
546  Persons  (2,197,739  Males  and  2,258,807  Fe- 
males) were  returned  in  the  Enumerators’  Sum- 
maries as  constituting  the  population  of  Ireland 
on  the  night  of  Sunday,  the  31st  of  last  March 
— thus  showing  a decrease  since  1891  of  248,  - 
204  persons,  or  5.3  per  cent.  — the  decrease  in 

o. 


the  number  of  males  was  equal  to  5.2  per  cent., 
and  in  the  number  of  females  to  5.3  per  cent. 

“There  was  during  the  decade  a decrease  of 
41,297  persons,  or  3.5  per  cent,  in  the  Province  of 
Leinster;  98,568,  or  8.4  per  cent,  in  the  Province 
of  Munster;  38,463,  or  2.4  per  cent,  in  the  Pro- 
vince of  Ulster;  and  69,876,  or  9.7  percent,  in 
the  Province  of  Connaught.  ” 

In  1841  the  population  enumerated  in  Ireland 
as  a whole  had  been  8,196,597 ; in  1851  it  had 
been  6,574,278;  in  1861,  5,798,967;  in  1871, 
5,412,377;  in  1881,5,174,836;  in  1891,  4,704,750. 
Excepting  in  1861  the  showing  is  a steady  de- 
crease, and  this  latest  census  finds  the  island 
almost  half  depopulated. 

“According  to  the  Summaries  furnished  by 
the  Enumerators,  3,310,028  persons  returned 
themselves  as  Roman  Catholics,  this  number 
being  237,279  or  6.7  per  cent  under  the  number 
so  returned  in  1891;  579,385  were  returned  under 
the  head  of  ‘ Protestant  Episcopalians,’  being  a 
decrease  of  20,718,  or  3.5  percent.,  compared 
with  the  number  tabulated  under  that  head  in 
1891 ; 443,494  were  returned  as  Presbyterians, 
being  a decrease  of  1,480  or  0.3  per  cent,  com- 
pared with  1891 ; the  number  of  Methodists  re- 
turned on  the  present  occasion  amounts  to 
61,255,  being  an  increase  of  5,745  or  10.4  per 
cent,  on  the  number  returned  on  the  Census 
Forms  in  1891.” 

In  Dublin  City,  as  extended  under  the  Dublin 
Corporation  Act  of  1900,  the  population  enu- 
merated in  1901  was  289,108,  being  a gain  of 
20,521  since  1891.  With  the  Urban  Districts  of 
Rathmines  and  Rathcar,  Pembroke,  Blackrock 
and  Kingstown  added,  the  total  population  of 
Dublin  and  suburbs  was  373,179,  — an  increase 
in  the  decade  of  27,220. 

The  following  table  shows  the  population  of 
the  14  towns  in  which  more  than  10,000  inhabit- 
ants were  found : compared  with  the  enumera- 


tion  of  1891. 

Towns. 

1891. 

1901. 

Belfast 

. . . 273,079 

348,965 

Cork 

. . . 75,345 

75,978 

Limerick  .... 

. . . 37,155 

38,085 

Londonderry  . . . 

. . . 33,200 

39,873 

Waterford  .... 

. . . 26,203 

26,743 

Galway 

. . . 13,800 

13,414 

Drogheda  .... 

. . . 13,708 

12,765 

Newry 

. . . 12,961 

12,587 

Dundalk  .... 

. . . 12,449 

13,067 

Lisburn 

. . . 12,250 

11,459 

Wexford  .... 

. . . 11,545 

11,154 

Lurgan  

. . . 11,429 

11,777. 

Kilkenny  .... 

. . . 11,048 

10,493 

Sligo 

10,862 

Total 

. . . 554,446 

637,222 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.).  — Lord  Rosebery  and  Sir 
Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  at  issue  on  the 
Home  Rule  question.  — In  a speech  delivered 
at  Liverpool  in  February  Lord  Rosebery  pro- 
nounced a most  positive  funeral  oration  on 
what  he  assumed  to  be  the  death  and  burial  of 
the  Irish  Home  Rule  question  in  British  poli- 
tics. A few  days  later  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 
Bannerman,  speaking  at  the  annual  meeting 
of  the  General  Committee  of  the  National  Lib- 
eral Federation,  took  occasion  to  resurrect  the 
supposedly  buried  issue  and  take  it  under  his 
protection,  as  one  of  the  responsibilities  of  the 


IRELAND,  1902-1908 


IRELAND,  1905 


Liberal  Party.  Home  Rule,  he  said,  was  often 
spoken  of  as  if  it  were  “ a strange,  fantastic, 
almost  whimsical  and  mad-cap  policy,  rashly 
adopted  in  a random  way,  to  secure  the  Irish 
vote.  It  is  to  be  easily  and  lightly  dropped  at 
any  moment  when  an  equal  amount  of  support 
can  be  obtained  from  any  other  quarter!  Not  a 
very  noble  view  of  the  case ! Not,  in  truth,  a 
very  creditable  or  even  a decent  view  of  the 
case,  but  intelligible  enough  if  there  were  in 
the  way  no  principles  and  no  facts.”  One  such 
fact  he  found  in  the  11  fixed  constitutional  de- 
mand of  the  Irish  people  ” ; and  Sir  Henry  con- 
cluded that  the  “ old  policy  ” remains  “the  sole 
remedy  for  the  condition  of  Ireland,  which  is 
the  most  serious  weakness  in  the  whole  British 
Empire  and  the  most  grave  blot  upon  its  fame.” 

By  these  two  sharply  opposed  utterances  the 
Liberals  of  the  United  Kingdom  were  called  to 
decide  which  leading  they  would  follow  — that 
of  Lord  Rosebery  or  that  of  Sir  Henry.  Not 
being  in  power,  however,  nor  measurably  within 
reach  of  it,  decision  of  the  party  did  not  need  to 
be  made  in  haste. 

A.  D.  1902-1908.  — Conditions  in  the  mat- 
ter of  Disorder  and  Crime.  — In  the  course  of 
a debate  in  the  British  Parliament  on  conditions 
in  Ireland,  which  took  place  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1909,  Lord  Percy,  charging  the  Liberal 
Government  with  responsibility  for  an  increase 
of  disorder  and  crime  since  it  came  into  power, 
brought  statistics  in  evidence  as  follows : “ Take 
the  indictable  offences  against  property  and  fir- 
ing into  houses.  In  1906  the  total  number  of 
these  offences  was  20 ; in  1907,  29  ; in  1908,  80. 
Outrages  on  the  person  by  the  use  of  firearms, 
agrarian  and  non-agrarian,  were:  — In  the  first 
11  months  of  1906,  20  agrarian  and  36  non-agra- 
rian ; in  1907,  56  agrarian  and  53  non-agrarian ; 
in  1908,  128  agrarian  and  65  non-agrarian.  In 
addition  to  these  open  outrages  there  was  the 
system  of  boycotting  and  intimidation.  In  cat- 
tle-driving — a new  offence  unheard  of  before 
the  days  of  the  Chief  Secretary  — there  were  390 
cases  in  1907  and  681  in  1908.  The  number  of 
persons  under  police  protection  on  January  31, 
1907,  was  196  ; in  1908,  270 ; and  in  1909,  335.  The 
cases  of  boycotting  had  risen  from  162  on  Novem- 
ber 30,  1905,  to  874  on  January  31,  1908.  An  im- 
pression prevailed  that  the  cases  of  boycotting 
were  ‘ minor  cases,’  and  of  no  great  importance  ; 
but  the  Lord  Chief  Justice,  at  the  Clare  Spring 
Assizes  on  one  occasion,  referring  to  these  so- 
called  minor  cases,  pointed  out  that  no  one  dealt 
with  or  spoke  to  the  boycotted  person,  and  that 
he  had  to  go  20  miles  to  Limerick  for  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  People  also  had  to  go  to  mass 
and  to  weddings  protected  by  police;  and  he 
asserted  that  the  Government  could  not  point 
to  a civilized  country  in  Europe  in  which  the 
Government  would  tolerate  a large  section  of 
its  population  living  daily  and  hourly  under 
the  shadow  of  a terror  like  this.” 

The  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  Mr.  Birrell, 
retorted  with  the  following : “ For  the  purpose  of 
making  a comparison  between  the  condition  of 
Ireland  to-day  and  as  it  was  when  the  Govern- 
ment was  led  by  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the 
leader  of  the  Opposition,  when  they  introduced 
and  made  permanent  their  Crimes  Act,  we  must 
consider  what  was  the  state  of  things  in  1886  as 
compared  with  what  it  is  now.  I will  give  the 
House  the  figures.  Murders  in  1886,  seven;  in 


1908,  one;  manslaughter  in  1886,  three;  now, 
none  ; firing  at  the  person,  16  ; now,  15  ; firing  into 
dwellings  — and  here  is  a most  formidable  addi- 
tion, I admit  — 43  ; now,  66  ; incendiary  fires  and 
arson,  103  ; now,  54;  killing,  cutting,  and  maim- 
ing cattle  — a horrible  and  brutal  crime  — 73; 
now,  22  — far  too  many  ; riots  and  affrays,  nine  ; 
now,  13  ; threatening  letters  or  notices,  434 ; now, 
233;  intimidation,  92;  now,  57;  injury  to  pro- 
perty, 150;  now,  89;  other  offences,  136 ; now,  26  ; 
showing  in  1886  a total  of  1,056,  and  now  a total 
of  576.  Ou  January  1,  1886,  there  were  175  per- 
sons wholly  boycotted,  and  716  partially  boy- 
cotted— a total  of  891.  In  those  days,  I admit, 
the  police  made  no  distinction  between  partial 
and  minor  boycotting.  In  1887  there  were  145 
persons  wholly  boycotted,  and  763  partially  boy- 
cotted, making  a total  of  908.  On  January  1, 

1909,  there  were  15  wholly  boycotted,  10  par- 
tially boycotted,  and  172  cases  of  minor  boycot- 
ting, making  in  all  197.  Persons  under  constant 
police  protection  on  December  31,  1887,  num- 
bered 252,  and  those  under  protection  by  patrol, 
704  — a total  of  956.  On  December  31,  1908, 
there  were  74  persons  under  constant  protection, 
270  under  protection  by  patrol,  a total  of  344 
against  the  total  of  956.  I leave  the  House  to 
draw  their  own  inference  from  those  figures.” 

An  official  return  to  Parliament,  from  the 
Royal  Irish  Constabulary  Office,  Dublin  Castle, 
of  the  number  of  cases  of  boycotting  and  of 
persons  boycotted  throughout  Ireland  on  the 
31st  day  of  January,  1908,  and  on  various  days 
in  several  preceding  years,  showed  5 cases  of 
entire  boycotting,  affecting  26  persons,  and  9 
cases  of  partial  boycotting,  affecting  39  people, 
on  the  date  mentioned  in  1908  ; 4 cases  of  entire 
boycotting,  affecting  20,  with  seven  cases  of  the 
partial  boycott,  affecting  35,  on  the  31st  of  July, 
1907.  On  the  31st  of  July,  1903,  there  had  been  4 
cases  of  entire  and  21  cases  of  partial  boycotting 
affecting  25  and  131  persons  respectively  ; while 
the  cases  on  the  31st  of  March,  1902,  of  entire 
boycotting  had  numbered  5,  the  partial  cases 
46,  and  they  were  directed  in  the  first  instance 
against  26  people,  and  against  275  in  the  second. 

A.  D.  1905.- — Defective  working  of  the 
Land  Purchase  Act  of  1903.  — Inadequacy 
of  its  financial  provisions.  — Baffled  in  the 
Western  Counties  by  cupidity  of  landlords. 
— The  first  two  years  of  the  working  of  the 
Irish  Land  Purchase  Act  of  1903  sufficed  to  show 
that  the  splendid  promise  of  that  measure  could 
not  be  realized  satisfactorily  without  fundamen- 
tal changes  in  its  plan.  By  that  time  the  agree- 
ments effected  between  landlords  and  tenants 
for  transfers  of  land  from  the  former  to  the  lat- 
ter called  for  purchase  payments  far  in  excess 
of  the  sums  which  the  Act  [had  provided  for 
supplying  at  so  early  a stage  of  the  operation. 
The  process  of  transfer  was  checked  and  the 
feelings  that  helped  it  on  were  chilled  by  increas- 
ing delays  in  the  completion  of  transactions 
when  begun. 

But  this  was  not  the  worst  disappointment  in 
the  working  of  the  Act.  Another  more  serious 
is  charged  to  the  cupidity  of  landlords  in  the 
poorer  counties  of  the  west.  In  the  article  by 
Mr.  Thomas  W.  Russell  from  which  a quotation 
is  given  above  he  explains  it  as  follows  : 

“It  was  quite  impossible  to  apply  the  same 
rule  to  Connaught  and  to  other  similar  areas  as 
to  Ulster,  Leinster,  and  Munster.  In  the  west  the 


333 


IRELAND,  1905 


IRELAND,  1907 


holdings  are  small  and  hopelessly  uneconomic 
in  their  character.  Parliament  felt,  and  rightly 
so,  that  to  make  the  occupier  of  a five-acre  bog 
holding  an  owner  was  to  do  him  no  good.  Sucli 
a feat  in  statesmanship  merely  freed  the  western 
landlord  from  a risky  security  and  transferred 
the  risk  to  the  state.  It  was,  therefore,  enacted 
that  the  large  grass  holdings  which  abound  in 
that  region, — and  which  are  held  by  graziers 
on  a tenure  of  eleven  months,  the  object  of  the 
term  being  to  avoid  the  creation  of  a tenancy, 
— should  be  bought  and  wherever  possible 
should  be  distributed  among  the  small  holders, 
thus  rendering  a decent  living  possible.  And  in 
several  cases  this  has  been  successfully  done  by 
the  congested  districts  board,  with  the  very  best 
results.  . . . The  landlords  as  a whole  professed 
at  the  land  conference  and  in  Parliament  their 
entire  willingness  to  sell,  provided  they  received 
a price  equivalent  when  securely  invested  to 
their  second-term  net  income.  To  enable  this 
to  be  done  the  bonus  of  £12,000;000  was  sanc- 
tioned by  Parliament.  The  whole  thing  was 
a bargain  — a clear  case  of  contract.  And  what 
the  western  landlords  have  been  guilty  of  is  a 
simple  breach  of  faith.  They  are  quite  ready 
to  sell  the  bog  holdings,  the  barren  mountain 
tracts  out  of  which  a decent  living  cannot  be 
had,  demanding  for  this  wretched  land  in  many 
cases  more  than  is  being  asked  in  Antrim  and 
Down  for  the  best  land  in  these  counties.  But 
the  grass  ranches  they  refuse  to  part  with. 
And  so  the  whole  plan  of  the  act,  — the  whole 
scheme  for  the  re-settling  of  the  land,  and  rais- 
ing the  station  of  the  small  holder,  — has  been 
brought  to  naught. 

“In  this  connection  another  difficulty  has 
arisen.  When  the  western  sections  of  the  act 
were  being  passed,  Mr.  Wyndham,  — who  was 
in  grim  earnest  about  these  poor  people,  — pro- 
vided for  the  sale  of  congested  estates  to  the 
estates  commissioners  or  to  the  congested  dis- 
tricts board.  Special  inducements  were  given 
to  sales  under  these  sections.  The  cost  of  sale 
was  borne  almost  entirely  by  the  state,  and  the 
commissioners  were  authorized  in  such  cases  to 
spend  money  upon  the  improvement  of  the 
holdings.  The  policy  was  excellent.  But  the 
landlords  have  ruined  it.  They  quickly  dis- 
covered that  if  they  sold  to  the  estates  commis- 
sioners the  land  would  be  inspected  by  an  ex- 
pert valuer,  and  its  price  would  depend  upon  its 
value.  This  was  not  their  idea  of  how  things 
should  be  done.  They  preferred  to  sell  to  the 
tenant  direct,  against  whom  they  could  use  the 
screw  of  arrears  of  rent,  and  from  whom  they 
could  exact  a higher  price.  Hardly  a case  of 
sale  to  the  estates  commissioners  has  taken  place 
under  these  well-meant  sections.  And  for  the 
reasons  stated.  . . . The  fact  is,  compulsory 
powers  of  purchase  in  all  such  cases  ought  to 
have  been  frankly  given.  But  to  mention  the 
word  compulsion  to  the  then  chief  secretary  was 
to  send  him  into  a fury.  He  would  not  hear  of 
it.”  — T.  W.  Russell,  Workings  of  the  Irish  Land 
Purchase  Act  ( American  Review  of  Reviews, 
Nov.,  1905). 

A.  D.  1905.  — Formation  of  the  Sinn  Fein 
Party. — “While  the  outside  world  was  look- 
ing to  the  Irish  Parliamentary  Party  as  the 
guardian  of  the  national  conscience  of  Ireland, 
a Young  Ireland  Party,  determined,  virile, 
thoughtful,  idealistic  and,  strange  though  it 


may  seem,  practical,  was  gradually  forming,  be- 
coming a power,  sweeping  away  outworn  ideas, 
preaching  new  and  putting  them  into  practice, 
and  working  wonders  in  the  revival  of  a genuine 
national  spirit  throughout  the  country.  . . . 
Naturally,  and  very  gradually,  the  various  units 
gravitated  toward  one  another ; and,  less  than 
two  years  ago,  under  the  guidance  of  a Dublin 
boy  named  Arthur  Griffith,  they  elected  a Na- 
tional Council,  and  formed  themselves  into  a 
party  known  as  the  ‘ Sinn  Fein  Party,’  which 
included  probably  three-fourths  of  the  national 
thinkers  in  Ireland.  Since  its  inception,  the  Sinn 
Fein  Party  has  been  rapidly  gaining  power, 
raising  itself  upon  the  ruins  of  a fast  crumbling 
Parliamentary  agitation,  and  eventually  leap- 
ing into  greater  popular  prestige  when,  recently, 
the  ludicrous  Irish  Councils  Bill  was  submitted 
to  the  nation  as  the  fruits  of  a generation  of 
Parliamentary  agitation. 

“ ‘Sinn  Fein  ' is  Gaelic  for  * Ourselves.’  The 
doctrine  of  the  Sinn  Fein  Party  is  that  the  sal- 
vation of  a nation  is  to  be  wrought  out  by  the 
people  and  upon  the  soil  of  that  nation,  and  it 
holds  that  ‘ God  helps  those  who  help  them- 
selves.’ It  asks  Ireland  to  cultivate,  what  for  a 
long  time  it  neglected,  self-reliance,  and  aims 
at  regenerating  the  Irish  nation,  not  merely  po 
litically,  but  also  linguistically,  industrially, 
educationally,  morally  and  socially.  Almost  all 
preceding  national  movements  made  the  grave 
mistake  of  considering  politics  coincident  with 
patriotism ; the  Sinn  Fein  policy  provides  for 
all-round  upbuilding  of  the  nation,  and  is  suc- 
cessfully working  along  many  lines  on  which  no 
political  movement  touched  before.”  — Seumas 
MacManus,  Sinn  Fein  ( North  American  Review, 
Aug.,  1907). 

A.  D.  1905  (Dec.).  — Change  of  Government. 

— On  the  change  of  government  which  took 
place  in  the  United  Kingdom  in  December,  Mr. 
Balfour  resigning  the  Premiership  and  Sir 
Henry  Campbell-Bannerman  forming  a Liberal 
Ministry,  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  was  appointed 
Lord  Lieutenant  and  Mr.  James  Bryce  Chief 
Secretary  for  Ireland. 

A.  D.  1907. — Effects  of  the  Land  Purchase 
Act  as  seen  by  a revisiting  Irishman.  — Not- 
withstanding the  defects  in  the  working  of  the 
Land  Purchase  Act,  as  described  above,  Mr. 
T.  P.  O’Connor,  the  well-known  Irish  journal- 
ist in  London,  on  returning  from  a visit  to  Ire- 
land in  the  spring  of  1907  after  a somewhat  pro- 
tracted absence,  wrote  enthusiastically  to  the 
New  York  Tribune  of  the  happy  wakening  he 
had  found  in  the  country  to  a new  life.  “You 
are  seeing  in  Ireland,”  said  a lady  to  him,  “ not 
merely  a revolution  but  a renaissance,”  and  he 
found  her  characterization  to  be  true.  He  con- 
cludes, too,  that  there  was  no  exaggeration  in 
her  further  remark,  that  “so  much  is  going  on 
in  Ireland  now  that  you  dare  n’t  leave  it  even 
for  a month.”  “ Everybody,”  writes  Mr.  O’Con- 
nor, “seemed  to  be  doing  something  and  some- 
thing new  for  Ireland  ” ; with  Catholics  and 
Protestants  working  together,  as  they  have 
never  worked  before.  And  the  main  cause  of 
this  “renaissance”  is  traceable  to  the  working 
of  the  Land  Purchase  Act  of  1903.  Already, 
says  Mr.  O’Connor,  under  the  working  of  this 
splendid  measure,  nearly  half  the  soil  of  Ireland 
has  changed  hands,  and  “the  second  half  will 
be  transferred  at  a much  accelerated  speed.  ” 


334 


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IRELAND,  1907 


“ For  seven  centuries  there  has  been  a con- 
tinual, a bloody,  a desperate  war  in  Ireland 
between  two  races,  and  the  prize  for  which 
they  fought  — was  the  land.  . . . And  now,  at 
last,  before  our  own  eyes,  in  this  generation  of 
men  to  which  we  belong,  this  secular  struggle 
is  at  an  end  ; the  battle  has  been  fought  and  has 
been  won  ; the  land  belongs  again  to  the  ancient 
Celtic  race  from  which  it  was  stolen  centuries 
ago.  ...  If  you  want  to  realize  further  what 
all  this  means',  do  not  forget  that  these  people 
who  are  now  brought  into  full  liberty  are  able 
to  appreciate  it  the  more  from  the  fact  that  the 
greater  part  of  them  were  born  into  slavery, 
and  know  all  that  slavery  means.  I myself, 
though  no  septuagenarian,  can  remember  the 
time  when  the  Irish  farmers  were  driven  to 
the  polls  to  vote  for  their  landlords  like  so  many 
cattle.  I remember  the  poor,  wretched,  cring- 
ing slaves  which  they  had  to  be  in  those  not 
very  far  off  days  ; how  they  bowed  and  cried, 

‘ Yer  Honor,’  at  every  second  word;  and  how, 
in  fact,  they  revealed  by  their  outward  bearing 
the  knowledge  that  when  they  stood  in  the 
presence  of  the  landlord  they  were  confronted 
by  the  master  of  their  life  or  death. 

“The  despair  of  the  impossible  situation  in 
the  Ireland  of  40  or  50  years  ago  was  worse  al- 
most than  the  servitude.  There  was  no  room 
left  for  hope  in  a system  which  permitted  the 
landlord  to  rob  the  tenant  of  every  addition  the 
latter  made  to  the  wealth  of  the  soil;  and  there 
could  be  no  hope  or  prospect  in  a system  which 
kept  the  tenant  liable  to  eviction  from  his  hold- 
ing whenever  the  landlord  wished  to  do  so. 
And  now  realize  that  on  half  the  soil  of  Ireland 
the  people  never  see  a landlord  or  a landlord’s 
representative;  that  every  year  brings  them 
nearer  to  the  time  when  they  will  be  the  abso- 
lute owners  of  their  holdings;  but  they  know 
that  their  children  will  secure  full  possession 
and  complete  ownership  if  they  do  not,  and  you 
can  understand  what  a new  strong  tide  of  hope 
and  exultation  there  must  be  in  the  breasts  of 
these  people.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  Evicted  Tenants  Act. — 
The  healing  of  an  Irish  Sore  of  Twenty 
Years.  — “ The  passing  of  the  Evicted  Tenants 
Act  in  the  recent  session,  defective  though  it 
may  be  in  one  respect,  is  an  admission  on  the 
part  of  all  parties  in  Parliament  that  a long 
pending  Irish  controversy  must  be  closed,  and 
that  the  demand  persistently  and  pertinaciously 
made  by  the  great  majority  of  the  Irish  mem- 
bers and  people  for  over  twenty  years  for  the 
reinstatement  of  a large  body  of  evicted  tenants 
must  be  conceded.  ... 

“ The  wholesale  evictions  of  tenants,  whom  it 
is  now  decided  to  reinstate,  were  primarily  due 
to  the  agricultural  crisis  of  1885,  when  the  great 
fall  of  price  of  IrislT  farm  produce  commenced. 
This  averaged  not  less  than  20  to  30  per  cent,  in 
respect  of  cattle  and  dairy  produce,  the  main 
sources  of  income  to  Irish  farmers.  Tenants  for 
the  most  part  paid  their  rents  in  that  year, 
hoping  for  better  times,  but  many  who  lived 
from  hand  to  mouth,  with  little  or  no  margin, 
fell  into  arrears.  The  position  was  far  worse  in 
the  following  year,  when  it  became  clear  that 
the  fall  of  prices  was  a permanent  one.  The 
Land  Court  recognised  this  by  fixing  judicial 
rents  at  18  to  20  per  cent,  less  than  those  fixed 
between  1881  and  1885.  An  universal  demand 


consequently  arose  on  the  part  of  all  other  ten- 
ants for  a reduction  of  rent  in  proportion  to  the 
new  range  of  prices.  They  claimed  this  not 
only  in  the  case  of  yearly  tenancies,  but  of  hold- 
ings where  judicial  rents  had  been  adjudicated 
before  1885,  and  of  holdings  under  leases.  The 
majority  of  Irish  land-owners  in  1886  recognised 
the  justice  of  the  claim,  and  allowed  rebatements 
of  rent,  averaging  between  20  and  30  per  cent, 
in  respect  of  all  classes  of  holdings.  The  claim 
of  the  tenants  was  not  for  the  forbearance  of  the 
land -owners,  but  was  founded  on  right,  on  the 
traditional  claim  to  a property  in  their  holdings 
— a claim  to  which  the  Land  Act  of  1881  had 
given  Parliamentary  and  legal  sanction.  That 
great  agrarian  Act  had  in  fact  established  Dual 
Ownerships  of  land  in  Ireland.  It  secured  to 
the  occupiers  a property  in  their  holdings  by  en- 
abling them  to  appeal  to  a Land  Court  for  the 
settlement  of  rent,  and  by  giving  them  fixity  of 
tenure  and  the  right  of  bequeathing  or  assigning 
their  interests.  Beneficent  and  generous  as  the 
Act  was,  it  had  serious  defects.  . . . 

“Asa  result  of  these  defects  the  Land  Act  of 
1881,  great  as  it  was  in  principle,  did  not  afford 
a sufficient  remedy  in  the  crisis  caused  by  the 
great  fall  of  prices  in  1885-6.  A minority  of 
Irish  landowners  refused  to  follow  the  example 
of  the  larger  and  better  class  of  owners,  and  to 
make  rebatements  of  rent  in  1886.  They  justi- 
fied their  refusal  on  the  ground  that  since  the 
Act  of  1881  the  tenants  had  no  longer  a claim 
for  forbearance  in  respect  of  rent.  They  in- 
sisted, therefore,  on  full  payment,  and  began  to 
evict  on  a large  scale  those  in  default.  . . . 

“Numerous  combinations  of  tenants  were 
formed  to  refuse  full  payment  of  rent  and  to  re- 
sist evictions  to  the  utmost.  With  the  object 
of  assisting  and  strengthening  resistance  of  the 
tenants,  a new  form  of  combination  was  devised 
by  Mr.  T.  Harrington,  M.  P.,  known  as  the 
‘ Plan  of  Campaign.’  The  essential  feature  of 
it  was  the  payment  by  the  tenants  of  an  estate 
adopting  it  of  50  per  cent,  of  the  rent  due  into 
a common  fund,  to  be  administered  by  a com- 
mittee of  tenants  for  the  purpose  of  resisting 
eviction,  and  supporting  the  evicted  families. 
The  fund  thus  created  was  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  landowners  and  of  the  individual  members 
of  the  combination.  It  afforded,  therefore,  great 
security  for  the  maintenance  of  the  combination. 

“The  tenants,  before  adopting  the  plan,  were 
advised  to  offer  arbitration  of  their  rents  to 
their  landlords.  If  evictions  took  place  the  ten- 
ants were  to  stand  by  one  another,  and  not  to 
come  to  agreement  with  their  landlords,  ex- 
cept upon  terms  that  the  evicted  men  were  to 
be  reinstated  in  their  holdings.  Those  taking 
farms  from  which  tenants  were  evicted  were  to 
be  rigidly  boycotted. 

“The  plan  thus  devised  was  commended  to 
the  tenants  of  Ireland,  where  landowners  re- 
fused reasonable  abatements  of  rents,  by  many 
of  the  Irish  members,  such  as  Mr.  Dillon,  Mr. 
W.  O’Brien,  and  others.  . . . Mr.  Parnell  held 
aloof  from  it,  not  so  much  from  disapproval  of 
its  method,  as  from  fear  that  it  might  injure 
the  Home  Rule  cause  with  English  constituen- 
cies. Many  of  the  Catholic  Bishops  expressed 
their  disapproval.  It  was  denounced  by  the 
Government  as  a fraudulent  and  dishonest  at- 
tempt to  break  contracts.  They  prosecuted  Mr. 
Dillon  and  other  leaders  for  conspiracy  under 


335 


IRELAND,  1907 


IRELAND,  1907 


the  ordinary  law.  The  Irish  judges  pronounced 
the  scheme  of  combination  to  be  a criminal  con- 
spiracy on  the  ground  that  it  subjected  land- 
lords to  unlawful  pressure.  . . . 

“By  the  commencement  of  the  session  of 
1887  the  Royal  Commission  appointed  by  the 
Government  to  report  on  agricultural  prices  and 
the  claim  for  a revision  of  judicial  rents,  pre- 
sided over  by  Lord  Cowper,  an  ex-Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, reported  in  favour  of  all  that  had  been 
contended  for  by  Mr.  Parnell  in  his  Bill  of  the 
previous  year.  They  emphatically  affirmed  that 
a great  and  permanent  fall  of  prices  had  taken 
place.  They  advised  that  judicial  rents,  fixed 
before  the  year  1885,  should  be  revised  and  re- 
duced, and  that  leaseholders  should  be  admitted 
to  the  privileges  of  judicial  rents.  The  Gov- 
ernment, at  the  instance,  as  it  is  believed,  of 
Mr.  Chamberlain  and  the  Liberal  Unionists, 
were  compelled  to  legislate  in  accordance  with 
this  report.  . . . 

“This  measure,  which  so  greatly  extended 
the  Act  of  1881,  was  accompanied  by  a new 
Coercion  Act  dispensing  with  trial  by  jury  in 
agrarian  cases,  and  enabling  resident  magis- 
trates— mere  nominees  of  the  Government  — 
to  try  and  convict  in  such  cases.  . . . 

“ The  Act  of  1887,  by  providing  a legal  alter- 
native, put  au  end  to  further  combinations  of 
tenants.  The  Plan  of  Campaign  was  not 
adopted  in  any  fresh  cases.  It  had  been  put  in 
force  on  111  estates  where  the  owners  refused 
general  abatements  of  rent.  In  94  of  these  it 
had  the  effect  of  inducing  the  owners  to  come  to 
terms  with  their  tenants  for  reductions  of  rent 
of  a reasonable  character  and  sufficient  to  avoid 
further  trouble.  In  seventeen  estates  only  the 
owners  were  obdurate,  and  declared  war  against 
their  tenants.  . . . 

“After  the  passing  of  the  Coercion  Act 
wholesale  evictions  were  resumed  on  the  Cam- 
paign estates,  and  were  supported  by  all  the 
forces  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government.  . . . 
In  1891,  a great  step  was  taken  by  the  late  Gov- 
ernment in  the  direction  of  a more  conciliatory 
attitude  to  the  evicted  tenants.  In  the  Land 
Purchase  Act  of  that  year  a clause  was  inserted 
enabling  the  Land  Commissioners  to  admit  the 
evicted  tenants  as  purchasers  of  holdings,  where 
their  former  landlords  agreed  to  their  reinstate- 
ment. The  clause  was  to  have  effect  for  one 
year  only,  and  very  few  transactions  took  place 
under  it.  . . . 

“Nothing  more  was  done  till  1903.  Mean- 
while this  Irish  sore  remained  unhealed.  The 
evicted  men  continued  to  live  in  temporary 
dwellings  near  to  their  former  homes,  patiently 
expecting  reinstatement  at  some  future  time. 
Nor  have  they  been  mistaken  in  this  respect, 
though  many  of  them  had  to  wait  nine  more 
years,  and  the  remainder  still  longer. 

“In  1903  it  became  advisable  for  the  Tory 
Government  to  bid  for  the  support  of  the  Irish 
Nationalists  for  Mr.  Wyndliam’s  measure  aiming 
at  an  universal  scheme  of  land  purchase  in  Ire- 
land— a scheme  offering  very  great  induce- 
ments to  landlords  to  sell  to  their  tenants.  It 
was  again  provided  in  this  Act  that  the  evicted 
tenants  might  be  reinstated,  not  as  tenants,  but 
as  owners  by  purchase  of  their  former  holdings, 
Provision  was  made  for  the  advance  of  money 
from  an  Irish  fund  for  buying  out  the  Planters, 
for  rebuilding  the  houses  of  the  evicted  men,  for 


restocking  their  farms,  and  for  buying  unten- 
anted land  on  which  to  replace  the  evicted  men, 
where  it  was  not  possible  to  reinstate  them  in 
their  former  farms.  ...  As  a result,  however, 
all  the  remaining  Campaign  estates  except  two 
were  dealt  with  under  this  Act,  and  nearly  all 
the  men  evicted  from  them  were  reinstated  on 
the  most  favourable  terms.  . . . 

“The  Act  of  1903,  however  generous  and  suc- 
cessful so  far  as  it  went,  failed  to  deal  with  the 
whole  case.  It  is  wanting  in  backbone  — in 
coercive  power  as  against  a residuum  of  land- 
owners.  Two  Campaign  estates  — the  Clanri- 
carde  and  the  Lewis  estates — remained  undealt 
with,  and  about  2000  tenants  evicted  from  other, 
not  Campaign,  estates  were  left  out  in  the  cold. 
It  was  to  supply  coercive  power  for  dealing 
with  these  remaining  cases  that  the  recent  Act 
was  passed.”  — Eversley,  The  Evicted  Tenants 
{Ireland)  Act  {Fortnightly  Review , Dec.,  1907). 

A.  D.  1907  (May). — Proposed  Bill  for  the 
creation  of  a Representative  Council.  — Re- 
jected by  the  National  Party.  — Abandoned 
by  the  Government. — A Bill  proposing  half- 
way progress  tow'ard  Home  Rule  for  Ireland 
was  introduced  in  the  British  Parliament  by 
the  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  Mr.  Augustine 
Birrell,  in  May,  1907.  Its  main  feature  was  the 
creation  of  a Representative  Council,  not  to  be 
legislative  in  function,  but  having  large  admin- 
istrative powers.  This  Council  was  to  consist 
of  107  members,  eighty -two  elected  by  the  Irish 
householders  (including  peers  and  women),  and 
twenty-five  nominated  by  the  crown.  Eight  of 
the  existing  Irish  departments,  including  agri- 
culture, public  works,  congested  districts,  and 
the  registrar’s  office  were  placed  under  its  con- 
trol and  a newr  one,  the  education  department, 
created.  In  addition  to  the  $10,000,000  of  annual 
expenditure  controlled  by  these  departments, 
the  bill  provided  for  an  increase  of  $3,250,000  to 
be  spent  on  public  works  and  “ general  improve- 
ment.” The  provisions  of  the  Bill  did  not  ex- 
tend to  the  constabulary,  the  courts,  the  prisons, 
or  the  Land  Commission.  The  Lord  Lieutenant 
was  to  have  general  supervisory  control. 

Apparently  the  Liberal  Ministry  had  been  led 
to  expect  that  Mr.  John  Redmond  and  other 
leaders  of  the  Irish  National  Party  would  accept 
this  measure,  as  an  installment  of  the  self-gov- 
ernment they  claimed  for  Ireland.  If  so,  then 
the  leaders  who  encouraged  that  expectation 
were  overborne  by  their  followers,  for  the  Bill 
was  denounced  and  rejected,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Redmond,  at  a convention  of  the  National  Party, 
in  Dublin,  on  the  21st  of  May,  and  was  therefore 
withdrawn. 

In  offering  this  plan  of  government  the  Eng- 
lish Liberals  had  turned  back  to  what  was  the 
original  Gladstone  project  of  Irish  home  rule, 
contemplated  and  discussed,  without  result,  by 
the  Liberal  cabinet  in  1885.  As  Mr.  Morley  re- 
lates in  his  Life  of  Gladstone,  there  were  two 
main  opinions  in  the  cabinet  at  that  time  : ‘ 1 One 
favored  the  erection  of  a system  of  representative 
county  government  in  Ireland.  The  other  view 
was,  that  besides  the  county  boards,  there  should 
be  in  addition  a central  board  for  all  Ireland, 
essentially  municipal  and  not  political;  in  the 
main  executive  and  administrative,  but  also  with 
a power  to  make  bye-laws,  raise  funds,  and  pledge 
public  credit  in  such  modes  as  parliament  should 
provide.  The  central  board  would  take  over 


IRELAND,  1909 


IRELAND,  1909 


education,  primary,  in  part  intermediate,  and 
perhaps  even  higher ; poor  law  and  sanitary  ad- 
ministration ; and  public  works.  The  whole 
charge  of  justice,  police,  and  prisons  would  re- 
main with  the  executive.” 

This  defines,  practically,  a measure  of  home 
rule  within  the  same  limits  that  Mr.  Birrell  pro- 
posed. It  appears  to  have  been  suggested  to  Mr. 
Gladstone  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  to  have  been 
accepted  by  the  premier,  with  the  understanding 
that  it  would  satisfy  Mr.  Parnell,  for  the  time 
being,  at  least.  It  was  not  acceptable,  however, 
to  a majority  of  the  Cabinet,  and,  when  rejected, 
Gladstone  remarked  bitterly  to  one  of  his  col- 
leagues: “Within  six  years,  if  it  please  God  to 
spare  their  lives,  they  will  be  repenting  in  sack- 
cloth and  ashes.”  The  wearing  of  the  sackcloth 
was  not  postponed  so  long. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Amended  Land  Purchase 
Act.  — The  defects  which  have  been  noted 
above  in  the  very  promising  Land  Purchase  Act 
of  1903  raised  increasing  difficulties  in  the  opera- 
tion of  it,  until  the  pressing  need  of  amendatory 
legislation  was  acknowledged  by  all  parties. 
Widediflferences  of  view,  however,  between  dif- 
ferent interests  involved  made  the  attainment  of 
such  legislation  no  easy  task.  A Bill  for  the  pur- 
pose, brought  forward  in  the  autumn  of  1908, 
by  the  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  Mr.  Birrell, 
was  pushed  over  into  the  next  session,  and  re 
introduced  in  March,  1909.  Mr.  Birrell  then 
reviewed  the  circumstances  which  had  rendered 
amendments  of  the  Act  necessary,  stating  that 
“28  millions  had  now  been  advanced  for  land 
purchase,  and  that  there  were  pending  agree- 
ments involving  the  advance  of  56  millions.  The 
total  acreage  of  the  land  sold  and  agreed  to  be 
sold  exceeded  7,000,000  acres.  The  country  was 
now  in  the  very  middle  of  this  great  agrarian 
revolution.  Mr.  Wyndham,  the  author  of  the 
Act  of  1903,  thought  that  £100,000,000  would 
suffice  to  carry  this  revolution  through,  but  al- 
ready £84,000,000  had  been  accounted  for  and 
there  was  every  reason  for  supposing  that  Mr. 
Wyndham’s  estimate  should  have  been  £183,  - 
000,000.  With  regard  to  the  loss  on  the  flotation 
of  land  stock,  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  for 
a decade,  at  any  rate,  it  would  be  unsafe  to  as- 
sume that  a higher  issue  price  would  be  obtained 
than  £85,  and  he  calculated  that  if  nothing 
were  done  a charge  of  £855,000  annually  would 
eventually  have  to  be  made  good  by  the  rate- 
payers. It  was  impossible  to  expect  them  to 
bear  this  enormous  burden,  and  if  the  law  were 
not  amended  the  scheme  of  land  purchase  must 
break  down.  His  proposal  in  regard  to  the 
bonus  was  that,  instead  of  fixing  it  at  3 per 
cent.,  it  should  be  paid  according  to  a scale 
under  which  the  lower  the  price  given  for  the 
land  the  higher  would  be  the  bonus.  For  this 
at  least  £3,000,000  would  be  required  over  and 
above  the  original  £12,000,000.  By  this  Bill  the 
Exchequer  was  assuming,  everything  consid- 
ered, a total  capital  liability  of  about  £30,000,- 
000.  Calling  attention  to  the  principal  provi- 
sions of  the  Bill,  he  reminded  the  House  that 
landlords  were  empowered  to  take  payment 
partly  in  cash  and  partly  in  stock  at  92.  He 
then  mentioned  the  steps  that  were  being  taken 
to  accelerate  the  work  of  the  Estates  Commis- 
sioners and  stated  that  advances  to  the  amount 
of  £10,000,000  were  never  likely  to  be  exceeded 
in  one  year ; they  now  had  reached  £8,000,000.” 


On  a question  arising  as  to  one  part,  called  a 
“bonus,”  provided  for  in  the  transaction  of  pur- 
chase, Mr.  Wyndham,  who  had  been  Chief  Sec 
retary  in  1903,  and  author  of  the  original  Act, 
said.  “Some  hon.  members  sitting  for  English 
constituencies  might  think  that  the  bonus  was 
not  necessary.  They  might  think  that  if  the 
State  lent  its  credit,  landlord  and  tenant  could 
come  to  terms,  and  that  the  bonus  was  some- 
thing thrown  in  as  a sop  to  the  landlords.  If 
the  transfer  of  land  in  Ireland  were  sporadic,  he 
agreed  that  landlords  might  sell  without  the  as- 
sistance of  a direct  bonus  from  the  State.  The 
question  to  be  solved  in  Ireland,  however,  was 
that  of  the  general  transfer  of  ownership  of  land 
throughout  the  country,  and  that,  broadly  speak- 
ing, could  not  be  effected  unless  the  present 
owners  received  an  equivalent  to  the  income 
which  they  now  enjoyed.  In  the  past  nearly 
all  the  cases  of  the  sporadic  transfer  of  owner- 
ship of  land  had  been  got  rid  of,  and  there  were 
now  left  those  cases  which  could  not  be  dealt 
with  unless  a bonus  were  given.  It  had  been 
generally  recognized  by  all  parties  that  a bonus 
should  be  given  rather  than  that  the  land  diffi- 
culties in  Ireland  should  continue,  and  six  years 
ago  the  decision  arrived  at  was  supported  by 
the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  parties  in  the 
House.  Now  it  was  proposed  that  the  method 
of  giving  a substantial  bonus  at  a uniform  rate 
should  be  set  aside  in  such  a way  as  to  increase 
the  discrepancy  between  pending  and  future 
agreements.  Already  by  altering  the  rate  of 
instalments  in  future  agreements,  and  by  giving 
stock  instead  of  cash,  they  had  created  a wide 
difference  between  the  two  classes.  On  the  top 
of  that  they  were  now  going  to  do  away  with 
the  bonuses  and  apply  a method  which  he 
thought  he  would  be  able  to  show  would  prove 
most  injurious  ; and  if  it  did  prove  injurious,  it 
would  touch  the  cardinal  point  in  the  whole 
matter.” 

Mr.  Wyndham  opposed  the  new  Bill  on  this 
point,  apparently  without  success.  Strong  op- 
position to  a grant  of  the  power  of  compulsory 
purchase  which  the  Bill  embodied  was  raised,  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  as  well  as  ultimately  in 
the  House  of  Lords.  Its  contemplated  changes 
in  dealing  with  what  are  called  “congested  es- 
tates” and  “ congested  districts,”  being  those  in 
which  the  holdings  of  tenants  are  too  small  to 
yield  a decent  living,  were  also  a subject  of  crit- 
icism and  opposition. 

The  Bill  received  some  amendment  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  before  having  its  third  read- 
ing and  passage  on  the  18th  of  September.  In 
the  House  of  Lords  it  met  with  harder  treatment, 
and  was  returned  to  the  Commons  with  amend- 
ments which  the  latter  rejected  in  toto.  Infor- 
mal conferences  brought  about  an  accommoda- 
tion of  the  differences  between  the  two  Houses 
and  placed  the  Act  on  the  statute  book.  The 
peers  yielded  on  the  question  of  compulsory  pur- 
chase, as  well  as  with  regard  to  the  tribunal 
which  should  have  a deciding  authority  in  the 
matter,  these  being  the  two  points  most  in  dis- 
pute. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Disclosures  of  Poverty 
by  the  Old  Age  Pensions  Act.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of  : Pensions. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Organization  of  the 
two  new  Irish  Universities.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : Ireland. 


337 


IROQUOIS  THEATER 


ITALY,  1904 


IROQUOIS  THEATER,  Burning  of  the. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Chicago  : A.  D.  1903. 

IRRIGATION.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources. 

ISLE  OF  PINES:  United  States  Su- 
preme Court  Decision  concerning.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D.  1907  (April). 

ISTHMIAN  CANAL.  See  Panama  Canal. 

ISVOLSKY,  Alexander:  Russian  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs.  — His  Aide  Memoire 
on  Macedonian  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey  : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

Convention  with  Great  Britain.  See  Eu- 
rope : A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

ITAGAKI,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1903  (June). 

ITALY:  A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of 
Population  compared  with  other  European 
Countries.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1901.  — The  First  Year  of  the 
Reign  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel  III. — 
Greatly  improved  conditions.  — Restored 
Liberty  of  Speech  and  Meeting.  — Neutral- 
ity of  Government  in  Labor  Disputes. — 
Zanardelli  and  Giolitti  in  the  Ministry. — 
In  the  early  months  of  1901,  when  Volume  VI. 
of  this  work  went  to  press,  Italy  was  in  an  un- 
certain and  anxious  state.  It  had  not  recovered 
from  the  shock  of  the  assassination  of  King 
Humbert,  and  could  not  foresee  what  length  the 
sobering  effects  of  that  tragedy  would  have.  It 
had  hope  that  the  new  reign  just  beginning 
would  quiet  the  dreadful  disorders  that  had  be- 
come rife  in  Parliament  and  in  the  country  at 
large,  but  fear  to  the  contrary  was  more  than 
equal,  perhaps,  to  the  hope.  Happily  it  was 
the  hope  that  found  justification  within  the 
passing  year,  as  will  be  learned  from  the  follow- 
ing report  of  conditions,  published  in  the  last 
month  of  1901  : 

“Those  who  expected  that  King  Victor  Em- 
manuel Ill’s  reign  would  be  coincident  with  a 
marked  improvement  in  Italy,  have  so  far  been 
amply  justified.  Few  ventured  to  hope  that 
his  Liberal  Ministry  under  Signors  Zanardelli 
and  Giolitti  would  weather  a Parliamentary  ses- 
sion. As  it  is,  despite  some  weakness  and  a few 
mistakes,  it  has  come  out  triumphant.  Com- 
pared with  eighteen  months  ago,  Italian  politics 
have  undergone  what  is  little  less  than  a revolu- 
tion. The  closing  months  of  the  last  reign  saw 
the  most  dangerous  constitutional  crisis  that 
United  Italy  has  known.  A reactionary  Gov- 
ernment was  threatening  Parliamentary  liberty ; 
the  Liberals  and  Socialists  were  making  a des- 
perate stand,  which  at  all  events  preserved  the 
Constitution,  and  perhaps  saved  Italy  from 
revolution.  Now  the  signs  of  danger  have  al- 
most passed.  The  Crown  is  fast  getting  back 
its  popularity.  Parliament  is  asserting  itself  as 
it  has  not  done  for  many  years,  and  is  able  to 
give  its  time  to  quiet,  useful  work.  The  Ex- 
treme Left,  stubbornly  obstructionist  last  year, 
is  giving  an  independent  but  fairly  cordial  sup- 
port to  the  Ministry.  Outside  Parliament  Ital- 
ians have  for  once  a government  ‘ which  allows 
them  to  breathe  and  move  and  speak.’  For  the 
first  time  since  Crispi  introduced  coercion,  seven 
years  ago,  there  is  liberty  of  speech  and  public 
meeting.  Still,  occasionally,  the  unteachable 
censorship  suppresses  an  issue  of  some  dem- 
ocratic paper.  But  there  is  no  prosecution  for 


political  speeches,  no  arbitrary  political  impris- 
onment, no  harrying  of  cooperative  or  benefit 
societies  from  empty  fear  of  political  designs  or 
at  the  bidding  of  shopkeepers. 

“ But  this  is  of  small  account  beside  the  altered 
attitude  of  the  Government  towards  labour 
questions.  Hitherto  its  influence  had  been  al- 
ways more  or  less  on  the  side  of  the  employers. 
Trade  Unions  were  dissolved  and  sometimes 
their  members  arrested ; their  organisers  were 
imprisoned  for  ‘ exciting  to  class-hatred,’  and 
under  the  military  courts  of  1898  it  was  an  of- 
fence to  plead,  however  moderately,  in  defence 
of  the  claims  of  labour.  When  the  agricultural 
labourers  of  the  lower  Po  valley  struck  for  a 
living  wage,  the  Government  sent  soldiers  to 
reap  the  crops.  Suddenly  and  radically  all  this 
has  changed.  At  last  the  law  is  observed,  and 
Trade  Unions  are  allowed  the  legal  sanction 
which  nominally  they  have  had  for  years.  The 
Government  has  announced  its  neutrality  in 
labour  disputes,  so  long  as  there  is  no  violence 
or  interference  with  individual  liberty.  The 
result  has  been  an  epidemic  of  strikes.  The 
Italian  working  man,  long  cowed  by  his  power- 
lessness before  the  alliance  of  employer  and 
Government,  is  using  his  new  freedom  to  raise 
his  miserable  wage.  Signor  Giolitti  estimated 
in  the  middle  of  last  June  that  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  there  had  been  511  strikes, 
affecting  600,000  workmen  (a  number  almost 
unparalleled  even  in  England)  and  resulting  in 
an  increase  of  wages  by  nearly  £2,000,000,  a 
huge  sum  in  poverty-stricken  Italy.  Probably 
by  now  the  total  of  strikers  has  reached  a figure 
which  has  never  been  equalled  within  a year  in 
any  European  country.  . . . Thanks  to  the  vig- 
orous advocacy  of  arbitration  by  the  Chambers 
of  Labour,  the  urban  strikes  have  generally 
been  short,  and,  so  far  as  I know,  except  for 
some  not  very  serious  trouble  at  Naples,  there 
has  been  no  case  of  disorder  in  them.”  — Bolton 
King,  The  New  Reign  in  Italy  ( Contemporary 
Review , Dec.,  1901). 

A.  D.  1902  (June). — Renewal  of  the  Triple 
Alliance.  See  Triple  Alliance. 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  — Coercive  Proceedings 
against  Venezuela  concerted  with  Great 
Britain  and  Germany.  — Settlement  of  claims 
secured.  — Reference  to  The  Hague.  See 
Venezuela:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1903  (March).  — General  Strike  in 
Rome.  See  Labor  Organization  : Italy. 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Change  of  Ministry.  — 
Signor  Giuseppe  Zanardelli,  President  of  the 
Council,  or  Premier,  since  February,  1901,  gave 
his  resignation  to  the  King  in  October,  1903,  on 
account  of  ill-health,  and  a new  Ministry  was 
formed  by  Signor  Giolitti,  who  had  been  Min- 
ister of  the  interior  in  the  administration  of 
Zanardelli,  and  who  still  retained  that  portfolio 
after  assuming  the  presidency  of  the  Council. 

A.  D.  1903-1905. — Initiation  of  the  In- 
ternational Institute  of  Agriculture  by  the 
King.  See  Agriculture. 

A.  D.  1904. — Tokens  of  a Disposition  to 
bring  the  Church  and  the  State  into  better 
Accord.  — Several  marked  tokens  of  a concilia- 
tory disposition  on  both  sides  of  the  long  break 
in  relations  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  appeared  in 
the  course  of  the  year  1904.  The  Government 
brought  in  a bill  for  increasing  the  public  sal- 


338 


ITALY,  1904 


ITALY,  1906-1909 


aries  of  cures.  Its  diplomatic  agents  in  South 
America  were  instructed  to  give  attention  to  a 
Papal  nuncio  who  travelled  thither  on  a mis- 
sion from  the  Vatican  as  though  he  represented 
the  King.  The  King  conveyed  a piece  of  ground 
to  the  Pope  which  enlarged  his  domain.  A Cardi- 
nal took  part  in  a reception  to  the  King  at  Bolo- 
gna and  sat  at  table  with  them.  These  were  such 
amenities  between  the  royal  and  pontifical  courts 
as  had  not  been  seen  for  a generation,  and  they 
seemed  to  bear  much  significance ; but  little 
came  from  them  in  the  end. 

A.  D.  1904  (Oct.-Dec.).  — Dissolution  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies.  — The  Government  sus- 
tained in  the  Elections.  — Increased  Partici- 
pation by  the  Catholics.  — The  Chamber  of 
Deputies  was  dissolved  by  royal  decree  on  the 
17th  of  October,  and  elections  appointed  to  be 
held  on  the  6th  and  13th  of  November.  The 
canvass  was  more  animated  than  usual,  Catho- 
lics taking  part  in  it,  and  in  the  subsequent 
voting,  more  numerously  than  hitherto.  The 
Ministry  of  Premier  Giolitti,  representing  the 
Liberals  and  Moderates  in  politics,  between 
groups  of  the  extreme  Right  and  Left,  secured 
a strong  majority.  Those  of  the  Left  lost  a 
number  of  seats,  though  the  Socialists  claimed 
to  have  made  large  gains  in  the  popular  vote. 

A.  D.  1905. — Effect  of  the  Russo-Japan- 
ese War  on  the  Triple  Alliance.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1905. — Action  with  other  Powers 
in  forcing  Financial  Reforms  in  Macedonia 
on  Turkey.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1905  (Sept.).  — Earthquake  in  Cala- 
bria. See  Earthquakes. 

A.  D.  1905-1906. — Illness  and  Retirement 
of  Premier  Giolitti. — The  Fortisand  Sonnino 
Ministries.  — The  Demoralized  Railway  Ser- 
vice. — Catholic  Abstention  from  Politics 
relaxed.  — Return  of  Giolitti  to  Power. — 
The  Italian  Premier,  Signor  Giolitti,  was  forced 
by  illness  to  withdraw  from  office  early  in  the 
year,  and  Signor  Fortis  was  commissioned  by 
the  King  to  form  a new  Ministry.  He  did  not 
succeed,  and  Signor  Tittoni  was  then  required 
by  the  King  to  take  the  lead  in  Government 
with  the  late  colleagues  of  Signor  Giolitti.  Tit- 
toni soon  resigned,  however,  and  Fortis  was 
again  called,  late  in  March,  to  form  a Cabinet, 
which  he  now  found  himself  able  to  do.  In  the 
following  December,  however,  a reconstruction 
of  the  Fortis  Ministry  occurred,  the  King  re- 
quiring the  Premier  to  retain  his  place,  while 
his  colleagues  were  partly  changed. 

Throughout  the  year  the  Government  and  the 
country  were  greatly  troubled  by  a general  de- 
moralization in  the  management  and  service  of 
the  railways.  Travel  and  freight  transportation 
were  exasperatingly  delayed  ; accidents  were 
of  constant  occurrence,  and  strikes,  having  no 
result  but  the  public  affliction,  were  repeated 
again  and  again. 

_ Early  in  the  summer  an  encyclical  on  the  at- 
titude to  be  taken  by  the  faithful  in  political 
controversies  was  addressed  to  the  Italian  bish- 
ops by  the  Pope.  Not  distinctly,  but  by  infer- 
ence, it  was  taken  to  be  a relaxation  of  the  policy 
of  abstention  from  politics,  and  to  prompt  politi- 
cal action  by  Catholics,  but  always  under  clerical 
guidance  and  advice. 

The  Fortis  Ministry  held  its  ground  in  the 
Government,  against  much  attack,  until  Febru- 


ary, 1906,  when  it  lost  the  support  of  a majority 
in  the  Chamber,  and  gave  place  to  a coalition 
Cabinet  formed  by  Signor  Sonnino,  which  con- 
ducted the  administration  till  the  following 
May,  when,  on  a question  of  the  purchase  of  the 
Southern  railways,  it  suffered  defeat.  Where- 
upon Signor  Giolitti  returned  to  power,  in  the 
face  of  a threat  from  the  employees  of  the  rail- 
ways that  they  would  proclaim  a general  strike 
if  he  took  up  the  reins  again.  The  strike  did  not 
occur,  and  a notable  access  of  vigor  and  activity 
of  Government  appeared. 

A.  D.  1906.  — At  the  Algeciras  Conference 
on  the  Morocco  Question.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (April).  — Violent  eruption  of 
Mount  Vesuvius.  See  Volcanic  Eruptions. 

A.  D.  1906-1909. — The  Giolitti  Adminis- 
tration.— Its  recent  resignation.  — The  Gio- 
litti Ministry  was  maintained  in  the  direction  of 
the  Government  for  nearly  four  years,  by  virtue 
of  the  energetic  and  efficient  administration  it 
conducted.  Its  capabilities  were  demonstrated 
somewhat  notably  before  the  close  of  1906,  by 
the  conversion  of  the  Italian  rentes  (Government 
bonds)  from  4 to  3 per  cent.,  — a financial  opera- 
tion which  had  been  discussed  and  fumbled  over, 
apparently,  for  a long  time.  Premier  Giolitti 
brought  the  question  to  a determination  in  the 
Chamber  after  less  than  one  day  of  debate  ; and 
the  conversion  of  8, 000,000, OOOfr.  of  national 
debt  was  so  readily  accepted  by  the  rente-hold- 
ers that  only  1,700,  OOOfr.  needed  to  be  paid  off. 

Relations  between  the  Government  and  the 
Papacy  were  improved  by  the  breach  of  the  lat- 
ter with  France,  which  led  to  the  substitution 
of  Italy  for  France  as  the  protector  of  Catho- 
lics and  Catholic  interests  in  the  Empire  of  the 
Turks.  This  was  not,  however,  agreeable  to 
Austria,  and  began  a coolness  between  these 
two  of  the  parties  to  the  Triple  Alliance  which 
all  the  disturbing  occurrences  in  the  Near  East 
have  tended  since  to  increase.  The  Alliance  with 
Austria  and  Germany  had  been  renewed  in  1902 ; 
but  there  have  been  several  occasions  within 
the  past  three  years  on  which  Italian  ill-feeling 
toward  the  former  has  flamed  out  quite  threaten- 
ingly in  Press  and  Parliament,  and  sometimes  in 
popular  demonstrations. 

A disturbing  agitation  of  the  question  of  reli- 
gious instruction  in  the  schools  occurred  in  1908, 
bringing  demands  from  anti-clerical  parties  for 
its  prohibition  ; but  the  Government  was  upheld 
in  refusing  such  action.  A disturbing  excite- 
ment in  Sicily  was  produced  that  year  by  the 
conviction,  after  a much  prolonged  and  sensa- 
tional trial,  of  Signor  Nasi,  ex  Minister  of  Public 
Instruction,  on  charges  of  embezzlement  of  pub- 
lic moneys.  The  convicted  Minister  was  a Si- 
cilian, and  his  fellow-countrymen  resented  the 
prosecution  of  him  as  an  indignity  to  themselves. 
To  pacify  them,  Signor  Nasi,  after  a short  de- 
tention in  his  own  house,  had  the  remainder  of 
his  sentence  of  imprisonment  remitted. 

The  Giolitti  Ministry  came  to  its  end  somewhat 
unexpectedly  on  the  2d  of  December,  1909.  It 
had  brought  forward,  not  long  before,  a Bill  em- 
bodying proposals  for  the  reform  of  taxation, 
avowedly  to  transfer  some  larger  proportion  of 
its  burden  from  the  poor  to  the  rich,  especially  by 
death  duties  and  income  taxes.  When  the  elec- 
tion of  a committee  to  deal  with  the  Bill  occurred 
Dec.  2,  the  opponents  of  the  Government  secured 


339 


ITALY,  1909 


JAMAICA 


a majority,  whereupon  Premier  Giolitti  and  his 
Cabinet  resigned.  A new  Ministry  was  formed, 
under  Baron  Sonnino,  the  leader  of  the  Opposi- 
tion. The  parliamentary  support  it  must  depend 
on  is  said  to  be  made  up  of  extremely  contradic- 
tory elements. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Falling  off  in  Emigration.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Immigration  and  Emigration  : 
Italy. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.).  — The  Awful  Destruction 
of  Messina  and  Reggio  by  Earthquake.  See 

Earthquakes:  Italy. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Election  of  a Jewish  Mayor 
of  Rome.  — Whether  specially  significant  or 
not,  the  election  in  Rome,  in  1908,  of  Ernesto 
Nathan,  a Jew  and  an  ex-Grand  Master  of  the 
Order  of  Free  Masons,  to  be  Mayor  of  the  City, 
was  an  event  which  excited  wide  interest  and 
remark.  Mr.  Nathan’s  birth,  and  his  education 
partly,  were  in  England,  but  he  acquired  citizen- 
ship in  Italy,  and  rose  in  reputation  and  influ- 
ence at  Rome,  until  he  had  become  the  leading 
figure  in  the  hard  fought  municipal  election  of 
the  winter  of  1908,  which  defeated  the  Church 
party  and  elected  sixty  Radical  members  out 
of  eighty  composing  the  City  Council.  The 
Mayor  is  elected  by  the  Council,  and  it  gave  the 
office  to  Nathan. 

A.  D.  1909. — Church  Movement  of  Agri- 
cultural Labor  Organization.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization  : Italy. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Tardy  Construction  of 
“ Dreadnoughts.”  See  War,  The  Prepara- 
tions for  : Naval. 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — Parliamentary  Elec- 
tions.— Socialist,  Republican,  Radical,  and 
Catholic  Gains.  — Conservative  Losses. — 
Large,  but  Reduced  Majority  for  the  Gov- 
ernment.— Extensive  changes  in  the  represent- 
ation of  the  numerous  parties  in  Italian  politics 
resulted  from  the  Parliamentary  elections  held 
in  March,  1909.  As  finally  reported,  after  sev- 
enty four  second  ballots  had  been  taken,  the 
outcome  was  as  follows: 

From  seven  Deputies  the  Catholics  rose  to  24. 
The  Socialists  went  up  from  26  to  42,  the  ex- 
treme Radicals  from  32  to  42,  and  the  Republi- 
cans from  19  to  24.  The  parties  of  the  Extreme 
Left  had  thus  risen  from  77  to  108.  The  Mod- 
erate Liberals,  or  Constitutional  Opposition,  as 
they  call  themselves,  declined  the  most,  num- 
bering between  60  and  70.  But  the  gains  made 
by  the  parties  of  the  extreme  Left  had  only 
recovered  for  them  the  ground  they  had  lost  in 
the  election  of  1904. 

‘‘An  interesting  feature  of  the  elections  is  that 
the  Pope’s  supporters  are  said  to  have  taken  a 
more  active  part  than  they  have  done  since  the 
beginning  of  united  Italy.  The  Papal  inhibi- 
tion against  going  to  the  polls  was  removed  in 
seventy-two  constituencies,  or  one-seventh  of 


the  whole  number  voting.  The  result  has  been 
no  gain  in  Rome,  where  the  Anti-Clercial  bloc 
repeated  its  victories  of  the  preceding  year,  and 
a fairly  slight  gain  in  the  rural  districts.  In 
general,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  Papal 
non  expedit  has  really  kept  Catholics  out  of  pol- 
itics to  ^ very  considerable  extent.  If  we  take 
the  enrolled  electors  in  Germany,  we  find  that 
they  constitute  20  per  cent,  of  the  entire  popula- 
tion ; in  France  the  ratio  is  nearly  24  per  cent. ; in 
Italy  it  is  less  than  8 per  cent.  At  first  sight 
that  would  indicate  that  an  enormous  number 
of  Italians  boycott  the  polls.  We  find,  how- 
ever, that  the  Italian  franchise  demands  not 
only  the  ability  to  read  and  write,  but  a certain 
degree  of  additional  elementary  education.  At 
the  same  time  we  find  that  in  1901  nearly  44  per 
cent,  of  all  males  over  twenty  years  of  age  were 
illiterate.  This  at  once  nearly  doubles  the  elec- 
toral ratio.  Add  the  fact  that  there  are  very 
considerable  property  qualifications  for  the 
franchise,  and  we  get  for  Italy  a ratio  not  far 
removed  from  Germany’s  20  percent.  It  would 
follow  that  the  number  of  Italians  who  re- 
frain from  availing  themselves  of  their  electoral 
rights  is  not  very  large.”  — N.  T.  Evening  Post , 
March  8,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Proposed  Payment  of 
Members  of  Parliament. — A Press  despatch 
from  Rome,  May  9,  1909,  reported  : “ Leave  was 
asked  yesterday  to  introduce  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  two  Bills  for  the  payment  of  members 
of  Parliament.  According  to  the  first  Bill,  pro- 
posed by  Signor  Galli,  all  Deputies  and  Sena- 
tors would  receive  £240  a year ; the  second  Bill, 
proposed  by  Signor  Chimienti,  would  make  a 
payment  of  24s.  for  every  sitting  attended. 
Signor  Giolitti  said  that  the  idea  of  the  pay- 
ment of  members  of  Parliament  was  evidently 
gaining  ground,  and  that  the  Government  would 
not  oppose  the  introduction  of  the  Bills.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  deprecated  the  contention 
which  had  been  advanced,  that  the  non-pay- 
ment of  Deputies  was  in  any  way  responsible 
for  a scanty  attendance,  and  earnestly  recom- 
mended the  Chamber  to  give  the  question  its 
very  careful  consideration  before  committing  it- 
self either  way.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Nov.). — Naval  strength.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for  : 
Naval. 

ITO,  Prince  Hirobumi : Visit  to  the 

United  States. — Mission  to  St.  Petersburg. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1901-1904. 

President  of  the  Japanese  Council. — His 
Party.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1903 
(June). 

Resident-General  in  Korea.  See  Korea  : 
A.  D.  1905-1909. 

His  assassination.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 


J. 


JAMAICA  : A.  D.  1906. — Harmony  of  re- 
lations between  the  White  minority  and  the 
Colored  majority  of  inhabitants.  — How  ex- 
plained. See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : 
Jamaica. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Destructive  Earthquake. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes:  Jamaica. 

JAMES,  Professor  William:  Plan  for 


ending  War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  TnE 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1904. 

JAMESON,  Dr.  Leander  S.  : Premier  of 
Cape  Colony.  — His  Continuance  of  the  Pol- 
icy of  Cecil  Rhodes.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

At  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 


340 


JAMESON 


JAPAN,  1901-1904 


JAMESON,  Dr.  L.  S. : In  Movement  for 
South  African  Union.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

JAMESTOWN  TERCENTENIAL  EX- 
POSITION. — The  three  hundredth  anniver- 
sary of  the  first  permanent  English  settlement  in 
America  was  celebrated  on  the  site  of  the  set- 
tlement, at  Jamestown,  Virginia,  by  an  Exposi- 
tion which  was  opened  by  President  Roosevelt 
on  the  26th  of  April,  1907.  The  advantages  of 
the  place  for  naval  display  tempted  Congress  to 


give  that  character,  in  the  main,  to  so  much  of 
the  celebration  as  was  organized  under  national 
auspices  that  other  features  were  quite  eclipsed. 
As  an  illustration  of  three  centuries  of  progress 
from  the  beginnings  of  civilized  life  in  the 
United  States  it  cannot  be  said  to  have  had  much 
success.  But  the  show,  from  many  nations,  of 
battle  ships  and  the  paraphernalia  of  naval  war 
was  superb. 

JANNARIS,  Professor,  Imprisonment  of. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Crete  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 


JAPAN. 


A.  D.  1901  (July).  — Unveiling  of  a Monu- 
ment to  commemorate  the  Advent  of  Commo- 
dore Perry.  — A monument  to  commemorate 
the  arrival  of  Commodore  Perry  in  Japan,  in 
1853,  was  unveiled  with  imposing  ceremonies, 
at  Kurihama,  on  the  14th  of  July,  1901,  that  be- 
ing the  forty-eighth  anniversary  of  the  event. 
Commodore  Rodgers,  with  three  vessels  of  the 
Asiatic  Squadron  of  the  United  States,  attended 
to  represent  the  United  States  officially  in  the 
ceremonies  of  the  day.  The  monument  was 
erected  by  the  Japanese  “ America  Association 
of  Japan.” 

A.  D.  1901-1904. — Persistent  occupation 
of  Manchuria  by  the  Russians.  — Japanese 
negotiations  and  demands,  without  satisfac- 
tion.— “ In  spite  of  repeated  promises  to  evacu- 
ate the  points  seized  and  held  by  Russian  forces 
when,  after  the  relief  of  the  Legations,  these 
forces  were  withdrawn  from  Peking  and  Chili, 
to  be  concentrated  in  Manchuria  [see  Man- 
churia, in  Vol.  VI.],  and  in  disregard  of  the  in- 
terests of  the  other  allies,  the  policy  of  keeping 
all  that  she  had  gained,  and  of  gaining  more  as 
far  as  possible,  was  steadily  pursued  by  Rus- 
sia. ...  It  was  the  probable  effect  of  a contin- 
ued occupation  of  Manchuria  by  Russia  upon 
their  business  interests  which  led  Great  Britain 
and  America  to  wish  that  the  repeated  Russian 
assurances  of  good  faith  toward  China  and  toward 
all  foreign  nations  should  manifest  themselves 
in  works.  The  case  could  not  be  wholly  the  same 
with  Japan.  Her  interests  of  trade  were,  indeed, 
if  not  at  the  time  so  large,  more  close  and  vital 
than  those  of  any  other  nation  outside  of  China. 
But  her  other  interests  were  incomparable.  So 
that  when  Russia  failed  to  carry  out  her  engage- 
ments, even  under  a convention  which  was  so 
much  in  her  favor  [see,  in  this  vol.,  China.  A.  D. 
1901-1902],  there  was  a revival  of  suspicion  and 
apprehension  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Japanese  people.  Manchuria 
and  Korea  both  pointed  an  index  finger  of  warn- 
ing directed  toward  Russia. 

“ It  was  to  further  a peaceful  adjustment  of 
all  the  disturbed  conditions  of  the  interests  of 
Russia  and  Japan  in  the  Far  East  that  Marquis 
Ito  went,  on  his  way  home  from  his  visit  to  the 
United  States,  at  the  end  of  1901,  on  an  unofficial 
mission  to  St.  Petersburg.  The  failure  of  the 
overtures  which  he  bore  discouraged  those  of  the 
leading  Japanese  statesmen  who  were  hoping  for 
some  reconciliation  which  might  take  the  shape 
of  allowing  Russian  ascendency  in  Manchuria 
and  Japanese  ascendency  in  Korea.  It  also 
strengthened  the  conviction  which  prevailed 
among  the  younger  statesmen  that  the  St.  Peters- 


burg Government  regarded  Manchuria  as  not 
only  its  fortress  in  the  Far  East,  but  also  as  its 
path  to  the  peninsula  lying  within  sight  of 
Japan’s  shores.  ‘ The  Japanese  Government,’ 
says  Mr.  D.  W.  Stevens,  ‘at  last  felt  that  the 
vital  interests  of  Japan  might  be  irrevocably 
jeopardized  in  Korea  as  well  as  in  Manchuria,  if 
it  continued  to  remain  a mere  passive  spectator 
of  Russian  encroachments ; and  in  August,  1903, 
it  resolved  to  take  a decisive  step.  In  the  most 
courteous  form  and  through  the  usual  diplomatic 
channels  Japan  intimated  at  St.  Petersburg  that 
her  voice  must  be  heard,  and  listened  to,  in  con- 
nection with  Far  Eastern  questions  in  which  her 
interests  were  vitally  concerned.’  The  answer 
of  Russia  was  the  appointment  of  Admiral  Alex- 
eieff  as  Viceroy  over  the  Czar’s  possessions  in 
the  Far  East,  with  executive  and  administrative 
powers  of  a semi-autocratic  character.  . . . 
Negotiations  having  in  view  the  peaceful  ad- 
justment of  the  conflicting  interests  of  Russia 
and  Japan  in  the  Far  East,  which  were  begun 
by  the  latter  country  in  the  summer  of  1903, 
were  further  continued.  Mr.  Kurino,  the  Jap- 
anese Minister  at  St.  Petersburg,  was  informed 
by  Baron  Komura,  who  was  then  Japanese  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs,  that  the  recent  conduct 
of  Russia  at  Peking,  in  Manchuria,  and  in  Korea, 
was  the  cause  of  grave  concern  to  the  Govern 
ment  at  Tokyo.  ‘ The  unconditional  and  per- 
manent occupation  of  Manchuria  by  Russia 
would,’  said  Baron  Komura,  1 create  a state  of 
things  prejudicial  to  the  security  and  interests 
of  Japan.  The  principle  of  equal  opportunity 
would  thereby  be  annulled,  and  the  territorial 
integrity  of  China  be  impaired.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a still  more  serious  consideration  for  the 
Japanese  Government;  that  is  to  say,  if  Russia 
was  established  on  the  flank  of  Korea  it  would 
be  a constant  menace  to  the  separate  existence  of 
that  empire,  or  at  least  would  make  Russi%  the 
dominant  power  in  Korea.  But  Korea  is  an  im- 
portant outpost  in  Japan’s  line  of  defence,  and 
Japan  consequently  considers  its  independence 
absolutely  essential  to  her  own  repose  and  safety. 
Moreover,  the  political  as  well  as  the  commer- 
cial and  industrial  interests  and  influence  which 
Japan  possesses  in  Korea  are  paramount  over 
those  of  other  Powers.  These  interests  and  this 
influence  Japan,  having  regard  to  her  own  se- 
curity, cannot  consent  to  surrender  to,  or  share 
with,  another  Power.’ 

‘ ‘ In  view  of  these  reasons,  Mr.  Kurino  was 
instructed  to  present  the  following  note  to  Count 
Lamsdorff,  the  Russian  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  : ‘ The  Japanese  Government  desires  to 
remove  from  the  relations  of  the  two  empires 


341 


JAPAN,  1902 


JAPAN,  1902 


every  cause  of  future  misunderstanding,  and 
believes  that  the  Russian  Government  shares  the 
same  desire.  The  Japanese  Government  would 
therefore  be  glad  to  enter  with  the  Russian  Im- 
perial Government  upon  an  examination  of  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  the  regions  of  the  extreme 
East,  where  their  interests  meet,  with  a view  of 
defining  their  respective  especial  interests  in 
those  regions.  If  this  suggestion  fortunately 
meets  with  the  approval,  in  principle,  of  the 
Russian  Government,  the  Japanese  Government 
will  be  prepared  to  present  to  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment their  views  as  to  the  nature  and  scope 
of  the  proposed  understanding.’ 

“ The  consent  of  Count  Lamsdorff  and  the 
Czar  having  been  obtained,  on  August  12th  arti- 
cles were  prepared  and  submitted  by  the  Jap- 
anese Government  which  it  wished  to  have  serve 
as  a basis  of  understanding  between  the  two 
countries.  The  essential  agreements  to  be  secured 
by  these  articles  were  : (1)  A mutual  engagement 
to  respect  the  independence  and  territorial  integ- 
rity of  the  Chinese  and  Korean  empires,  and  to 
maintain  the  ‘ open  door  ’ in  these  countries ; and 
(2)  a reciprocal  recognition  of  Japan’s  preponder- 
ating interests  in  Korea  and  of  Russia’s  special 
interests  in  Manchuria.  These  demands  were  not 
altered  in  any  very  important  way  by  Japan  dur- 
ing all  the  subsequent  negotiations.  It  was  their 
persistent  rejection  by  Russia,  together  with  her 
long  delays  in  replying  while  she  was  meantime 
making  obvious  preparations  of  a warlike  char- 
acter, which  precipitated  the  tremendous  conflict 
that  followed  some  months  later.”  — George  T. 
Ladd,  In  Korea  with  Marquis  Ito,  ch.  10  ( copy- 
right, 1908,  C.  Scribner’s  Sons). 

A.  D.  1902.  — Defensive  Agreement  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Japan. — An  agree- 
ment of  great  importance,  in  the  nature  of  a 
defensive  alliance,  between  Great  Britain  and 
Japan,  was  concluded  at  London  on  the  30th 
of  January,  1902.  On  the  publication  of  the 
Treaty,  a few  days  later,  it  was  accompanied 
by  a communication  from  the  British  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne, 
to  Sir  C.  MacDonald,  the  British  Minister  at 
Tokyo,  in  which  the  actuating  motives  of  the 
Agreement  were  set  forth,  as  follows : 

“Sir:  I have  signed  to-day,  with  the  Jap- 
anese minister,  an  agreement  between  Great 
Britain  and  Japan,  of  which  a copy  is  inclosed 
in  this  dispatch. 

“This  agreement  may  be  regarded  as  the  out- 
come of  the  events  which  have  taken  place  dur- 
ing the  last  two  years  in  the  Far  East,  and  of  the 
part  taken  by  Great  Britain  and  Japan  in  dealing 
with  them.  Throughout  the  troubles  and  com- 
plications which  arose  in  China  consequent  upon 
the  Boxer  outbreak  and  attack  upon  the  Pekin 
legations,  the  two  powers  have  been  in  close  and 
uninterrupted  communication,  and  have  been 
actuated  by  similar  views.  We  have  each  of  us 
desired  that  the  integrity  and  independence  of 
the  Chinese  Empire  should  be  preserved,  that 
there  should  be  no  disturbance  of  the  territorial 
status  quo  either  in  China  or  in  the  adjoining 
regions,  that  all  nations  should,  within  those  re 
gions,  as  well  as  within  the  limits  of  the  Chinese 
Empire,  be  afforded  equal  opportunities  for  the 
development  of  their  commerce  and  industry, 
and  that  peace  should  not  only  be  restored,  but 
should,  for  the  future,  be  maintained. 

‘ ‘ From  the  frequent  exchanges  of  views  which 


have  taken  place  between  the  two  Governments, 
and  from  the  discovery  that  their  Far  Eastern 
policy  was  identical,  it  has  resulted  that  each 
side  has  expressed  the  desire  that  their  common 
policy  should  find  expression  in  an  international 
contract  of  binding  validity.  . . . 

‘ ‘ His  Majesty’s  Government  have  been  largely 
influenced  in  their  decision  to  enter  into  this  im- 
portant contract  by  the  conviction  that  it  con- 
tains no  provisions  which  can  be  regarded  as  an 
indication  of  aggressive  or  self-seeking  tenden- 
cies in  the  regions  to  which  it  applies.  It  has 
been  concluded  purely  as  a measure  of  precau- 
tion, to  be  invoked,  should  occasion  arise,  in  the 
defense  of  important  British  interests.  It  in  no 
way  threatens  the  present  position  or  the  legiti- 
mate interests  of  other  powers.  On  the  contrary, 
that  part  of  it  which  renders  either  of  the  high 
contracting  parties  liable  to  be  called  upon  by 
the  other  for  assistance  can  operate  only  when 
one  of  the  allies  has  found  himself  obliged  to  go 
to  war  in  defense  of  interests  which  are  common 
to  both,  when  the  circumstances  in  which  he  has 
taken  this  step  are  such  as  to  establish  that  the 
quarrel  has  not  been  of  his  own  seeking,  and 
when,  being  engaged  in  his  own  defense,  he  finds 
himself  threatened,  not  by  a single  power,  but 
by  a hostile  coalition.” 

Agreement  between  Great  Britain  and 
Japan,  signed  at  London,  January  30,  1902. 

“The  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and 
Japan,  actuated  solely  by  a desire  to  maintain 
the  status  quo  and  general  peace  in  the  extreme 
East,  being  moreover  specially  interested  in 
maintaining  the  independence  and  territorial  in- 
tegrity of  the  Empire  of  China  and  the  Empire 
of  Corea,  and  in  securing  equal  opportunities  in 
those  countries  for  the  commerce  and  industry 
of  all  nations,  hereby  agree  as  follows  : 

“ Article  I.  The  High  Contracting  Parties 
having  mutually  recognized  the  independence 
of  China  and  of  Corea,  declare  themselves  to  be 
entirely  uninfluenced  by  any  aggressive  tenden- 
cies in  either  country.  Having  in  view,  how- 
ever, their  special  interests,  of  which  those  of 
Great  Britain  relate  principally  to  China,  while 
Japan,  in  addition  to  the  interests  which  she 
possesses  in  China,  is  interested  in  a peculiar  de- 
gree politically,  as  well  as  commercially  and 
industrially,  in  Corea,  the  High  Contracting 
Parties  recognize  that  it  will  be  admissible  for 
either  of  them  to  take  such  measures  as  may  be 
indispensable  in  order  to  safeguard  those  inter- 
ests if  threatened  either  by  the  aggressive  action 
of  any  other  Power,  or  by  disturbances  arising 
in  China  or  Corea,  and  necessitating  the  inter- 
vention of  either  of  the  High  Contracting  Par- 
ties for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  property 
of  its  subjects. 

“Article  II.  If  either  Great  Britain  or 
Japan,  in  the  defence  of  their  respective  inter- 
ests as  above  described,  should  become  involved 
in  war  with  another  Power,  the  other  High  Con- 
tracting Party  will  maintain  a strict  neutrality, 
and  use  its  efforts  to  prevent  other  Powers  from 
joining  in  hostilities  against  its  ally. 

“Article  III.  If  in  the  above  event  any 
other  Power  or  Powers  should  join  in  hostilities 
against  that  ally,  the  other  high  contracting 
party  will  come  to  its  assistance  and  will  con- 
duct the  war  in  common,  and  make  peace  in 
mutual  agreement  with  it. 

“Article  IV.  The  High  Contracting  Parties 


342 


JAPAN.  1902 


JAPAN,  1904 


agree  that  neither  of  them  will,  without  con- 
sulting the  other,  enter  into  separate  arrange- 
ments with  another  Power  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  interests  above  described. 

“Article  V.  Whenever,  in  the  opinion  of 
either  Great  Britain  or  Japan,  the  above-men- 
tioned interests  are  in  jeopardy,  the  two  Gov- 
ernments will  communicate  with  one  another 
fully  and  frankly. 

“Article  VI.  The  present  agreement  shall 
come  into  effect  immediately  after  the  date  of 
its  signature,  and  remain  in  force  for  five  years 
from  that  date.  In  case  neither  of  the  High  Con- 
tracting Parties  should  have  notified  twelve 
months  before  the  expiration  of  the  said  five 
years  the  intention  of  terminating  it,  it  shall  re- 
main binding  until  the  expiration  of  one  year 
from  the  day  on  which  either  of  the  High  Con- 
tracting Parties  shall  have  denounced  it.  But 
if,  when  the  date  fixed  for  its  expiration  arrives, 
either  ally  is  actually  engaged  in  war,  the  alli- 
ance shall,  ipso  facto,  continue  until  peace  is 
concluded.  In  faith  whereof  the  undersigned, 
duly  authorized  by  their  respective  Govern- 
ments, have  signed  this  agreement,  and  have 
affixed  thereto  their  seals.” 

In  August,  1905,  the  above  Treaty  was  re- 
placed by  a fresh  Agreement  of  similar  tenor, 
— see,  below,  Japan  : A.  D.  1905  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1902  (Aug.).  — Success  of  Prince  Ito’s 
Party  in  the  Parliamentary  Election. — “Thus 
far  parties,  so  called,  have  been  magnetized 
around  men.  They  have  not  crystallized  along 
the  axes  of  principles.  Marquis  Ito,  ultra-con- 
servative in  politics  but  radical  and  reformer  in 
things  social,  is  at  one  pole.  Count  Okuma,  rad- 
ical in  politics,  sternly  conservative  of  social 
life  and  the  traditionary  ethics,  is  at  the  other. 

“ The  August  elections  of  1902  show  appar- 
ently at  least  that  the  day  of  party  government 
has  dawned,  for  now  and  for  the  first  time 
Marquis  Ito  leads  in  the  Lower  House  a host  of 
the  friends  of  the  Constitution  (Rikken  Seiyu 
Kai)  that  has  an  overwhelming  majority  of 
seats  and  in  time  of  a ‘ division  ’ nearly  if  not 
wholly  a plurality  of  votes.  The  returns  are 
just  in  and  the  table  stands  about  thus  : 


Seiyu  Kai  (Constitution  Friends)  . . . 193 

Progressists 106 

Independents 56 

Imperialists  and  others 21 


“ It  was  a smart  stroke  of  policy  for  Ito,  two 
years  ago,  to  unite  in  one  organization  [see  in 
Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Japan:  A.  D.  1900  (Au- 
gust-October)]  the  Radicals  under  Hoshi  Torn 
and  his  own  following  of  ‘ clansmen,  capacities 
and  young  statesmen.’  It  was  the  union  of  the 
strong  and  the  subtle,  taking  the  name  not  of  a 
party  but  of  an  ‘ Association,’  with  a purpose  of 
upholding  the  constitution  (in  the  Prussian 
sense),  in  order  to  control  both  the  educational 
and  the  economic  policy  of  the  country,  to  com- 
plete the  radical  transformation  of  the  Japan- 
ese into  a modern  man,  and  ‘ to  screen  Japan’s 
Western  evolution  against  all  possibility  of  re- 
action.’”— W.  E.  Griffis,  in  The  Independent. 

A.  D.  1903  (June). — The  Marquis  Ito  ac- 
cepts Presidency  of  the  Council  to  strengthen 
the  Government.  — To  strengthen  the  Ministry 
of  Count  Katsura  in  the  Diet,  the  Marquis  Ito, 
powerful  head  of  the  Rikken  Seiyu-kai  (Associ- 
ation of  the  Friends  of  the  Constitution,  — see 


Japan:  A.  D.  1900,  August-October,  in  Vol- 
ume VI.  of  this  work),  foreseeing  trouble  to 
come  from  the  proceedings  of  Russia  in  Man- 
churia, consented  in  June  to  accept  the  post  of 
President  of  the  Council,  and  was  joined  in  the 
Council  by  Marquis  Yamagata  and  Count  Mat- 
sukata.  The  Government  was  thus  greatly  rein- 
forced for  dealing  with  the  difficulties  that  now 
approached  very  fast.  A section  of  the  Seiyu-kai 
seceded  from  it,  however,  and  formed  the  Doshi- 
shukai  (Assembly  of  Fellow -thinkers),  under 
Count  Itagaki. 

A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July).  — War  with  Russia. 
— Sudden  opening  of  Hostilities.  — Occupa- 
tion of  Korea.  4 — Battles  at  the  Yalu.  — The 
Armies  in  Manchuria.  — Movement  of  Gen. 
Nogi  on  Manchuria.  — Simultaneously  with 
the  rupture  of  diplomatic  relations  with  Russia, 
on  the  6th  of  February,  1904,  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment dispatched  from  Sasebo  a fleet  of  7 
battle-ships,  18  cruisers,  and  flotillas  of  torpedo 
boats  aud  destroyers,  under  Vice-Admiral  Togo, 
with  transports  conveying  troops,  to  open  opera- 
tions of  war.  The  transports  were  convoyed  to 
Chemulpho,  the  port  of  Seoul,  Korea,  by  4 cruis- 
ers and  a number  of  torpedo  boats,  under  Rear- 
Admiral  Uryu ; while  Admiral  Togo  proceeded 
with  the  remainder  of  his  fleet  to  Port  Arthur. 
The  troops  sent  to  Chemulpho  were  landed  on 
the  8th,  and  Admiral  Uryu,  the  next  day,  at- 
tacked a Russian  cruiser  and  gunboat  in  Che- 
mulpho harbor  with  such  effect  that  they  were 
destroyed  by  their  commanders.  On  the  night 
of  the  8th  Togo’s  torpedo  boats  were  sent  against 
the  Russian  fleet  at  Port  Arthur  and  crippled  it 
to  a serious  extent.  A second  body  of  14,000 
troops  was  landed  at  Chemulpho  on  the  15th. 

The  Japanese  had  now  a strong  footing  in 
Korea,  with  Seoul  securely  in  hand,  and  the 
First  Japanese  Army,  under  General  Kuroki, 
was  ready  to  begin  its  northward  advance. 
Phvangyang  was  occupied  on  the  20th,  after 
which  further  troops  could  be  landed  at  Chi- 
nampho,  saving  a long  march.  By  the  end  of 
March  there  were  about  45,000  men  in  the  force 
moving  toward  the  Yalu.  The  first  encounter 
with  the  Russians  was  near  Chengju,  where  600 
of  the  latter’s  cavalry  were  driven  back.  On  the 
4th  of  April  the  Japanese  advance  guard  reached 
the  Yalu,  which  forms  the  boundary  between 
Korea  and  Manchuria,  and  occupied  Wiju,  near 
its  mouth,  the  opposing  cavalry  having  been 
withdrawn  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  on 
the  preceding  day.  The  main  body  arrived  at 
Wiju  April  20.  The  Russians,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Yalu,  were  then  concentrating  a force  of 
about  25,000  men,  with  Liaoyang  and  Fenghu- 
angcheng  for  its  first  and  secondary  bases. 

For  ten  ensuing  days  both  armies  were  busy 
in  preparations  and  manoeuvres,  the  one  for  at- 
tempting to  force  a crossing  of  the  Yalu,  the 
other  to  resist  it.  How  their  preparations  com- 
pared in  effectiveness  is  described  by  an  experi- 
enced correspondent,  David  Fraser,  who  accom- 
panied the  Japanese  and  wrote  the  story  of  the 
campaign,  publishing  it  subsequently  in  a book 
entitled  “A  Modern  Campaign.”  The  difference 
that  Mr.  Fraser  saw  between  the  painstaking, 
the  thoughtfulness  and  the  carefully  acquired 
knowledge  which  went  into  the  Japanese  pre- 
paration for  their  attack,  — the  concealment  of 
their  forces,  the  masking  of  their  batteries,  the 
obscuring  of  all  that  they  did,  — and  the  con- 


343 


JAPAN,  1904 


JAPAN,  1904 


trasting  carelessness  of  the  Russians  in  the  same 
particulars,  was  the  difference  that  gave  success 
to  the  one  and  brought  defeat  on  the  other.  Be- 
fore the  Japanese  moved  they  knew  everything 
they  needed  to  know,  — the  fordable  places 
on  ■ the  streams  they  had  to  cross,  the  points  of 
advantage  on  every  mile  of  the  ground  to  be 
traversed,  the  positions  of  the  enemy,  — and  the 
Russians  did  not.  And  the  Japanese  were  able 
to  repeat  much  of  the  same  feinting  and  maneu- 
vering by  means  of  which  they  had  forced  the 
passage  of  the  Yalu  at  the  same  place,  against 
the  Chinese,  in  1894. 

On  the  25th  of  April  the  Japanese  were  ready 
to  bring  their  preparations  into  use,  and  on  that 
and  the  next  two  days  they  drove  the  Russian 
outposts  from  the  islands  they  needed  to  oc- 
cupy, and  began  building  bridges  at  night.  In 
the  end,  ten  bridges  were  built,  some  of  them 
invisible  to  the  enemy.  Many  signs  of  Japanese 
movement  down  the  river  were  then  exhibited 
to  the  Russians.  A Japanese  battery  became 
busy  at  a point  some  distance  below  Wiju;  gun- 
boats and  other  vessels  were  collected  in  that 
direction ; troops  were  in  motion  in  the  same  di- 
rection ; but  quiet  reigned  at  and  around  Wiju, 
the  batteries  behind  which  had  not  yet  beto- 
kened their  existence.  That  quiet  in  this  part 
of  the  Japanese  line  was  broken  suddenly  at 
midday  on  the  29th,  when  a pontoon  train,  with 
accompanying  troops,  was  hurried  to  the  river, 
the  pontoons  launched,  manned  and  paddled  to 
the  opposite  bank.  A Russian  outpost  which 
fired  on  these  invaders  drew  the  first  revelation 
of  a hitherto  hidden  and  silent  Japanese  battery, 
and  fled  from  its  shells.  Possession  of  the  fur- 
ther shore  was  thus  secured  for  sufficient  time 
to  enable  the  construction  of  the  pontoon  bridge, 
which  the  strong  current  in  the  river  made  a 
difficult  task.  It  was  ready,  however,  for  the 
crossing  of  the  river  that  night  by  the  infantry  of 
the  entire  12th  division  of  the  Japanese  Army. 

The  thrilling  episode  of  the  battle  of  the  next 
two  days  was  the  opening  of  fire  from  the 
hitherto  hidden  and  unsuspected  batteries  of 
Japanese  heavy  guns.  Mr.  Fraser  tells  us  that 
the  Russians  had  believed  it  impossible  to  bring 
heavy  artillery  over  the  Korean  roads,  and  were 
in  consternation  when  the  howitzers  belched 
forth  their  shells  in  a fairly  overpowering  way. 
“ The  trees,”  he  says,  “ screened  the  flashing  of 
the  Japanese  guns  from  the  Russian  eyes. 
There  was  no  smoke  to  indicate  their  where- 
abouts. The  indirect  fire  of  the  howitzers  was 
as  deadly  as  if  it  had  been  aimed  point-blank. 
The  Russians,  on  the  other  hand,  fired  at  ran- 
dom into  the  belt  of  trees ; they  had  been  able 
to  locate  only  two  of  the  Japanese  guns.  Their 
fire  had  little  or  no  effect  upon  the  well-pro- 
tected Japanese  gunners.  In  ten  minutes  the 
Russian  shooting  grew  wild.  . . . After  twenty- 
five  minutes  both  batteries  were  silenced.” 

It  is  the  testimony  of  all  witnesses  of  the 
fighting  on  both  days  of  the  battle,  especially  on 
the  1st  of  May,  that  the  Russians  showed  des- 
perate courage ; but  every  advantage,  of  posi- 
tion, of  equipment,  of  numbers,  and,  above  all, 
of  generalship,  was  in  favor  of  the  Japanese. 
They  drove  the  enemy  from  all  his  entrench- 
ments, and  entered  Manchuria,  to  pursue  there 
an  equally  successful  campaign,  for  the  same 
reasons,  of  superior  ability  and  more  thorough 
preparation. 


The  reported  loss  of  the  Japanese  in  the  con- 
flicts on  the  Yalu  was  5 officers  and  218  men 
killed,  33  officers  and  780  men  wounded.  They 
captured  22  field  guns,  8 machine  guns,  a quan- 
tity of  rifles  and  ammunition,  and  took  628  pris- 
oners, including  18  officers.  General  Zasulich, 
the  Russian  commander,  reported  70  officers  and 
2324  men  killed,  wounded  and  taken  prisoners. 
Another  Russian  report  of  losses  gave  28  offi- 
cers and  564  men  killed,  38  officers  and  1081  men 
wounded,  and  6 officers  and  679  men  missing. 

The  Russians  retreated  on  Fengliuaugcheng, 
but  made  no  stand  there,  and  the  Japanese,  who 
followed,  occupied  the  place  on  the  6tli  of  May. 
The  advance  of  the  latter  was  halted  at  that 
point  until  late  in  June,  waiting  for  operations 
in  other  parts  of  the  field. 

Meantime,  between  the  4th  and  the  22d  of 
May,  the  Second  Japanese  Army,  General  Oku 
commanding,  had  been  landed  near  Pitsewo,  on 
the  western  coast  of  the  Liao-tung  peninsula, 
and  this  began  a general  advance  on  the  25th. 
It  fought  a severe  battle  on  the  following  day, 
at  Nanshan,  or  Kinchou,  from  which  the  Rus- 
sians fell  back.  The  victory  of  the  Japanese 
cost  them  heavily,  their  reported  loss  being  739 
killed  and  5455  wounded ; while  General  Stossel, 
the  Russian  commander,  reported  a loss  of  30 
officers  and  800  men  killed  and  wounded. 

On  June  6th  this  Second  Army  was  divided 
into  two,  one  of  which,  passing  to  the  command 
of  General  Nogi,  became  the  Third  Japanese 
Army,  and  was  marched  presently  toward  Port 
Arthur,  to  open  the  famous  siege  of  that 
stronghold.  General  Oku,  retaining  about  50,- 
000  men  in  the  Second  Army,  and  starting  north- 
ward on  the  15th,  was  opposed  by  Russian  forces 
under  General  Stackelberg.  The  first  impor- 
tant conflict  was  on  June  15  at  or  near  Telissu 
station,  which  gave  the  battle  its  name.  Again 
the  Russians  were  forced  back,  with  a loss  of 
103  officers  and  about  2600  men,  killed  and 
wounded,  besides  a missing  list  of  764.  The 
Japanese  loss  was  50  officers  and  1113  men 
killed  and  wounded.  Hard  fighting  occurred 
again  between  the  6th  and  9th  of  July,  on  the 
approach  of  the  Japanese  to  Kaiping  and  the 
Kaiping  River,  beyond  which  their  opponents 
were  driven.  “ The  occupation  of  Kaiping  and 
the  country  immediately  to  the  north  placed 
General  Oku’s  army  on  the  edge  of  the  Liao 
Valley,  opened  the  way  to  the  Yingkon  and 
Newchwang,  and  facilitated  his  further  advance 
to  the  north  by  allowing  supplies  to  be  received 
from  the  sea,  thus  shortening  his  line  of  com- 
munications.” 

A Fourth  Japanese  Army,  under  General 
Nodzu,  had  now  been  landed  at  Takushan,  on 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  Liao-tung  peninsula, 
and  was  reconnoitering  toward  Oku’s  forces,  as 
well  as  toward  the  First  Japanese  Army,  which 
had  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Fenglniangcheng 
until  the  24tli  of  June,  waiting  for  these  co- 
operative masses  of  troops  to  be  got  into  place. 
It  was  now  being  moved  in  three  columns,  one 
of  which  was  soon  in  touch  with  the  Fourth 
Army  (Nodzu’s),  and  the  two  began  working 
to  the  west  and  northwest.  The  Russians  gave 
up  Fenshuiling,  and  by  the  9th  of  July,  when 
Oku,  with  the  Second  Army,  occupied  Kaiping, 
the  three  Japanese  armies  in  the  northern  part 
of  the  Liao-tung  peninsula  — the  First,  Second, 
and  Fourth — “were  united  on  a front  from 


344 


JAPAN,  1904 


JAPAN,  1904 


Kaiping  east  to  Fenshuiling,  thence  northeast 
through  Motieuling,  with  covering  detachments 
of  Kobi  troops  eastward  at  Saimachi,  Hsien- 
chang  and  Huaijen.  The  Russians  were  con- 
centrated in  the  Liao  Valley  at  Tashihchiao, 
Haicheng,  Anping  and  Liaoyang.”  On  the  6th 
of  July  Field  Marshal  Oyama  had  left  Tokyo 
to  take  active  command  of  this  united  army, 
and  the  great  operations  of  the  Manchurian 
campaign  were  about  to  begin. — Epitome  of 
the  Russo-Japanese  War,  U.  S.  War  Dep’t,  Second 
[. Military  Information ] Division,  General  Staff, 
No.  11. 

At  this  time  General  Nogi,  with  the  Third 
Japanese  Army,  was  fighting  his  way  slowly 
toward  Port  Arthur,  against  obstinate  resist- 
ance, not  arriving  at  the  front  of  the  land  de- 
fences proper  until  the  14tli  of  August. 

The  Russians  had  evacuated  Dalny  (formerly 
called  Talienwan),  with  its  fine  harbor,  on  Ta- 
lienwan  Bay,  thirty  miles  distant  from  Port 
Arthur,  and  the  Japanese  had  occupied  it  on 
the  30th  of  May.  This  was  an  acquisition  of 
great  importance  to  them. 

A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.).  — The  War  with 
Russia:  Siege  of  Port  Arthur. — The  Naval 
Surprise.  — Unreadiness  of  the  Defence. — 
Naval  operations  of  the  six  months. — Fate 
of  the  Russian  fleets  in  the  East. — Mr.  E. 
K.  Nojine,  “accredited  Russian  War  Corre- 
spondent,” who  went  through  the  whole  experi- 
ence at  Port  Arthur,  from  first  to  last  of  the 
war,  and  who  wrote  what  he  entitles  “The 
Truth  about  Port  Arthur,”  opens  his  severely 
critical  narrative  with  the  following  statement : 
“When,  one  hour  before  midnight  on  February 
8,  1904,  our  warships  began  to  belch  fire  from 
their  many  steel  mouths,  and  the  seaward  bat- 
teries suddenly  thundered  forth  their  angry 
death-dealing  tidings,  no  one  dreamed  that  the 
noise  was  War,  for  no  one  had  taken  the  con- 
stant rumors  of  the  rupture  of  diplomatic  rela- 
tions and  of  approaching  hostilities  at  all  seri- 
ously. . . . Although  the  sky  in  the  East  had 
for  weeks  been  blood -red  with  the  menace  of 
immediate  war,  yet  when  it  came  the  surprise 
was  absolute,  its  horror  intensified  by  our  com- 
plete unreadiness.” 

What  this  writer  tells  of  the  unreadiness,  and 
of  the  slowness  with  which  the  serious  need  of 
more  readiness  was  comprehended  by  the  con- 
trolling authority  at  Port  Arthur,  during  the 
weeks  that  passed  before  the  stronghold  was 
fully  invested,  goes  almost  beyond  belief.  He 
writes  bitterly  and  contemptuously  of  General 
Stossel,  who  held  command  of  the  district,  and 
admiringly  of  General  Smirnoff,  Commandant 
of  the  fortress,  whom  Stossel  could  overrule. 
He  seems  to  have  been  sustained  in  his  judg- 
ment by  the  court-martial  which  subsequently 
condemned  Stossel  to  death. 

The  sound  of  midnight  battle  on  its  sea-front 
(February  8-9)  which  announced  a beginning 
of  war  to  the  surprised  garrison  of  Port  Arthur 
came  from  the  attack  of  Admiral  Togo’s  tor- 
pedo boats  on  the  Russian  fleet  in  the  harbor. 
Three  of  the  Russian  ships  were  crippled,  but 
not  seriously.  The  next  day  Togo  made  a gen- 
eral attack  with  his  whole  fleet  of  fifteen  ves- 
sels, including  five  battle-ships,  and  did  some 
damage  to  four  more  of  his  enemies’  vessels; 
but  a fortnight  is  said  to  have  repaired  them 
all.  The  general  result  of  the  two  operations 


was  “to  insure  the  at  least  temporary  immobil- 
ity of  the  Port  Arthur  fleet,”  so  that  “ the  trans- 
port of  the  army  from  Japan  to  Korea  might  go 
on  without  fear  of  molestation.”  A squadron 
was  then  detached  to  look  after  four  cruisers  at 
Vladivostock,  and  that  harbor  was  cannonaded 
for  the  same  purpose  on  the  6th  of  March. 
Meantime,  on  the  9th  of  February,  a Russian 
cruiser  and  a gunboat,  attempting  to  leave  Che- 
mulpho  harbor,  were  driven  back,  and  were 
then  destroyed  by  their  Russian  commander. 

The  main  Japanese  fleet  hovered  constantly 
near  Port  Arthur,  not  only  maintaining  a strict 
blockade,  but  making  frequent  close  approaches, 
to  sink  vessels  and  plant  mines  in  the  entrance 
channels  of  the  harbor ; to  harrass  the  Russian 
fleet  with  torpedo  attacks,  or  to  come  boldly 
within  range  of  its  shore  defenses  and  give 
battle  to  them,  as  well  as  to  bombard  the  fort- 
ress and  town.  There  were  heavy  bombard- 
ments on  the  10th  and  the  22d  of  May.  The 
Russian  fleet,  commanded  by  Vice-Admiral 
Makaroff,  made  retaliatory  sorties,  in  returning 
from  one  of  which,  on  the  13th  of  April,  the  ad- 
miral’s flag-ship,  the  Petropalovsk,  struck  and 
exploded  a line  of  floating  mines.  The  huge 
battle-ship  was  so  shattered  by  the  explosion 
that  she  sank  in  two  minutes,  carrying  down 
the  admiral,  the  famous  painter,  Verestchagin, 
who  was  his  guest,  and  550  other  officers  and 
men.  Of  all  on  board  only  85  were  saved. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  month  the  Japanese 
suffered  several  of  the  same  disasters,  two  of 
their  battle-ships,  the  Hatsuse  and  the  Yashima, 
and  two  other  vessels  of  less  importance,  being 
blown  up  by  the  explosion  of  mines.  Of  the 
crew  of  the  Hatsuse  nearly  500  perished,  while 
all  on  board  the  Yashima  were  said  to  have  been 
saved.  By  collision  in  a fog  one  of  the  Jap 
anese  cruisers  was  sunk,  with  all  but  90  of  her 
crew.  And  the  three  most  calamitous  of  these 
happenings,  to  the  two  battle-ships  and  the 
cruiser,  occurred  on  the  same  day  — the  15th  of 
May.  Admiral  Togo’s  fleet  was  weakened  very 
seriously  by  these  losses.  Somewhat  later  the 
same  fate  befell  a number  of  Russian  ships,  but 
the  loss  in  them  was  less. 

Though  watched  by  a Japanese  squadron 
under  Vice-Admiral  Kamimura,  the  Russian 
war-ships  at  Vladivostock  were  able  to  slip  out 
for  occasional  cruises,  in  which  they  captured 
or  destroyed  Japanese  transports  and  merchant 
ships.  In  more  than  one  instance  — notably 
that  of  the  Kinshu-Maru — the  soldiery  on  cap- 
tured transports  refused  to  surrender  and  com- 
mitted “hara-kiri”  in  a body,  or  were  engulfed 
by  the  sea.  “It  is  quite  true  that  the  work 
done  by  the  Vladivostock  squadron  was  not 
great  in  amount,  but  they  must  have  caused 
some  inconvenience  to  the  military  forces  of 
Japan  engaged  in  the  campaign.” 

On  the  23d  of  June  Rear-Admiral  Vithoft, 
who  had  succeeded  the  late  Admiral  Makaroff 
in  the  naval  command  at  Port  Arthur,  sailed  out 
of  the  harbor  with  six  battle  ships,  five  cruisers 
and  ten  torpedo  boats,  apparently  intending  to 
offer  battle  to  the  Japanese.  The  Russians  had 
repaired  their  damaged  vessels  and  now  seemed 
to  have  a fleet  that  was  equal  to  Togo’s  in 
strength,  since  he  opposed  only  four  battle-ships 
to  their  six.  Nevertheless  when  the  Japanese 
approached  them  they  withdrew,  returning  to 
Port  Arthur,  pursued  by  torpedo-boats,  and 


JAPAN,  1904 


JAPAN,  1904 


l 


nearly  losing  the  battle  ship  Sevastopol,  which 
struck  a mine  and  was  disabled  for  six  weeks. 

Little  occurred  during  that  period  on  the  naval 
side  of  the  Port  Arthur  campaign.  Then,  on 
the  10th  of  August,  it  was  reopened  startlingly, 
to  be  ended  with  practical  completeness  within 
the  next  few  days.  On  that  morning  the  Port 
Arthur  fleet  and  the  Yladivostock  squadron  put 
to  sea  from  their  respective  harbors,  evidently 
attempting  a junction.  The  Port  Arthur  fleet 
was  the  first  to  encounter  its  enemy,  which  it 
did  the  same  day,  when  no  more  than  25  or  30 
miles  out  from  the  port.  Admiral  Vithoft  now 
had  with  him  only  five  battle  ships,  having  left 
one,  probably  disabled,  behind.  With  these 
were  the  four  cruisers,  two  gunboats  and  a 
number  of  torpedo  craft.  Admiral  Togo  brought 
against  this  force  four  battle-ships  and  four  ar- 
mored cruisers  in  the  battle  that  ensued.  It 
“ took  the  form  of  a long-range  engagement  be- 
tween the  fleets,  steering  nearly  the  same  course 
towards  the  east.  ...  At  a time  which  is  vari- 
ously reported,  but  probably  about  6.15  p.  m., 
a 12-inch  shell  . . . burst  near  the  conning  tower 
of  the  Cesarevitch  the  flagship],  killing  Admi- 
ral Vithoft  and  wounding  the  captain  of  the 
ship.  At  the  same  time  the  Cesarevitch’s  steer- 
ing gear  was  damaged,  the  helm  jammed,  and 
she  made  a sudden  sheer  to  port.  This  threw 
the  Russian  line  into  confusion.  . . . The  Rus- 
sian formation  was  now  broken  up,  and  the 
ships  fell  into  a confused  group  at  which  the 
Japanese  directed  a hot  fire  at  the  compara- 
tively short  range  of  3500  yards.  At  times  the 
Russian  ships  were  hidden  by  the  smoke  of 
exploding  shells,  and  about  7 p.  m.  their  fire 
slackened  perceptibly.  One  report  states  that 
a second-class  battle-ship  and  two  coast-defence 
vessels  had  joined  the  Japanese,  besides  another 
ship  of  a class  not  certainly  known.  The  whole 
twelve  Japanese  ships  concentrated  their  fire  on 
the  six  Russian  battle-ships  and  four  unarmored 
cruisers  till  8 p.  m.  Prince  Ukhtomsk,  who  had 
succeeded  to  the  Russian  command  on  Admiral 
Vithbft’s  death,  then  signalled  to  the  fleet  to 
follow  him,  and  turned  toward  Port  Arthur. 
All  could  not  follow,  and  some  made  for  shelter 
in  other  ports,  harrassed  by  torpedo  attacks,  but 
not  otherwise  pursued. 

The  result  of  the  Russian  sally  from  Vladivos- 
tock  was  much  the  same.  The  three  armored 
cruisers  from  that  port  were  not  intercepted  by 
the  Japanese  until  the  morning  of  the  14th,  three 
days  after  the  defeat  of  the  Port  Arthur  fleet 
which  they  had  hoped  to  join.  They  were  then 
attacked  by  four  armored  and  two  unarmored 
cruisers.  They  fought  obstinately  and  suffered 
frightful  losses  in  officers  and  men,  — 415 
wounded  and  251  killed.  One  of  the  ships,  re- 
duced to  helplessness,  was  sunk  by  its  own  sur- 
viving crew,  most  of  whom  were  picked  up  by 
the  Japanese.  The  other  two  escaped  to  Vladi- 
vostock  in  a wrecked  state. 

These  engagements  “really  ended  the  naval 
campaign  of  1904.  Of  the  ships  [from  Port 
Arthur]  that  got  through  the  Japanese  fleet,  one 
battle  ship,  the  Cesarevitch,  and  three  destroy- 
ers were  disarmed  and  interned  at  Kiachow 
(Tsingtau) ; one  cruiser,  the  Askold,  and  one 
destroyer  had  the  same  fate  at  Shanghai,  and 
another  cruiser,  the  Novik,  was  destroyed  . . . 
at  Korsakovsk.  A third  cruiser,  the  Diana,  was 
disarmed  and  interned  at  the  neutral  French 


port  of  Saigon.  One  destroyer  had  been  seized 
at  Chefoo  by  the  Japanese  for  disregard  of  Chi- 
nese neutrality,  and  one  was  wrecked  on  the 
coast  of  Shantung.  The  rest  of  the  fleet  which 
got  back  to  Port  Arthur  remained  there  only  to 
be  destroyed  in  nearly  every  case  by  their  own 
crews,  to  save  them  from  the  fate  of  being  sur- 
rendered to  their  enemy  on  the  fall  of  the  fort- 
ress. . . . The  grand  total  of  the  Russian  loss 
[of  officers  and  men]  in  the  six  battle-ships 
and  four  cruisers  amounted  to  81  killed  and 
420  wounded.  . . . The  total  Japanese  loss,  as 
reported  at  the  time,  was  61  killed  and  124 
wounded.”  Later  statements  brought  the  total 
loss  up  to  225.- — Admiral  Sir  Cyprian  Bridge, 
in  The  Naval  Annual , 1905,  ch.  7. 

A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). — The  War  with 
Russia:  Campaign  in  Manchuria.  — Japan- 
ese advances  ; Russian  retreats.—  The  great 
battle  and  Japanese  victory  at  Liao-Yang. — 
On  the  4th  of  July  the  Russians,  who  had  given 
up  Motienling  to  the  Japanese  five  days  before, 
made  an  attempt  to  recover  it,  but  failed.  They 
repeated  the  attempt  on  the  17th,  and  again 
without  success.  On  the  10th  a force  from  the 
Fourth  Japanese  Army  (Nodzu’s),  advancing 
from  Fenshuiling  toward  Tomucheng,  met  with 
a repulse.  The  right  column  of  Kuroki’s  army 
(the  First)  fought  a considerable  engagement 
with  the  Russians  at  Hsihoyen  on  the  19th. 
Oku’s  army  (the  Second),  advancing  from  Kai- 
ping,  fought  them  at  Tashinchiao  on  the  24th. 
Nodzu  was  engaged  with  them  again  on  the 
31st  at  Tomucheng,  and  Kuroki’s  right  column 
at  Yushulingtzu  on  the  same  day;  while  the 
left  column,  simultaneously,  expelled  them  from 
Yangtzuling.  On  the  2d  of  August  the  Rus- 
sians retired  from  Haiclieng  and  the  Japanese 
occupied  it  the  following  day.  The  Russians 
had  been  steadily  forced  back  to  the  vicinity  of 
Liao-Yang,  where  they  had  prepared  themselves 
for  a determined  stand. 

“ The  front  of  the  Russian  forces  at  and  in  the 
vicinity  of  Liao-Yang  extended  from  Anslian- 
tien  through  Lantzushan  and  the  mountain  range 
east  of  Anping  to  the  Taitzu  River.  The  Jap- 
anese front  extended  from  Haicheng  through 
Tomucheng  and  Yantzuling  to  Yushulingtzu.” 
— Epitome  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  U.  S. 
War  Rep' t.  Second  [Military  Information]  Div., 
General  Staff,  No.  11. 

Both  sides  were  now  making  ready  for  the 
first  of  the  two  most  terrific  battles  of  the  war  ; 
but  the  month  of  August  was  near  its  close 
before  the  Japanese  began  their  assault  on  the 
formidable  works  behind  which  the  Russians 
awaited  their  attack.  In  the  “ Epitome  ” cited 
above  the  effective  Russian  force  taking  part 
in  this  struggle  is  estimated  at  about  140,000, 
commanded  by  General  Kuropatkin. 

Lord  Brooke,  Reuter’s  special  correspondent 
in  Manchuria,  in  his  book  entitled  “An  Eye- 
witness in  Manchuria,”  describes  the  battle  of 
Liao-Yang  as  “the  biggest  artillery  battle  of 
which  history  has  record.”  The  Russians  occu- 
pied a line  of  rocky  hills  south  and  east  of  Liao- 
Yang.  Oku  opposed  their  right  and  center; 
Nodzu  the  center  and  left;  Kuroki  was  farther 
east,  intending  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Tai- 
tze-ho  and  reach  the  rear  of  their  main  body. 
Artillery  on  both  sides  opened  the  battle  at 
dawn,  August  30,  and  a terrible  duel  was  fought 
for  five  hours.  Then,  at  half-past  eleven,  Gen- 


346 


JAPAN,  1904 


JAPAN,  1904-1903 


eral  Oku  delivered  the  first  infantry  assault, 
which  cost  a fearful  loss  of  life,  and  failed. 
Late  in  the  afternoon  a resolute  turning  move- 
ment on  the  Russian  right  was  attempted  by 
the  Japanese  and  pressed  until  darkness  came, 
with  success  only  to  the  extent  of  driving  the 
enemy  from  one  village.  Then  a night  attack 
on  the  Russian  center  was  made,  and  that,  too, 
was  repelled. 

The  morning  of  the  31st  brought  a renewal  of 
the  artillery  duel,  followed  by  assault  after  as- 
sault from  Oku’s  indomitable  troops  on  the 
Russian  right  flank,  with  the  result  of  driving 
it  back  to  the  cover  of  the  railway  embankment. 
Meantime  General  Kuroki,  whose  army  was  on 
the  extreme  right  of  the  Japanese  line,  had 
forced  the  passage  of  the  Tai-tze-ho  River,  at  a 
ford  26  miles  east  of  Liao-Yang.  This  compelled 
Kuropatkin  to  withdraw  some  of  his  troops  from 
the  outer  fortifications  south  and  east  of  Liao- 
Yang  and  send  them  against  Kuroki.  The  crisis 
of  the  struggle  was  now  in  the  battles  fought 
on  the  next  two  days  with  Kuroki,  in  vain  at- 
tempts to  cut  him  off  from  the  river  ford  and 
crush  his  not  large  army.  At  the  same  time  the 
Japanese  were  making  a direct  attack  on  Liao- 
Yang  and  endeavoring  to  cut  Kuropatkin’s  com- 
munications with  Mukden.  Neither  Russians 
nor  Japanese  had  success  in  these  attempts,  but 
the  former  were  brought  to  a situation  which 
compelled  retreat.  On  the  fourth  of  September 
they  evacuated  Liao-Yang  and  withdrew  from 
the  surrounding  works.  “As  soon  as  the  evac- 
uation began,”  wrote  Lord  Brooke,  “the  Japan- 
ese guns  opened  fire  on  the  Russians,  who  had 
for  line  of  retreat  only  the  railway  bridge  and 
the  two  pontoons  across  the  Tai-tze-ho.  Never- 
theless the  retirement  was  carried  on  with  great 
coolness,  and  the  loss  sustained  in  crossing  the 
river  was  comparatively  small  in  view  of  the 
difficult  position  from  which  the  Russians  had 
to  extricate  themselves.  All  the  artillery  was 
got  away.  But  if  the  evacuation  of  Liao-Yang 
was  cleverly  effected,  the  army  of  Kuropatkin 
was  still  in  great  danger,  and  the  Commander- 
in-chief  seemed  really  afraid  that  a large  part 
of  his  force  would  be  cut  off.  It  was  a reason- 
able apprehension,  for  General  Kuroki’s  army 
began  the  day  with  renewed  vigor.  ...  In  a 
melancholy  frame  of  mind  the  whole  army 
marched  northward,  with  Kuroki  continually 
pressing  its  flank  and  the  fear  that  Oku  would 
ere  long  be  on  his  heels.” 

Pursuit  by  the  Japanese  was  given  up  on  the 
morning  of  September  6th. 

In  the  “Epitome”  of  the  war,  prepared  and 
published  by  the  American  Army  Staff,  the  total 
Russian  loss  in  the  Liao-Yang  battles  is  given 
as  reported  to  have  been  54  officers  and  1810  men 
killed  ; 252  officers  and  10,811  men  wounded  ; 5 
officers  and  1211  men  missing.  The  Japanese 
reported  a total  loss  of  17,539  officers  and  men, 
without  details. 

A.  D.  1904  (Oct.).  — War  with  Russia  : 
Quiet  Aspect  of  Life  during  the  War.  — 
Spartan  Discipline  of  Japanese  Feeling  and 
Conduct.  — “For  all  industrial  civilization  the 
contest  is  one  of  vast  moment  ; — for  Japan  it 
is  probably  the  supreme  crisis  in  her  national 
life.  As  to  what  her  fleets  and  her  armies  have 
been  doing,  the  world  is  fully  informed  ; but  as 
to  what  her  people  are  doing  at  home,  little  has 
been  written. 


“ To  inexperienced  observation  they  would 
appear  to  be  doing  nothing  unusual ; and  this 
strange  calm  is  worthy  of  record.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  hostilities  an  Imperial  mandate  was  is- 
sued, bidding  all  non-combatants  to  pursue  their 
avocations  as  usual,  and  to  trouble  themselves 
as  little  as  possible  about  exterior  events  ; — and 
this  command  has  been  obeyed  to  the  letter.  It 
would  be  natural  to  suppose  that  all  the  sacri- 
fices, tragedies,  and  uncertainties  of  the  contest 
had  thrown  their  gloom  over  the  life  of  the 
capital  in  especial  ; but  there  is  really  nothing 
whatever  to  indicate  a condition  of  anxiety  or 
depression.  On  the  contrary,  one  is  astonished 
by  the  joyous  tone  of  public  confidence,  and  the 
admirably  restrained  pride  of  the  nation  in  its 
victories.  Western  tides  have  strewn  the  coast 
with  Japanese  corpses;  regiments  have  been 
blown  out  of  existence  in  the  storming  of  posi- 
tions defended  by  wire-entanglements  ; battle- 
ships have  been  lost ; yet  at  no  moment  has  there 
been  the  least  public  excitement.  The  people 
are  following  their  daily  occupations  just  as  they 
did  before  the  war  ; the  cheery  aspect  of  things 
is  just  the  same ; the  theatres  and  flower  dis- 
plays are  not  less  well  patronized.  The  life  of 
Tokyo  has  been,  to  outward  seeming,  hardly 
more  affected  by  the  events  of  the  war  than  the 
life  of  nature  beyond  it,  where  the  flowers  are 
blooming  and  the  butterflies  hovering  as  in  other 
summers.  Except  after  the  news  of  some  great 
victory,  — celebrated  with  fireworks  and  lantern 
processions,  — there  are  no  signs  of  public  emo- 
tion ; and  but  for  the  frequent  distribution  of 
newspaper-extras,  by  runners  ringing  bells,  you 
could  almost  persuade  yourself  that  the  whole 
story  of  the  war  is  an  evil  dream. 

“Yet  there  has  been,  of  necessity,  a vast 
amount  of  suffering  — viewless  and  voiceless  suf- 
fering— repressed  by  that  sense  of  social  and 
patriotic  duty  which  is  Japanese  religion.  . . . 
The  great  quiet  and  the  smiling  tearlessness  tes- 
tify to  the  more  than  Spartan  discipline  of  the 
race.  Anciently  the  people  were  trained,  not 
only  to  conceal  their  emotions,  but  to  speak  iu 
a cheerful  voice  and  to  show  a pleasant  face 
under  any  stress  of  moral  suffering ; and  they 
are  obedient  to  that  teaching  to-day.  It  would 
still  be  thought  a shame  to  betray  personal  sor- 
row for  the  loss  of  those  who  die  for  Emperor 
and  fatherland.”  — Lafcadio  Hearn,  A Letter 
from  Japan  ( Atlantic  Monthly , Nov. , 1904). 

A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). — War  with 
Russia : Operations  against  Port  Arthur. 

— Preliminary  battles. — Investment  and 
Siege.  — The  Defences.  — Desperate  as- 
saults in  August.  — Story  of  Lieut.  Sakurai. 

— The  assault  on  203  Metre  Hill  and  its 
capture.  — Surrender  of  the  F ortress.  — T rial 
and  condemnation  of  General  Stossel.  — As 
stated  heretofore,  the  Japanese  began  landing 
their  Second  Army,  under  General  Oku,  at  Pet- 
siwo,  for  operations  against  Port  Arthur,  on 
the  4th  of  May.  Very  quickly  thereafter  the 
railway  was  cut  and  Port  Arthur  was  block- 
aded by  laud  as  well  as  by  sea.  On  the  8th  the 
last  train  from  the  north  was  brought  in.  By 
the  25th  Oku  was  ready  to  advance,  and  on  the 
following  day  he  attacked  the  Russians  at  Kin- 
chou  (the  battle  bearing  sometimes  the  name  of 
Nan-shan),  and  expelled  them  from  that  posi- 
tion, the  loss  of  which,  according  to  the  corre- 
spondent Nojine,  sealed  the  fate  of  Port  Arthur. 


347 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


He  accuses  General  Stbssel  of  having  boastfully 
assumed  that  the  Japanese  could  never  take 
Kinchou,  denouncing  as  traitors  all  who  ques- 
tioned the  sufficiency  of  its  fortification  and 
urged  the  strengthening  of  the  works.  The  ex- 
pulsion from  Kinchou  necessitated  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  important  port  of  Dalny,  which 
was  done  with  great  haste  on  the  night  of  the 
26th.  “In  Dalny,”  says  Nojine,  “there  were 
numerous  buildings,  docks,  and  the  most  splen- 
did breakwaters  running  out  into  the  sea  for  a 
distance  of  one  and  a half  miles.  . . . Owing 
to  want  of  time  nothing  except  a few  of  the 
railway  bridges  was  blown  up.  . . . Besides 
the  numerous  town,  harbor  and  railway  build- 
ings, there  was  an  immense  amount  of  private 
house  property,  as  well  as  large  warehouses, 
stocked  with  food  and  stores  of  all  sorts,  both 
public  and  private.  The  enemy  got  possession 
of  them  all  undamaged,  just  as  they  were. 
After  the  capture  of  Arthur  the  Japanese  con- 
fessed that  by  not  destroying  Dalny  we  had 
assisted  them  enormously  in  their  difficult  task 
of  disembarking  their  siege-train,  and  that  the 
railway  had  enabled  them  easily  to  get  it  into 
position  in  the  investing  lines.  . . . 

“ The  enemy  having  now  taken  complete  pos- 
session of  Dalny,  at  once  used  it  as  their  base. 
There,  quietly  and  comfortably,  without  any 
interference  from  us,  they  carried  out  the  land- 
ing of  troops  for  the  investment.  Ten  trans- 
ports would  arrive  daily,  bringing  everything 
necessary  for  the  concentrating  army.  The 
railway  from  Dalny  and  all  the  rolling  stock 
was  in  perfect  order;  . . . our  fleet  did  not 
hinder  them  in  any  way;  they  had  command  of 
both  land  and  sea.” 

On  the  6th  of  June  Oku’s  army  was  divided, 
that  general  leading  part  of  it  (still  called  the 
Second  Army)  northward,  leaving  the  remain- 
der, as  a Third  Japanese  Army,  under  General 
Nogi,  to  conduct  the  investment  and  siege  of 
Port  Arthur. 

At  about  this  time,  according  to  Nojine,  Stos- 
sel  was  persuaded  by  Smirnoff  to  permit  the  lat- 
ter to  fortify  some  of  the  outer  hills  of  the  pen- 
insula, which  had  been  neglected  hitherto  ; these 
were  Kuen-san  Hill,  the  Green  Hills,  Angle  Hill, 
Wolf’s  Hill,  Ta-ku-shan  and  Sia-gu-shan  hills. 
“ The  latter,”  says  Nojine,  “were  of  immense 
importance,  as  they  were  quite  inaccessible,  and 
protected  the  whole  of  the  western  front  of  the 
Fortress,  but  only  so  long  as  Wolf’s  Hills  were 
in  our  possession.”  On  the  26th  and  27th  of  June 
the  Japanese  attacked  and  captured  Kuen-san 
and  Green  Hills.  The  latter  were  recovered  by 
the  Russians  on  the  4th  of  July,  but  they  failed 
to  retake  Kuen-san.  The  loss  of  the  latter  was 
very  serious  ; for  the  Japanese  from  its  summit 
could  look  into  the  works  on  the  Green  Hills 
and,  by  telephone,  direct  the  fire  of  their  bat- 
teries on  them. 

Until  the  26th  of  July  not  much  occurred,  as 
the  assailants  were  busy  strengthening  the  posi- 
tions they  had  acquired.  Then  they  began  a de- 
termined attack  on  Green  Hill,  and  continued  it 
through  two  days.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th 
the  Russians  gave  up  the  position  and  drew 
back  towards  Port  Arthur,  to  what  is  called  the 
Wolf’s  Hills  line.  They  were  driven  from  this  on 
the  30th,  and  the  close  investment  of  Port  Ar- 
thur began  then.  — E.  K.  Nojine,  The  Truth 
about  Port  Arthur , ch.  11-22. 


As  described  in  the  “ Epitome  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War”  prepared  for  the  U.  S.  A.  Gen- 
eral Staff,  the  immediate  “ defences  of  Port  Ar- 
thur, divided  into  eastern  and  western  sectors  by 
the  valley  through  which  the  railway  enters  the 
town,  consisted  of  permanent  masonry  forts 
whose  gorges  were  connected  by  the  old  Chinese 
Wall,  temporary  works  constructed  just  prior  to 
and  during  the  siege,  and  connecting  and  ad- 
vance trenches.  The  west  sector  followed  an  ir- 
regular crest,  with  an  elevation  of  about  500  feet, 
around  the  new  town,  and  terminated  on  Lao- 
tiehshan,  the  highest  point  in  the  vicinity,  with 
an  elevation  of  about  1000  feet.  The  east  sector 
encircled  the  old  town  at  a distance  of  from  two 
to  two  and  a half  miles,  running  along  an  irreg- 
ular crest,  about  350  feet  in  elevation,  within 
which  was  an  elevation  (Wangtai  or  Signal  Hill) 
of  about  800  feet.  The  permanent  forts  were 
polygonal  in  trace  and  had  ditches  with  capo- 
nieres  and  galleries.  The  gap  between  the  two 
sectors  was  covered  by  the  fort  on  Paiyushan 
(Quail  Hill). 

“Of  the  works  most  intimately  connected 
with  the  siege  the  Sungshushan,  Ehrlungshan, 
North  and  East  Tungchikuanshan,  Itzushan, 
and  Antzushan  forts  were  strong  permanent  for- 
tifications. The  two  Panglungshan  forts,  East 
and  West,  were  semi-permanent  redoubt-shaped 
fortifications  ; 203  Meter  Hill  and  Aksakayama 
were  semi-permanent  works  with  two  lines  of 
advance  trenches.  Kuropatkin  Fort  was  a 
strong  field-work  with  deep  ditch  ; the  Shuishi- 
hyung  lunettes  were  also  provided  with  ditches, 
but  not  so  deep.  P.  H.,  Kobu  and  Hachimaki- 
yama  were  more  in  the  nature  of  semi-perma- 
nent  trenches  with  bomb-proofs.”  — Epitome  of 
the  Russo-Japanese  War,  U.  S.  War  Dep't, 
Second  [ Military  Information ] Division,  General 
Staff,  No.  11,  pp.  28-29. 

“ In  this  fortress,  for  the  first  time,  were  util- 
ised all  those  terrible  agencies  of  war  which  the 
rapid  advance  of  science  in  the  past  quarter  of 
a century  has  rendered  available.  Among  these 
we  may  mention  rapid-fire  guns,  machine-guns, 
smokeless  powder,  artillery  of  high  velocity  and 
great  range,  high  explosive  shells,  the  magazine 
rifle,  the  telescopic  sight,  giving  marvellous  ac- 
curacy of  fire,  the  range-finder,  giving  instan- 
taneously the  exact  distance  of  the  enemy,  the 
search-light,  the  telegraph  and  the  telephone, 
starlight  bombs,  barbed- wire  entanglements, 
and  a dozen  other  inventions,  all  of  which  were 
deemed  sufficient,  when  applied  to  such  stupen- 
dous fortifications  as  those  of  Port  Arthur,  to 
render  them  absolutely  impregnable. 

"The  Russians  believed  them  to  be  so  — cer- 
tainly the  indomitable  Stossel  did.  And  well  he 
might,  for  there  was  no  record  in  history  of  any 
race  of  fighters,  at  least  in  modern  times,  that 
could  face  such  death-dealing  weapons  and  not 
melt  away  so  swiftly  before  their  fury  as  to  be 
swept  away  in  defeat.  But  a new  type  of 
fighter  has  arisen,  as  the  sequel  was  to  tell.”  — 
Richard  Barry,  How  Port  Arthur  Fell  ( Fort- 
nightly Rev.,  March,  1905). 

“The  first  bombardment  from  the  land  side 
began  suddenly  on  August  7.  . . . The  bom- 
bardment continued  all  day,  though  doing  little 
material  damage.  Next  morning,  from  2 to  5 
A.  m.,  we  heard  heavy  musketry  fire  from  the 
direction  of  Ta-ku-shan  : the  enemy  leaving  the 
town  and  the  main  defences  in  peace,  were  turn- 


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ing  their  attention  to  it.  This  hill  corresponded 
in  the  east  to  203  Metre  Hill  in  the  west,  and 
was  equally  important  and  equally  unfortified. 
It  and  Sia-gu-slian,  the  natural  forts  of  Arthur 
on  the  eastern  front,  had  a bad  time.  In  the  first 
place  they  had  not  been  made  the  most  of,  for  in 
the  original  plan  of  defence  of  Port  Arthur  they 
had  been  thought  to  be  important  points  and  so 
had  been  neither  fortified  nor  armed  as  their  posi- 
tion with  regard  to  the  Fortress  warranted,  and 
Smirnoff  had  only  recently  succeeded  in  arming 
them  to  a small  extent.  In  the  second  place  they 
became,  after  the  abandonment  of  Wolf’s  Hills, 
open  to  flanking  fire,  and  therefore  untenable. 
The  companies  of  the  13th  East  Siberian  Rifle 
Regiment  sent  there  went  literally  to  their  death, 
but,  together  with  the  gunners,  they  held  on  as 
long  as  possible.” 

Both  of  the  hills  were  taken  by  the  Japanese 
that  night.  The  Russians  immediately  concen- 
trated a heavy  artillery  fire  on  the  new  occu- 
pants, and  the  next  day  they  attempted  to  retake 
Ta-ku  shan  by  assault,  but  failed.  On  the  11th 
they  repeated  the  attempt,  with  no  better  suc- 
cess. On  the  16th  General  Nogi  sent  in  a flag 
of  truce,  bearing  the  proposal  of  “a  discus- 
sion of  negotiations  for  the  surrender  of  the 
Fortress,”  saying:  “The  Russians  have  given 
signal  proofs  of  their  gallantry,  but  Arthur  will 
be  taken  all  the  same.”  The  invitation  was  de- 
clined. On  the  20th  the  Japanese  gained  Angle 
Hill  and  Pan-lun-shan  redoubt ; but  the  Russians 
recaptured  the  latter  on  the  following  night. 

The  Japanese  now  hoped  to  be  able  to  take 
the  Fortress  by  a general  assault,  and  made  the 
attempt  with  extraordinary  determination  on  the 
21st,  22d,  and  23d.  “ On  the  night  of  the  23d,” 

writes  Nojine,  “the  Japanese  made  the  most 
desperate  of  all  their  attacks  so  far.  They  made 
three  separate  and  most  determined  assaults 
on  Zaredoubt  Battery,  on  the  line  between  it 
and  Big  Eagle’s  Nest,  and  on  Ruche vsky  Bat- 
tery. Though  temporarily  successful  at  one  or 
two  points,  they  were  finally  driven  back  out 
of  all  with  shocking  slaughter.”  It  is  of  this 
assault  that  Lieutenant  Tadayoshi  Sakurai  tells 
the  terrible  story  in  one  of  the  chapters  of  his 
book,  entitled  “ Human  Bullets  : A Soldier’s 
Story  of  Port  Arthur,”  from  which  the  follow- 
ing is  quoted  : 

“ I gathered  my  men  around  me  and  said  : ‘I 
now  bid  you  all  farewell.  Fight  with  all  your 
might.  This  battle  will  decide  whether  Port 
Arthur  is  to  fall  or  not.  This  water  you  drink, 
please  drink  as  if  at  your  death  moment.’ 

“I  filled  a cup  with  water  that  was  fetched 
by  one  or  two  soldiers  at  the  risk  of  their  lives, 
and  we  all  drank  farewell  from  the  same  cup. 
Soon  we  received  orders  to  advance  to  a point 
half-way  up  the  side  of  Panlung.  . . . This 
fortress  of  Panlung  had  been  captured  with 
the  flesh  and  blood  of  the  Ninth  Division  of  the 
Seventh  and  Eighth  Regiments  of  the  Second 
Reserve,  and  was  now  an  important  base  from 
which  a general  assault  on  the  northern  forts  of 
East  Kikuan  and  Wantai  was  to  be  made.  This 
critical  spot  was  finally  taken  after  a terrible 
struggle  and  a valiant  action  by  the  men  of  Gen- 
eral Oshima’s  command.  The  sad  story  was  elo- 
quently told  by  the  horrible  sights  of  the  ravine. 
While  running  through  the  opening  in  the  wire- 
entanglement  beyond,  I noticed  many  engineers 
and  infantry  men  dead,  piled  one  upon  another 


caught  in  the  wire,  or  taking  hold  with  both 
arms  of  a post,  or  grasping  the  iron  shears. 

“When  we  reached  the  middle  of  the  side  of 
Panlung,  I saw  the  regimental  flag  that  I used 
to  carry,  flying  above  our  heads  in  the  dark. 
My  heart  leaped  at  the  sight  of  the  dear  flag.  . . . 
As  soon  as  we  were  gathered  together  the  Colo- 
nel rose  and  gave  us  a final  word  of  exhortation, 
saying  : ‘ This  battle  is  our  great  chance  of  sav- 
ing our  country.  To-night  we  must  strike  at 
the  vitals  of  Port  Arthur.  Our  brave  assaultiug 
column  must  be  not  simply  a forlorn-hope  (“  re- 
solved-to-die”),  but  a “ sure-death  ” detachment. 
I as  your  father  am  more  grateful  than  I can 
express  for  your  gallant  fighting.  Do  your  best, 
all  of  you.’ 

“ Yes,  we  were  all  ready  for  death  when  leav- 
ing Japan.  Men  going  to  battle  of  course 
cannot  expect  to  come  back  alive.  But  in  this 
particular  battle  to  be  ready  for  death  was  not 
enough  ; what  was  required  of  us  was  a deter- 
mination not  to  fail  to  die.  Indeed  we  were 
‘ sure  death  ’ men,  and  this  new  appellation  gave 
us  a great  stimulus.  Also  a telegram  that  had 
come  from  the  Minister  of  War  in  Tokyo  was 
read  by  the  aide-de-camp,  which  said,  ‘I  pray  for 
your  success.’  This  increased  the  exaltation  of 
our  spirits. 

“ Let  me  now  recount  the  sublimity  and  hor- 
ror of  this  general  assault.  I was  a mere  lieuten- 
ant and  everything  passed  through  my  mind  as 
in  a dream,  so  my  story  must  be  something  like 
picking  out  things  from  the  dark.  I can’t  give 
you  any  systematic  account,  but  must  limit  my- 
self to  fragmentary  recollections.  If  this  story 
sounds  like  a vain-glorious  account  of  my  own 
achievements,  it  is  not  because  I am  conscious 
of  my  merit  when  I have  so  little  to  boast  of, 
but  because  the  things  concerning  me  and  near 
me  are  what  I can  tell  you  with  authority.  If 
this  partial  account  prove  a clue  from  which  the 
whole  story  of  this  terrible  assault  may  be  in- 
ferred, my  work  will  not  have  been  in  vain. 

“ The  men  of  the  ‘sure-death’  detachment  rose 
to  their  part.  Fearlessly  they  stepped  forth  to 
the  place  of  death.  They  went  over  Panlung 
shan  and  made  their  way  through  the  piled-up 
bodies  of  the  dead,  groups  of  five  or  six  soldiers 
reaching  the  barricaded  slope  one  after  another. 
I said  to  the  colonel,  ‘ Good-by,  then  ! ’ With 
this  farewell  I started,  and  my  first  step  was  on 
the  head  of  a corpse.  Our  objective  points  were 
the  Northern  Fortress  and  Wang-tai  Hill. 

“There  was  a fight  with  bombs  at  the  en- 
emy’s skirmish-trenches.  The  bombs  sent  from 
our  side  exploded  finely,  and  the  place  became 
at  once  a conflagration,  boards  were  flung  about, 
sand  bags  burst,  heads  flew  around,  legs  were 
torn  off.  The  flames  mingled  with  the  smoke, 
lighted  up  our  faces  weirdly,  with  a red  glare, 
and  all  at  once  the  battle-line  became  confused. 
Then  the  enemy,  thinking  it  hopeless,  left  the 
place  and  began  to  flee.  ‘ Forward ! forward ! 
now  is  the  time  to  go  forward  ! Forward ! Pur- 
sue! Capture  it  with  one  bound!’  and,  proud 
of  our  victory,  we  went  forward  courageously. 
Captain  Kawakami,  raising  his  sword,  cried, 

‘ Forward ! ’ and  then  I,  standing  close  by  him, 
cried,  ‘ Sakurai’s  company,  forward ! ’ Thus 
shouting  I left  the  captain’s  side,  and,  in  order 
to  see  the  road  we  were  to  follow,  went  behind 
the  rampart.  What  is  that  black  object  which 
obstructs  our  view  ? It  is  the  ramparts  of  the 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


Northern  Fortress.  Looking  back,  I did  not  see 
a soldier.  Alack,  had  the  line  been  cut  ? In  tre- 
pidation, keeping  my  body  to  the  left  for  safety, 
I called  the  Twelfth  Company. 

“ ‘ Lieutenant  Sakurai ! ’ A voice  called  out  re- 
peatedly in  answer.  Returning  to  the  direction 
of  the  sound,  I found  Corporal  Ito  weeping 
loudly.  ‘What  are  you  crying  for?  What  has 
happened?’  The  corporal,  weeping  bitterly, 
gripped  my  arm  tightly.  ‘ Lieutenant  Sakurai, 
you  have  become  an  important  person.’  ‘ What 
is  there  to  weep  about  ? ’ I say,  ‘ what  is  the 
matter  ? ’ He  whispered  in  my  ear,  ‘ Our  cap- 
tain is  dead.’  Hearing  this,  I too  wept.  Was  it 
not  only  a moment  ago  that  he  had  given  the 
order  ‘ Forward  ’ ? Was  it  not  even  now  that  I 
had  Separated  from  him?  And  yet  our  captain 
was  one  of  the  dead.  In  a moment  our  tender, 
pitying  Captain  Kawakami  and  I had  become 
beings  of  two  separate  worlds.  Was  it  a dream 
or  a reality,  I wondered? 

“ Corporal  Ito  pointed  out  the  captain’s  body, 
which  had  fallen  inside  the  rampart  only  a few 
rods  away.  I hastened  hither  and  raised  him  in 
my  arms.  ‘ Captain  ! ’ I could  not  say  a word 
more.  But  as  matters  could  not  remain  thus,  I 
took  the  secret  map  which  the  captain  had,  and, 
rising  up  boldly,  called  out,  ‘ From  hencefor- 
ward I command  the  Twelfth  Company.’  And 
I ordered  that  someone  of  the  wounded  should 
carry  back  the  captain’s  corpse.  A wounded 
soldier  was  just  about  to  raise  it  up  when  he 
was  struck  on  a vital  spot  and  died  leaning  on 
the  captain.  One  after  another  of  the  soldiers 
who  took  his  place  was  struck  and  fell. 

“ I called  Sub-Lieutenant  Ninomiya  and  asked 
him  if  the  sections  were  together.  He  answered 
in  the  affirmative.  I ordered  Corporal  Ito  not  to 
let  the  line  be  cut,  and  told  him  that  I would  be 
in  the  center  of  the  skirmishers.  In  the  darkness 
of  the  night  we  could  not  distinguish  the  fea- 
tures of  the  country,  nor  in  which  direction  we 
were  to  march.  Standing  up  abruptly  against 
the  dark  sky  were  the  Northern  Fortress  and 
Wang-tai  Hill.  In  front  of  us  lay  a natural 
stronghold,  and  we  were  in  a caldron-shaped 
hollow.  But  still  we  marched  on  side  by  side. 

‘ The  Twelfth  Company  forward!’  I turned  to 
the  right  and  went  forward  as  in  a dream.  I 
remember  nothing  clearly  of  the  time.  ‘ Keep 
the  line  together!’  This  was  my  one  command. 
Presently  I ceased  to  hear  the  voice  of  Corporal 
Ito,  who  had  been  at  my  right  hand.  The  bay- 
onets gleaming  in  the  darkness  became  fewer. 
The  black  masses  of  soldiers  who  had  pushed 
their  way  on  now  became  a handful.  All  at 
once,  as  if  struck  by  a club,  I fell  down  sprawl- 
ing on  the  ground.  I was  wounded,  struck  in 
my  right  hand.  The  splendid  magnesium  light 
of  the  enemy  flashed  out,  showing  the  piled-up 
bodies  of  the  dead,  and  I raised  my  wounded 
hand  and  looked  at  it.  It  was  broken  at  the 
wrist;  the  hand  hung  down  and  was  bleeding 
profusely.  I took  out  the  already  loosened  bun- 
dle of  bandages,  tied  up  my  wound  with  the 
triangular  piece,  and  then  wrapping  a handker- 
chief over  it,  I slung  it  from  my  neck  with  the 
sunrise  flag,  which  I had  sworn  to  plant  on  the 
enemy’s  fortress. 

“ Looking  up,  I saw  that  only  a valley  lay 
between  me  and  Wang-tai  Hill,  which  almost 
touched  the  sky.  I wished  to  drink  and  sought 
at  my  waist,  but  the  canteen  was  gone;  its 


leather  strap  alone  was  entangled  in  my  feet. 
The  voices  of  the  soldiers  were  lessening  one  by 
one.  In  contrast,  the  glare  of  the  rockets  of 
the  hated  enemy  and  the  frightful  noise  of  the 
cannonading  increased.  I slowly  rubbed  my 
legs,  and,  seeing  that  they  were  unhurt,  I again 
rose.  Throwing  aside  the  sheath  of  my  sword, 
I carried  the  bare  blade  in  my  left  hand  as  a 
staff,  went  down  the  slope  as  in  a dream,  and 
climbed  Wang-tai  Hill. 

“The  long  and  enormously  heavy  guns  were 
towering  before  me,  and  how  few  of  my  men 
were  left  alive  now!  I shouted  and  told  the 
survivors  to  follow  me,  but  few  answered  my 
call.  When  I thought  that  the  other  detach- 
ments must  also  have  been  reduced  to  a similar 
condition,  my  heart  began  to  fail  me.  No  rein- 
forcement was  to  be  hoped  for,  so  I ordered  a 
soldier  to  climb  the  rampart  and  plant  the  sun 
flag  overhead,  but  alas ! he  was  shot  and  killed, 
without  even  a sound  or  cry. 

“ All  of  a sudden  a stupendous  sound  as  from 
another  world  rose  around  about  me.  ‘ Counter- 
assault  ! ’ A detachment  of  the  enemy  appeared 
on  the  rampart,  looking  like  a dark  wooden  bar- 
ricade. They  surrounded  us  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye  and  raised  a cry  of  triumph.  Our 
disadvantageous  position  would  not  allow  us  to 
offer  any  resistance,  and  our  party  was  too  small 
to  tight  them.  We  had  to  fall  back  down  the 
steep  hill.  Looking  back,  I saw  the  Russians 
shooting  at  us  as  they  pursued.  When  we 
reached  the  earthworks  before  mentioned,  we 
made  a stand  and  faced  the  enemy.  Great  confu- 
sion and  infernal  butchery  followed.  Bayonets 
clashed  against  bayonets ; the  enemy  brought 
out  machine-guns  and  poured  shot  upon  us 
pell-mell ; the  men  on  both  sides  fell  like  grass. 
But  I cannot  give  you  a detailed  account  of  the 
scene,  because  I was  then  in  a dazed  condition. 
I only  remember  that  I was  brandishing  my 
sword  in  fury.  I also  felt  myself  occasionally 
cutting  down  the  enemy.  I remember  a con- 
fused fight  of  white  blade  against  white  blade, 
the  rain  and  hail  of  shell,  a desperate  fight  here 
and  a confused  scuffle  there.  At  last  I grew  so 
hoarse  that  I could  not  shout  any  more.  Sud- 
denly my  sword  broke  with  a clash,  my  left 
arm  was  pierced.  I fell,  and  before  I could 
rise  a shell  came  and  shattered  my  right  leg.  I 
gathered  all  my  strength  and  tried  to  stand  up, 
but  I felt  as  if  I were  crumbling  and  fell  to  the 
ground  perfectly  powerless.  A soldier  who  saw 
me  fall  cried,  ‘ Lieutenant  Sakurai,  let  us  die 
together.’”  — Tadayoshi  Sakurai,  Human  Bul- 
lets, eh.  26  (Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  Boston). 

The  soldier  who  offered  to  die  with  him  stayed 
with  the  Lieutenant  till  morning,  binding  his 
wounds,  and  finally  creeping  away  to  find  and 
bring  help  if  he  could.  He,  too,  had  been 
wounded,  and  Sakurai  found  him  later  in  a hos- 
pital. At  the  end  of  many  hours  of  constantly 
imminent  death,  the  helpless  and  suffering 
Lieutenant  was  saved  by  two  soldiers  who  bore 
him,  stealthily  and  with  infinite  difficulty  out 
of  the  range  of  the  Russian  rifles  and  to  a field 
hospital,  where  he  found  himself  among  inti- 
mate friends. 

Of  the  scene  on  the  morning  following  the  ter- 
rific assaults  of  August  23d,  the  correspondent 
Nojine  writes:  “The  rising  sun  showed  up 

sheaves  of  corpses  on  the  ground  that  was  still 
ours.  Death  had  indeed  triumphed,  and  had 


350 


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claimed  22,000  lives.  From  this  time  forward 
the  enemy  remained  content  with  the  slower  ad- 
vance of  regular  siege  operations.  . . . The  en- 
emy had  got  close  up  to  our  positions,  and  the 
salient  angle  of  the  north-east  was  almost  in 
their  hands.  I say  ‘ almost,’  because  the  ruins 
of  these  works  remained  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  untenanted,  neutralized  by  the  gun-fire  of 
both  sides.”  A month  passed  before  another 
serious  assault  was  undertaken  by  the  Japanese. 
Then,  on  the  21st  of  September,  they  attacked 
what  was  called  “203  Metre  Hill.”  “Column 
after  column  rushed  forward  on  to  203  Metre 
Hill,  covering  all  its  fore  hills  and  slopes  with 
heaps  of  dead ; but  at  8.  45  a.  m.  they  were  re- 
pulsed. This  assault  was  distinguished  by  par- 
ticular obstinacy.  . . . Having  got  three-quar- 
ters of  [the  hill]  they  meant  to  get  possession  of 
the  rest  at  all  costs : they  slowly  crawled  up- 

wards, fell  dead,  rolled  back,  and  others  dashed 
forward  ; they  lay  concealed  and  waited  for  re- 
inforcements ; nothing  would  drive  them  back. 
All  their  thoughts,  all  their  endeavors  were  to 
get  possession  of  this  hill.  Our  men  began  roll- 
ing down  great  boulders  from  the  top.  These 
bounded  down,  flattened  out  the  dead  and  sought 
out  the  living,  who,  in  trying  to  dodge,  exposed 
themselves  and  were  shot  by  our  men  on  the 
lookout.  . . . During  the  night  of  the  21st  about 
900  corpses  were  collected  under  203  Metre  Hill.” 
Nevertheless  the  assault  was  repeated  on  the  fol- 
lowing day.  “From  the  moment  this  assault 
was  beaten  back,  the  trenches  in  front  of  203 
Metre  Hill  were  gradually  evacuated  and  the 
enemy  went  to  earth  only  on  Angle  Hill.  All 
their  sapping  was  confined  to  the  north-east. 
On  the  western  front  of  the  Fortress  there  now 
remained  in  our  possession  only  203  Metre,  Flat 
and  Divisional  Hills.  . . . October  1 was  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  defence  of  Port 
Arthur,  for  it  was  on  this  day  that  the  first  of 
the  11-inch  shells  fell  into  the  Fortress,  and  so 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  . . . Nowhere 
could  we  find  real  safety  from  them.  ...  The 
concrete  of  the  forts,  the  armor  on  the  battle 
ships,  were  penetrated  clean  through.”  Mining 
and  counter-mining,  by  the  besiegers  and  the 
besieged,  were  now  in  progress,  and  the  explo- 
sion of  such  mines  was  begun  near  the  end  of 
October.  On  the  30th  of  that  month  the  Japan- 
ese made  another  general  assault,  after  a “ cruel 
bombardment”  of  four  days.  “ The  October  at- 
tacks were  short,  but  most  determined  and 
bloody.  As  regards  their  success,  it  was  but 
slight.  The  enemy  had  gained  some  dozens  of 
yards — no  more.  . . . The  Japanese  had  fired 
over  150,000  shells.”  The  “November  assault 
season  ” began  on  the  20th.  Its  climax  was  on 
the  26th,  “when  time  after  time,  the  enemy 
threw  themselves  with  extraordinary  gallantry 
and  persistence  on  forts  Ehr-lung-shan,  Chi- 
kuan-shan  and  B Battery.  Thousands  were 
mown  down,  but  the  living  surged  onwards. 
But  it  could  not  go  on  forever,  and  at  3.30  the 
infantry  attacks  slackened  and  ceased.  . . . All 
next  day  and  night  an  incessant  stream  of 
wounded  poured  into  Arthur,  our  losses  being 
more  than  1500  men.  . . . The  slopes  below  and 
beyond  Tumulus  Hill  were  thickly  spread  with 
dead  Japanese.  A thick,  unbroken  mass  of 
corpses  covered  the  cold  earth  like  a coverlet. 
On  the  day  of  the  assault  the  following  order 
had  been  issued  by  Major-General  Nakamura, 


who  commanded  the  Japanese  force  told  off  for 
that  forlorn  hope : . . . ‘ Our  objective  is  to 
sever  the  Fortress  on  two  parts.  Not  a man  must 
hope  to  return  alive.  If  1 fall,  Colonel  Watanabe 
will  take  over  the  command  ; if  he  also  falls, 
Colonel  Okuno  will  take  his  place.  Every  officer, 
whatever  lys  rank,  must  consider  himself  his 
senior’s  successor.  The  attack  will  be  delivered 
mainly  with  the  bayonet.  No  matter  how  fierce 
the  Russian  fire,  our  men  will  not  reply  by  a 
single  shot  until  we  have  established  ourselves. 
Officers  will  shoot  any  men  who  fall  out  or  re- 
tire without  orders.’  . . . This  is  the  kind  of 
foe  we  had  to  fight.  . . . 

“ We  now  come  to  the  culmination  of  the  trag- 
edy, and  perhaps  the  bloodiest  scene  of  car- 
nage of  the  whole  war- — the  fight  for  and  cap- 
ture of  203  Metre  Hill.”  The  attack  began 
November  27  and  was  continuous  for  eight  days, 
excepting  that  an  hour’s  truce  was  obtained  by 
the  Japanese,  December  2,  for  the  burial  of  their 
dead.  The  next  day  “the  fight  on  the  hill  was, 
if  possible,  more  exasperated.  In  the  Fortress 
the  feeling  of  alarm  was  intensified,  and  all  un- 
employed men  had  been  got  under  arms,  . . . 
and  the  other  points  denuded,  in  order  to  feed 
the  maw  of  203  Metre  Hill.  Even  the  hospitals 
gave  their  contribution.  December  4 — bright 
and  frosty  — ushered  in  a fresh  hell.  It  was  now 
hardly  a fight  between  men  that  was  taking 
place  on  this  accursed  spot ; it  was  a struggle  of 
human  flesh  against  iron  and  steel,  against  blaz- 
ing petroleum,  lyddite,  pyroxiline  and  melinite, 
and  the  stench  of  rotting  corpses.  It  was  the 
last  day  but  one  of  the  long-drawn  agony.”  At 
noon  on  the  5th  the  Japanese  gained  the  top  of 
the  hill,  and  held  it  against  an  attempt  that 
evening  to  drive  them  off.  “ 203  Metre  Hill  was 
lost,  and  with  it  more  than  5000  Russians.” 

The  end  was  now  near.  On  the  15th  four 
generals,  and  other  officers,  including  General 
Kondratenko,  the  most  valued  assistant  of  Gen- 
eral Smirnoff,  were  holding  a consultation  in  one 
of  the  casemates,  and  were  killed  by  a 11-inch 
shell,  which  penetrated  even  that  shelter.  On 
the  18th  Chi-kuan-shan  Fort  was  captured ; on 
the  28th  Ehr-lung-shan  was  lost ; on  the  31st  the 
Japanese  took  fortification  No.  3,  and  on  New 
Year’s  Day  they  won  the  Eagle’s  Nest.  That 
day  General  Stossel  sent  a flag  of  truce  to  open 
negotiations  for  surrender.  The  capitulation 
was  signed  the  next  day.  “Of  18,000  sick  and 
wounded  reported  on  the  day  the  garrison 
marched  out,  6000  only  were  wounded  ; the  bal- 
ance were  cases  of  scurvy.”  — E.  K.  Nojine,  The 
Truth  about  Port  Arthur  ( Dutton  & Co. , N.  Y. ). 

General  Stossel  was  subsequently  ordered  for 
trial  before  a military  commission,  on  a number 
of  charges,  including  disobedience  of  orders  from 
the  General  Commanding  in  Manchuria,  false 
reports  to  headquarters,  improper  interference 
with  the  commandant  of  the  Fortress,  and  per- 
sonal absence  from  most  of  the  engagements 
that  had  taken  place  in  and  around  Port  Arthur. 
He  was  condemned  to  death,  but  the  Tzar  com- 
muted the  sentence  to  imprisonment  for  ten 
years.  He  began  serving  the  sentence  in  March 
1908,  and  was  pardoned  and  released  on  the  19th 
of  May,  1909. 

A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept.-March). — War  with 
Russia  : The  Campaign  in  Manchuria.  — 
From  the  Battle  of  Liao-Yang  to  the  end  of 
the  Battle  of  Mukden. — Early  in  October,  a 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


month  after  the  escape  of  the  Russian  army  from 
its  defeat  at  Liao-Yang,  General  Kuropatkin  at- 
tacked the  Japanese  at  the  Sha-ho  river  and 
fought  a desperate  battle  with  no  substantial  suc- 
cess. Extensive  movements  were  then  inter- 
rupted by  the  approach  of  winter,  and  the  cam- 
paign was  practically  suspended  for  the  next  four 
months.  “The  three  Japanese  armies  had  main- 
tained the  same  relative  positions  in  which  they 
had  fought  their  way  from  Hai-Cheng  northward. 
Kuroki’swas  the  right,  Oku’s  the  left,  and  Nod 
zu’s  the  center.  By  the  middle  of  February, 
Marshal  Oyama  had  been  reenforced  by  Nogi’s 
one  hundred  thousand  veterans  of  Port  Arthur, 
hereafter  to  be  known  as  the  fourth  Japanese 
army,  operating  to  the  west  of  Oku.  A some- 
what mysterious  fifth  army,  under  command  of 
General  Kawamura,  had  been  operating  some- 
where between  Kuroki  and  Vladivostok,  and, 
while  its  movements  had  not  been  known  defi- 
nitely, it  had  been  expected  to  threaten  General 
Kuropatkin’s  left.  Both  Russians  and  Japanese 
were  within  a few  miles  of  Mukden,  the  sacred 
city  of  the  Manchus.  This  city  of  half  a million 
people  lies  in  a plain,  — really  the  valley  of  the 
Hun  River,  — with  the  Huu  and  the  Liao  rivers 
twenty  to  thirty  miles  west  and  southwest.  East- 
ward are  the  Mao-Tien  Mountains,  extending 
along  the  line  of  the  Port  Arthur  & Harbin  Rail- 
way. The  Russian  and  Japanese  lines  formed  a 
huge  bow  or  crescent,  the  Japanese  to  the  south- 
ward, extending  over  a hundred  miles  of  plains 
and  hill  from  Chang-Tan  eastward  across  the 
railway  to  Lone  Tree  (Putiloff)  Hill,  almost  all 
the  strong  positions  being  held  by  the  Russians.” 
In  this  position  of  the  two  stupendous  armies 
the  long  series  of  engagements  known  collect- 
ively as  the  Battle  of  Mukden  was  opened  by 
the  Japanese  on  the  20th  of  February,  1905. 
The  center  of  the  Russian  army  rested  on  the 
Sha-ho;  its  right  wing,  commanded  by  General 
Kaulbars,  was  distant  from  its  left  wing,  com- 
manded by  General  Linevitch,  more  than  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles.  The  Japanese 
attack  was  begun  by  Kuroki,  commanding 
their  right.  Crossing  the  Sha-ho,  he  “swung 
around  the  Russian  left,  driving  it  from  the 
mountains  in  the  vicinity  of  Tie  Pass  to 
Fushun,  an  important  fortified  post  (and  the 
Russian  coal  depot)  on  the  Hun  River ; Nogi’s 
force  had  attacked  General  Kuropatkin  from 
the  west.  Nogi  had  marched  through  the  neu- 
tral zone  south  of  the  Liao  River,  to  Sin-Min- 
Tun,  a violation  of  neutrality  against  which  the 
Russians  and  Chinese  had  protested.  This  neu- 
tral zone,  however,  had  already  been  used  by 
the  Russians  as  a base  to  forward  coal  and  sup- 
plies to  their  army,  so  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment claimed  that  the  neutrality  had  become 
null  and  void.  On  March  3,  Nogi  rolled  up  the 
Russians  in  flight,  and  his  advance  was  not 
checked  until  his  right  wing  had  come  into 
touch  with  Oku’s  left,  only  about  eight  miles 
south  of  Mukden.  While  the  armies  of  Oku 
and  Nodzu  continued  to  pound  the  Russian 
center,  with  tremendous  losses  to  themselves 
and  to  the  enemy,  Nogi’s  left,  after  a forced 
march  of  forty  miles,  fell  upon  the  Russian 
center.  Through  this  Oku  and  Nodzu  drove  a 
wedge,  and,  although  Generals  Linevitch  and 
Kaulbars  had  made  a desperate  defense  and 
General  Rennenkampf’s  Cossacks  had  per- 
formed prodigies  of  valor,  the  Russians  had 


found  themselves  (by  the  end  of  the  first  week 
in  March)  attacked  in  so  many  places  on  the 
north  of  their  flanks  that  it  had  become  a ques- 
tion with  Kuropatkin,  not  only  of  retreat,  but 
of  saving  large  bodies  of  troops  from  being 
surrounded  and  annihilated. 

“Early  on  the  morning  of  March  10,  the  Jap- 
anese occupied  Mukden,  and  the  Russian  retreat 
had  become  a rout.  The  next  day  the  impor- 
tant fortified  town  of  Fushun  was  seized  by 
the  Japanese,  and  thereafter  the  Russians,  dis- 
organized and  suffering  from  hunger  and  the 
weather,  poured  northward  to  Tie  Pass,  forty 
miles  from  Mukden, — outmarched,  outgener- 
aled, and  outfought.  ” — American  Review  of 
Reviews,  April  and  May,  1905. 

‘ ‘ The  sufferings  caused  by  the  retreat  cannot 
be  exaggerated.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  weather  remained  intensely  cold  and  that 
the  arrangements  for  collecting  the  wounded 
were  all  disorganised.  . . . Defeat,  it  may  be 
added,  was  wholly  unexpected  by  the  Manchu- 
rian Army,  and  that  view  was  shared  by  the 
foreign  attaches  and  the  war  correspondents. 
Whatever  their  opinions  might  be  as  to  the  pos- 
sibility of  General  Kuropatkin  marching  on 
Liao-Yang,  they  felt  confident  that  the  Japanese 
would  be  unable  to  turn  the  Russians  out  of  the 
positions  so  long  and  so  carefully  prepared. 
The  Japanese  accomplished  this  seemingly  im- 
possible task.  . . . 

“ Following  on  the  disaster  of  Mukden,  Gen- 
eral Kuropatkin  was  relieved  of  his  command, 
exchanging  places  with  General  Linevitch. 
The  new  Commander-in-Chief  fixed  his  head- 
quarters at  Guntzuling,  where  the  shattered 
army  was  re-formed.”  — Lord  Brooke,  An  Eye 
Witness  in  Manchuria,  ch.  37. 

A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct.-May).  — War  with 
Russia  : The  expedition  of  the  Baltic  Fleet 
to  relieve  Port  Arthur. — The  Dogger  Bank 
incident.  — The  Seven  Months  Voyage.  — 
Battle  of  Tsushima.  — Destruction  of  the 
Fleet.  — After  the  sea-fights  of  August  10-14, 
between  Port  Arthur  and  Vladivostok  (see  above, 
A.  D.  1904,  Feb. -Aug.)  Russia  had  no  naval 
force  of  any  importance  in  the  Pacific,  and  has- 
tened preparations  for  sending  out  a fleet  from 
the  Baltic  Sea.  Under  the  command  of  Admiral 
Rozhdestvensky,  this  intended  reinforcement  of 
the  defence  of  Port  Arthur  was  despatched  from 
Reval  and  Libau,  sailing  from  the  latter  port  on 
October  15.  At  the  outset  of  its  voyage,  while 
traversing  the  North  Sea,  the  Russian  fleet  ex- 
perienced a misadventure  which  occasioned 
much  excitement  for  a time  and  threatened  to 
raise  a serious  question  between  the  Russian  and 
British  governments.  Briefly  stated,  the  main 
facts  of  the  case,  according  to  evidence  accepted 
subsequently  by  an  International  Commission  of 
Inquiry,  were  these  : 

Before  sailing  from  Reval,  and,  further,  while 
anchored  at  the  Skagen,  making  ready  to  pass 
to  the  North  Sea,  Admiral  Rozhdestvensky 
had  been  warned  by  agents  of  his  government 
that  suspicious  vessels  were  on  the  coast  of  Nor- 
way, and  that  he  must  beware  of  hostile  under- 
takings, which  were  likely  to  have  the  form  of 
torpedo  attacks.  Accordingly  he  sailed  from  the 
Skagen,  October  20,  twenty-four  hours  earlier 
than  he  had  planned,  sending  off  the  fleet  in  six 
divisions,  that  which  he  accompanied  being  the 
last,  and  starting  at  10  p.  m.  In  one  of  the  pre- 


352 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


ceding  divisions  a transport,  by  reason  of  defects 
in  her  engine,  fell  behind  the  cruisers  which 
escorted  her,  and  at  8 p.  m.  on  October  21  was 
some  iifty  miles  astern  of  the  remainder  of  the 
lleet.  She  then  met  several  Swedish  vessels 
which  she  imagined  to  be  torpedo  craft,  and 
tired  on  them,  sending  a wireless  message  to 
the  Admiral  that  she  was  attacked  by  torpedo 
boats  on  all  sides.  This  message  led  the  Admiral 
to  signal  to  his  captains  that  they  might  expect 
attacks  and  must  keep  a doubly  vigilant  watch. 
At  an  early  hour  in  the  following  morning  his 
own  immediate  squadron  arrived  at  the  Dog- 
ger Bank,  where,  as  usual,  many  fishing  craft, 
mostly  English,  were  “shooting  their  trawls,” 
and  doing  so  in  a regulated  way,  under  the 
direction  of  a fishing  master  or  captain,  who 
signalled  with  rockets  to  his  fleet.  One  of  the 
preceding  divisions  of  the  Russian  armada  had 
passed  these  without  alarm,  recognizing  what 
they  were ; but  Admiral  Rozhdestvensky  and 
the  officers  of  his  flagship  were  so  expectant  of 
enemies  that  the  sight  of  a green  rocket  shot 
into  the  air,  and  a distant  glimpse  of  some  kind 
of  a ship  which  seemed  to  be  headed  straight 
for  them,  at  a great  rate  of  speed,  convinced  them 
instantly  that  they  were  in  the  midst  of  swarm- 
ing foes,  and  they  opened  fire. 

According  to  testimony,  their  fire  was  kept 
up  for  about  half  an  hour,  as  they  passed 
through  the  fishing  fleet,  one  of  the  vessels  in 
which  was  sunk,  her  skipper  and  one  other  man 
killed,  while  all  but  one  of  the  remaining  crew 
received  wounds.  Two  others  of  the  fishing 
craft  were  struck,  and  the  hospital  ship  of  the 
National  Mission  which  attended  the  fleet  re- 
ceived some  damage.  Ultimately  it  was  learned 
that  the  Russians,  in  their  wild  firing,  did  harm 
to  one  another,  so  seriously  that  the  chaplain  of 
one  of  their  ships  received  a wound  from  which 
he  died. 

Wild  excitement  was  created  in  England  by 
the  news  of  this  strange  performance.  Hurried 
naval  preparations  were  made  for  vigorous  ac- 
tion, if  found  necessary,  and  formal  demands  for 
apology,  inquiry  and  compensation  were  pre- 
sented at  St.  Petersburg.  Nothing,  however, 
was  done  rashly,  and  the  two  governments  con- 
cerned agreed  sensibly  and  quickly  to  an  inves- 
tigation of  the  affair  by  an  International  Com- 
mission, which  gave  hearings  in  Paris  soon 
afterwards.  The  Commission  found  precedents 
in  recent  naval  experience  — even  in  the  ma- 
noeuvres of  the  British  navy  — of  a similar  mis- 
taking of  fishing  boats  and  other  vessels  lor 
torpedo  craft,  and  was  able  to  deal  gently  and 
pacifically  with  the  facts  brought  before  it.  It 
decided  that  the  fishing  fleet  had  committed  no 
hostile  act,  and  that  no  torpedo  boat  was  either 
among  them  or  near  them,  and  that,  conse- 
quently, the  Russian  Admiral  was  not  justified 
in  opening  fire.  As  for  his  not  stopping  to  as- 
certain the  damage  he  had  done,  the  conclusion 
was  that  enough  uncertainty  on  the  subject  of 
danger  had  been  raised  in  his  mind  to  warrant 
that  neglect;  but  a majority  of  the  commis- 
sioners expressed  regret  that  he  had  not  given 
notice  of  what  had  happened  when  he  passed 
through  the  Straits.  Then,  as  The  Naval  An- 
nual remarked,  in  reviewing  the  incident,  “di- 
plomacy steps  in  and  seeks  to  soothe  military 
and  national  susceptibilities  by  declaring  that 
Admiral  Rozhdestvensky’s  ‘ valeur  militaire’  is 


unimpaired,  and  his  ‘sentiments  d’humanite’ 
unimpeachable.”  — Naval  Annual,  1905,  ch.  vi. 

Between  the  English  and  Russian  govern- 
ments the  affair  was  settled  amicably  by  an 
indemnity  of  £65,000  from  the  latter  to  the 
fishermen  who  suffered. 

The  first  halt  in  Rozhdestvensky’s  voyage  was 
off  Tangier,  where  he  divided  his  fleet,  sending 
one  division,  under  Admiral  Folkersahm,  by 
the  Suez  Canal  route,  and  leading  the  other  in 
person  down  the  Atlantic  and  round  the  Cape. 
They  met  off  Madagascar  on  the  3d  of  January, 
and  got  news  there  of  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur 
and,  later,  of  the  defeat  of  the  Russian  army  at 
Mukden.  The  stay  of  the  reunited  fleet  at  Nossi 
Be  island,  off  the  west  coast  of  Madagascar, 
near  its  northern  extremity,  was  prolonged, 
awaiting  orders,  till  the  17th  of  March.  Nothing 
was  known  of  its  next  movements  until  it  was 
seen  off  Singapore,  April  8.  Thence  it  pro- 
ceeded to  Kam-ranh  Bay,  in  French  Indo-China, 
where  it  stayed  for  some  weeks,  waiting  to  be 
joined  by  another  squadron  from  the  Baltic, 
which  came  under  the  command  of  Admiral 
Nebogatoff.  This  use  of  the  waters  of  a neu- 
tral Power  was  bitterly  complained  of  in  Japan 
and  sharply  criticised  elsewhere.  The  whole 
fleet  resumed  its  northward  voyage  on  the  14th 
of  May,  and  on  the  27th,  in  the  Korean  Straits, 
off  the  island  of  Tsushima,  it  was  intercepted 
by  Admiral  Togo’s  fleet.  An  account  of  the 
circumstances  of  the  interception,  and  of  the 
wonderfully  decisive  battle  which  ensued,  de- 
rived by  Mr.  George  Kennan  from  both  Russian 
and  Japanese  participants  in  the  engagement, 
was  published  in  The  Outlook  of  July  29,  1905. 
Mr.  Kennan,  who  had  been  with  the  Japanese 
forces  during  the  siege  of  Port  Arthur,  and  had 
described  it  for  The  Outlook,  obtained  permis- 
sion to  visit  some  of  the  wounded  and  captured 
officers  of  Rozhdestvensky’s  fleet  in  hospital  at 
one  of  the  naval  stations  in  Japan.  As  he  spoke 
their  language  they  talked  with  him  freely,  and 
information  from  both  victors  and  vanquished 
is  thus  combined  in  the  account  from  which  we 
quote  a few  passages,  as  follows  : 

“ When  the  Baltic  fleet  left  the  coast  of  An- 
nam,  on  its  way  to  Vladivostok,  Admiral  Ro- 
jesvensky  [so  Mr.  Kennan  writes  the  name]  had 
no  accurate  information  with  regard  to  the 
whereabouts  of  the  Japanese  squadrons.  They 
might  all  be  concentrated  in  the  Tsushima  Strait, 
between  Japan  and  Korea,  or  they  might  be 
watching,  in  three  separate  detachments,  the 
three  channels  that  give  access  to  the  Sea  of 
Japan,  viz  , Tsushima,  Tsuguru,  and  La  Pe- 
rouse.  Thinking  that  Togo  would  not  dare  to 
leave  wholly  unguarded  the  two  northern  pas- 
sages, which  are  nearest  to  Vladivostok,  Rojes- 
vensky  assumed  that  the  Japanese  fleet  had 
been  divided  into  three  sections,  and  that,  on 
any  route  which  he  might  select,  he  would 
probably  have  to  deal  with  only  one  of  them.  . . . 

“ Admiral  Togo,  however,  did  not  divide  his 
fleet.  Anticipating,  with  acute  prescience,  the 
reasoning  and  the  decision  of  the  Russian  com- 
mander, he  concentrated  his  whole  force  in  the 
Tsushima  Strait,  and  concealed  it  so  perfectly 
in  unfrequented  harbors  at  the  southern  end  of 
Korea  that  nobody  ever  saw  it  or  discovered  its 
location.  ...  It  seems  to  have  had  its  main 
base  near  Masampho,  Korea.  The  arrange- 
ments made  for  discovering  the  approach  and 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


reporting  the  movements  of  the  Russian  fleet 
were  as  comprehensive  and  perfect  as  possible. 
All  along  the  southwestern  coast  of  Japan  sig- 
nal stations  had  been  established  on  prominent 
islands  and  on  the  tops  of  high  mountains,  and 
every  one  of  these  ‘watch-towers,’  as  they 
were  called,  was  connected  by  telephone,  either 
with  Sasebo  or  with  Maizuru.  Fast  scouting 
ships,  equipped  with  wireless  telegraph  instru- 
ments, patrolled  the  entrance  to  the  strait,  and 
on  the  charts  carried  by  them,  as  well  as  by  all 
other  vessels  of  the  Japanese  fleet,  the  whole 
stretch  of  water  between  Japan  and  Korea  had 
been  divided  into  small  numbered  squares,  so 
that  the  exact  location  of  the  enemy  at  any  mo- 
ment might  be  designated  by  a number.  There 
was  no  possibility  of  Rojesvensky’s  getting 
through  the  strait  unobserved  unless  he  should 
be  favored  by  dense  fog. 

“At  five  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  Saturday, 
May  27,  the  scouting  ship  Shinano-maru  re- 
ported by  wireless  telegraphy  from  the  vicinity 
of  Quelpart  Island,  ‘Enemy's  fleet  sighted  in 
square  203.  He  seems  to  be  steering  for  the 
East  Channel  ’ (the  passage  between  Tsushima 
Island  and  the  Japanese  mainland,  which  is 
called  on  English  charts  Krusenstern  Strait). 
The  Japanese  fleet,  which  was  all  ready  for  sea, 
left  its  Korean  base  at  once.  Admiral  Togo 
himself,  with  four  battle-ships  and  eight  ar 
moured  cruisers,  took  a northerly  course  iu  order 
to  get  ahead  of  the  enemy  and  stop  his  progress 
at  or  near  Oki  Island  (Okinoshima),  while  Ad- 
mirals Kamimura,  Uriu,  Dewa,  and  Kataoka 
sailed  in  a southeasterly  direction  for  the  pur- 
pose of  enveloping  his  rear.  The  officers  last 
named  came  into  touch  with  the  Russian  fleet 
between  Iki  Island  and  Tsushima  soon  after  ten 
o’clock ; but  as  the  Japanese  plan  of  action  did 
not  contemplate  an  attack  at  that  point,  they 
merely  kept  the  enemy  in  sight  and  reported  to 
Admiral  Togo  by  wireless  telegraphy  the  num- 
ber and  disposition  of  his  ships.  Rojesvensky 
had  in  all  thirty -eight  vessels,  and  they  entered 
the  strait  in  two  parallel  columns. 

“ The  Russians,  of  course,  saw  on  their  left 
flank  and  in  their  rear  the  squadrons  of  Admirals 
Kamimura,  Kataoka,  Uriu,  and  Dewa,  but,  as 
these  ships  showed  no  disposition  to  attack,  they 
(the  Russians)  were  confirmed  in  their  belief 
that  only  a part  of  the  Japanese  fleet  was  there, 
and  that  they  should  get  through  the  strait  with- 
out a serious  fight.  They  remained  under  this 
delusion  until  half  past  one  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon, when,  to  their  great  surprise,  Admiral 
Togo,  with  four  battle-ships  and  eight  armored 
cruisers,  appeared  directly  ahead.  . . . At  1.55 
p.  m.,  when  the  flag-ships  of  the  two  fleets  were 
a little  more  than  four  miles  apart,  Togo  hoisted 
the  following  signal : ‘ The  fate  of  the  Empire 
depends  upon  this  battle.  Let  every  man  do  his 
best.’  At  two  o’clock  the  Japanese  squadrons 
on  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  Russians  closed  in  a 
little,  and  eight  minutes  later  the  fight  began, 
Admiral  Togo  opening  fire  at  a distance  of  about 
four  miles.  It  became  evident  at  once  to  the 
officers  of  the  Orel  that  in  the  matter  of  marks- 
manship they  were  wholly  outclassed.  The  fire 
of  the  Japanese  was  a little  wild  at  first,  but  in 
a few  minutes  they  got  the  range  with  surpris- 
ing accuracy,  and  struck  the  leading  battle-ships 
of  the  two  Russian  columns  with  almost  every 
shot.  Ten  minutes  after  the  fight  began,  a 


twelve-inch  shell  entered  the  forward  turret  of 
the  Kniaz  Suvaroff,  burst  there  with  terrific  vio- 
lence, exploded  three  or  four  rounds  of  ammu- 
nition that  had  just  been  brought  up  from  the 
magazine,  wrecked  both  guns,  and  blew  the  top 
of  the  turret  completely  off.  In  less  than  an 
hour  the  Russian  flag-ship  had  lost  one  mast  and 
both  funnels,  and  had  taken  fire  fore  and  aft  ; 
the  Oslabya  and  the  Alexander  III.  were  also  in 
flames ; the  Orel,  the  Sissoi  Veliki,  and  the  Boro- 
dino had  been  severely  if  not  fatally  injured; 
the  Russian  columns  had  been  broken  up  and 
thrown  into  disorder ; and  the  issue  of  the  battle 
had  been  fully  determined.  In  other  words,  the 
Baltic  fleet  had  been  overwhelmed  and  defeated, 
by  gun-fire  alone,  in  less  than  forty-five  minutes. 
Most  of  the  second-class  Russian  vessels  were 
still  in  fighting  condition,  but  the  battle-ship 
section  had  lost  more  than  half  of  its  original 
efficiency,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  doubt 
as  to  the  outcome  of  the  engagement.  . . . Ad- 
miral Togo  says,  in  his  detailed  official  report, 
that  ‘at  2.45  p.  m.  the  result  of  the  battle  had 
been  decided.’  And  in  this  judgment  the  officers 
of  the  Orel  virtually  coincide.  They  frankly 
admit  that  they  were  overwhelmed  from  the 
very  first  by  the  accuracy  and  destructiveness 
of  Admiral  Togo’s  long-range  gun-fire.” 

Though  the  result  of  the  battle  was  made  cer- 
tain within  its  first  hour,  the  destruction  of  Rus- 
sian ships  went  on  to  the  end  of  the  day  and 
through  most  of  the  night,  with  pursuit  of  those 
in  flight  continued  until  the  26th.  Twenty-two 
of  the  Russian  vessels  of  all  classes  were  sunk,  6 
were  captured,  6 were  afterwards  interned  in 
neutral  ports,  and  two  only  made  their  way  to 
Valdivostok.  The  Japanese  lost  3 torpedo  boats; 
116  of  theiroflicers  and  men  were  killed,  and  538 
received  wounds.  The  prisoners  they  captured 
numbered  about  6000. 

Admiral  Rozhdestvensky,  accused  of  coward- 
ice in  the  battle,  was  tried  by  court-martial  and 
acquitted  by  a verdict  rendered  in  July,  1906. 

A.  D.  1904-1905. — War  with  Russia: 
Japan’s  greatest  achievement.  — Sanitation 
of  the  Army.  — “Without  minimizing  for  a 
moment  the  splendor  of  Japanese  victories  on 
land  and  sea,  at  Mukden,  Port  Arthur,  Liao- 
Yang,  or  with  Togo  off  Tsushima,  iu  the  Korean 
Straits  (and  two  of  these  battles  are  among  the 
bloodiest  in  history),  I yet  unhesitatingly  assert 
that  Japan’s  greatest  conquests  have  been  in  the 
humanities  of  war,  in  the  stopping  of  the  need- 
less sacrifice  of  life  by  preventable  diseases.  This 
dreadful  and  unnecessary  waste  of  life,  espe- 
cially in  conflicts  between  so-called  civilized  and 
Anglo-Saxon  races,  is  one  of  the  most  ghastly 
propositions  of  the  age.  The  Japanese  have  gone 
a long  way  toward  eliminating  it.  . . . 

“ Longmore’s  tables,  which  are  accepted  as  the 
most  reliable  statistics  of  war,  and  which  are 
based  on  the  records  of  battles  for  the  past  two 
hundred  years,  show  that  there  has  rarely  been 
a conflict  of  any  great  duration  in  which  at  least 
four  men  have  not  perished  from  disease  for 
every  one  from  bullets.  In  the  Russo-Turkish 
War,  80,000  men  died  from  disease  and  20,000 
from  wounds.  In  the  Crimean  campaign,  it  is 
asserted  on  eminent  French  authority  that  in  six 
months  the  allied  forces  lost  50,000  soldiers  from 
disease  and  only  2,000  from  casualties.  In  the 
French  campaign  in  Madagascar,  in  1894,  of  the 
14,000  men  sent  to  the  front  29  were  killed  in 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


JAPAN,  1904-1905 


action  and  7,000  from  disease,  most  of  which  was 
preventable.  In  our  Spanish  American  War,  in 
1898,  in  a campaign  the  actual  hostilities  of 
which  lasted  six  weeks,  the  deaths  from  casual- 
ties, as  given  me  by  the  surgeon-general  of  the 
United  States  army,  last  week,  were  293,  while 
those  from  disease  amounted  to  3,681,  or  nearly 
14  to  1. 

“ Compare  these  frightful  figures  with  the  rec- 
ord of  killed,  wounded,  and  sick  in  the  Japanese 
army  from  February,  1904,  to  May,  1905,  as  fur- 
nished me  by  Minister  of  War  General  Terauchi, 
in  Tokio,  in  August  last.  There  were  killed  on 
the  field  43,892,  or  7.32  per  cent,  of  the  entire 
army  in  the  field  ; there  were  wounded  145,527, 
or  24.27  percent.;  there  died  of  wounds  9,054, 
or  1.51  percent.;  there  died  from  sickness  and 
disease,  including  contagious  cases,  11,992,  or 
about  2 per  cent,  of  the  army.  In  other  words, 
the  total  number  of  deaths  from  casualties  and 
wounds  amounted  to  52,946,  or  nearly  9 per 
cent,  of  the  army,  while  the  total  deaths  from 
sickness  amounted  to  11,992,  or  2 per  cent,  of 
the  army.  This  record  is  unparalleled  and  unap- 
proached in  the  history  of  warfare.  How  did  the 
Japanese  accomplish  it  ? In  three  preeminently 
fundamental  ways.  First,  thorough  preparation 
and  organization  for  war,  such  as  was  never 
before  made  in  history  ; second,  through  the 
simple,  non-irritating,  easily  digested  ration 
furnished  the  troops  ; and  third,  because  of  the 
brilliant  part  played  by  the  members  of  the 
medical  profession  in  the  application  of  practi- 
cal sanitation  and  the  stamping  out  of  preventa- 
ble disease  in  the  army,  thereby  saving  its  great 
hosts  for  the  legitimate  purpose  of  war,  the  de- 
feating of  the  enemy  in  the  field.  . . . 

“She  organized  her  medical  department  on 
broad,  generous  lines,  and  gave  its  representa- 
tives the  rank  and  power  their  great  responsibil- 
ities merited,  recognizing  that  they  had  to  deal 
with  a foe  which  history  has  shown  has  killed 
80  percent,  of  the  total  mortality  in  other  wars. 
She  even  had  the  temerity  (strange  as  it  may 
seem  to  an  American  or  an  English  army  official) 
to  grade  her  medical  men  as  high  as  the  officers 
of  the  line,  who  combat  the  enemy  who  kills 
only  20  per  cent.,  and  to  accord  them  equal 
authority,  except,  of  course,  in  the  emergency 
of  battle,  when  all  authority  devolves,  as  it 
should,  on  the  officers  of  the  line.  In  her  home 
land  she  organized  the  most  splendid  system  of 
hospitals  that  has  ever  been  devised  for  the  treat- 
ment of  sick  and  wounded,  and  with  her  army 
at  the  front  she  put  into  execution  the  most 
elaborate  and  effective  system  of  sanitation  that 
has  ever  been  practised  in  war.  Upon  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  she  was  prepared  to  house,  scien- 
tifically treat,  and  tenderly  care  for  25,000 
wounded  in  Japan  alone,  and  as  the  war  pro- 
gressed the  hospital  capacity  was  rapidly  in- 
creased, so  that  one  and  one-half  years  after 
its  commencement,  or  on  the  sixth  day  of  July, 
1905,  the  twelve  military  home  hospitals  pos- 
sessed a normal  capacity  of  58,261.’’  — Major 
Louis  L.  Seaman,  M.  D. , Lessons  for  America  in 
the  Japanese  Medical  Service  ( American  Review 
of  Reviews  Nov.,  1905). 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — War  with  Russia: 
Casualties  of  the  entire  war  onlhe  Japan- 
ese side.  — The  following  is  an  official  Japan- 
ese statement  of  the  casualties  of  the  entire  war 
on  the  Japanese  side  : 


“Killed  in  battle.  . . . 

. 47,387 

Died  of  wounds  .... 

. 11,500 

Wounded,  but  recovered 

. 161,925 

Total  killed  and  wounded 

220,812 

Died  of  sickness  .... 

. 27,158 

Sick,  but  recovered  . . . 

. 209,065 

Total  sick 

236,223 

Total  of  killed,  wounded, 
and  sick 

457,035 

Total  of  fatal  casualties  . 

86,045 

“ These  figures  relate  to  the  field  only,  not 
including  cases  among  the  troops  in  Japan  or 
Formosa,  and  they  may  be  slightly  altered  when 
all  the  reports  of  hospitals  are  compiled.  Of 
those  who  succumbed  to  disease  nearly  three- 
fourths  died  in  the  field  and  one-fourth  after 
reaching  home. 

“To  find  the  total  number  of  killed  in  battle 
and  patients  treated  the  following  additions 
must  be  made : 

Total  of  killed,  wounded,  and  sick  in 


the  field 457,035 

Patients  treated  at  home 97,850 

Russian  prisoner  patients 77,803 


Grand  total 632,688 


“ The  above  figures  do  not  include  slight  cases 
remaining  with  the  Japanese  regiments.  In 
April,  1906,  when  these  figures  were  published, 
the  Japanese  missing  had  been  reduced  to  3,000. 

“ Comparative  statement  of  the  result  of  treat- 
ment, by  wars: 


Sick  and  wounded 
treated  in  Hos- 
pital. 

Wounded  treated 
in  Hospital. 

Recov- 
ered com- 
pletely. 

Died. 

Recov- 
ered com- 
pletely. 

Died. 

Chinese-Japanese  war 

Per  cent. 
50.94 

Per  cent. 

14.24 

Per  cent. 
63.23 

Per  cent. 

7.49 

Russo-Japanese  war 

54.81 

7.65 

71.58 

8.83 

“The  difference  between  each  of  the  totals 
and  100  represents  men  incapacitated  for  active 
service. 

‘ ‘ Comparative  statement  of  cases  and  deaths 
from  sickness  and  wounds,  by  wars: 


Wounded. 

Sick. 

Died  of 
Wounds. 

Died  of 
Disease. 

Chinese-Japanese  . 

1 

6.93 

1 

12.09 

North  China  .... 

1 

4.37 

1 

1.97 

Russo-Japanese  . . 

1 

1.07 

1 

0.46 

“ Comparative  statement  of  percentage  of  sick- 
ness in  total  number  of  troops  in  field,  by  war : 


Percentage  of 
sickness  for  all 
troops  engaged. 

Percentage  of  deaths 
from  sickness  for 
all  troops  engaged. 

Chinese-Japanese  . . 

59.20 

9.29 

North  China  war  . . . 

34.88 

4.33 

Russo-Japanese  .... 

36.04 

2.99 

“ The  average  monthly  percentage  of  sickness 
during  the  twenty-one  months  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  war  was  8.69,  while  the  average 


355 


JAPAN,  1905 


JAPAN,  1905 


monthly  percentage  for  1902,  which  is  said  to 
have  had  an  exceptionally  good  medical  record, 
was  10.21.”  — Charles  Lynch,  Report  ( U . S.  War 
Department , Reports  of  Military  Observers  . . . 
during  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  pt.  4). 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — General  Consequences 
in  Europe  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Eubope  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Conventions  with  Ko- 
rea, establishing  a Protectorate  over  that 
Empire,  with  Control  of  its  Finances  and  its 
Foreign  Relations.  See  Korea  : A.  D.  1904- 
1905. 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — The  Red  Cross  Society. 
See  Red  Cross  Society. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Report  on  treatment  of  the 
Opium  Problem  in  Formosa.  See  Opium  Prob- 
lem. 

A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.). — Ending  of  the  war 
with  Russia.  — Mediation  offered  by  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States  and  accepted.  — 
Negotiation  and  Conclusion  of  the  Peace 
Treaty  of  Portsmouth. — In  the  third  article 
of  the  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of 
International  Disputes  agreed  to  and  signed  at 
the  First  International  Peace  Conference,  at  The 
Hague,  in  1898,  it  was  recommended,  “ in  case  of 
serious  disagreement  or  conflict,”  “that  one  or 
more  Powers,  strangers  to  the  dispute,  should  on 
their  own  initiative,  and  as  far  as  circumstances 
may  allow,  offer  their  good  offices  or  mediation 
to  the  States  at  variance.”  To  this  recommend- 
ation was  added  the  declaration  that  “Powers, 
strangers  to  the  dispute,  have  the  right  to  offer 
good  offices  or  mediation,  even  during  the  course 
of  hostilities”;  and  “that  the  exercise  of  this 
right  can  never  be  regarded  by  one  or  the  other 
of  the  parties  in  conflict  as  an  unfriendly  act.” 

The  first  important  action  on  this  recommend- 
ation was  takeu  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  Roosevelt,  on  the  8th  of  June,  1905, 
when  he  directed  a communication  from  tiie 
then  acting  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Loomis,  to 
be  dispatched  by  telegraph  to  the  Ambassadors 
of  the  United  States  at  Tokyo  and  St.  Peters- 
burg, identically  the  same  to  each,  and  to  be  pre- 
sented by  the  latter  to  the  Governments  of  Rus- 
sia and  Japan.  The  communication  was  in  the 
following  words: 

“The  President  feels  that  the  time  has  come 
when,  in  the  interest  of  all  mankind,  he  must 
endeavor  to  see  if  it  is  not  possible  to  bring  to 
an  end  the  terrible  and  lamentable  conflict  now 
being  waged.  With  both  Russia  and  Japan  the 
United  States  has  inherited  ties  of  friendship 
and  good  will.  It  hopes  for  the  prosperity  and 
welfare  of  each,  and  it  feels  that  the  progress  of 
the  world  is  set  back  by  the  war  between  these 
two  great  nations.  The  President  accordingly 
urges  the  Russian  and  Japanese  Governments, 
not  only  for  their  own  sakes,  but  in  the  inter- 
est of  the  whole  civilized  world,  to  open  direct 
negotiations  for  peace  with  one  another.  The 
President  suggests  that  these  peace  negotiations 
be  conducted  directly  and  exclusively  between 
the  belligerents  — in  other  words,  that  there 
may  be  a meeting  of  Russian  and  Japanese 
plenipotentiaries  or  delegates  without  any  inter- 
mediary, in  order  to  see  if  it  is  not  possible  for 
these  representatives  of  the  two  powers  to  agree 
to  terms  of  peace.  The  President  earnestly  asks 
that  the  Russian  Government  do  now  agree  to 
such  meeting,  and  is  asking  the  Japanese  Gov- 


ernment likewise  to  agree.  While  the  President 
does  not  feel  that  any  intermediary  should  be 
called  in  in  respect  to  the  peace  negotiations 
themselves,  he  is  entirely  willing  to  do  what  he 
properly  can  if  the  two  powers  concerned  feel 
that  his  services  will  be  of  aid  in  arranging  the 
preliminaries  as  to  the  time  and  place  of  meet- 
ing ; but  if  even  these  preliminaries  can  be  ar- 
ranged directly  between  the  two  powers,  or  in 
any  other  way,  the  President  will  be  glad,  as  his 
sole  purpose  is  to  bring  about  a meeting  which 
the  whole  civilized  world  will  pray  may  result 
in  peace.” 

The  despatch  to  Tokyo  was  delayed  in  trans- 
mission and  did  not  reach  Minister  Griscom  until 
the  evening  of  the  9th,  but  was  delivered  to  the 
officials  of  the  foreign  office  the  same  night,  and 
the  following  reply  from  Baron  Komura  was 
handed  to  Mr.  Griscom  at  1 o’clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  10tli  : 

“The  Imperial  Government  have  given  to  the 
suggestion  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
embodied  in  the  note  handed  to  the  minister  for 
foreign  affajrs  by  the  American  minister  on  the 
9tli  instant,  the  very  serious  consideration  to 
which,  because  of  its  source  and  its  import,  it 
is  justly  entitled.  Desiring  in  the  interest  of 
the  world  as  well  as  in  the  interest  of  Japan  the 
reestablishment  of  peace  with  Russia,  on  terms 
and  conditions  that  will  full}'  guarantee  its  sta- 
bility, the  Imperial  Government  will,  in  response 
to  the  suggestion  of  the  President,  appoint  plen- 
ipotentiaries of  Japan  to  meet  plenipotentiaries 
of  Russia  at  such  time  and  place  as  may  be 
found  to  be  mutually  agreeable  and  convenient, 
for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  and  concluding 
terms  of  peace  directly  and  exclusively  between 
the  twm  belligerent  powers.” 

At  St.  Petersburg,  the  reply  from  Count 
Lamsdorff,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  was 
given  to  Ambassador  Meyer  on  the  12th  as  fol- 
lows: 

“I  have  not  failed  to  place  before  my  august 
master  the  telegraphic  communication  which 
your  excellency  lias  been  pleased  to  transmit  to 
me  under  instructions  of  your  government.  His 
Majesty,  much  moved  by  the  sentiments  ex- 
pressed by  the  President,  is  glad  to  find  in  it  a 
new  proof  of  the  traditional  friendship  which 
unites  Russia  to  the  United  States  of  America, 
as  well  as  an  evidence  of  the  high  value  which 
Mr.  Roosevelt  attaches,  even  as  His  Imperial 
Majesty  does,  to  that  universal  peace  so  essen- 
tial to  the  welfare  and  progress  of  all  humanity. 
With  regard  to  the  eventual  meeting  of  Russian 
and  Japanese  plenipotentiaries,  ‘in  order  to  see 
if  it  is  not  possible  for  the  two  powers  to  agree 
to  terms  of  peace,’  the  Imperial  Government 
has  no  objection  in  principle  to  this  endeavor 
if  the  Japanese  Government  expresses  a like 
desire.” 

This  Russian  response  seemed  somewhat  equiv- 
ocal to  the  Japanese  Government,  and  Foreign 
Minister  Komura  asked  for  an  assurance  as  to  the 
powers  to  be  conferred  on  the  peace  plenipoten- 
tiaries from  St.  Petersburg.  Ilow  the  assurance 
was  obtained  has  not  been  made  known  to  the 
public;  but  Japan  received  it  soon  through  Pre- 
sident Roosevelt,  and  Baron  Komura  requested 
Mr.  Griscom  to  “assure  the  President  that  the 
attitude  taken  by  the  Japanese  Government  re- 
garding the  nature  of  the  powers  to  be  conferred 
on  the  peace  plenipotentiaries  was  not  in  any 


356 


JAPAN,  15)05 


JAPAN,  1905 


degree  inspired  by  a desire  to  raise  difficulties  or 
delay  negotiations.  Experience  has  taught  the 
necessity  of  caution,  and  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment thought  that  by  securing  at  the  outset  a 
common  understanding  upon  this  subject  they 
would  preclude  possibility  of  any  difficulty  aris- 
ing in  the  initial  stage  of  negotiations  and  would 
smooth  the  way  for  the  real  work  of  the  negoti- 
ators ; but  having  entire  confidence  in  the  wis- 
dom of  the  President,  the  Japanese  Government 
accepts  his  interpretation  of  the  intention  of  Rus- 
sia and  will  without  further  question  appoint 
plenipotentiaries  with  full  powers  to  negotiate 
and  conclude  terms  of  peace.” 

In  consultations  as  to  the  place  of  meeting, 
Russia  suggested  Paris  and  Japan  proposed 
Chefu,  but  objections  were  raised  to  both,  as 
well  as  to  The  Hague  and  Geneva,  recommended 
by  President  Roosevelt.  Japan  wanted  it  no- 
where in  Europe  and  Russia  would  have  it  no- 
where in  the  East;  so  Washington  became  the 
chosen  point.  But,  when  one  of  the  first  ten 
days  of  August  became  the  appointed  time  of 
assembly  for  the  negotiation,  the  probable  heat 
of  Washington  was  forbidding,  and  Portsmouth, 
New  Hampshire,  where  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  possesses  an  island  domain  of  its 
own,  for  navy-yard  uses,  was  finally  fixed  on 
for  the  most  important  peace-parley  that  has 
taken  place  in  the  world  within  a century,  at  the 
least. 

The  plenipotentiaries  commissioned  by  Japan 
were  Baron  Komura  Iutaro  and  Mr.  Takahira 
Kogoro,  then  Japanese  Minister  at  Washington. 
Mr.  Nelidoff,  Russian  Ambassador  at  Paris,  was 
named  in  the  first  instance  for  chief  plenipoten- 
tiary by  the  Tzar,  but  illness  prevented  his  serv- 
ing. Mr.  Nicholas  Mouravieff,  Ambassador  at 
Rome,  was  then  appointed,  but  became  equally 
disabled  in  health,  and  M.  Sergius  Witte  took  his 
place,  with  Baron  Roman  Rosen,  Russian  Ambas- 
sador at  Washington,  associated  in  the  mission. 
On  Saturday,  the  oth  of  August,  on  board  the 
Government  yacht  Mayflower,  at  Oyster  Bay,  the 
summer  residence  of  President  Roosevelt,  the 
four  plenipotentiaries,  attended  by  members  of 
their  respective  suites,  were  received  by  the  Pre- 
sident, introduced  to  each  other,  and  entertained 
at  a lunch.  Thence  they  were  conveyed,  by  sep- 
arate vessels,  first  to  Newport,  where  Sunday 
was  spent,  and  afterwards  to  Portsmouth.  Their 
conference  was  opened  on  Wednesday,  the  9th, 
and  the  resulting  Treaty  of  Peace  was  signed  by 
the  negotiators,  September  5th. 

At  the  outset  of  their  communications  with 
each  other  the  differences  of  mind  seemed  insur- 
mountable. How  they  were  brought  to  agree- 
ment has  been  told  by  two  writers  who  had  bet- 
ter opportunities,  perhaps,  for  knowing  the  inner 
circumstances  of  the  negotiation  than  any  other 
persons  outside  of  the  plenipotentiaries  them- 
selves. One  of  these  was  Dr.  Frederick  de  Mar- 
tens, the  eminent  Russian  Professor  of  Interna- 
tional Law,  who  came  as  a special  consulting 
delegate  with  M.  Witte.  In  an  article  on  “The 
Portsmouth  Peace  Conference,”  published  in 
The  North  American  Review  of  November,  1905, 
he  wrote  : 

“During  three  long  weeks  the  pourparlers 
between  the  representatives  of  the  two  Powers 
seemed  to  show  the  absolute  impossibility  of  at- 
taining the  desired  object,  that  is,  peace.  There 
were  especially  two  obstacles  in  the  way  — the 


Japanese  demands  that  Russia  should  cede  Sag- 
halin  and  that  Russia  should  pay  Japan  a war 
indemnity.  These  two  conditions  Russia  cate- 
gorically rejected,  and  the  failure  of  the  Confer- 
ence seemed  inevitable.  Then  it  was  that  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  again  basing  his 
action  on  the  principles  of  the  Hague  Conven- 
tion, considered  himself  once  more  justified  in 
intervening  between  the  two  disputing  nations. 
At  first,  Mr.  Roosevelt  proposed  that  a Commis- 
sion composed  of  neutrals,  whose  decision  how- 
ever, would  not  be  binding  on  the  contending 
parties,  should  fix  the  amount  of  the  sum  that 
Russia  should  pay  to  Japan.  But  this  proposal 
was  immediately  abandoned  because  of  its  evi- 
dently impracticable  nature.  The  second  inter- 
vention of  the  President  was  more  effective  and 
happy.  Japan  was  now  to  be  asked  to  with- 
draw her  demand  for  an  indemnity,  and  the 
Tsar,  who  desired  sincerely  to  see  the  unfortu- 
nate war  ended,  was  to  consent  to  the  cession  of 
the  southern  portion  of  the  island  of  Saghalin. 
It  was  at  the  sitting  of  August  29th  that  an 
accord,  based  on  these  mutual  concessions,  was 
brought  about ; and,  during  the  six  days  that 
followed,  the  stipulations  of  the  definitive  treaty 
of  peace  were  drawn  up  by  a commission  named 
for  that  purpose.  At  last,  on  September  5th, 
the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  a battery  of  artil- 
lery, in  front  of  the  building  where  the  sittings 
had  been  held,  fired  a salute  of  nineteen  guns  in 
honor  of  the  great  event.”  — F.  de  Martens,  The 
Portsmouth  Peace  Conference  ( North  American 
Review,  Nov.,  1905). 

To  the  same  effect  Dr.  E.  J.  Dillon,  the  well 
known  publicist,  who  had  been  an  intermediary 
in  some  of  the  preliminary  unofficial  diplomacy, 
wrote  in  The  Contemporary  Review  of  October 
as  follows: 

“The  Peace  of  Portsmouth  is  the  outcome  of 
rare  moral  courage  meeting,  assailing  and  worst- 
ing a combination  of  forces,  the  classification 
and  labelling  of  which  had  best  be  left  to  the 
future  historian  and  biographer  who  can  ap- 
preciate, without  bias  and  blame,  without  ap- 
prehension. The  first  man  to  display  that  un- 
wonted moral  courage  was  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
whose  influence  for  good  on  the  living  ami 
working  of  nations  is  a beneficent  force  to 
which  the  world  is  beginning  to  look  as  to  some 
permanent  institution.  It  is  not  too  much  to 
say  that  if  Japan  and  Russia  are  at  peace  to- 
day, if  countless  human  beings  doomed  seem- 
ingly until  a few  weeks  ago  to  a terrible  death 
on  the  battlefield  are  now  about  to  return  to 
their  homes  and  families  and  set  about  building 
up  instead  of  pulling  down,  the  credit  for  this 
welcome  change  in  international  relations  is  due 
in  the  first  place  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  . . . 

“There  was  hardly  a man  in  Russia  ac- 
quainted with  the  elements  of  the  problem  who 
considered  Mr.  Roosevelt’s  invitation  to  a peace 
conference  as  other  than  a voice  crying  in  the 
wilderness.  He  had  felt  his  way  some  months 
before  and  convinced  himself  that  it  then  led 
nowhither.  Soon  afterwards  I was  myself 
authorised  to  put  forth  a feeler  and  inquire 
whether  a war  indemnity  formed  part  of  Jap- 
an’s irreducible  minimum.  And  the  result  of 
that  inquiry  was  that  hostilities  were  allowed 
to  take  their  course. 

“After  the  Battle  of  Mukden  Mr.  Roosevelt 


357 


JAPAN,  1905 


JAPAN,  1905 


again  returned  to  the  attack,  moving  slowly 
and  very  cautiously,  but  creating  his  oppor- 
tunity as  well  as  utilising  it,  advising  as  well 
as  questioning,  exhorting  almost  as  much  as 
he  argued.  With  Japan,  whose  statesmen  he 
knew  well,  and  with  the  mainsprings  of  whose 
action  he  was  perfectly  familiar,  he  experienced 
no  difficulty.  What  Nippon  said,  she  really 
meant;  what  she  promised — but  not  one  iota 
more  — she  religiously  fulfilled;  and  botli  her 
declarations  and  her  promises  apparently  flowed 
from  a desire  to  do  what  every  man  in  the 
forum  of  his  own  conscience  would  term  the 
right  thing.  Probably  never  before  in  human 
history  has  the  world’s  cultivated  sense  of  what 
is  fair  and  just  been  taken  by  any  nation,  Chris- 
tian or  non-Christian,  as  its  own  standard  of 
ethics,  its  own  rule  of  action  regardless  of  im- 
mediate consequences.  . . . 

“ And  Japan’s  capacity  and  readiness  to  sac- 
rifice the  less  to  the  greater,  the  material  to  the 
moral,  was,  so  to  say,  the  fulcrum  on  which 
Mr.  Roosevelt  rested  his  lever.  All  the  force  of 
his  endeavours  was  concentrated  here,  all  his 
fund  of  optimism  was  derived  from  this  source. 

“ But  it  takes  two  to  make  peace  as  well  as 
to  make  war.  And  the  President’s  great  and 
greatest  difficulty  was  to  persuade  Russia,  not 
indeed  to  imitate  Japan’s  example,  but  to  con- 
sult what  to  outsiders  appeared  to  be  her  own 
national  interest  and  to  make  peace  on  accept- 
able terms.”- — E.  J.  Dillon,  The  Story  of  the 
Peace  Negotiations  (Contemporary  Review,  Oct., 
1905). 

The  Treaty  of  Peace  thus  happily  agreed 
upon  at  Portsmouth  was  duly  ratified  by  the 
Emperors  of  Russia  and  Japan,  at  St.  Peters- 
burg and  at  Tokyo  simultaneously,  on  the  14th 
of  October,  1905.  The  following  is  the  text  of 
the  Treaty  in  full : 

The  treaty  of  peace  signed  at  Portsmouth. 

By  the  helping  grace  of  God,  we,  Nicholas 
II,  Emperor  and  Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias, 
etc.,  hereby  declare  that,  in  consequence  of  a 
mutual  agreement  between  us  and  His  Majesty, 
the  Emperor  of  Japan,  our  plenipotentiaries 
concluded  and  signed  at  Portsmouth,  August 
23,  1905,  a treaty  of  peace  w'hich,  word  for 
word,  reads  as  follows  : 

His  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  His  Majesty,  the  Emperor 
of  Japan,  on  the  other  baud,  being  animated  by 
the  desire  to  restore  the  benefits  of  peace  for 
their  countries  and  their  peoples,  have  decided 
to  conclude  a treaty  of  peace  and  have  appointed 
for  this  purpose  their  plenipotentiaries,  to  wit: 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia  — 

His  Excellency,  Mr.  Sergius  Witte,  his  secre- 
tary of  state  and  president  of  the  committee  of 
ministers  of  the  Empire  of  Russia,  and 

His  Excellency,  Baron  Roman  Rosen,  master 
of  the  Imperial  Court  of  Russia  and  his  ambas- 
sador extraordinary  and  plenipotentiary  to  the 
United  States  of  America; 

And  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Japan  — 
His  Excellency,  Baron  Komura  Iutaro,  Iu- 
sammi,  knight  of  the  Imperial  Order  of  the  Ris- 
ing Sun,  his  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and 
His  Excellency,  Mr.  Takahira  Kogoro,  Iu- 
sammi,  knight  of  the  Imperial  Order  of  the  Sa- 
cred Treasure,  his  envoy  extraordinary  and 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States  of 
America ; 


Who,  after  having  exchanged  their  full  pow- 
ers, found  in  good  and  due  form,  concluded  the 
following  articles  : 

Article  I.  There  shall  be  in  the  future  peace 
and  friendship  between  Their  Majesties  the 
Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  and  the  Emperor  of 
Japan,  as  well  as  between  their  respective  na- 
tions and  subjects. 

Article  II.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Russia,  recognizing  that  Japan  has  predominant 
political,  military,  and  economic  interests  in  Ko- 
rea, agrees  not  to  interfere  or  place  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  any  measure  of  direction,  protection, 
and  supervision  which  the  Imperial  Government 
of  Japan  may  deem  necessary  to  adopt  in  Korea. 

It  is  agreed  that  Russian  subjects  in  Korea 
shall  be  treated  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as 
the  citizens  of  other  foreign  countries  ; that  is, 
that  they  shall  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  as 
the  citizens  of  the  most-favored  nation. 

It  is  likewise  agreed  that,  in  order  to  avoid 
any  cause  of  misunderstanding,  the  two  high 
contracting  parties  shall  refrain  from  adopting, 
on  the  Russo-Korean  frontier,  any  military 
measures  which  might  menace  the  security  of 
the  Russian  or  Korean  territory. 

Article  III.  Russia  and  Japan  mutually 
engage : 

1.  To  completely  and  simultaneously  evacu- 
ate Manchuria,  with  the  exception  of  the  terri- 
tory over  which  the  lease  of  the  peninsula  of 
Liao  tung  extends,  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  additional  Article  I annexed  to  this 
treaty,  and 

2.  To  entirely  and  completely  restore  to  the 
exclusive  administration  of  China  all  parts  of 
Manchuria  now  occupied  by  Russian  and  Japan- 
ese troops,  or  which  are  under  their  control, 
with  the  exception  of  the  above-mentioned  ter- 
ritory. 

The  Imperial  Government  of  Russia  declares 
that  it  has  no  territorial  advantages  or  prefer- 
ential or  exclusive  concessions  in  Manchuria  of 
such  a nature  as  to  impair  the  sovereignty  of 
China  or  which  are  incompatible  with  the  prin- 
ciple of  equal  opportunity. 

Article  IV.  Russia  and  Japan  mutually 
pledge  themselves  not  to  place  any  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  general  measures  which  apply 
equally  to  all  nations  and  which  China  might 
adopt  for  the  development  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustry in  Manchuria. 

Article  V.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Russia  cedes  to  the  Imperial  Government  of 
Japan,  with  the  consent  of  the  Government  of 
China,  the  lease  of  Port  Arthur,  of  Talien,  and 
of  the  adjacent  territories  and  territorial  wa- 
ters, as  well  as  the  rights,  privileges,  and  con- 
cessions connected  with  this  lease  or  forming 
part  thereof,  and  it  likewise  cedes  to  the  Impe- 
rial Government  of  Japan  all  the  public  works 
and  property  within  the  territory  over  which 
the  above-mentioned  lease  extends. 

The  high  contracting  parties  mutually  engage 
to  obtain  from  the  Government  of  China  the 
consent  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  clause. 

The  Imperial  Government  of  Japan  gives  on 
its  part  the  assurance  that  the  property  rights 
of  Russian  subjects  within  the  above-mentioned 
territory  shall  be  absolutely  respected. 

Article  VI.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Russia  obligates  itself  to  yield  to  the  Imperial 
Government  of  Japan,  without  compensation  and 


358 


JAPAN,  1905 


JAPAN.  1905 


with  the  consent  of  the  Chinese  Government,  the 
Chan-chun  (Kwan-Chen-Tsi)  and  Port  Arthur 
Railroad  and  all  its  branches,  with  all  the  rights, 
privileges,  and  property  thereunto  belonging 
within  this  region,  as  well  as  all  the  coal  mines 
in  said  region  belonging  to  this  railroad  or  be- 
ing operated  for  its  benefit. 

The  two  high  contracting  parties  mutually 
pledge  themselves  to  obtain  from  the  Chinese 
Government  the  consent  mentioned  in  the  fore- 
going clause. 

Article  VII.  Russia  and  Japan  agree  to  op- 
erate their  respective  railroads  in  Manchuria  for 
commercial  and  industrial  purposes  exclusively, 
but  by  no  means  for  strategic  purposes.  It  is 
agreed  that  this  restriction  does  not  apply  to 
the  railroads  within  the  territory  covered  by  the 
lease  of  the  Liao  tung  peninsula. 

Article  VIII.  The  Imperial  Governments 
of  Russia  and  Japan,  with  a view  to  favoring 
and  facilitating  relations  and  traffic,  shall  con- 
clude, as  soon  as  possible,  a separate  convention 
to  govern  their  operations  of  repair  on  the  rail- 
roads in  Manchuria. 

Article  IX.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Russia  cedes  to  the  Imperial  Government  of 
Japan,  in  perpetuity  and  full  sovereignty,  the 
southern  part  of  the  island  of  Saghalin,  and  all 
the  islands  adjacent  thereto,  as  well  as  all  the 
public  works  and  property  there  situated.  The 
fiftieth  parallel  of  north  latitude  is  adopted  as 
the  limit  of  the  ceded  territory.  The  exact 
boundary  line  of  this  territory  shall  be  deter- 
mined in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  ad- 
ditional Article  II  annexed  to  this  treaty. 

Japan  and  Russia  mutually  agree  not  to  con- 
struct within  their  respective  possessions  on  the 
island  of  Saghalin,  and  the  islands  adjacent 
thereto,  any  fortification  or  similar  military 
work.  They  likewise  mutually  agree  not  to 
adopt  any  military  measures  which  might  hinder 
the  free  navigation  of  the  Straits  of  La  Perouse 
and  Tartary. 

Article  X.  The  right  is  reserved  to  Russian 
subjects  inhabiting  the  territory  ceded  to  Japan 
to  sell  their  real  property  and  return  to  their 
country;  however,  if  they  prefer  to  remain  in 
the  ceded  territory,  they  shall  be  guarded  and 
protected  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  pro- 
perty rights  and  the  exercise  of  their  industries, 
provided  they  submit  to  the  laws  and  jurisdic- 
tion of  Japan.  Japan  shall  have  perfect  liberty 
to  withdraw  the  right  of  residence  in  this  terri- 
tory from  all  inhabitants  laboring  under  politi- 
cal or  administrative  incapacity,  or  to  deport 
them  from  this  territory.  It  pledges  itself, 
however,  to  fully  respect  the  property  rights  of 
these  inhabitants. 

Article  XI.  Russia  obligates  itself  to  reach 
an  understanding  with  Japan  in  order  to  grant 
to  Japanese  subjects  fishing  rights  along  the 
coast  of  the  Russian  possessions  in  the  Seas  of 
Japan,  Okhotsk,  and  Bering.  It  is  agreed  that 
the  above-mentioned  obligation  shall  not  impair 
the  rights  already  belonging  to  Russian  or  for- 
eign subjects  in  these  regions. 

Article  XII.  The  treaty  of  commerce  and 
navigation  between  Russia  and  Japan  having 
been  annulled  by  the  war,  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ments of  Russia  and  Japan  agree  to  adopt  as 
a basis  for  their  commercial  relations,  until  the 
conclusion  of  a new  treaty  of  commerce  and 
navigation  on  the  basis  of  the  treaty  in  force 


before  the  present  war,  the  system  of  reciprocity 
on  the  principle  of  the  most  favored  nation,  in- 
cluding import  and  export  tariffs,  custom-house 
formalities,  transit  and  tonnage  dues,  and  the 
admission  and  treatment  of  the  agents,  subjects, 
and  vessels  of  one  country  in  the  territory  of 
the  other. 

Article  XIII.  As  soon  as  possible,  after  the 
present  treaty  takes  effect,  all  prisoners  of  war 
shall  be  mutually  returned.  The  Imperial  Gov- 
ernments of  Russia  and  Japan  shall  each  ap- 
point a special  commissioner  to  take  charge  of 
the  prisoners.  All  prisoners  in  the  custody  of 
one  of  the  governments  shall  be  delivered  to  the 
commissioner  of  the  other  government  or  to  his 
duly  authorized  representative,  who  shall  re- 
ceive them  in  such  number  and  in  such  suitable 
ports  of  the  surrendering  nation  as  the  latter 
shall  notify  in  advance  to  the  commissioner  of 
the  receiving  nation. 

The  Governments  of  Russia  and  Japan  shall 
present  to  each  other,  as  soon  as  possible  after 
the  delivery  of  the  prisoners  has  been  completed, 
a verified  account  of  the  direct  expenditures 
made  by  them  respectively  for  the  care  and 
maintenance  of  the  prisoners  from  the  date  of 
capture  or  surrender  until  the  date  of  their  death 
or  return.  Russia  agrees  to  refund  to  Japan,  as 
soon  as  possible  after  the  exchange  of  these  ac- 
counts, as  above'  "Stipulated,  the  difference  be- 
tween the  actual  amount  thus  spent  by  Japan 
and  the  actual  amount  likewise  expended  by 
Russia. 

Article  XIV.  The  present  treaty  shall  be 
ratified  by  Their  Majesties  the  Emperor  of  all 
the  Russias  and  the  Emperor  of  Japan.  This 
ratification  shall,  within  the  shortest  possible 
time  and  at  all  events  not  later  than  fifty  days 
from  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  treaty,  be 
notified  to  the  Imperial  Governments  of  Russia 
and  Japan,  respectively,  through  the  ambassa- 
dor of  the  United  States  of  America  at  St.  Peters- 
burg and  the  minister  of  France  at  Tokyo,  and 
from  and  after  the  date  of  the  last  of  these  noti- 
fications this  treaty  shall  enter  into  full  force  in 
all  its  parts.  The  formal  exchange  of  the  ratifi- 
cations shall  take  place  at  Washington  as  soon 
as  possible. 

Article  XV.  The  present  treaty  shall  be 
signed  in  duplicate,  in  the  French  and  English 
languages.  The  two  texts  are  absolutely  alike; 
however,  in  case  of  difference  of  interpretation 
the  French  text  shall  prevail. 

In  witness  whereof  the  respective  plenipoten- 
tiaries have  signed  the  present  treaty  of  peace 
and  affixed  thereto  their  seals. 

Done  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  the 
twenty-third  day  of  August  (fifth  of  September) 
of  the  year  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  five, 
corresponding  to  the  fifth  day  of  the  ninth  month 
of  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Meiji. 

IUTARO  KOMURA.  [L.  S. 

K.  Takahira.  [l.  s. 

Sergius  Witte.  [l.  s.~ 

Rosen.  [l.  s. 

In  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  Articles 
II  and  IX  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Russia 
and  Japan  under  this  date,  the  undersigned 
plenipotentiaries  have  concluded  the  following 
additional  articles : 

I.  To  Article  III : 

The  Imperial  Governments  of  Russia  and 
Japan  mutually  agree  to  begin  the  withdrawal 


359 


JAPAN,  1905 


JAPAN,  1905 


of  their  military  forces  from  the  territory  of  Man- 
churia simultaneously  and  immediately  after  the 
entrance  into  force  of  the  treaty  of  peace  ; and 
within  a period  of  eighteen  months  from  this 
date  the  armies  of  the  two  powers  shall  be  en- 
tirely withdrawn  from  Manchuria,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  leased  territory  of  the  peninsula 
of  Liao-tung. 

The  forces  of  the  two  powers  occupying  ad- 
vanced positions  shall  be  withdrawn  first. 

The  high  contracting  parties  reserve  the  right 
to  maintain  guards  for  the  protection  of  their 
respective  railroad  lines  in  Manchuria. 

The  number  of  these  guards  shall  not  exceed 
15  men  per  kilometer,  and  within  the  limit  of 
this  maximum  number  the  commanders  of  the 
Russian  and  Japanese  armies  shall,  by  mutual 
agreement,  fix  the  number  of  guards  who  are  to 
be  employed,  this  number  being  as  low  as  pos- 
sible and  in  accordance  with  actual  require- 
ments. The  commanders  of  the  Russian  and 
Japanese  forces  in  Manchuria  shall  reach  an  un- 
derstanding regarding  all  the  details  connected 
with  the  evacuation,  in  conformity  with  the 
principles  herein  above  set  forth,  and  shall,  by 
mutual  agreement,  adopt  the  measures  necessary 
to  carry  out  the  evacuation  as  soon  as  possible 
and  at  all  events  within  a period  not  exceeding 
eighteen  months. 

II.  To  Article  IX  : 

As  soon  as  possible  after  the  present  treaty 
takes  effect,  a boundary  commission  composed 
of  an  equal  number  of  members  appointed  re- 
spectively by  the  two  high  contracting  parties 
shall  mark  on  the  spot  and  in  a permanent  man- 
ner the  exact  line  between  the  Russian  and 
Japanese  possessions  on  the  island  of  Saghalin. 
The  commission  shall  be  obliged,  as  far  as  topo- 
graphical conditions  permit,  to  follow  the  50th 
parallel  of  north  latitude  for  the  line  of  demar- 
cation, and  in  case  any  deviations  from  this  line 
are  found  necessary  at  certain  points  compensa- 
tion shall  be  made  therefor  by  making  corre- 
sponding deviations  at  other  points.  It  shall  also 
be  the  duty  of  said  commission  to  prepare  a list 
and  description  of  the  adjacent  islands  which  are 
comprised  within  the  cession,  and  finally  the 
commission  shall  prepare  and  sign  maps  show- 
ing the  boundaries  of  the  ceded  territory.  The 
labors  of  the  commission  shall  be  submitted  to 
the  approval  of  the  high  contracting  parties. 

The  additional  articles  mentioned  hereinabove 
shall  be  considered  as  being  ratified  by  the  rat- 
ification of  the  treaty  of  peace,  to  which  they 
are  annexed. 

Portsmouth,  August  23  (September  5),  1905, 
corresponding  to  the  5th  day,  9th  month  and 
28th  year  of  Meiji. 

IUTAItO  KOMURA. 

K.  Takahira. 

Sergius  Witte. 

Rosen. 

The  ratification  by  the  Tsar  was  in  the  follow- 
ing terms  : 

Therefore,  after  mature  consideration  of  this 
treaty  and  the  two  additional  articles,  we  ap- 
proved, confirmed,  and  ratified  them,  and  do 
hereby  approve,  confirm,  and  ratify  them  in 
their  full  purport,  pledging  our  imperial  word 
for  ourselves,  our  successors,  and  our  heirs,  that 
everything  set  forth  in  the  above-mentioned  acts 
shall  be  inviolably  observed.  In  witness  whereof 
we,  having  signed  this,  our  imperial  ratifica- 


tion, with  our  own  hand,  have  ordered  affixed 
thereto  our  imperial  seal. 

Given  at  Peterhoff,  the  first  day  of  October, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hun- 
dred and  five  and  of  our  reign  the  eleventh. 

On  the  original  is  written  in  His  Imperial 
Majesty’s  own  hand  : 

l.  s.  “Nicholas.” 

countersigned 

Count  Lamsdorff, 

Secretary  of  State,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — New  Defensive  Agree- 
ment between  Great  Britain  and  Japan. — 

On  the  12th  of  August,  1905,  three  days  after  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  Japan  and  Russia  had  held 
their  first  meeting  at  Portsmouth  and  opened 
the  negotiations  which  resulted  in  a Treaty  of 
Peace,  a new  Agreement  of  defensive  alliance 
between  Japan  and  Great  Britain,  replacing 
that  of  three  years  before  (see,  above,  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1902),  was  signed  at  London,  but  not 
made  public  until  the  6th  of  September,  the 
day  following  the  conclusion  of  the  Russo-Jap- 
anese Treaty  of  Peace.  It  was  then  communi- 
cated to  the  Governments  of  Russia  and  France, 
through  the  medium  of  the  British  Ambassa- 
dors at  St.  Petersburg  and  Paris,  with  an  ac- 
companying explanatory  despatch  from  Lord 
Lansdowne,  as  follows : 

“Sir,  I inclose,  for  your  Excellency's  infor- 
mation, a copy  of  a new  Agreement  concluded 
between  His  Majesty’s  Government  and  that  of 
Japan  in  substitution  for  that  of  the  30th  Janu- 
ary, 1902.  You  will  take  an  early  opportunity 
of  communicating  the  new  Agreement  to  the 
Russian  Government.  It  was  signed  on  the 
12th  August,  and  you  will  explain  that  it  would 
have  been  immediately  made  public  but  for  the 
fact  that  negotiations  had  at  that  time  already 
commenced  between  Russia  and  Japan,  and 
that  the  publication  of  such  a document  whilst 
those  negotiations  were  still  in  progress  would 
obviously  have  been  improper  and  inopportune. 

“The  Russian  Government  will,  I trust,  re- 
cognize that  the  new  Agreement  is  an  interna- 
tional instrument  to  which  no  exception  can  be 
taken  by  any  of  the  Powers  interested  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Far  East.  You  should  call  spe- 
cial attention  to  the  objects  mentioned  in  the 
preamble  as  those  by  which  the  policy  of  the 
Contracting  Parties  is  inspired.  His  Majesty’s 
Government  believe  that  they  may  count  upon 
the  good-will  and  support  of  all  the  Powers  in 
endeavouring  to  maintain  peace  in  Eastern  Asia, 
and  in  seeking  to  uphold  the  integrity  and  in- 
dependence of  the  Chinese  Empire  and  the  prin- 
ciple of  equal  opportunities  for  the  commerce 
and  industry  of  all  nations  in  that  country. 

“On  the  other  hand,  the  special  interests  of 
the  Contracting  Parties  are  of  a kind  upon 
which  they  are  fully  entitled  to  insist,  and  the 
announcement  that  those  interests  must  be  safe- 
guarded is  one  which  can  create  no  surprise, 
and  need  give  rise  to  no  misgivings. 

“I  call  your  especial  attention  to  the  wording 
of  Article  II,  which  lays  down  distinctly  that  it 
is  only  in  the  case  of  an  unprovoked  attack 
made  on  one  of  the  Contracting  Parties  by  an- 
other Power  or  Powers,  and  when  that  Party  is 
defending  its  territorial  rights  and  special  inter- 
ests from  aggressive  action,  that  the  other  Party 
is  bound  to  come  to  its  assistance. 

“ Article  III,  dealing  with  the  question  of 


360 


JAPAN,  1905 


JAPAN,  1906 


Corea,  is  deserving  of  especial  attention.  It  re- 
cognizes in  the  clearest  terms  the  paramount 
position  which  Japan  at  this  moment  occupies 
and  must  henceforth  occupy  in  Corea,  and  her 
right  to  take  any  measures  which  she  may  find 
necessary  for  the  protection  of  her  political, 
military,  and  economic  interests  in  that  coun- 
try. It  is,  however,  expressly  provided  that 
such  measures  must  not  be  contrary  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  equal  opportunities  for  the  commerce 
and  industry  of  other  nations.  The  new  Treaty 
no  doubt  differs  at  this  point  conspicuously 
from  that  of  1902.  It  has,  however,  become 
evident  that  Corea,  owing  to  its  close  proxim- 
ity to  the  Japanese  Empire  and  its  inability  to 
stand  alone,  must  fall  under  the  control  and 
tutelage  of  Japan. 

“His  Majesty’s  Government  observe  with 
satisfaction  that  this  point  was  readily  conceded 
by  Russia  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  recently  con- 
cluded with  Japan,  and  they  have  every  reason 
to  believe  that  similar  views  are  held  by  other 
Powers  with  regard  to  the  relations  which 
should  subsist  between  Japan  and  Corea. 

“ His  Majesty’s  Government  venture  to  an- 
ticipate that  the  alliance  thus  concluded,  de- 
signed as  it  is  with  objects  which  are  purely 
peaceful  and  for  the  protection  of  rights  and 
interests  the  validity  of  which  cannot  be  con- 
tested, will  be  regarded  with  approval  by  the 
Government  to  which  you  are  accredited. 
They  are  justified  in  believing  that  its  conclu- 
sion may  not  have  been  without  effect  in  facili- 
tating the  settlement  by  which  the  war  has 
been  so  happily  brought  to  an  end,  and  they 
earnestly  trust  that  it  may,  for  many  years  to 
come,  be  instrumental  in  securing  the  peace  of 
the  world  in  those  regions  which  come  within 
its  scope. 

Agreement  between  the  United  Kingdom 
and  Japan. 

“Preamble.  The  Governments  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Japan,  being  desirous  of  replacing  the 
agreement  concluded  between  them  on  the  30th 
of  January,  1902,  by  fresh  stipulations,  have 
agreed  upon  the  following  articles,  which  have 
for  their  object  — 

(a)  The  consolidation  and  maintenance  of  the 
general  peace  in  the  regions  of  Eastern  Asia  and 
of  India. 

(b)  The  preservation  of  the  common  interests 
of  all  powers  in  China,  by  insuring  the  inde- 
pendence and  integrity  of  the  Chinese  Empire 
and  the  principle  of  equal  opportunities  for 
the  commerce  and  industry  of  all  nations  in 
China. 

(c)  The  maintenance  of  the  territorial  rights 
of  the  high  contracting  parties  in  the  regions 
of  eastern  Asia  and  of  India,  and  the  defense  of 
their  special  interests  in  the  said  regions. 

“Article  I.  It  is  agreed  that  whenever  in 
the  opinion  of  either  Great  Britain  or  Japan  any 
of  the  rights  and  interests  referred  to  in  the 
preamble  of  this  agreement  are  in  jeopardy, 
the  two  governments  will  communicate  with 
one  another  fully  and  frankly  and  will  consider 
in  common  the  measures  which  should  be  taken 
to  safeguard  those  menaced  rights  or  interests. 

“Article  II.  If  by  reason  of  unprovoked 
attack  or  aggressive  action,  wherever  arising, 
on  the  part  of  any  other  power  or  powers  either 
contracting  party  should  be  involved  in  war 
in  defense  of  its  territorial  rights  or  special  in- 


terests mentioned  in  the  preamble  of  this  agree- 
ment, the  other  contracting  party  will  at  once 
come  to  the  assistance  of  its  ally  and  will  con- 
duct the  war  in  common  and  make  peace  in  mu- 
tual agreement  with  it. 

“Article  III.  Japan  possessing  paramount 
political,  military,  and  economic  interests  in 
Korea,  Great  Britain  recognizes  the  right  of 
Japan  to  take  such  measures  of  guidance,  control, 
and  protection  in  Korea  as  she  may  deem  pro- 
per and  necessary  to  safeguard  and  advance 
those  interests,  provided  always  that  such  mea- 
sures are  not  contrary  to  the  principle  of  equal 
opportunities  for  the  commerce  and  industry  of 
all  nations. 

“ Article  IV.  Great  Britain  having  a special 
interest  in  all  that  concerns  the  security  of  the 
Indian  frontier,  Japan  recognizes  her  right  to  take 
such  measures  in  the  proximity  of  that  frontier 
as  she  may  find  necessary  for  safeguarding  her 
Indian  possessions. 

“Article  V.  The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  neither  of  them  will  without  consult- 
ing the  other  enter  into  separate  arrangements 
with  another  power  to  the  prejudice  of  the  ob- 
jects described  in  the  preamble  of  this  agree- 
ment. 

‘ ‘ Article  VI.  As  regards  the  present  war  be- 
tween Japan  and  Russia,  Great  Britain  will  con- 
tinue to  maintain  strict  neutrality  unless  some 
other  power  or  powers  should  join  in  hostilities 
against  Japan,  in  which  case  Great  Britain  will 
come  to  the  assistance  of  Japan  and  will  conduct 
the  war  in  common  and  make  peace  in  mutual 
agreement  with  Japan. 

“Article  VII.  The  conditions  under  which 
armed  assistance  shall  be  afforded  by  either  power 
to  the  other  in  the  circumstances  mentioned  in 
the  present  agreement,  and  the  means  by  which 
such  assistance  is  to  be  made  available,  will  be 
arranged  by  the  naval  and  military  authorities 
of  the  contracting  parties,  who  will  from  time 
to  time  consult  one  another  fully  and  freely  upon 
all  questions  of  mutual  interest. 

“ Article  VIII.  The  present  agreement  shall, 
subject  to  the  provisions  of  Article  VI.,  come 
into  effect  immediately  after  the  date  of  its 
signature  and  remain  in  force  for  ten  years  from 
that  date.  In  case  neither  of  the  high  contract- 
ing parties  should  have  notified  twelve  months 
before  the  expiration  of  the  said  ten  years  the 
intention  of  terminating  it,  it  shall  remain  bind- 
ing until  the  expiration  of  one  year  from  the 
day  on  which  either  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  shall  have  denounced  it.  But  if  when 
the  date  fixed  for  its  expiration  arrives  either 
ally  is  actually  engaged  in  war  the  alliance  shall 
ipso  facto  continue  until  peace  is  concluded.” 

A.  D.  1905  (Dec.). — Treaty  with  China 
relative  to  Manchuria.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China:  A.  D.  1905  (Dec.). 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — Korea  under  Japanese 
Control.  — The  rule  of  Prince  Ito.  — Insur- 
rection and  its  suppression.  — Constructive 
and  Reformative  Work.  See  Korea  : A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Disputes  with  China. 
— The  Fa-ku-menn  Railway  and  the  Antung- 
Mukden  Railway  Questions.  — Settlement 
of  the  latter  by  Japanese  Ultimatum.  See 
China:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1906.— Chinese  Students  in  the  Coun- 
try. See  Education  : China  : A.  D.  1906. 


JAPAN,  1907 


JAPAN,  1909 


A.  D.  1906. — Resentment  at  Segregation 
of  Oriental  Children  in  San  Francisco 
Schools.  See  Race  Problems  : United 

States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Riotous  attacks  on  Japanese 
laborers  in  British  Columbia  and  the  State 
of  Washington.  See  Race  Problems  : Can- 
ada. 

A.  D.  1907  (June).  — Treaty  with  France 
concerning  affairs  in  the  East.  — A treaty 
between  the  governments  of  Japan  and  France 
was  signed  on  the  10th  of  June,  1907,  according 
to  which  France  recognizes  the  rights  of  Japan 
in  Korea  and  her  special  interests  in  Manchuria, 
and  Japan,  on  her  side,  promises  not  to  interfere 
with  French  possessions  in  Siam  and  Indo-China. 

A.  D.  1908  (May).  — Slender  victory  of  the 
Saionji  Ministry  in  the  Parliamentary  Elec- 
tions. — Parliamentary  elections  in  May,  1908, 
gave  the  Ministry  a bare  probability  of  support 
by  combinations  of  the  party  of  Prince  Ito  — 
the  Rikken  Seiyu-kai  — with  some  of  the  other 
partly  sympathetic  groups.  The  maintenance 
of  the  prudent  policy  of  Government  since  the 
close  of  the  great  war,  against  the  Jingo  ele- 
ment, was  left  somewhat  precarious. 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Exchange  of  Notes 
with  the  United  States,  embodying  an  im- 
portant Declaration  of  Common  Policy  in  the 
East.  — On  the  30th  of  November,  1908,  dis- 
tinct form  was  given  to  a common  understand- 
ing between  Japan  and  the  United  States,  as  to 
their  agreement  in  purposes'and  policy  touching 
affairs  in  the  East.  The  form  was  not  that  of  a 
treaty,  but  of  a simple  Declaration,  identical  in 
notes  exchanged  at  Washington  between  Secre- 
tary Root  and  Ambassador  Takahira.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  text  of  the  Declaration: 

“I.  It  is  the  wish  of  the  two  Governments  to 
encourage  the  free  and  peaceful  development  of 
their  commerce  on  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

“II.  The  policy  of  both  Governments,  unin- 
fluenced by  any  aggressive  tendencies,  is  di- 
rected to  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  status 
quo  in  the  region  above  mentioned,  and  to  the 
defense  of  the  principle  of  equal  opportunity 
for  commerce  and  industry  in  China. 

“III.  They  are  accordingly  firmly  resolved 
reciprocally  to  respect  the  territorial  possessions 
belonging  to  each  other  in  said  region. 

“IV.  They  are  also  determined  to  preserve 
the  common  interests  of  all  Powers  in  China  by 
supporting,  by  all  pacific  means  at  their  dis- 
posal, the  independence  and  integrity  of  China 
and  the  principle  of  equal  opportunity  for  com- 
merce and  industry  of  all  nations  in  that  Em- 
pire. 

“V.  Should  any  event  occur  threatening  the 
status  quo  as  above  described,  or  the  principle  of 
equal  opportunity  as  above  defined,  it  remains 
for  the  two  Governments  to  communicate  with 
each  other,  in  order  to  arrive  at  an  understand- 
ing as  to  what  measures  they  may  consider  it 
useful  to  take. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Suppression  of  Race- 
track Gambling.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Gambling. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Material  Development  of  the 
Country.  — “The  mileage  of  Japanese  railways, 
now  over  5,000  miles,  has  been  quadrupled  with- 
in 20  years  — without  counting  the  Korean  and 
South  Manchurian  railways,  which  are  owned 
by  Japanese  companies.  The  development  of 
posts,  telegraphs,  and  telephones  has  proceeded 


on  an  even  greater  scale,  and  the  revenues  of 
the  department,  which  only  amounted  in  1899  to 
£1,740,000,  exceeded  £3,850,000  in  1909,  whilst 
the  amount  invested  in  postal  savings  banks 
rose  during  the  same  decade  from  under  £2,200,- 
000  to  £10,698,409.  The  Japanese  merchant 
flag,  represented  by  a steam  tonnage  of  nearly 
one  and  a quarter  million  tons,  is  known  in 
every  sea,  and  the  Nippon  Yusen  Ivaisha,  on  one 
of  whose  excellent  steamers  I crossed  the  Pacific 
a few  weeks  ago,  has  alone  a well-equipped  fleet 
of  265,000  tons  in  the  aggregate,  running  not 
only  to  the  United  States  and  to  Europe,  but 
to  South  America  and  Australia,  besides  local 
services  in  Japanese,  Chinese,  and  Korean  wa- 
ters. . . . 

“ Powerful  firms  like  the  Mitsui,  the  Mitsubi- 
shi, Messrs.  Okura,  Messrs.  Takata,  &c.,  take 
a leading  part  in  every  branch  of  a national  im- 
port and  export  trade  which  has  risen  within  30 
years  from  under  £6,000,000  to  nearly  £100,000,- 
000  in  1907.  Great  industrial  cities  have  grown 
up  like  Osaka,  the  centre  of  the  cotton-spinning 
industry,  whose  population,  less  than  400,000  a 
quarter  of  a century  ago,  now  exceeds  1,200,000. 
The  aggregate  capital  of  Japanese  industrial 
companies,  which  in  1882  was  estimated  at  £10,- 
000,000,  rose  within  the  same  period  to  more  than 
£126,000,000,  and  in  the  cotton  industry  alone 
the  number  of  spindles  increased  from  65,000  to 
over  one  and  a half  million.  According  to  sta- 
tistics collected  by  Mr.  Takahashi  and  Mr.  Iga- 
rashi,  the  national  wealth  of  Japan  was  assessed 
at  the  beginning  of  1905  at  close  upon  £2,500,- 
000,000,  to  which  must  now  be  added,  over  and 
above  any  normal  increment,  the  economic 
value  of  the  position  she  has  acquired  in  South- 
ern Manchuria  and  Korea.” — Cor.  of  The  Times, 
London. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Parties  in  Domestic  Polb- 
tics.  — The  present  parties  in  the  lower  house 
of  the  Japanese  Parliament  were  thus  described 
by  the  Tokio  correspondent  of  the  London 
Times,  in  January,  1909:  “The  Lower  House 
consists  of  379  members.  These  are  divided 
into  five  sections  — namely,  the  Seiyu-kai  (192 
members),  the  Progressists  (67),  the  Boshin  Club 
(42),  the  Yushin-kai  (44)  and  the  Daido  Club 
(34).  If  any  man  were  required  to  indicate 
clearly  the  lines  of  division  between  these  sec- 
tions, he  would  be  much  perplexed  to  do  so. 
On  the  broad  bases  of  Liberalism  and  Conserva- 
tism the  first  four  occupy  the  same  Liberal  plat- 
form, while  the  last  stands  as  the  sole  exponent 
of  Conservative  views.  Yet  the  four  Liberal 
sections  are  not  more  hostile  to  each  other  than 
the  fifth  is  to  all.  They  are  held  asunder  by 
traditions  and  by  prejudices. 

“The  Seiyu-kai  has  fought  its  way  to  an 
overwhelmingly  strong  position  in  the  face  of 
perennial  opposition  from  the  Progressists. 
Once  only  did  the  two  join  hands,  but  their 
union  lasted  no  more  than  a few  weeks,  and 
they  separated  with  a strong  access  of  mutual 
rancour.  Yet  both  had  entered  the  arena  origi- 
nally as  champions  of  the  same  cause,  constitu- 
tional government,  and  nothing  held  them  apart 
save  personal  rivalries.  In  the  course  of  their 
28  years  of  strenuous  evolution,  they  gradually 
sloughed  off  their  extremists,  and  these  consti- 
tute the  present  Yushin-kai,  a coterie  of  bril- 
liant Radical  free-lances,  whose  hand  may  be 
said  to  be  against  every  one.  The  Daido  Club 


362 


JAPAN,  1909 


JAPAN,  1909 


are  frank  Conservatives.  They  are  the  only 
unequivocal  supporters  of  the  Cabinet  now  in 
office.  . . . There  remain  the  Boahin  Club.  They 
are  an  association  of  business  men  — the  first 
political  association  of  that  complexion  in  Japan. 
The  early  Diets  were  all  conspicuously  deficient 
in  representatives  of  the  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing classes ; mainly  because  politics  had 
become  a more  or  less  discredited  pursuit  before 
ever  a general  election  was  held,  and  partly  be- 
cause the  urban  population  did  not  return  a due 
proportion  of  members.  The  latter  defect  hav- 
ing been  remedied  by  the  new  election  law  of 
1901,  there  was  thereafter  found  in  the  Lower 
House  a group  of  men  calling  themselves  ‘In- 
dependents,’ but  always  seen  in  the  Government 
lobby.  In  fact  their  sense  of  business  interests 
prompted  them  to  lend  their  support  to  the 
principle  of  stable  Cabinets  above  everything.” 
A.  D.  1909.  — Present  Status  of  Christian- 
ity. See  (in  this  vol.)  Missions,  Christian. 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Sept.).  — The  State  of 
the  War  Debt  and  its  Payment.  — The  fol- 
lowing is  a Press  despatch  from  Tokyo  to  Lon- 
don, July  17,  1909:  “ At  the  close  of  1906,  when 
Japan  came  to  make  out  the  accounts  of  her  war 
with  Russia,  she  found  that  she  had  incurred  a 
total  expenditure  of  about  1,700  million  yen 
(£170,000,000).  By  that  amount  her  national 
debt  was  increased.  She  then  determined  to  lay 
aside  every  year  a sum  of  at  least  110  million  yen 
(£11,000,000)  for  the  service  of  the  debt.  That 
did  not  mean,  of  course,  that  redemptions  aggre- 
gating 110  millions  were  to  be  made  annually. 
These  110  millions  were  for  the  service  of  the 
debt ; in  other  words,  they  were  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  interest  as  well  as  principal.  The 
portion  applicable  to  redemption  would  be  from 
30  to  37  millions  yearly,  and  the  loan  would 
thus  be  completely  paid  off  in  about  30  years. 
That  was  the  programme  when  the  Marquis 
Katsura  came  into  office.  But  very  soon  he  an- 
nounced the  Treasury’s  intention  of  increasing 
the  redemption  fund  to  50  millions.  That  is  to 
say,  he  added  some  16  millions  to  the  money 
available  for  paying  off  the  debt ; and  evidently, 
if  the  increase  were  permanent,  the  whole  in- 
debtedness would  be  wiped  off  in  about  20  years 
instead  of  30,  as  originally  planned.  Still  better 
things,  however,  are  said  to  be  contemplated. 
The  sum  actually  devoted  to  the  sinking  fund 
during  the  last  fiscal  year  was  50,800,000  yen, 
and  since  the  interest  on  that  amount  will  go  to 
augment  the  redemption  fund  during  the  current 
year,  the  amount  paid  off  from  that  source  will 
be  53,340,000  yen.  To  this  it  is  proposed  to  add 
another  10  millions  obtained  from  the  national 
growth  of  the  State’s  income,  for  the  experience 
of  the  last  year  encourages  the  belief  that  such 
growth  may  be  confidently  expected,  the  actual 
development  of  the  ordinary  revenue  having 
reached  a sum  of  over  30  millions.  It  is  further 
expected  that  from  1912  onwards  the  yield  from 
the  Customs  duties  will  advance  from  38  to  53 
millions,  unless  Japan  manages  her  negotiations 
for  tariff  revision  clumsily.” 

Speaking  to  the  Bankers’  Club  at  Tokyo  in 
September,  1909,  Premier  Katsura  expressed  the 
belief  that  the  financial  condition  of  the  country 
was  encouraging,  and  while  maintaining  that  the 
present  system  of  finances  was  excellent,  he  ex- 
pressed the  hope  to  improve  it  steadily  until 
perfection  is  reached.  The  premier  said  that 


the  government’s  policy  would  begin  this  year, 
and  the  development  of  resources  aud  the  avoid- 
ance of  unproductive  expenditure  would  be 
consistently  followed.  He  announced  the  fol- 
lowing measures  as  forming  part  of  the  financial 
programme  for  the  ensuing  year  : — 1.  Reduc- 
tion and  modification  of  the  war  taxes  in  order 
to  relieve  the  pressure  on  the  people.  2.  In- 
crease of  the  sinking  fund.  By  the  allocation  of 
a considerable  amount  out  of  the  surplus  of  pre- 
vious years  the  sum  of  53,000,000  yen  (£5,300,- 
000)  previously  fixed  for  this  service  will  be 
greatly  exceeded.  3.  The  raising  of  the  salaries 
of  all  Government  officials  by  30  per  cent.  This 
reform  had  been  delayed  by  the  outbreak  of  the 
Russo-Japanese  war. 

A.  D.  1909  (Aug.). — The  Burning  of 
Osaka.  See  ( in  this  vol.)  Osaka. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Visit  of  a Commercial 
Commission  to  the  United  States.  — A large 
party  of  prominent  Japanese  business  men, 
headed  by  Baron  Shibusawa,  and  coming  as  a 
Commercial  Commission  to  seek  more  intimate 
commercial  relations  between  Japan  and  the 
United  States,  landed  at  Seattle  on  the  1st  of 
September,  1909,  and  toured  the  country  for  a 
number  of  weeks.  The  party  received  much 
attention  and  were  entertained  most  hospitably 
everywhere,  nowhere  with  more  warmth  than 
on  the  Pacific  Coast,  where  ill-feeling  toward 
Japan  had  been  manifested  in  some  circles  a 
few  years  before.  In  a statement  to  the  Press 
at  Seattle  Baron  Shibusawa  said  : “It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  while  different  European 
nations  are  talking  about  the  increase  of  arma- 
ment, and  when  especially  great  rulers  are  ex- 
changing visits  accompanied  by  warships,  the 
Japanese  people  are  perfectly  satisfied  in  send- 
ing us  plain  business  men  on  a peaceful  mission 
to  this  great  commercial  country.  I have  been 
told  that  Japan  is  spoken  of  as  a warlike 
nation,  but  this  is  altogether  absurd.  We  are 
all  deeply  interested  in  the  development  of  the 
Japanese- American  commercial  relations,  which, 
of  all  reasons,  prompts  us  to  pay  a visit  to  your 
country.  Let  us  therefore  work  for  the  exten- 
sion of  commercial  relations  to  our  mutual  in- 
terests. We  must  go  hand  in  hand  with  you 
to  develop  the  vast  field  in  the  East.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Assassination  of 
Prince  Ito.  — Prince  Hirobumi  Ito,  the  man  of 
most  light  and  leading,  as  he  appears  to  have 
been,  in  the  transformation  of  Japan  within  the 
past  half  century,  was  foully  assassinated  on  tlie/ 
26th  of  October,  1909,  at  Kharbin,  or  Harj/m, 
Manchuria.  He  had  gone  to  Kharbin  to  meet 
M.  Kokovsoff,  Russian  Minister  of  Finance,  for 
a conference  on  the  Manchurian  questions  that 
had  arisen  between  Russia  and  Japan.  As  he 
stepped  from  the  railway  train  which  brought 
him  to  the  city,  and  was  approaching  the  Minis- 
ter, who  came  to  welcome  him,  he  was  fired  upon 
from  the  surrounding  crowd.  Three  revolver 
shots  struck  the  Prince,  two  of  which  inflicted 
wounds  that  caused  his  death  within  twenty 
minutes.  Three  of  his  attendants  were  wounded, 
not  fatally,  by  other  shots.  All  were  found  to 
have  been  fired  by  one  bystander,  who  proved 
to  be  a Korean.  The  assassin  made  no  attempt 
to  escape,  but  exclaimed  when  seized  : “I  came 
to  Kharbin  for  the  sole  purpose  of  assassinating 
Prince  Ito,  to  avenge  my  country.”  He  had  two 
companions  who  boasted  of  being  parties  to  the 


363 


JAPAN,  1909 


KENTUCKY 


crime.  He  was  subsequently  identified  as  In- 
dian Angan,  formerly  editor  of  a newspaper  at 
Seoul. 

Since  retiring  from  his  responsible  post  in 
Korea,  as  Resident-General,  Prince  Ito  bad  re- 
sumed the  presidency  of  the  Privy  Council,  in 
the  Japanese  Government,  which  Prince  Aritomo 
Yamagata  had  filled  during  his  absence.  Prince 


JAPANESE  IMMIGRATION  : The  Re- 
sistance to  it  in  America,  Australia,  and 
South  Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Prob- 
lems. 

JEANES,  Miss  Anna  T. : Great  Gift  to 
Schools  for  Southern  Negroes.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education:  United  States.  A.  D.  1907. 

JEROME,  William  Travers:  Reelection 
as  District  Attorney  of  the  County  of  New 
York.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D. 
1905. 

JEWS,  THE:  In  Roumania.  — Oppres- 
sions.— Remonstrance  of  the  United  States. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States  : Roumania. 

Persecution  and  Massacre  in  Russia.  See 
Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904,  and  1903  (April). 

JIMENEZ,  President:  His  overthrow.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  San  Domingo:  A.  D.  1904-1907. 

JOAN  OF  ARC,  Beatification  of.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D.  1909  (April). 

JOINT  STATEHOOD  ACT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States  : A.  D.  1906. 


Yamagata  was  now  reappointed  to  that  office. 
He  and  Prince  Ito  had  been  intimate  friends, 
and  yet  political  opponents,  differing  in  opinions 
and  heading  rival  parties,  but  always  acting 
together  on  the  vital  questions  of  national  policy. 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.).  — Naval  Armament, 
Present  and  Prospective.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Preparations  for:  Naval  : Japan. 


JOLO,  Sultan  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Phil- 
ippine Islands:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

JONES,  John  Paul : Recovery  and  removal 
of  his  remains  from  Paris.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -June). 

JOUBERT-PIENAAR,  General  F.  : On 
Slavery  in  Portuguese  Africa.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Africa:  Portuguese:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

JUAREZ,  Benito:  Celebration  of  his  cen- 
tenary. See  (in  this  vol. ) Mexico  : A.  D. 
1906. 

JUDSON,  Harry  Pratt:  President  of  the 
University  of  Chicago.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Edu- 
cation: A.  D.  1901-1909. 

JUNIOR  REPUBLIC,  The.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Children,  under  the  Law:  As  Offend- 
ers. 

JUSTH,  M.  de.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria- 
Hungary:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

JUVENILE  COURTS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Children,  under  the  Law:  As  Offenders. 

JUVENILE  REFORM.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Children,  under  the  Law:  As  Offenders. 


K. 


KAFFIR,  The  Problem  of  the.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : In  South  Africa. 

KAIPING.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D. 
1904  (Feb.-July),  and  (July-Sept.). 

KAJAR  TRIBE,  The  : The  Tribe  of  the 
Persian  Imperial  Dynasty.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia  : A.  D.  1905-1907. 

KAMIMURA,  Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb.-Aug.). 

KANO  : British  capture.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Africa  : A.  D.  1903  (Nigeria). 

KANSAS:  A.  D.  1904.  — Legislation  and 
action  against  the  Standard  Oil  Company. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c.  : United  States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

K AR AGEORGEVICH.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Balkan  and  Danubian  States  : Servia. 

KATANGA,  Railway  Lines  to.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Railways  : Central  Africa. 

KATSURA,  Count:  His  Ministry 

strengthened  by  Marquis  Ito.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1903  (June). 

KAULBARS,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept. -March). 

KAWAMURA,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept. -March.). 

KELANTAN:  Cession  of  Suzerainty  to 
Great  Britain.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Siam  : A.  D. 
1909. 

KELLY,  Charles  F. : Confessions  as  a 
“ Boodler.”  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. 

KENNEDY,  John  Stewart,  the  Bequests 
of.  (See  in  this  vol.)  Gifts  and  Bequests. 

KENTUCKY:  A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The 
Tobacco  Farmers’  Union  and  its  Night 
Riders.  — “ Kentucky  has  been  having  an  ex- 


perience unique,  costly,  tragic,  and  probably  to 
some  extent  valuable,  with  the  farmers  engaged 
in  the  chief  agricultural  industry  of  the  state  — 
growing  tobacco.  Some  80,000  of  them,  repre- 
senting probably  400,000  of  the  population  of 
the  state,  have  been  engaged  in  a union  demon- 
stration for  the  purpose  of  securing  higher  pay. 
The  result  has  been  in  some  sections  anarchy, 
in  all  great  distress.  . . . 

“A  trust  having  arisen  in  New  York  which 
was  able  to  control  the  output,  and  therefore  to 
make  prices  to  suit  itself,  the  farmers  have  an- 
swered this  trust  by  forming  under  the  equity 
society  a union  of  their  own,  and  going  on  a 
strike  for  higher  prices.  . . . The  union  to 
which  I refer  is  the  Burley  Tobacco  Society,  in 
Kentucky.  It  is  organized  to  oppose  the  exac- 
tions of  the  American  Tobacco  Company  of 
New  Jersey.  Tobacco  is  grown  in  several  dis- 
tinct districts  in  Kentucky,  and  there,  as  else- 
where, each  district  has,  by  reason  of  soil  or 
climate,  a virtual  monopoly  of  its  own  type. 
Down  in  the  southwestern  corner,  in  the  so- 
called  Black  Patch,  embracing  several  counties 
of  Tennessee,  a dark  and  heavy  leaf  is  grown 
and  fire-cured  for  the  foreign  trade.  This  is 
bought  by  government,  or  so-styled  ‘regie’ 
buyers.  North  of  this  is  a heavy  leaf  stemmed 
for  the  British  trade.  North  and  east  of  this  is 
the  region  in  which  a dark  air-cured  leaf  is 
grown  for  domestic  uses.  East  of  this,  embrac- 
ing all  Blue  Grass  and  extending  to  Maysville, 
is  the  Burley  district,  in  which  is  grown  the 
famous  red  and  white  Burley  tobacco.  . . . 

“Pooling  tobacco  in  Kentucky  started  down 
in  the  Black  Patch,  or  received  its  greatest  im- 
petus there.  The  regie  buyers  combined,  or 


364 


KENTUCKY 


KOREA,  1904-1905 


were  formed  into  a combination  by  their  su- 
periors, anil  the  Patch  was  districted,  each  man 
being  given  an  exclusive  territory,  and  no  farmer 
being  allowed  to  sell  to  any  one  but  his  own 
buyer.  In  this  way  a set  price  as  low  as  four 
cents  was  made,  and  the  farmer  had  no  option 
but  to  take  it;  no  option,  at  least,  that  was  open 
to  the  farmer  not  rich  enough  to  ship  his  crop 
to  Bremen  and  seek  European  competition.  In 
this  situation  a group  of  canny  planters  formed 
a tight  little  corporation  of  $200  capital,  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  holding,  handling,  buying, 
and  selling  tobacco.  They  induced  about  a 
thousand  of  their  neighbors  — there  are  forty 
thousand  dark-tobacco  growers  in  the  Patch  — 
to  pledge  their  crops  with  them,  and  they 
planned  to  hold  this  much  off  the  market  and 
compel  the  regie  buyers  to  pay  a higher  price 
for  it.  This  proving  popular,  they  soon  had 
live  thousand  pledges.  Then  they — or  interests 
closely  allied  with  them — organized  a band  of 
Ku-Klux,  called  Night  Riders,  who,  first  by  so- 
called  ‘peace  armies,’  and  then  by  raiding  at 
night  all  who  resisted,  frightened  or  forced  — 
during  the  next  three  years  — all  the  forty 
thousand  to  sign. 

“The  tight  little  corporation  thus  had  a mo- 
nopoly of  the  dark  tobacco.  It  forced  the  regie 
buyers  to  pay  a price  raised  by  slow  degrees  to 
11  cents  round,  exacted  large  commissions  and 
profits,  — as  much  as  1500  per  cent  a year  on 
the  capital,  — and  now  controls  the  Black  Patch 
absolutely.  All  its  pledges  expire  in  January, 
1909,  and  the  situation  will  then  become  anarch- 
istic. The  success  of  this  Black  Patch  plan  was 
entirely  due  to  the  employment  of  Night  Riders, 
who  correspond  to  the  professional  ‘sluggers’ 
of  a labor  union,  or  the  hired  assassins  of  a 
Black-Hand  league.”  — J.  L.  Mathews,  The 
Farmers’  Union  and  the  Tobacco  Pool  ( Atlantic 
Monthly , Oct.,  1908). 

KHARBIN,  or  Harbin,  Russian  control  at. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D.  1909  (May). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Assassination  of  Prince  Ito. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 

KHARKOFF,  Disturbances  in.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904r-1905. 

KHARTUM,  The  New.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Sudan,  The  : A.  D.  1907. 

Gordon  Memorial  College.  See  Education: 
Egypt. 

KIAMIL  PASHA:  Grand  Vizier.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.), 
and  after. 

KIEFF,  Disturbances  in.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

KINCHOU,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  1904-1905 
(May-Jan.). 

KINGSTON,  Jamaica:  A.  D.  1907.  — De- 
struction of  Kingston.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Earth- 
quakes : Jamaica. 

KINSHU-MARU,  The  incident  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.). 

KIPLING,  Rudyard.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 

KIRDORF,  Herr:  Head  of  the  Coal  and 
Steel  Syndicates  in  Germany.  — His  attitude 
towards  the  Workingmen.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization  : Germany  : A.  D.  1905- 
1907. 

KISHINEFF,  Jewish  Massacre  at.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1903  (April). 


KITCHENER  OF  KHARTUM,  Gen- 
eral Lord:  In  South  Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

In  India.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  D. 
1905  (Aug.). 

KLERKSDORP  CONFERENCE.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

KNIAZ  POTEMKIN,  Mutiny  on  the.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.). 

KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization  : United  States. 

KNOX,  Philander  C. : Attorney-General. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901- 
1905. 

Secretary  of  State.  See  the  same,  A.  D.  1909 
(March). 

KOCH,  Robert.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

KOCHER,  E.  T.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

KOMURA,  Baron  Iutaro,  Japanese  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

Japanese  Plenipotentiary  for  negotiating 
Treaty  of  Peace  with  Russia.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  ( June-Oct.). 

KONDRATENKO,  General.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

KOREA:  A.  D.  1901-1904. — Japanese 
distrust  of  Russian  designs.  — Negotiations 
and  demands.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D. 
1901-1904. 

A.  D.  1902. — Agreement  respecting  Ko- 
rea between  Great  Britain  and  Japan.  See 

Japan  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1904  (Feb.).  — Occupation  by  the 
Japanese.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb.- 
July). 

A.  D.  1904-1905. — Conventions  with  Jap- 
an, creating.  Protectorate  Relations  with 
that  Empire  and  submitting  Financial  and 
Diplomatic  Affairs  to  Japanese  control. — On 

the  25th  of  February,  1904,  the  text  of  a proto- 
col, concluded  on  the  23d,  between  the  Gov- 
ernments of  Japan  and  Korea,  was  communi- 
cated to  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
(and,  of  course  to  others),  by  the  Government  of 
Japan,  with  an  accompanying  explanation,  as 
follows : 

‘ ‘ In  the  prosecution  of  the  present  war  the 
use  of  some  of  the  ports  and  some  portions  of 
the  territory  of  Korea  is  found  inevitable,  and 
therefore,  with  a view  to  facilitate  military  op- 
erations and  to  show  that  such  use  of  ports  and 
territory  is  made  with  the  full  knowledge  and 
consent  of  Korea,  and  not  in  disregard  or  viola- 
tion of  her  independence  or  territorial  integrity, 
and  also  in  order  to  prevent  future  complica- 
tions, the  Japanese  Government  concluded  with 
the  Korean  Government  on  the  23d  instant  the 
following  protocol.  . . . 

“ Article  I.  For  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
permanent  and  solid  friendship  between  Japan 
and  Korea  and  firmly  establishing  peace  in  the 
Far  East,  the  Imperial  Government  of  Korea 
shall  place  full  confidence  in  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment of  Japan  and  adopt  the  advice  of  the 
latter  with  regard  to  improvements  in  adminis- 
tration. 

“Article  II.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Japan  shall,  in  a spirit  of  firm  friendship,  in- 
sure the  safety  and  repose  of  the  Imperial  House 
of  Korea. 


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KOREA,  1904-1905 


“Article  III.  The  Imperial  Government  of 
Japan  definitively  guarantee  the  independence 
and  territorial  integrity  of  the  Korean  Empire. 

“Article  IV.  In  case  the  welfare  of  the  Im- 
perial House  of  Korea  or  the  territorial  integrity 
of  Korea  is  endangered  by  the  aggression  of  a 
third  power  or  internal  disturbances,  the  Impe- 
rial Government  of  Japan  shall  immediately 
take  such  necessary  measures  as  circumstances 
require,  and  in  such  case  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment of  Korea  shall  give  full  facilities  to  pro- 
mote the  action  of  the  Imperial  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment. The  Imperial  Government  of  Japan 
may,  for  the  attainment  of  the  above-mentioned 
object,  occupy,  when  circumstances  require  it, 
such  places  as  may  be  necessary  from  strategic 
points  of  view. 

“ Article  V.  The  Government  of  the  two 
countries  shall  not  in  future,  without  mutual  con- 
sent, conclude  with  a third  power  such  an  ar- 
rangement as  may  be  contrary  to  the  principles 
of  the  present  protocol. 

“Article  VI.  Details  in  connection  with 
the  present  protocol  shall  be  arranged  as  the  cir- 
cumstances may  require  between  the  represent- 
ative of  Japan  and  the  minister  of  state  for 
foreign  affairs  of  Korea.” 

On  the  30th  of  August,  1904,  an  additional 
Agreement  between  the  Governments  of  Japan 
and  Korea,  signed  in  part  on  the  19th  and  in 
part  on  the  22d  of  that  month,  was  communi- 
cated by  the  Japanese  Ambassador  to  the  United 
States  to  the  State  Department  at  Washington, 
with  a note  saying:  “In  communicating  this 
agreement  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  I am  instructed  to  say  that  it  is  nothing 
more  than  the  natural  consequence  or  devel- 
opment of  the  protocol  concluded  between  the 
Japanese  and  Korean  Governments  on  the  23rd 
of  last  February,  which  I had  the  honor  to  com- 
municate at  that  time  for  the  information  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  I am 
further  directed  to  say  that  the  agreement  does 
not  in  anywise  interfere  with  the  full  operation 
or  validity  of  Korea’s  existing  treaties ; and 
that  Article  II  thereof  is  not  intended  to  place 
any  impediment  in  the  way  of  legitimate  enter- 
prise in  Korea,  but  merely  to  check,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  future  conclusion  of  unwise  and 
improvident  engagements,  which  in  the  past 
have  been  fruitful  sources  of  trouble  and  com- 
plication.” 

The  Agreement  thus  announced  was  in  the 
following  terms : 

“ Article  I.  The  Korean  Government  shall 
engage  a Japanese  subject  recommended  by  the 
Japanese  Government  as  financial  adviser  to  the 
Korean  Government,  and  all  matters  concern- 
ing finance  shall  be  dealt  with  after  his  counsel 
shall  have  been  taken. 

“ Article  II.  The  Korean  Government  shall 
engage  a foreigner  recommended  by  the  Japan- 
ese Government  as  diplomatic  adviser  to  the  for- 
eign office,  and  all  important  matters  concerning 
foreign  relations  shall  be  dealt  with  after  his 
counsel  shall  have  been  taken. 

“Article  III.  The  Korean  Government 
shall  consult  the  Japanese  Government  before 
concluding  treaties  and  conventions  with  for- 
eign powers,  and  also  in  dealing  with  other  im- 
portant diplomatic  affairs,  such  as  grants  of 
concessions  to  or  contracts  with  foreigners.” 

Writing  of  this  Agreement  a few  days  later 


to  the  State  Department  at  Washington,  the 
American  Minister  to  Japan,  Mr.  Lloyd  Griscom, 
remarked  : “It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Mr. 
Megata,  selected  to  be  financial  adviser  to  the 
Korean  Government,  was  educated  in  America 
and  is  a graduate  of  Harvard  University,  and 
Mr.  Stevens,  who  has  been  chosen  as  adviser 
to  the  foreign  office,  is  an  American  gentleman 
about  whom  it  would  be  superfluous  to  inform 
you.” 

Under  a third  Agreement,  signed  April  1, 
1905,  Japan  took  over  the  control  and  operation 
of  the  post,  telegraph,  and  telephone  services 
of  Korea,  in  order  to  ‘ ‘ rearrange  the  system  of 
communications  in  that  country,  and,  by  amal- 
gamating it  with  that  of  Japan,  to  unite  the 
two  systems  into  one.” 

Finally,  on  the  17th  of  November,  1905,  a 
fourth  Agreement  was  signed,  which  definitely 
surrendered  to  Japan  the  “control  and  direction 
of  the  external  relations  and  affairs  of  Korea,” 
in  the  following  stipulations: 

“Article  I.  The  Government  of  Japan, 
through  the  department  of  foreign  affairs  in 
Tokyo,  will  hereafter  have  control  and  direction 
of  the  external  relations  and  affairs  of  Korea 
and  the  diplomatic  and  consular  representa- 
tives of  Japan  will  have  the  charge  of  the  sub- 
jects and  interests  of  Korea  in  foreign  countries. 

“Article  II.  The  Government  of  Japan 
undertake  to  see  to  the  execution  of  the  treaties 
actually  existing  between  Korea  and  other 
powers,  and  the  Government  of  Korea  engage 
not  to  conclude  hereafter  any  act  or  engage- 
ment having  an  international  character,  except 
through  the  medium  of  the  Government  of 
Japan. 

“Article  III.  The  Government  of  Japan 
shall  be  represented  at  the  court  of  His  Majesty 
the  Emperor  of  Korea  by  a resident  general, 
who  shall  reside  at  Seoul  primarily  for  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  charge  of  and  directing  the  mat- 
ters relating  to  diplomatic  affairs.  He  shall 
have  the  right  of  private  and  personal  audience 
of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Korea.  The 
Japanese  Government  shall  have  the  right  to 
station  residents  at  the  several  open  ports  and 
such  other  places  in  Korea  as  they  may  deem 
necessary. 

“ Such  residents  shall,  under  the  direction  of 
the  resident  general,  exercise  the  powers  and 
functions  hitherto  appertaining  to  Japanese 
consuls  in  Korea,  and  shall  perform  such  duties 
as  may  be  necessary  in  order  to  carry  into  full 
effect  the  provisions  of  this  agreement. 

“ Article  IV.  The  stipulations  of  all  treaties 
and  agreements  existing  between  Japan  and 
Korea  not  inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of 
this  agreement  shall  continue  in  force. 

“ Article  V.  The  Government  of  Japan  un- 
dertake to  maintain  the  welfare  and  dignity  of 
the  Imperial  House  of  Korea.” 

With  the  communication  of  this  Agreement  to 
foreign  Powers  there  went  a declaration  by  the 
Japanese  Government,  in  part  as  follows  : “ The 
relations  of  propinquity  have  made  it  necessary 
for  Japan  to  take  and  exercise,  for  reasons 
closely  connected  with  her  own  safety  and  re- 
pose, a paramount  interest  and  influence  in  the 
political  and  military  affairs  of  Korea.  The 
measure^  hitherto  taken  have  been  purely  ad- 
visory, but  the  experience  of  recent  years  has 
demonstrated  the  insufficiency  of  measures- of 


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KOREA,  1905-1909 


guidance  alone.  The  unwise  and  improvident 
action  of  Korea,  more  especially  in  the  domain 
of  her  international  concerns,  has  in  the  past 
been  the  most  fruitful  source  of  complications. 
To  permit  the  present  unsatisfactory  condition 
of  things  to  continue  unrestrained  and  unregu- 
lated would  be  to  invite  fresh  difficulties,  and 
Japan  believes  that  she  owes  it  to  herself  and 
to  her  desire  for  the  general  pacification  of  the 
extreme  East  to  take  the  steps  necessary  to  put 
an  end  once  for  all  to  this  dangerous  situation.” 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Status  of  the  Korean 
Empire  under  Japanese  Control.  — The  Jap- 
anese View.  — ‘‘After  her  quick  entry  into 
Seoul  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  Japan  found 
herself  precisely  in  the  position  which  she  had 
long  desired  to  establish.  The  plan  of  joint 
non-intervention  in  Korean  affairs  as  agreed 
upon  between  Japan  and  Russia  in  1896  and 
1898  [see,  in  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Korea], 
which  had  again  and  again  resulted  in  competi- 
tive intervention,  had  proved  disastrous  to  the 
interest  of  Japan  and  of  general  reform;  but 
now  Russia  had  abruptly  withdrawn  from  Seoul, 
and  Japan  found  herself  free  to  move  alone. 
Thereupon  she  hastened  to  impose  upon  the 
Korean  Foreign  Minister  a treaty  of  alliance  [as 
above],  on  February  23,  1904,  which  laid  the 
foundation  for  all  Japan’s  subsequent  conduct 
in  the  peninsula.  . . . 

‘‘An  analysis  and  interpretation  of  the  forces 
which  the  war  has  set  loose  and  which  are 
bringing  their  inevitable  consequences  would 
be  highly  instructive.  Let  us,  however,  con- 
tent ourselves  here  by  pointing  to  the  Korean 
clauses  in  the  three  important  documents  con- 
cluded within  the  last  two  years,  in  which  the 
rapid  development  of  the  Korean  problem  is 
easily  traceable, — namely,  the  Korean-Jap- 
anese  treaty  of  alliance  of  February  23,  1904,  the 
Russo-Japanese  treaty  of  peace  signed  on  Sep- 
tember 5,  1905  [see,  in  this  vol.,  Japan  ; A.  D. 
1905  (June-Oct.)],  and  the  Anglo  Japanese 
agreement  of  alliance  concluded  on  August  12 
[see  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (Aug.)],  and  published 
with  Lord  Lansdowne’s  dispatch  to  the  British 
Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg  on  September 
26,  1905.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  first 
instrument  at  once  placed  Korea  under  Japan’s 
military  protection  and  administrative  guid- 
ance, and  bound  Japan  to  uphold  Korea’s  inde- 
pendence and  territorial  integrity,  including 
the  safety  of  her  Imperial  house.  One  will 
readily  observe  that  two  distinct  points  are  here 
involved.  These  two  points  the  further  pro- 
gress of  events,  some  of  which  have  already 
been  described,  seems  to  have  put  so  far  apart, 
that  in  the  treaty  of  Portsmouth  Japan’s  pre- 
ponderance over  Korea  was  recognized  by 
Russia,  while  little  was  said  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  peninsular  empire.  It  was  even 
said  that  M.  Witte  insisted  during  the  discus- 
sion of  the  clause  that  Baron  Komura  should 
declare  in  his  proposed  terms  that  Japan  in- 
tended to  make  of  Korea  a province  of  the 
Japanese  Empire.  This  the  Baron  is  reported 
to  have  emphatically  declined,  presumably  be- 
cause he  would  not  consider  the  protection  by 
Japan  and  the  territorial  integrity  of  Korea  in- 
compatible with  each  other.  The  difference  be 
tween  the  theoretical  and  practical  situation  is, 
however,  reflected  unmistakably  in  the  Anglo- 
Japanese  agreement,  the  third  article  of  which 


reads  : ‘ Japan  possessing  paramount  political, 
military,  and  economic  interests  in  Korea, 
Great  Britain  recognizes  Japan’s  right  to  take 
such  measures  for  the  guidance,  control  and 
protection  of  Korea  as  she  may  deem  proper 
and  necessary  to  safeguard  and  advance  those 
interests,  providing  the  measures  so  taken  are 
not  contrary  to  the  principle  of  equal  opportu- 
nities for  the  commerce  and  industry  of  all 
nations.’  In  other  words,  Japan  is  left  free  to- 
control  Korea  and  then  prevail  upon  the  latter 
to  open  her  door  equally  wide  to  all  nations,  in- 
cluding Japan  herself.  After  specially  dwelling 
on  the  substance  of  this  article,  Lord  Lansdowne 
says  in  his  dispatch : ‘ The  treaty  at  this  point 
differs  conspicuously  from  that  of  1902.  It  has, 
however,  become  evident  that  Korea,  owing  to 
its  close  proximity  to  the  Japanese  Empire,  and 
to  its  inability  to  stand  alone,  must  fall  under 
the  control  and  tutelage  of  Japan.  His  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  observes  with  satisfaction 
that  this  point  has  been  readily  conceded  by 
Russia  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  similar  views  are  held  by 
the  other  Powers  with  regard  to  the  relations 
which  should  subsist  between  Japan  and  Korea.’ 
Thus  are  Korea’s  alleged  incapacity  of  self-gov- 
ernment and  Japan’s  need  of  control  over  the 
peninsular  affairs  openly  recognized  by  a third 
Power,  and  it  is  taken  for  granted  that  no  other 
Power  will  deny  these  points.  Such  a declara- 
tion could  not  be  made,  it  is  admitted,  in  1902, 
when  the  first  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded, 
nor  perhaps  even  at  the  time  when  the  Korean- 
Japanese  protocol  was  signed  in  February,  1904. 
Yet  the  doctrine  of  Korea’s  independence  is  still 
not  theoretically  contradictory  with  this  situa- 
tion now  recognized  by  the  Russian  and  British 
governments,  nor  has  it  become  less  effective 
than  in  the  last  year,  for,  while  the  control  by 
Japan  has  since  been  tightened,  Korea  remains 
a separate  empire  with  all  the  sovereign  rights 
of  an  independent  State.  Japan,  speaking  tech- 
nically, exercises  a supervisory  control  and  dis- 
charges administrative  functions  entrusted  to 
her  care.  The  future  trend  of  affairs  — whether 
the  Korean  independence  will  vanish  into  a 
mere  fiction  as  the  Japanese  control  advances, 
or  whether  under  the  latter  the  peninsular  people 
will  be  trained  to  an  effective  self-government 
— must  largely  be  determined  by  the  mutual 
interaction  of  the  complex  factors,  both  Korean 
and  Japanese,  public  and  private,  conscious  and 
unconscious,  which  are  steadily  working  out 
the  destiny  of  the  peninsula.” — K.  Asakawa, 
Korea  and  Manchuria  under  the  New  Treaty 
(Atlantic  Monthly , Nov. , 1905). 

A.  D.  1905  (Aug.).  — New  Agreement  con- 
cerning Korea  between  Great  Britain  and 
Japan.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905 
(Aug.). 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Japanese  Control  of 
Korean  Affairs. — Under  Prince  Ito.  — At- 
tempted appeal  of  Korea  to  the  Hague 
Conference  of  1907.  — Enforced  abdication 
of  the  Emperor.  — Elevation  of  his  Son  to 
the  Throne. — Extensive  and  fierce  Revolt 
rigorously  fought  down. — Retirement  of 
Prince  Ito.  — Recent  Measures.  — As  to  the 
use  made  by  the  Japanese  of  the  entireness  of 
their  domination  in  Korea,  as  conceded  to  them 
in  the  treaties  referred  to  above,  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  Korea,  primarily,  and  by  Great  Britain 


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KOREA,  1905-1909 


and  Russia,  secondarily,  in  their  recognition  and 
endorsement  of  the  status  thus  established,  there 
lias  been  much  controversy  since.  The  Ko- 
reans themselves  have  been  loud  complainants 
of  harsh  and  oppressive  exercises  of  Japanese 
power  in  their  country,  and  have  found  many 
sympathizers  among  the  western  peoples  to  de- 
nounce their  alleged  wrongs.  On  the  other 
hand,  many  foreign  visitors  to  Korea,  after  care- 
ful observation  of  conditions  in  the  country, 
have  borne  strong  testimony  in  favor  of  the 
Japanese  conduct  of  Korean  affairs.  Professor 
George  T.  Ladd,  for  example,  of  Yale  Univer- 
sity, is  one  of  these  witnesses  whose  judgment 
has  great  weight.  Having  gone  to  Japan  to 
give  a course  of  lectures  there,  Professor  Ladd 
was  asked  by  Prince  lt.o,  the  Japanese  Resident- 
General  in  Korea,  to  visit  the  latter  country  as 
an  observer,  and  lend  counsel  to  the  Prince  rela- 
tive specially  to  some  matters  that  touched 
American  missions.  His  subsequent  book,  en- 
titled “In  Korea  with  Prince  Ito,”  represents, 
beyond  question,  a careful  and  candid  study  of 
conditions  which  he  had  the  best  of  opportuni- 
ties for  becoming  rightly  acquainted  with.  It 
does  not  approve  or  justify  everything  that  the 
Japanese  dictators  of  Korean  administration 
were  doing,  but  it  represents  the  general  motive 
and  intent  of  their  undertakings  to  have  been 
for  the  improvement  of  the  people  and  country 
whose  affairs  they  had  taken  into  their  hands. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  what  has  been  written 
of  Korea  since  the  Russo-Japanese  war  by  Mr. 
George  Kennan,  the  experienced  traveller  in  the 
East  and  student  of  its  peoples  and  their  life. 

The  truth  appears  to  be  that  the  Japanese  are 
using  their  power  in  Korea  as  justly,  as  hon- 
estly, as  rightly  as  the  English  are  using  sim- 
ilar power  in  Egypt,  as  the  Americans  are  using 
it  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  or  as  any  people 
has  ever  used  the  power  to  dictate  government 
to  another  people.  The  question  of  right  and 
wrong  in  all  such  cases  goes  back  of  the  mode 
of  using  the  overlordship,  and  is  a question  of 
the  right  to  hold  it  for  any  mode  of  use.  That 
there  was  compulsion  in  the  procurement  of  the 
convention  by  which  the  Emperor  of  Korea  and 
his  decadent  Government  surrendered  them- 
selves to  the  dictatorial  protection  of  Japan  goes 
without  saying.  That  there  is  not  a strong  na- 
tion in  the  world  to-day  that  would  not,  in  the 
same  circumstances,  have  exercised  the  same 
compulsion  and  wrung  the  same  surrender,  is 
just  as  indisputable;  but  the  political  moral 
ity  of  the  world  is  still  too  undeveloped  for  that 
fact  to  be  exonerating.  It  only  “sights”  the 
political  ethics  of  Japan  along  the  level  of  our 
Christendom,  and  finds  her  to  be,  at  least,  not 
below  it. 

Soon  after  the  Convention  of  November  17, 
1905.  had  been  signed.  Marquis  Ito,  the  Japanese 
Resident-General  in  Korea,  invited  the  newspa- 
per editors  in  Seoul  to  a luncheon,  at  which  he 
addressed  them,  as  reported  at  the  time,  partly 
in  these  words: 

“ If  the  state  of  affairs  in  Korea  be  examined, 
it  is  found  that  the  relations  between  sovereign 
and  subject,  government  and  governed,  are  of  a 
very  distant  nature,  and  are  by  no  means  so  close 
as  those  in  Japan.  Hence  it  becomes  inevitable 
to  adopt  toward  the  Government  measures  of  a 
more  or  less  compulsory  nature.  The  people, 
however,  are  eminently  peaceful  and  quiet,  and 


toward  them,  therefore,  the  policy  pursued  must 
be  one  of  gentle  persuasion.  Those  are  points 
which  have  to  be  kept  in  view  not  merely  by 
our  officials,  but  also  by  all  Japanese  subjects 
residing  in  Korea.  Such  Japanese  subjects 
must  carefully  refrain  from  all  acts  of  violence 
to  which  their  country’s  victories  may  prompt 
them,  and  must  be  guided  by  a spirit  of  kindness 
in  their  dealings  with  the  Koreans.  Already  the 
United  States  representative  in  Seoul  has  re- 
ceived instructions  from  his  Government  for  the 
removal  of  the  legation,  and  it  may  be  assumed 
that  the  other  powers  will  similarly  recognize 
Japan’s  convention.  It  will  then  be  for  Japan 
not  to  forget  the  duties  that  heaven  has  dele- 
gated to  her,  but  to  lead  Korea  gently  and  help- 
fully along  the  path  of  progress,  for  assuredly 
anything  like  arbitrary  or  coercive  conduct  will 
earn  for  Korea  the  sympathy  of  the  nations,  and 
will  defeat  the  true  and  abiding  policy  of  Japan.” 

Discontent,  complaint,  resistance  in  Korea  were 
inevitable,  whatever  treatment  the  country  in  so 
helpless  and  humbled  a situation  might  receive. 
By  a dexterous  movement  in  1907  it  compelled 
the  world  to  take  notice  of  its  plight.  The  Em- 
peror, or  his  immediate  entourage,  succeeded  by 
some  means  in  fairly  smuggling  out  of  the  coun- 
try a delegation  commissioned  to  claim  a hear- 
ing before  the  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague. 
Their  claim  was  effectually  extinguished  by  the 
agreement  of  1904,  which  turned  over  to  Japan 
the  whole  management  of  the  foreign  affairs  of 
Korea ; but  the  Korean  situation  was  discussed 
widely  fora  time.  Nothing  of  benefit  to  the  na- 
tive Korean  Government,  however,  came  from 
the  event.  The  iron  hand  of  Japanese  control 
was  laid  in  heavier  pressure  on  the  feeble  court, 
at  once.  The  nominal  Korean  Ministry  was 
made  to  demand  and  compel  the  abdication  of 
the  Emperor,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  endan- 
gered the  national  welfare  by  violation  of  the 
treaty  of  August,  1904.  His  young  son  was 
crowned  in  his  stead,  and  Korea  was  required  to 
submit  to  a new'  Agreement,  signed  on  the  24th 
of  July,  1907,  by  which  the  Resident-General 
“ acquired  initiative  as  well  as  consultatory  com- 
petence to  enact  and  enforce  law's  and  ordinances, 
to  appoint  and  remove  Korean  officials,  and  to 
place  capable  Japanese  subjects  in  the  ranks  of 
Korean  officialdom.”  Special  provision  was  made 
for  the  separation  of  the  Judiciary  and  the  Ex- 
ecutive, so  as  to  put  an  end,  wrote  an  English 
correspondent,  “ to  the  grievous  corruption  prac- 
tised under  a system  which  invested  provincial 
governors  and  district  magistrates  with  judicial 
functions,  reducing  the  administration  of  justice 
to  a mere  matter  of  favour  or  interest.”  Under 
this  new  agreement  the  Resident-General  ac- 
quired authority  sufficient  to  overcome  obstruc- 
tion, for  it  pledged  the  Government  of  Korea  to 
act  under  his  guidance  in  matters  of  administra- 
tive reform ; not  to  enact  any  laws  or  take  any 
important  measures  without  Ids  previous  assent; 
and  not  to  appoint  or  dismiss  high  officials  with- 
out his  concurrence. 

The  attempt  to  carry  an  appeal  to  the  Hague 
Conference  was  not  fortunate  for  Korea  in  the 
result.  As  a coup  it  was  skilfully  executed, 
but  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  shrewd  in  the 
planning.  It  was  attributed,  in  both  plan  and 
execution,  to  an  American,  Mr.  Homer  B.  Hurl 
bert,  who  went  to  Korea  as  an  educator  some 
years  before,  under  an  appointment  by  the  Gov- 


368 


KOREA,  1905-1909 


KOREA,  1905-1909 


eminent  of  the  United  States,  on  an  official  re- 
quest from  Korea ; who  had  acquired  much 
influence  there  and  was  strenuously  a partisan  of 
the  Koreans,  as  against  the  Japanese.  Publish- 
ing a small  periodical,  the  Korean  Review,  Mr. 
Ilurlburt  became  an  effective  champion  of  their 
cause,  publicly  as  well  as  privately  in  the  native 
counsels  of  the  overlorded  empire.  In  the  latter 
capacity  he  was  pitted  against  another  Ameri- 
can, Mr.  Durham  White  Stevens,  whose  ap- 
pointment by  Japanese  selection,  in  1904,  to  be 
adviser  to  the  Korean  Foreign  Office,  is  men- 
tioned above.  Originally  in  the  service  of  his 
own  country,  Mr.  Stevens  had  then  become  of- 
ficial adviser  to  the  Japanese  Legation  at  Wash- 
ington, and  passed  from  that  to  the  service  in 
Korea.  His  fidelity  to  Japanese  interests  cen- 
tered on  him  the  animosity  of  the  rebellious  ele- 
ment in  Korea,  and  he  fell  a victim  to  their  hate. 

The  forcing  of  the  old  Emperor  from  the 
throne  and  the  exaction  of  a more  direct  and 
complete  submission  of  Korea  to  Japanese  rule 
had  provoked  an  extensive  revolt.  This  was 
made  more  serious  by  an  acknowledged  mis- 
take committed  by  Prince  Ito,  in  disbanding 
the  Korean  army.  A correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Evening  Post , who  wrote  from  Tokyo  on 
the  14th  of  December,  1908,  gave  this  account 
of  the  effect,  and  of  the  dreadful  suffering  of 
the  country  from  the  conflict  that  followed,  in 
1907-8:  “The  discharged  soldiers,  stung  by  the 
disgrace  of  dismissal  and  the  dishonor  of  forced 
submission  to  hated  intruders,  quickly  spread 
all  over  the  country,  stirring  up  their  compa- 
triots to  a fearless  and  often  a fatal  zeal  against 
the  alien  administration.  The  Japanese  authori- 
ties forthwith  set  about  a vigorous  suppression 
of  the  malcontents,  even  to  the  extent  of  a mer- 
ciless annihilation  of  life  and  a wholesale  de- 
struction of  property.  . . . The  rebel  forces 
only  -waxed  more  formidable,  until  by  the  ap- 
proach of  spring  the  insurgent  bands  were  so 
widely  distributed  and  menacing  that  no  Japan- 
ese could  safely  venture  beyond  the  confines  of 
well-guarded  towns  and  cities. 

“Accordingly  the  imperial  authorities  were 
driven  to  replace  their  new  policy  of  remaining 
on  the  defensive  by  the  former  one  of  extermi- 
nation, and  no  quarter.  Last  summer,  therefore, 
a well-organized  campaign  for  completely  wip- 
ing out  the  insurrectionary  forces  was  resolved 
upon  and  put  into  execution.  ...  A procla- 
mation had  previously  been  issued  to  the  effect 
that  all  Koreans  affording  food  or  shelter  to  the 
insurgents,  or  in  any  way  rendering  assistance 
liable  to  involve  a charge  of  complicity,  would 
be  summarily  dealt  with  ; while  those  who  sur- 
rendered to  the  proper  authorities  would  be 
pardoned.  The  message  placed  the  people  be- 
tween the  devil  and  the  deep  sea.  If  the  natives 
refused  assistance  to  the  insurgents,  obedience 
would  be  required  of  them  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet  by  their  insulted  fellow-patriots;  while 
if  they  were  suspected  of  thus  acquiescing, 
they  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  sol- 
diery. Under  the  circumstances  the  Koreans 
naturally  chose  rather  to  die  serving  their  own 
people  than  to  suffer  the  same  fate  by  resisting 
them.” 

A tragical  incident  of  this  fierce  struggle  was 
the  assassination  of  Mr.  Durham  White  Stevens, 
while  visiting  the  United  States.  He  had  been 
marked  for  death  by  the  Korean  insurgents,  and 


was  slain  by  their  emissaries,  in  March,  1908, 
soon  after  his  landing  in  California. 

The  correspondent  above  quoted  regarded  the 
insurrection  as  having  spent  its  force  at  the  time 
of  his  writing,  December,  1908.  Against  the 
enormous  destruction  of  life  and  property  which 
the  suppression  of  it  had  cost,  he  proceeded  to 
set  a brief  summary  of  the  simultaneous  con- 
structive and  reformative  work  which  the  Jap- 
anese had  been  carrying  on.  This  was  described 
more  broadly,  however,  a little  later,  by  a writer 
iu  the  London  Times,  from  whom  we  quote  ; 
“The  coasts  have  been  lighted  and  buoyed  ; 
posts,  telegraphs,  and,  telephones  have  been 
provided ; roads  and  railways  have  been  built ; 
public  buildings  have  been  erected  ; various  in- 
dustrial enterprises  have  been  started,  as  print- 
ing, brick-making,  forestry,  and  coal-mining  ; 
model  farms  have  been  laid  out ; the  cultivation 
of  cotton  has  been  commenced  and  promises  to 
become  a great  industry  ; an  industrial  training 
school  has  been  built  and  equipped  ; an  exposi- 
tion has  been  held  in  Seoul ; sanitary  works  have 
been  inaugurated ; fine  hospitals  and  medical 
schools  have  been  opened  ; an  excellent  educa- 
tional system  modelled  on  that  of  Japan  has 
been  organized ; waterworks  have  been  con- 
structed in  several  towns  ; and,  last  though  not 
least,  complete  freedom  of  conscience  has  re- 
placed the  old  anti-Christian  bigotry.” 

In  June,  1909,  the  veteran  statesman,  Prince 
Ito,  was  relieved  of  the  trying  office  of  Resident- 
General  in  Korea,  and  succeeded  by  Viscount 
Sone,  who  had  previously  served  with  him  as 
Vice  Resident-General.  A Tokyo  correspondent 
wrote  of  the  change:  “ It  was  first  planned  to 
appoint  Viscount  Terauchi,  minister  of  war  in 
the  Japanese  Cabinet,  to  the  residency  in  Korea, 
but  Prince  Ito  objected,  pointing  out  to  the 
ministers  that  the  selection  of  Viscount  Ter- 
auchi, a lieutenant-general,  would  be  considered 
as  a triumph  for  the  military  regime  and  an 
abandonment  and  disavowal  of  Prince  Ito’s  pol- 
icy for  the  peaceful  development  of  Korea.  As 
usual.  Prince  Ito’s  advice  was  accepted  by  his 
fellow  statesmen,  and  Viscount  Sone,  who  re- 
ceived his  training  in  Korea  under  the  admin- 
istration of  Prince  Ito,  was  named  to  the  post. 

“A  high  officer  said  to-day  that  when  the 
Korea  residency  was  created  it  was  incumbent 
upon  Japan  to  send  her  most  able  statesman, 
Prince  Ito,  to  fill  the  important  post.  He  formu- 
lated his  policy  of  administration  without  inter- 
ference, and  while  some  of  the  leading  men  of 
Japan  were  inclined  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of  that 
policy  they  are  now  virtually  converted  to  his 
ideas,  and  it  is  generally  believed  that  the  feel- 
ing of  confidence  and  friendship  for  Japan  can 
be  created  among  the  Koreans  and  make  the 
country  doubly  valuable.” 

Further  changes  in  the  administration  of  Ko- 
rean affairs  attended  this  official  change.  They 
were  reported  to  the  London  Times  by  its  Tokyo 
correspondent,  July  18,  as  follows  : “ Japan  has 
just  taken  some  important  steps  in  Korea,  the 
occasion  chosen  being  the  simultaneous  presence 
of  the  outgoing  and  the  incoming  Residents-Gen- 
eral  in  Seoul.  She  has  made  arrangements  for 
the  establishment  of  a central  bank  under  offi- 
cial auspices,  and  she  has  negotiated  for  the 
abolition  of  the  two  Departments  of  War  and 
Justice.  . . . The  capital  will  be  one  million 
sterling  in  £10  shares,  30,000  of  which  shares 


369 


KOREA,  1905-1909 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


will  be  allotted  to  the  Korean  Government,  the 
remainder  being  offered  for  subscription  in  Ko- 
rea and  Japan.  . . . An  important  feature  is 
that  all  the  bank’s  officers  will  be  nominated 
by  the  Japanese  Government,  though  they  may 
include  Korean  subjects. 

“This  being  a purely  financial  measure 
which  falls  naturally  into  its  place  in  the  se- 
quence of  Japan’s  protectorate  programme  has 
not  attracted  any  special  attention.  Not  so, 
however,  the  abolition  of  the  Korean  Depart- 
ment of  Justice,  and  its  replacement  by  a bu- 
reau in  the  Residency-General.  The  immediate 
effect  of  that  change  is  to  convert  the  Korean 
Courts  of  law  into  branches  of  the  Japanese  tri- 
bunals of  justice.  Korean  laws  will,  of  course, 
be  administered  — and  their  revision  and  codifi- 
cation cannot  be  accomplished  in  a moment  — 
but  all  the  occupants  of  the  bench  will  be  se- 
lected and  appointed  by  Japan,  and  if  competent 
Koreans  cannot  be  found,  or  until  they  are  edu- 
cated, Japanese  alone  will  be  nominated.  Japan 
is  to  bear  the  charges  of  this  arrangement  — 
namely,  £50,000  annually.  The  innovation  is 
not  so  radical  as  it  appears  at  first  sight. 
Already  the  assistant  Judges  in  the  principal 
Courts  were  Japanese  subjects,  so  that  what  is 
now  done  is  to  extend  the  system  rather  than  to 
alter  it.  . . . 

‘ ‘ These  things  may  be  regarded  as  a definite 
step  towards  the  reality  of  Japan’s  control  in 
Korea.  There  have  been  three  distinct  stages 
in  her  attitude  towards  her  neighbour:  first,  the 
advisory  stage;  then  the  stage  of  subordinate 
administration;  and  finally  the  stage  of  well- 
nigh  effective  direction.  The  first  stage  was 
antecedent  to  the  Convention  of  November, 
1906.  During  that  period  Japan  limited  her- 
self to  tendering  counsels  which  Korea  adopted 
or  rejected  at  will.  The  second  stage  was 
marked  by  assumption  of  entire  authority  in 


the  realm  of  foreign  affairs;  entire  authority 
in  the  domain  of  communications;  practically 
entire  authority  in  military  and  police  affairs, 
and  vicarious  authority  in  the  Departments  of 
State  by  means  of  Vice-Ministers,  in  the  field  of 
justice  by  the  agency  of  assistant  judges,  and 
in  provincial  administration  by  means  of  secre- 
taries who  ranked  as  assistant-governors.  The 
third  stage  has  just  been  inaugurated;  military 
control  has  been  made  complete;  judicial  control 
has  been  made  complete,  and  financial  control 
has  been  made  well-nigh  complete.  Very  little 
remains  to  be  done.” 

KOSSUTH,  Ferencz  : Leader  of  the  Inde- 
pendence Party  in  Hungary.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1902-1903 ; 1904  ; 
1905-1906 ; 1908-1909. 

KRATZ,  Charles:  Municipal  “ Boodler  ,f 
of  St.  Louis.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal 
Government. 

KRONSTADT  : Revolutionary  Disturb- 
ances. - — The  treachery  that  defeated  the 
Rising  of  1906.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : 
A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.),  and  1906  (Aug.). 

KUANG-HSU  : Emperor  of  China.- — His 
death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D.  1908 
(Nov.). 

KUENSAN  HILL,  Capture  of.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904^1905  (May-Jan.). 

KULTURKAMPF,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  Prussia;  A.  D.  1904. 

KURINO:  Japanese  Minister  at  St.  Pe- 
tersburg. See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1901- 
1904. 

KUROKI,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  ; 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

KUROPATKIN,  General:  In  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D. 
1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

KUYPER,  Rev.  Dr.  Abraham.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 


L. 

LABOR  EXCHANGES  ACT,  British.  I See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of  : Eng- 

I LAND. 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION. 


(Trade  Unions — Labor  Parties  — Strikes  — Lockouts  — Mediations  — Arbi- 
trations— Industrial  Agreements.) 


Australia:  A.  D.  1886-1906.  — The  Rise  of 
the  Labor  Party. — Its  rigorous  organiza- 
tion. — Some  account  of  the  part  played  in 
Australian  politics  by  the  Labor  Party  is  given 
elsewhere  (see,  in  this  vol.,  Australia:  A.  D. 
1903-1904,  and  after).  The  circumstances  of 
the  rise  and  growth  of  the  party  are  related 
briefly  and  the  rigorousness  of  its  organization 
is  described  in  the  following  : 

“To  trace  the  origin  of  the  movement  we 
must  go  back  to  the  fall  of  prices  which  began 
about  1886,  to  the  succeeding  lean  years  1886-92, 
and  the  miseries  of  the  consequent  period  of 
unsuccessful  strikes.  The  strikers  and  their 
working-class  sympathizers  were  taunted  with 
appealing  to  brute  force,  and  recommended  to 
depend  rather  upon  constitutional  political  meth- 
ods for  the  redress  of  grievances.  The  work- 


ingmen took  the  advice  and  bettered  it.  The 
trades  unions  devoted  a portion  of  their  funds 
and  much  of  their  energy  to  political  propa- 
ganda. First  in  New  South  Wales,  later  in  all 
the  colonies  and  in  many  widely  separated  dis- 
tricts, labor  leagues  were  organized  which 
sketched  out  a policy  and  laid  down  a pledge 
which  all  candidates  supported  by  the  leagues 
must  sign.  These  formed  the  nucleus  of  a new 
and  independent  political  party  which  gave 
their  votes  to  either  Liberal  or  Conservative  in- 
differently, regardless  of  which  was  in  office,  in 
return  for  legislative  concessions  from  either. 
The  new  party  springing  thus  almost  simulta- 
neously to  life  all  over  the  continent  was  at  first 
regarded  as  a pathetic  joke.  They  were  few  in 
numbers,  uneducated,  inexperienced  in  affairs 
of  state,  and  had  opposed  to  them  all  the  wealth 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


and  the  legal  astuteness  in  every  chamber 
where  they  held  seats.  But  they  were  deter- 
mined, united,  and,  with  rare  exceptions,  self- 
sacrificing.  They  were  mutually  hound  not  to 
take  office  except  with  the  consent  of  their  fel- 
low-laborites,  so  that  they  were  labeled  from 
the  first  as  ‘Not  for  sale.’  And  from  their 
point  of  view  the  plan  has  succeeded. 

■ * Friend  and  foe  alike  pay  tribute  to  the  mag- 
nificent organization  and  discipline  of  the  move- 
ment, and  to  the  personal  disinterestedness  of 
the  leaders.  A great  economy  of  effort  is  as- 
sured by  having  a platform  and  organization 
practically  identical  for  the  Federal,  State  and 
municipal  elections,  and  for  general  propaganda 
work,  and  consequently  being  able  to  utilize 
the  same  bodies  — the  local  political  labor 
leagues  — and  the  same  workers  for  what  seems 
to  them  social  righteousness,  whether  in  national, 
State,  or  municipal  concerns.  The  Labor  party 
was  born  of  trades-unionism,  and  its  whole  ad- 
ministration has  been  based  on  trades  union 
methods.  The  political  labor  leagues  were  at 
first  composed  of  trades-unionists,  and  are  still 
closely  in  touch  with  trades  unions.  These  are 
the  bodies  who  vote  for  the  selection  of  candi- 
dates for  all  elections  and  for  delegates  to  the 
annual  and  triennial  State  and  Federal  confer- 
ences of  the  party.  The  Labor  party  in  Parlia- 
ment may  be  the  controlling  force,  but  no  other 
party  in  Australia  has  to  carry  out  the  behests 
of  its  constituents  as  does  this. 

“ We  now  come  to  the  pledge  and  the  caucus. 
The  pledge,  which  was  first  drafted  by  the  New 
South  Wales  Labor  Conference  in  1895,  reads  as 
follows  : ‘ I hereby  pledge  myself  not  to  oppose 
the  candidate  selected  by  the  recognized  politi- 
cal Labour  organisation,  and,  if  elected,  to  do 
my  utmost  to  carry  out  the  principles  — em- 
bodied in  the  Federal  Labour  Platform,  and 
on  all  questions  affecting  the  Platform  to  vote 
as  a majority  of  the  Parliamentary  Party  may 
decide  at  a duly  constituted  caucus  meeting.’ 

“As  the  pledge  binds  all  members  to  carry 
out  the  general  principles  of  a platform  decided 
for  him  by  the  united  labor  vote  of  Australia,  so 
each  man  has  his  vote  in  the  legislature  decided 
for  him  beforehand  on  all  details  of  that  policy 
by  the  caucus  vote  of  his  party  in  the  legislature, 
before  or  during  the  course  of  debate.  The  ad- 
vocates of  the  system  say  that  this  is  the  only 
way  in  which  any  consistent  policy  can  be  car- 
ried out  to  a successful  end.  Opponents  assert 
that  in  it  we  have  the  germs  of  machine  politics, 
and  that  labor  may  by  and  by  pay  dearly  for  its 
present  victory.  The  large  amount  of  direct 
representation  in  Australia,  and  the  increasing 
probabilities  of  the  initiative  and  referendum 
being  more  largely  used,  may  check  this  ten- 
dency.”— Alice  Henry,  The  Australian  Labor 
Movement  ( The  Outlook,  Nov.  3,  1906). 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Failures  of  the  Com- 
pulsory Arbitration  Law. — In  this  volume, 
under  the  heading  — Australia  : A.  D.  1905- 
1906,  — an  instance  of  failure  in  the  operation  of 
the  compulsory  Arbitration  Law  to  arrest  a strike 
of  coal  miners  in  New  South  Wales  is  recorded. 
The  failure  was  repeated  in  the  same  field  in  the 
fall  of  1909,  when  12,000  miners  of  the  Newcastle 
and  Maitland  collieries  of  New  South  Wales 
stopped  work.  “The  men,”  it  was  reported, 
“demand  an  open  conference  to  deal  with  the 
principal  grievances,  with  resort,  in  the  event  of 


failure,  to  the  Federal  Arbitration  Court  or  a 
special  commission.  The  owners,  on  the  other 
hand,  insist  on  a conference  with  closed  doors 
and  the  settlement  of  undecided  questions  under 
the  State  Industrial  Act.  They  further  want 
work  to  be  resumed  simultaneously  with  the 
opening  of  the  conference.  The  men,  however, 
refuse  to  hew  coal  until  their  grievances  have 
been  settled,  but  offer  to  carry  on  during  the 
conference  all  work  necessary  to  keep  the  mines 
in  working  order.” 

The  correspondent  who  reported  this  went  on 
to  say  : “ The  public  seems  to  be  without  a rem- 
edy against  the  strikers,  since  it  is  impossible  to 
imprison  the  whole  mass,  and  the  imprisonment 
of  the  leaders  would  mean  a general  strike.  In 
addition  the  only  available  labour  for  colliery 
purposes  is  controlled  by  the  trade  unions.” 
Evidently,  however,  the  law  was  vindicated  in 
the  end,  since  a report  from  Sydney  on  the  29th 
of  December,  made  known  that  13  officials  of 
the  miners’  union  had  been  fined  £100  each,  with 
two  months  hard  labor  in  default. 

Austria  : A.  D.  1902.  — During  a strike  of 
about  6500  men  in  various  employments  at  Tri- 
este, in  February,  1902,  there  were  conflicts  with 
the  military  in  which  about  40  were  killed  and 
wounded.  The  demand  was  for  an  eight  hours 
day,  and  it  was  conceded  in  the  end,  after  an 
arbitration  which  decided  in  their  favor.  In  the 
following  August  serious  labor  disturbances 
occurred  in  Galicia,  where  the  peasants  claimed 
better  wages,  and  troops  had  to  be  sent  to  the 
region  to  restore  order. 

Belgium:  A.  D.  1902.  — General  Strike  of 
Workmen  as  Protest  against  the  Plural  Suf- 
frage. See  (in  this  vol.)  Belgium  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Compensation  for  Injuries  to 
Workmen.  — After  months  of  debate  an  Act 
prescribing  compensation  for  accidents  injurious 
to  workmen  was  passed,  attempts  to  attach  to  it 
the  principle  of  compulsory  insurance  having 
failed. 

Canada:  A.  D.  1907-1908. — The  Act 
known  as  “The  Industrial  Disputes  Investi- 
gation Act.”  — Its  main  provisions.  — Its 
object,  not  Compulsory  Arbitration,  but  the 
Compulsory  Attempting  of  Arbitration.  — 
General  success  of  the  Act.  — Failure  to  pre- 
vent Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Strike.  — In 
the  judgment  of  many  who  give  thought  and 
study  to  labor  questions,  the  most  promising  ex- 
periment yet  made  in  legislation  for  dealing  with 
disputes  between  employers  and  workmen  is  the 
Canadian  Act  of  March,  1907,  entitled  “An  Act 
to  aid  in  the  Prevention  and  Settlement  of  Strikes 
and  Lockouts  in  Mines  and  Industries  connected 
with  Public  Utilities.”  The  essence  of  the  Act 
is  in  its  56th  to  61st  sections,  which  read  as  fol- 
lows : 

“ 56.  It  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  employer  to 
declare  or  cause  a lockout,  or  for  any  employee 
to  go  on  strike,  on  account  of  any  dispute  prior 
to  or  during  a reference  of  such  dispute  to  a 
Board  of  Conciliation  and  Investigation  under 
the  provisions  of  this  Act,  or  prior  to  or  during  a 
reference  under  the  provisions  concerning  rail- 
way disputes  in  the  Conciliation  and  Labour  Act : 
Provided  that  nothing  in  this  Act  shall  prohibit 
the  suspension  or  discontinuance  of  any  indus- 
try or  of  the  working  of  any  persons  therein  for 
any  cause  not  constituting  a lockout  or  strike : 
Provided  also  that,  except  where  the  parties  have 


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entered  into  an  agreement  under  section  62  of 
this  Act,  nothing  in  this  Act  shall  be  held  to  re- 
strain any  employer  from  declaring  a lockout,  or 
any  employee  from  going  on  strike  in  respect 
of  any  dispute  which  has  been  duly  referred  to 
a Board  and  which  has  been  dealt  with  under 
section  24  or  25  of  this  Act,  or  in  respect  of  any 
dispute  which  has  been  the  subject  of  a reference 
under  the  provisions  concerning  railway  disputes 
in  the  Conciliation  and  Labour  Act. 

“57.  Employers  and  employees  shall  give  at 
least  thirty  days’  notice  of  an  intended  change 
affecting  conditions  of  employment  with  respect 
to  w'ages  or  hours  ; and  in  every  case  where  a 
dispute  has  been  referred  to  a Board,  until  the 
dispute  has  been  finally  dealt  with  by  the  Board, 
neither  of  the  parties  nor  the  employees  affected 
shall  alter  the  conditions  of  employment  with 
respect  to  wages  or  hours,  or  on  account  of  the 
dispute  do  or  be  concerned  in  doing,  directly  or 
indirectly,  anything  in  the  nature  of  a lockout 
or  strike,  or  a suspension  or  discontinuance  of 
employment  or  work,  but  the  relationship  of 
employer  and  employee  shall  continue  unin- 
terrupted by  the  dispute,  or  anything  arising 
out  of  the  dispute;  but  if,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Board,  either  party  uses  this  or  any  other  pro- 
vision of  this  Act  for  the  purpose  of  unjustly 
maintaining  a given  condition  of  affairs  through 
delay,  and  the  Board  so  reports  to  the  Minister, 
such  party  shall  be  guilty  of  an  offence,  aud  lia- 
ble to  the  same  penalties  as  are  imposed  for  a 
violation  of  the  next  preceding  section. 

“58.  Any  employer  declaring  or  causing  a 
lockout  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  Act, 
shall  be  liable  to  a fine  of  not  less  than  one  hun- 
dred dollars,  nor  more  than  one  thousand  dol- 
lars, for  each  day  or  part  of  a day  that  such 
lockout  exists. 

“ 59.  Any  employee  who  goes  on  strike  con- 
trary to  the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be  liable 
to  a fine  of  not  less  than  ten  dollars,  nor  more 
than  fifty  dollars,  for  each  day  or  part  of  a day 
that  such  employee  is  on  strike. 

‘ ‘ 60.  Any  person  who  incites,  encourages  or 
aids  in  any  manner  any  employer  to  declare  or 
continue  a lockout,  or  any  employee  to  go  or  con- 
tinue on  strike  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this 
Act,  shall  be  guilty  of  an  offence  and  liable  to  a 
fine  of  not  less  than  fifty  dollars  nor  more  than 
one  thousand  dollars. 

“61.  The  procedure  for  enforcing  penalties 
imposed  or  authorized  to  be  imposed  by  this  Act 
shall  be  that  prescribed  by  Part  XV.  of  the  Crim- 
inal Code  relating  to  summary  convictions.” 

A sufficient  understanding  of  the  practical 
operation  of  the  Act  may  be  derived  from  the 
following  prescriptive  sections  : 

“ 5.  Wherever  any  dispute  exists  between  an 
employer  and  any  of  his  employees,  and  the 
parties  thereto  are  unable  to  adjust  it,  either  of 
the  parties  to  the  dispute  may  make  application 
to  the  Minister  for  the  appointment  of  a Board 
of  Concilation  and  Investigation,  to  which  Board 
the  dispute  maybe  referred  under  the  provisions 
of  this  Act:  Provided,  however,  that,  in  the 
case  of  a dispute  between  a railway  company 
and  its  employees,  such  dispute  may  be  referred, 
for  the  purpose  of  conciliation  and  investigation, 
under  the  provisions  concerning  railway  disputes 
in  the  Conciliation  and  Labour  Act. 

“ 6.  Whenever,  under  this  Act,  an  application 
is  made  in  due  form  for  the  appointment  of  a 


Board  of  Conciliation  and  Investigation,  aud  such 
application  does  not  relate  to  a dispute  which 
is  the  subject  of  a reference  under  the  provisions 
concerning  railway  disputes  in  the  Conciliation 
and  Labour  Act, the  Minister,  whose  decision  for 
such  purpose  shall  be  final,  shall,  within  fifteen 
days  from  the  date  at  which  the  application  is 
received,  establish  such  Board  under  his  hand 
and  seal  of  office,  if  satisfied  that  the  provisions 
of  this  Act  apply. 

“ 7.  Every  Board  shall  consist  of  three  mem- 
bers who  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Minister. 
Of  the  three  members  of  the  Board  one  shall  be 
appointed  on  the  recommendation  of  the  em- 
ployer and  one  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
employees  (the  parties  to  the  dispute),  and  the 
third  on  the  recommendation  of  the  members  so 
chosen.” 

“ 11.  No  person  shall  act  as  a member  of  the 
Board  who  has  any  direct  pecuniary  interest  in 
the  issue  of  a dispute  referred  to  such  Board.” 

“23.  In  every  case  where  a dispute  is  duly 
referred  to  a Board  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
Board  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  a settlement 
of  the  dispute,  and  to  this  end  the  Board  shall, 
in  such  manner  as  it  thinks  fit,  expeditiously 
and  carefully  inquire  into  the  dispute  and  all 
matters  affecting  the  merits  thereof  and  the 
right  settlement  thereof.  In  the  course  of  such 
inquiry  the  Board  may  make  all  such  sugges- 
tions and  do  all  such  things  as  it  deems  right  and 
proper  for  inducing  the  parties  to  come  to  a fair 
aud  amicable  settlement  of  the  dispute,  and 
may  adjourn  the  proceedings  for  any  period 
the  Board  thinks  reasonable  to  allow  the  parties 
to  agree  upon  terms  of  settlement. 

“24.  If  a settlement  of  the  dispute  is  arrived 
at  by  the  parties  during  the  course  of  its  refer- 
ence to  the  Board,  a memorandum  of  the  settle- 
ment shall  be  drawn  up  by  the  Board  and  signed 
by  the  parties,  and  shall,  if  the  parties  so  agree, 
be  binding  as  if  made  a recommendation  by  the 
Board  under  section  62  of  this  Act,  and  a copy 
thereof  with  a report  upon  the  proceedings  shall 
be  forwarded  to  the  Minister. 

“25.  If  a settlement  of  the  dispute  is  not 
arrived  at  during  the  course  of  its  reference  to 
the  Board,  the  Board  shall  make  a full  report, 
thereon  to  the  Minister,  which  report  shall  set 
forth  the  various  proceedings  and  steps  taken 
by  the  Board  for  the  purpose  of  fully  and  care- 
fully ascertaining  all  the  facts  and  circum- 
stances, and  shall  also  set  forth  such  facts  and 
circumstances,  and  its  findings  therefrom,  in- 
cluding the  cause  of  the  dispute  and  the  Board’s 
recommendation  for  the  settlement  of  the  dis- 
pute according  to  the  merits  and  substantial 
justice  of  the  case. 

“26.  The  Board’s  recommendation  shall  deal 
with  each  item  of  the  dispute  and  shall  state  in 
plain  terms,  and  avoiding  as  far  as  possible  all 
technicalities,  what  in  the  Board’s  opinion  ought 
or  ought  not  to  be  done  by  the  respective  parties 
concerned.  Wherever  it  appears  to  the  Board 
expedient  so  to  do,  its  recommendation  shall  also 
state  the  period  during  which  the  proposed 
settlement  should  continue  in  force,  and  the 
date  from  which  it  should  commence.” 

“ 28.  Upon  receipt  of  the  Board’s  report  the 
Minister  shall  forthwith  cause  the  report  to  be 
filed  in  the  office  of  the  Registrar  and  a copy 
thereof  to  be  sent  free  of  charge  to  the  parties 
to  the  dispute  and  to  the  representative  of  any 


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newspaper  published  in  Canada  who  applies 
therefor,  and  the  Minister  may  distribute  copies 
of  the  report,  and  of  any  minority  report,  in 
such  manner  as  to  him  seems  most  desirable  hs 
a means  of  securing  compliance  with  the  Board’s 
recommendation.” 

The  fundamental  object  of  the  law,  as  will  be 
seen,  is  not  to  compel  arbitration,  but  to  com- 
pel an  attempt  at  arbitration,  before  any  strike 
or  lockout  is  permitted,  and  to  give  authentic 
and  full  publicity  to  all  the  circumstances  which 
can  justify  or  condemn  a strike  or  lockout,  if 
one  occurs.  So  far  in  the  experience  of  Canada 
with  this  wise  enactment  it  has  generally  been 
successful  in  bringing  about  a peaceful  settle- 
ment of  labor  disputes.  It  failed  in  the  case  of 
a disagreement  between  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway  Company  and  its  mechanical  employes, 
which  arose  in  April,  1908,  when  the  Company 
served  notice  of  a reduction  of  wages  to  one 
class  of  boiler-makers,  and  of  an  increase  in  the 
proportion  of  apprentices  to  be  employed  in  its 
shops,  together  with  some  changes  of  rules  con- 
cerning machine  tools,  etc.  The  men  applied  for 
the  appointment  of  a Conciliation  Board,  in 
accordance  with  the  law,  but  were  not  satisfied 
with  the  conclusions  reported  by  a majority  of 
the  Board,  and  struck,  as  the  law  then  permitted 
them  to  do.  The  strike  was  weakened  by  the 
unfavorable  public  opinion  which  the  investiga- 
tion produced. 

England  : A.  D.  1892-1901.  — A Statistical 
Study  of  Ten  Years  of  Trade  Disputes. — 

The  following  is  the  concluding  summary  of  an 
elaborate  statistical  study  of  Strikes  and  Lock- 
outs in  England  during  the  ten  years  from  1892 
to  1901,  made  by  an  eminent  statistician,  Mr. 
J.  H.  Schooling: 

“To  sum  up  the  chief  practical  points  that 
seem  to  have  come  out  of  this  examination  of 
trade  disputes  during  1892-1901,  these  are: 

“( a ) An  improvement  during  1897-1901  as 
compared  with  1892-1896. 

“(b)  An  altogether  undue  predominance  of 
the  Mining  and  Quarrying  Trades  in  trade  dis- 
putes, not  only  actually,  but  also  relatively  to 
the  industrial  population  of  each  group  of  trades 
compared.  This  is  a most  unsatisfactory  feature, 
for  the  reason  that  so  many  other  trades  depend 
upon  non-interruption  of  coal  mining  for  their 
successful  working.  Therefore,  efforts  to  pre- 
vent disputes  should  be  specially  directed  to  the 
Mining  and  Quarrying  Trades. 

“(c)  Nearly  two-thirds  of  all  trade  disputes 
are  caused  by  disputes  about  wages,  and  nearly 
one-half  of  all  trade  disputes  are  caused  by 
a demand  by  workpeople  for  ‘ an  increase 
of  wages.’  Only  6 per  cent,  of  all  disputes 
are  caused  by  resistance  ‘ against  decrease  of 
wages.’  . . . 

“(d)  Trade  Unionism  is  not  so  productive  of 
strikes  as  it  is  commonly  supposed  to  be. 

“(e)  Conciliation  Boards,  etc.,  do  not  cause 
the  settlement  of  many  disputes  after  the  dis- 
pute has  commenced.  Their  work  is  in  the 
direction  of  preventing  strikes  and  lock-outs. 
That  this  work  is  effective  and  that  it  should  be 
zealously  promoted  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that 
in  1901,  75  per  cent,  of  all  changes  in  wages  and 
in  hours  of  labour  were  arranged  by  sliding 
scales,  wages  boards,  or  by  other  peaceful  meth- 
ods, while  only  2 per  cent,  of  these  changes  fol- 
lowed upon  strikes  or  lock-outs. 


“(/)  The  respective  chances  of  success  by 
workpeople  or  by  employers  when  a trade  dis- 
pute is  entered  upon  are,  in  round  numbers: 
150  chances  for  the  employers;  and 
100  chances  for  the  workpeople. 

“In  addition  to  this  relatively  small  chance 
of  success  by  workpeople  when  they  strike,  the 
cost  to  them  and  to  their  trade  organisations  is 
relatively  greater  than  the  cost  to  employers.” 
— J.  H.  Schooling,  Strikes  and  Lock-outs , 1892- 
1901  (Fortnightly  Review,  May,  1904). 

A.  D.  1900-1906.  — The  Taff  Vale  De- 
cision.— Trades  Unions  made  liable  for 
Damages.  — Resulting  amendment  of  the 
English  Law.  — In  the  summer  of  1900  a strike 
of  employes  of  the  Taff  Vale  Railway  Company 
occurred,  which  lasted  only  a fortnight  or  there- 
abouts, but  had  large  and  important  conse- 
quences. During  the  strike  the  Company  applied 
for  an  injunction  to  restrain  two  officers  of  the 
Amalgamated  Society  of  Railway  Servants  from 
interfering  as  such  with  the  affairs  of  the  road. 
The  Society  opposed  the  application,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  not  a corporation  or  an  indi- 
vidual and  could  not  be  sued.  Justice  Farwell, 
before  whom  the  case  came,  held  that  a trade 
union  was  a corporate  body,  responsible  for  ille- 
gal acts  committed  by  its  officers.  This  decision 
was  a serious  menace  to  the  unions  generally, 
and  they  cooperated  extensively  with  the  Amal- 
gamated Society  in  carrying  an  appeal  to  the 
higher  courts.  The  case  was  argued  in  the  Court 
of  Appeals  in  November,  1900,  and  the  justices 
of  that  court  reversed  the  decision  of  Justice 
Farwell.  The  plaintiff  in  the  suit,  the  Railway 
Company,  then  carried  it  to  the  tribunal  of  last 
resort,  the  House  of  Lords,  and  there,  in  July, 
1902,  the  judgment  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  was 
set  aside  and  that  of  Justice  Farwell  was  sus- 
tained, making  it  the  law  of  Great  Britain,  that 
a trade  union  is  a legal  entity,  capable  of  su- 
ing and  being  sued.  On  this  decision  the  Taff 
Vale  Railway  Company  brought  suit  against 
the  Amalgamated  Society  for  damages,  and 
obtained  a verdict  on  the  20th  of  December 
which  awarded  the  Company  £28,000. 

A strenuous  endeavor  to  overcome  the  effect 
of  the  decision  rendered  by  the  House  of  Lords, 
through  amendatory  legislation,  was  begun  by 
the  Labor  Party,  with  strong  sympathy  among 
the  Liberals,  and  it  had  success.  An  Act  (which 
became  law  on  the  21st  of  December,  1906)  “to 
provide  for  the  regulation  of  Trades  Unions  and 
Trade  Disputes,”  added  the  following  “ as  a new 
paragraph  after  the  first  paragraph  of  section 
three  of  the  Conspiracy  and  Protection  of  Pro- 
perty Act,  1875”: 

“ An  act  done  in  pursuance  of  an  agreement 
or  combination  by  two  or  more  persons  shall,  if 
done  in  contemplation  or  furtherance  of  a trade 
dispute,  not  be  actionable  unless  the  act,  if  done 
without  any  such  agreement  or  combination, 
would  be  actionable.” 

Further  provisions  of  the  new  Act  were  as 
follows : 

“2.  — It  shall  be  lawful  for  one  or  more  per- 
sons, acting  on  their  own  behalf  or  on  behalf  of 
a trade  union  or  of  an  individual  employer  or 
firm  in  contemplation  or  furtherance  of  a trade 
dispute,  to  attend  at  or  near  a house  or  place 
where  a person  resides  or  works  or  carries  on 
business  or  happens  to  be,  if  they  so  attend 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  peacefully  obtaining 


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or  communicating  information,  or  of  peacefully 
persuading  any  person  to  work  or  abstain  from 
working.  . . . 

“ 3.  An  act  done  by  a person  in  contemplation 
or  furtherance  of  a trade  dispute  shall  not  be 
actionable  on  the  ground  only  that  it  induces 
some  other  person  to  break  a contract  of  employ- 
ment or  that  it  is  an  interference  with  the  trade, 
business,  or  employment  of  some  other  person, 
or  with  the  right  of  some  other  person  to  dispose 
of  his  capital  or  his  labour  as  he  wills. 

“4.  — (1)  An  action  against  a trade  union, 
whether  of  workmen  or  masters,  or  against  any 
members  or  officials  thereof  on  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  all  other  members  of  the  trade  union 
in  respect  of  any  tortious  act  alleged  to  have 
been  committed  by  or  on  behalf  of  the  trade 
union,  shall  not  be  entertained  by  any  court. 
(2)  Nothing  in  this  section  shall  affect  the  lia- 
bility of  the  trustees  of  a trade  union  to  be  sued 
in  the  events  provided  for  by  the  Trades  Union 
Act,  1871,  section  nine,  except  in  respect  of  any 
tortious  act  committed  by  or  on  behalf  of  the 
union  in  contemplation  or  in  furtherance  of  a 
trade  dispute. 

A.  D.  1903. — Political  effect  of  the  Taff 
Vale  Decision  of  the  House  of  Lords,  stimu- 
lating the  growth  of  the  Labor  Party.  — The 

Taff  Vale  Decision  rendered  by  the  House  of 
Lords  gave  an  immediate  great  impetus  to  the 
growth  and  the  independence  of  the  Labor 
Party,  pledged  by  a resolution  adopted  at  a 
‘ ‘ Labor  Representation  Conference  ” held  in 
February,  1903,  to  insist  that  Labor  candidates 
and  Labor  Members  of  Parliament  when  elected 
should  “ strictly  abstain  from  identifying  them- 
selves with  the  interests  of  any  section  of  the 
Liberal  or  Conservative  parties,”  holding  them- 
selves free  to  act  solely  for  the  purpose  of  “se- 
curing the  social  and  economic  requirements  of 
the  industrial  classes.”  The  same  conference 
took  action  for  the  creation  of  a fund  for  the 
payment  of  Labor  Members  of  Parliament  and 
for  assisting  in  the  payment  of  election  ex- 
penses. The  effects  of  the  movement  were  soon 
felt  in  Parliamentary  elections.  See,  also  (in 
this  vol.),  Socialism:  England. 

A.  D.  1906  (March).  — Report  of  Royal 
Commission  on  Labor  Disputes.  — A Royal 
Commission  on  Labor  Disputes,  appointed  in 
England  in  1903,  submitted  its  report  in  March, 
1906.  The  trades  unions  had  declined  to  take 
part  in  its  investigations,  though  their  interests 
were  represented  on  the  Commission  by  one  of 
the  ablest  and  staunchest  champions  of  the 
rights  of  labor,  Sidney  Webb.  Coal  mine 
owners  were  represented  by  one  member;  the 
remaining  three  members  were  Lord  Dunedin, 
President  of  the  Court  of  Session,  Sir  Godfrey 
Lushington,  formerly  of  the  Home  Office,  and 
an  eminent  lawyer  of  Liberal  politics,  Arthur 
Cohen.  The  most  important  recommendation 
of  the  Commission  was  that  “ an  agreement  or 
combination  by  two  or  more  persons  to  do  or 
procure  to  be  done  any  act  in  contemplation  or 
furtherance  of  a trade  dispute  shall  not  be  the 
ground  of  a civil  action,  unless  the  agreement 
or  combination  is  indictable  as  a conspiracy, 
notwithstanding  the  terms  of  the  ‘ Conspiracy 
and  Protection  of  Property  Act  of  1875.’  ” The 
Act  of  1875  had  so  modified  the  old  conspiracy 
law  that  no  combination  to  do  what  would  not 
be  punishable  by  imprisonment  if  done  by  a 


single  person  could  be  made  the  subject  of  a 
criminal  proceeding.  The  Commission  now  ad- 
vised an  extension  of  the  same  rule  to  civil 
actions.  But,  by  unanimous  agreement  the 
Commission  approved  the  decision  rendered  by 
the  House  of  Lords  in  the  Taff  Vale  case  (see 
above),  which  took  away  from  trades  unions  in 
Great  Britain  the  immunity  from  being  sued 
which  they  had  formerly  enjoyed.  As  to  the 
right  of  “picketing,”  in  the  prosecution  of  a 
labor  strike,  the  Commission  would  have  it 
limited  only  to  prevent  coercion  by  menace  or 
intimidation  in  the  performance.  It  recom- 
mended punishment  for  a workman  who  “acts 
in  such  a manner  as  to  cause  a reasonable  appre- 
hension in  the  mind  of  any  person  that  violence 
will  be  used  to  him  or  to  his  wife  or  family,  or 
damage  be  done  to  his  property.” 

In  the  judgment  of  the  Commission  the  in- 
corporation of  trades  unions  is  much  to  be  de- 
sired. These  are  the  main  conclusions  to  which 
it  was  led  by  its  long  study  of  the  subject  of 
industrial  disputes. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Excellent  Settlement 
of  a threatened  Railway  Strike.  — Adopted 
System  of  Conciliation  and  Arbitration 
Boards.  — A general  railway  strike  in  Great 
Britain  was  threatened  very  seriously  in  the 
autumn  of  1907,  when  the  Amalgamated  So- 
ciety of  Railway  Servants,  ably  led  by  its  Sec- 
retary, Mr.  Richard  Bell,  who  is  a Member  of 
Parliament,  presented  demands  to  the  compa- 
nies which  the  latter  would  not  yield  to.  Mr. 
David  Lloyd -George,  the  then  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  — which  is  a department  of  the 
National  Government  — undertook  to  negotiate 
a peaceable  settlement  of  the  dispute,  and  ac- 
complished it  with  remarkable  success.  The 
outcome  of  his  skilful  diplomacy  was  the  ac- 
ceptance, November  6,  1907,  by  both  companies 
and  men  of  a comprehensive  scheme  for  concil- 
iation and  arbitration,  which  provided  for  the 
formation  of  boards  for  each  railway,  consisting 
of  representatives  of  the  company  and  of  the 
men.  to  consider  thereafter  any  question  relat 
ing  to  rates  of  wages  aud  hours  of  duty.  The 
scheme  further  provided  that  questions  which 
these  boards  were  unable  to  settle  were  to  be 
referred  to  a single  arbitrator. 

The  London  and  North-Western  was  the  first 
railway  company  to  complete  its  arrangements 
in  connection  with  the  scheme,  and  demands 
from  most  of  the  grades  concerned  in  the  work- 
ing of  traffic,  numbering  about  39,000  men,  were 
considered  by  the  newly-formed  conciliation 
boards.  The  principal  grades  concerned  were  : 
Engine  drivers,  firemen  and  cleaners ; signalmen  ; 
brakesmen  and  shunters ; passenger  guards  and 
platform  porters;  carriage  cleaners,  wagon  ex- 
aminers and  greasers ; permanent  way  men ; 
goods  staff ; cartage  staff. 

As  agreement  in  the  London  aud  North-West- 
ern case  was  found  impossible,  reference  was 
made  to  arbitration,  and  Sir  Edward  Fry  was 
chosen  to  be  arbitrator.  He  gave  hearings  on 
the  questions  in  controversy  in  December,  1908, 
and  his  award  was  announced  in  the  February 
following.  He  decided  that  the  railway  com- 
pany had  made  good  its  contention  that  it  could 
not  pay  an  “all  round  advance’’  in  wages  of 
two  shillings  per  week,  which  had  been  the 
demand  for  all  grades  in  the  service.  He  al- 
lowed, in  fact,  few  increases  in  wages ; but 


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awarded,  on  the  contrary,  some  reductions  in 
wage  which  the  company  claimed.  On  other 
points,  concerning  the  pay  for  overtime,  etc., 
his  award  was  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  railway 
employes.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  to  have 
ended  the  dispute  with  considerable  satisfaction 
all  round.  On  this  first  decision  under  the  new' 
arrangement  for  settling  disputes,  Mr.  Bell  ex- 
pressed himself  as  “very  pleased  to  find  that  a 
great  many  of  the  concessions  asked  for  have 
been  embodied  by  the  arbitrator  in  his  award. 
We  have  got,’’  said  he,  “ rate  and  a quarter  for 
overtime  for  all  classes  uniformly.  We  have  got 
rate  and  a quarter  for  Sunday  duty  for  signal 
men,  as  well  as  other  grades  who  have  hitherto 
not  been  paid  extra  rates.  We  have  got  pay- 
ment for  Sunday  labour  for  the  passenger  staff 
— men  who  were  formerly  not  paid  for  Sunday 
duty  ; we  have  established  the  principle  that  men 
doing  the  work  of  a higher  grade  for  more  than 
one  day  shall  be  paid  at  the  rate  of  the  higher 
grade.  That  is  the  principle  we  have  been 
fighting  for  for  several  years,  and  it  will  mean 
many  shillings  per  week  to  thousands  of  men. 
A very  important  item  of  the  award  is  the  deci- 
sion that  no  alteration  shall  be  made  in  the  shape 
of  increased  hours  or  reduced  wages  in  regard 
to  men  whose  claims  were  submitted  to  the  ar- 
bitrator, but  whose  conditions  have  not  been 
altered  by  the  award.  We  have  always,  hith- 
erto, had  to  complain  about  companies  ‘ cut- 
ting,’ but  the  London  and  North-Western  cannot 
do  it  here.” 

Mr.  Bell  mentioned  that  several  other  similar 
claims  against  other  companies  were  going  to 
arbitration,  but  while  he  thought  that  Sir  Ed- 
ward Fry’s  decisions  might  have  some  influence 
upon  future  conferences,  he  pointed  out  that 
other  arbitrators  will  possibly  refuse  to  accept 
any  lead,  but  decide  matters  entirely  upon  their 
own  views  after  dealing  with  the  particular 
cases. 

A general  report  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  on 
the  working  of  the  Railway  Conciliation  Boards, 
under  the  agreement  of  November  6,  1907,  was 
published  in  March,  1909,  as  a Blue  Book,  from 
which  the  following  is  taken:  “The  agreement 
was  signed  initially  on  behalf  of  11  of  the  prin- 
cipal railway  companies,  but  adhesion  to  its 
terms  was  afterwards  signified,  subject  in  the 
case  of  the  Scottish  companies  to  modifications 
of  certain  clauses  upon  matters  of  detail,  by  35 
other  companies,  making  a total  of  46  railway 
companies  that  have  adopted  the  arrangements 
proposed  by  the  Department  for  avoiding  the 
serious  results  that  would  attend  a cessation  of 
labour  on  railways.  The  assenting  companies 
include  nearly  all  those  having  as  many  as  200 
employes  in  their  service,  and  in  fact  the  only 
companies  that  have  not  adopted  the  scheme 
are  small  companies  for  which  the  formation 
of  conciliation  boards  was  not  thought  to  be 
required,  and  a few  of  the  larger  companies  to 
whose  lines  the  provisions  of  the  agreement 
were  for  special  reasons  unsuitable.  . . . 

“ For  the  46  railways  dealt  with  under  the 
scheme,  the  number  of  boards  to  be  formed, 
apart  from  the  central  conciliation  boards,  was 
169,  and  the  total  number  of  representatives  to 
be  elected  on  such  boards  was  877.  On  44  of 
the  railways  there  was  provision  for  a central 
board  in  addition  to  the  sectional  boards,  thus 
making  a total  of  213  conciliation  boards  to  be 


formed  altogether  under  the  scheme.  . . . Eight 
hundred  and  fifty  representatives  of  employes 
were  to  be  elected  in  these  416  elections,  and 
for  these  places  the  total  number  of  candidates 
nominated  was  1,608. 

“The  total  number  of  employes  eligible  to 
vote  upon  the  various  railways  coming  within 
the  scheme  is  estimated  at  a little  over  270,000. 
After  allowing  for  cases  where  the  representa- 
tives were  returned  unopposed,  it  is  found  that 
where  voting  papers  have  actually  been  issued, 
over  77  per  cent,  of  the  employes  eligible  have 
availed  themselves  of  the  franchise.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — “ A Notable  Labor  Treaty.” 
— The  Shipbuilding  Agreement  between 
Employers  and  Trade  Unions  to  avert  Strikes 
and  Lockouts. — In  the  early  part  of  1908  the 
woodworkers  in  the  shipbuilding  yards  of  the 
north  of  England  went  on  strike  against  a reduc- 
tion in  wages,  which  was  equivalent  to  one  that 
the  ironworkers  in  all  the  British  shipyards  and 
the  woodworkers  in  the  Scotch  yards  had  ac- 
cepted. The  Federation  of  Shipbuilding  Em- 
ployers then  notified  a national  lockout  unless 
the  strikers  resumed  work  pending  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  dispute  by  conference.  For  some 
time  past  there  had  been  negotiations  on  foot 
between  the  federated  employers  and  certain  of 
the  other  shipbuilding  labor  unions,  aiming  at 
the  conclusion  of  a permanent  working  agree- 
ment for  the  prevention  of  strikes.  The  wood- 
workers were  now  brought  into  this  negotiation, 
and  after  a long  threshing  out  of  disputes,  in  a 
joint  committee  of  representatives  from  twenty- 
six  trade  unions  and  from  the  employers’  feder- 
ation a “ Memorandum  of  Agreement”  was  pro- 
duced which  all  signed  on  the  16th  of  December, 
1908,  and  which  the  London  Times,  making  it 
public  on  the  11th  of  January,  characterised 
rightly  as  “A  Notable  Labor  Treaty.”  The 
provisions  of  this  industrial  agreement  seem  to 
be  of  so  much  historical  importance  that  we  give 
the  important  sections  entire: 

“I.  — GENERAL  FLUCTUATIONS  IN  WAGES. 

“ (1)  Changes  in  wages  due  to  the  general 
conditions  of  the  shipbuilding  industry  shall  be 
termed  general  fluctuations.  Such  general  fluc- 
tuations in  wages  shall  apply  to  all  the  trades 
comprised  in  this  agreement  and  in  every  feder- 
ated firm  at  the  same  time  and  to  the  same  ex- 
tent. Differences  in  rates  of  wages  in  any  trade 
in  different  districts  can  be  dealt  with  as  here- 
tofore under  clause  II.,  section  3. 

“(2)  In  the  case  of  all  such  general  fluctua- 
tions the  following  provisions  and  procedure 
shall  apply,  viz. : — (a)  No  step  toward  an  alter- 
ation in  wages  can  be  taken  until  after  the  lapse 
of  six  calendar  months  from  the  date  of  the  pre- 
vious general  fluctuation.  (5)  Before  an  applica- 
tion for  an  alteration  can  be  made,  there  shall  be 
a preliminary  conference  between  the  federation 
and  the  unions,  in  order  to  discuss  the  position 
generally.  Such  conference  shall  be  held  within 
14  days  of  the  request  for  the  same,  (c)  No  ap- 
plication for  an  alteration  shall  be  competent 
until  the  foregoing  preliminary  conference  has 
been  held,  and  no  alteration  shall  take  effect 
within  six  weeks  of  the  date  of  the  applications. 

( d ) The  application  fora  proposed  alteration  shall 
be  made  as  follows  : The  federation  to  the  unions 
parties  to  this  agreement ; or  the  said  unions  to 
the  federations,  (e)  Within  14  days  after  the  re- 


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ceipt  of  an  application  the  parties  shall  meet  in 
conference.  (/)  The  conference  may  be  adjourned 
by  mutual  agreement,  such  adjourned  confer- 
ence to  be  held  within  14  days  thereafter.  ( g ) 
Any  general  fluctuation  intrademen’s  rates  shall 
be  of  the  following  fixed  amount,  viz.:  — Piece- 
work rates,  5%  ; and  Time  rates  1 /-  per  week,  or 
^d.  per  hour  where  payment  is  made  by  the  hour. 

“II.  — QUESTIONS  OTHER  THAN  GENERAL 
FLUCTUATIONS  IN  WAGES. 

“(1)  When  any  question  is  raised  by  or  on  be- 
half of  either  an  employer  or  employers,  or  of  a 
workman  or  workmen,  the  following  procedure 
shall  be  observed,  viz.  : — (a)  A workman  or  de- 
putation of  workmen  shall  be  received  by  their 
employers  in  the  yard  or  at  the  place  where  a 
question  has  arisen,  by  appointment,  for  the  mu- 
tual discussion  of  any  question  in  the  settlement 
of  which  both  parties  are  directly  concerned; 
and  failing  arrangement,  a further  endeavour 
may,  if  desired,  be  then  made  to  negotiate  a set- 
tlement by  a meeting  be  tween  the  employer,  with 
or  without  an  official  of  the  local  association,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  official  delegate,  or  other 
official  of  the  workmen  concerned,  with  or  with- 
out the  workman  or  workmen  directly  con- 
cerned, as  deemed  necessary.  ( b ) Failing  set- 
tlement the  question  shall  be  referred  to  a joint 
committee  consisting  of  three  employers  and 
three  representatives  of  the  union  or  of  each  of 
the  unions  directly  concerned,  none  of  whom 
shall  be  connected  with  the  yard  or  dock  where 
the  dispute  has  arisen,  (c)  Failing  settlement 
under  subsection  ( b ),  the  question  shall  be 
brought  before  the  employers’  local  association 
and  the  responsible  local  representatives  of  the 
union  or  unions  directly  concerned  in  local  con- 
ference. (d)  Failing  settlement  at  local  confer- 
ence, it  shall  be  competent  for  eitb  er  party  to  ref  er 
the  question  to  a central  conference  to  be  held 
between  the  executive  board  of  the  federation 
and  representatives  of  the  union  or  unions  di- 
rectly concerned,  such  representatives  to  have 
executive  power. 

“ (2)  If  the  question  is  in  its  nature  a general 
one  affecting  more  than  yard  or  dock,  it  shall  be 
competent  to  raise  it  direct  in  local  conference, 
or  if  it  is  general  and  affecting  the  federated 
firms  or  workmen  in  more  than  one  district,  it 
shall  be  competent  to  raise  it  direct  in  central 
conference  without  in  either  case  going  through 
the  prior  procedure  above  provided  for. 

“(3)  The  questions  hereby  covered  shall  ex- 
tend to  all  questions  relating  to  wages,  includ- 
ing district  alterations  in  wages  and  other  mat- 
ters in  the  shipbuilding  and  ship  repairing  trade, 
which  may  give  rise  to  disputes. 

“in. — GRAND  CONFERENCE. 

“ In  the  event  of  failure  to  settle  any  question 
in  central  conference  under  clause  II.,  section  1, 
subsection  ( d ),  either  party  desirous  to  have  suc  h 
question  further  considered  shall  prior  to  any 
stoppage  of  work  refer  same  for  final  settlement 
to  a grand  conference  to  be  held  between  the 
federation  and  all  the  unions  parties  to  this  agree- 
ment. A conference  may  by  mutual  agreement 
be  adjourned.  On  any  occasion  when  a settle- 
ment has  not  been  reached,  the  conference  must 
be  adjourned  to  a date  not  earlier  than  14  days 
nor  later  than  one  month  from  the  date  of  such 
conference.  . . . 


“ VI.  — GENERAL  PROVISIONS. 

“At  all  meetings  and  conferences  the  repre- 
sentatives of  both  sides  shall  have  full  powers 
to  settle,  but  it  shall  be  in  their  discretion 
whether  or  not  they  conclude  a settlement. 

“ In  the  event  of  any  stoppage  of  work  occur- 
ring in  any  federated  yard  or  federated  district 
either  in  contravention  of  the  foregoing  or  after 
the  procedure  laid  down  has  been  exhausted,  en- 
tire freedom  of  action  is  hereby  reserved  to  the 
federation,  and  any  federated  association,  and 
to  the  unions  concerned,  notwithstanding  the 
provisions  of  this  agreement.  The  suspension 
of  the  agreement  shall  be  limited  to  such  par- 
ticular stoppage,  and  the  agreement  in  all  other 
respects  shall  continue  in  force. 

“ Pending  settlement  of  any  question  other 
than  questions  of  wages,  hours,  and  piece  prices 
(the  last-named  of  which  is  provided  for  above), 
two  or  three  employers  not  connected  with  the 
yard  where  the  question  has  arisen  shall  give  a 
temporary  decision,  but  such  decision  shall  be 
without  prejudice  to  either  party,  and  shall  not 
be  adduced  in  evidence  in  the  ultimate  settle- 
ment of  the  question. 

“The  expression  ‘ employer  ’ throughout  this 
agreement  shall  include  an  employer’s  accred- 
ited representative. 

“ Until  the  whole  procedure  of  this  agreement 
applying  to  the  question  at  issue  has  been  car- 
ried through  there  shall  be  no  stoppage  or  in- 
terruption of  work  either  of  a partial  or  of  a 
general  character. 

“ VII.  — DURATION  OF  AGREEMENT. 

“ This  agreement  shall  continue  in  force  for 
three  years,  and  shall  thereafter  be  subject  to 
six  months’  notice  in  writing  on  either  side,  said 
notice  not  to  be  competent  until  the  three  years 
have  elapsed.” 

Signed  by  the  President  of  the  Shipbuilding 
Employers  Federation  and  by  seven  representa- 
tives of  the  Trades  Unions. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Educational  Demands  of  the 
Trade  Unions.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : 
England. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Trade  Unions  forbidden  to 
pay  Members  of  Parliament.  See  England  : 
A.  D.  1909  (July-Dec.). 

France:  A.  D.  1884-1909.  — Organized  La- 
bor in  the  French  Republic.  — The  Syndi- 
cats  and  Syndicalism.  — A Trade  Union 
version  of  Socialism.  — The  Confederation 
Gen6rale  du  Travail,  and  the  idea  of  a gen- 
eral strike. — Its  revolutionary  implication. 
— The  strike  of  government  employes  in  the 
French  telegraph  and  postal  service,  begun  in 
March,  1909,  and  which  was  recognized  instantly 
as  a most  alarmingly  revolutionary  movement, 
roused  inquiry  everywhere  concerning  the  form 
and  character  that  labor  organization  in  France 
has  taken  on.  The  London  Times  gave  elabo- 
rate satisfaction  to  this  inquiry  by  a series  of 
five  articles,  published  in  April,  by  a writer 
whose  evident  knowledge  of  the  subject  was 
complete.  The  statements  here  following  are 
condensed  from  that  source : 

The  organization  of  labor  in  France  differs  in 
important  respects  from  that  in  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States.  “ The  French  term  for 
trade  unions  is  syndicats,  or,  more  correctly, 
syndicate  professionnels;  but  the  two  terms  are 
iiot  equivalent  or  synonymous.  For,  whereas 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


the  word  ' trade  union’  is  applied  only  to  com- 
binations of  persons  employed,  the  syndicate 
include  also  combinations  of  employers  and  of 
both  together.”  The  employers’ associations  are 
called  syndicats  patronaux.  ‘ ‘ A trade  union  is 
a combination  of  persons  engaged  in  the  same 
trade  without  any  reference  to  locality ; they 
may  be  and  generally  are  widely  distributed  in 
many  places  ; the  bond  is  the  trade,  not  the  lo- 
cality ; hence  the  use  of  the  singular  number. 
There  is  another  kind  of  combination  formed  by 
several  trades  in  the  same  locality  and  called  a 
trades  council  ; the  bond  is  the  locality,  not  the 
trade.  Both  forms  of  organization  exist  in  France; 
the  trade  union  is  called  syndicat  ouvrier,  and  the 
trades  council  bourse  du  travail.  . . . Both  play 
a part  in  the  movement,  and,  though  in  the  ag- 
gregate they  are  composed  of  the  same  individ- 
uals, their  policy  and  interests  are  not  always 
or  necessarily  identical.  Both  are  further  com- 
bined into  federations. 

“The  effective  development  of  trade  union- 
ism in  France  only  dates  from  1884,  when  the 
law  authorizing  the  formation  of  syndicats  pro- 
fessionals was  passed.”  Unions  had  existed 
before,  but  under  difficulties,  without  sanction 
of  law.  ‘ ‘ The  peculiarity  of  the  struggle  for  the 
right  of  combination  in  France  was  that  the  ne- 
cessity remained  under  numerous  changes  and 
diverse  forms  of  government  . . . and  that  the 
democratic  State  was  not  less  but  rather  more 
oppressive  than  the  others.  ...  It  was  the  Na- 
tional Assembly,  travailing  with  the  Revolution, 
which,  in  the  sacred  name  of  liberty  and  the 
rights  of  man,  forbade  the  citizens  to  form  trade 
organizations  by  the  law  of  1791 ; and  for  nearly 
100  years  this  ban  remained  through  all  the  sub- 
sequent changes,  sometimes  fortified,  sometimes 
relaxed,  but  never  removed.”  The  law  of  1791 
was  relaxed  under  Napoleon  III.,  but  the  sever- 
ity of  it  was  renewed  by  the  Government  of  the 
Third  Republic,  down  to  1884.  In  that  year, 
according  to  official  returns,  there  existed  but 
68  regularly  constituted  unions  in  France.  By 
1890  the  number  had  increased  to  1006,  with  a 
membership  of  139,692.  In  1908  the  reported 
number  of  unions  was  5524,  and  their  member- 
ship 957, 102.  “ The  aggregate  is  as  yet  compara- 
tively small,  and,  numerically,  trade  unionism  is 
still  relatively  weak  in  France  ; but  the  example 
of  Germany  shows  how  rapidly  this  movement 
may  increase  in  strength.  According  to  the 
occupational  census  of  1901  the  number  of  per- 
sons in  France  who  might  be  enrolled  in  trade 
unions  was  approximately  9,000,000  ; and  the 
numbers  would  not  be  substantially  higher  now, 
so  that  the  official  returns  show  roughly  about 
10  per  cent,  organized.  . . . With  regard  to 
organization  by  industries  the  largest  number 
of  trade  unionists  belonged  in  1907  to  the  fol- 
lowing groups  : Transport,  260,869  ; metal  in- 
dustries, 103,835;  textiles,  78,854;  building 
trades,  66,678:  miners,  64,194  ; agriculture  and 
forestry,  51,407 ; food  and  drink,  48,353.  But 
trade  union  strength  depends,  for  economic  pur- 
poses, more  upon  the  proportion  of  workers  or- 
ganized in  a given  trade  than  upon  the  actual 
number.  From  this  point  of  view  the  strongest 
groups  are,  with  the  percentage  of  workers  or- 
ganized, as  follows  : Miners,  35  per  cent ; chem- 
ical industries,  31.2 ; transport,  23.4  ; paper 
and  printing,  20.9;  leather,  20.0  ; metal  work- 
ers, 18.7.  These  figures  have  an  important 


bearing  on  the  situation,  because  of  the  division, 
which  will  be  discussed  in  a subsequent  arti- 
cle, of  the  unions  into  revolutionary  and  mod- 
erate groups.  As  for  geographical  distribution. 
Paris  is  the  great  centre,  and  the  north  of 
France  is  much  stronger  than  the  south.” 

“The  term  bourse  du  travail  means  literally 
labour  exchange,’  and  that  was  the  original 
function  of  these  organizations ; it  still  is  one  of 
them,  but  is  overshadowed  by  the  all-devouring 
political  aims  which  in  France  seem  to  seize  hold 
of  all  things,  one  after  another,  and  swallow 
them  up.  The  bourses  were  started  in  1886,  two 
years  after  trade  unionism  received  its  charter. 

. . But  instead  of  being  used  for  their  origi- 
nal purpose,  strictly  as  labour  exchanges,  they 
soon  became  a form  of  labour  organization  corre- 
sponding as  nearly  as  possible  to  our  trade  coun- 
cils, though  supported  by  municipal  or  depart- 
mental subventions.  . . . According  to  M. 

Mermeix,  to  whose  brilliant  work  on  ‘ Le  Syndi- 
calisme  contre  le  Socialisme  ’ I am  indebted  for 
much  information,  the  syndicats  were  promptly 
seized  upon  by  the  Guesdist  or  Social  Demo- 
cratic party  as  soon  as  they  began  to  develop 
freely  after  1884,  and  the  other  Socialist  bodies, 
who  were  then  in  violent  antagonism,  responded 
by  cultivating  the  bourses  du  travail.  The  in- 
evitable result  was  a strong  political  turn  given 
to  both  sets  of  organizations ; but  it  was  not  the 
turn  intended  by  the  Socialists.  For  presently 
the  syndicats  and  the  bourses,  which  really  re- 
present ‘Labour’  turned  against  the  politicians 
called  Socialists,  who  do  not  represent  ‘Labour,’ 
and  made  common  cause  against  them.” 

“The  most  obvious  feature  of  the  movement 
in  recent  years  has  been  a great  increase  of  in- 
dustrial restlessness.  We  need  not  put  it  all 
down  to  the  trade  unions,  but  they  have  had  a 
good  deal  to  do  with  it,  and  have  undoubtedly 
been  devoting  their  energies  in  an  increasing 
measure  to  strikes.”  This  “began  in  1899  and 
has  continued,  with  fluctuations,  ever  since.  It 
reached  its  high-water  mark  in  1906,  and  then 
somewhat  subsided,  but  recent  events  show  that 
the  same  spirit  is  still  active.  And  besides  in- 
creasing in  number,  extent,  and  duration,  the 
strikes  have  frequently  been  marked  by  acts  of 
violence  and  attended  in  several  cases  by  loss  of 
life.  All  this,  in  spite  of  a system  of  concili- 
ation and  arbitration  and  strong  organization 
on  the  part  of  employers.  What  is  the  cause  ? 
There  has  been  nothing  in  the  economic  situa- 
tion to  account  for  industrial  disorder  continued 
over  a series  of  years.  . . . 

"Syndicalisms  is  the  distinctive  mark  of  the 
present  labour  movement  in  France.  . . . Per- 
haps the  essential  character  of  Syndicalisms  is 
best  expressed  by  saying  that  it  is  a purely 
trade  union  version  of  Socialism,  definitely  and 
even  violently  opposed  to  Collectivism  and  more 
nearly  allied  to  anarchism,  yet  distinct  from 
it.  . . . The  object  of  Syndicalisme  is  revolu- 
tion, sudden  and  complete,  in  which  the  State, 
with  all  the  apparatus  of  government,  is  to  dis- 
appear, and  the  possession  and  control  of  ma- 
terial means — which  alone  count  — is  to  pass 
from  the  hands  of  its  present  owners,  whether 
private  or  public,  into  those  of  organized  labour. 
This  original  idea  is  Socialistic  or  Collectivist 
in  so  far  as  it  is  directed  against  capitalism  ; it 
is  anarchistic  in  so  far  as  it  contemplates  the 
disappearance  of  the  State  ; but,  above  all,  it  is 


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trade  unionist,  for  the  syndicat  is  posited  as  the 
unit  or  cell  of  the  future  social  organism.  . . . 
To  complete  this  brief  outline  of  the  idea  of 
Syndicalisme  it  is  only  necessary  to  add  that  the 
means  whereby  the  revolution  is  to  be  accom- 
plished is  the  general  strike,  and  that,  pending 
that  consummation,  ordinary  strikes  are  system- 
atically encouraged  as  good  practice,  in  which, 
as  by  skirmishes  or  manoeuvres,  the  labour 
forces  are  trained  and  prepared  for  the  great 
encounter.” 

The  idea  of  a general  strike  was  put  forward 
in  1888  by  an  anarchist  Parisian  carpenter 
named  Tortelier,  and  the  militant  forces  of  or- 
ganized labor  rallied  to  it.  It  brought  together 
the  two  sets  into  which  labor  organization  had 
split — the  Guesdist  party,  controlling  the  Syn- 
dicate, and  their  opponents  in  possession  of  the 
bourses  du  travail.  It  “caused  the  rout  and 
withdrawal  of  the  Social  Democrats,  and  so  led 
to  the  birth  of  Syndicalisme.  The  turning 
point  was  reached  in  1894  at  a joint  congress 
held  at  Nantes,  when  after  a set  debate  the 
general  strike  was  adopted  by  65  votes  against 
37,  with  nine  abstinents.  In  the  following  year 
the  Confederation  Generate  du  Travail  was 
formed  as  a new  and  united  federation  of  trade 
unions,  purged  of  politics,  or,  at  least,  of  Par- 
liamentary politics;  and  thenceforward  the  two 
sets  of  organizations  — trade  unions  and  trades 
councils  — drew  the  labour  car  together ; but  at 
first  and  for  some  years  they  by  no  means 
pulled  together.”  In  1902  they  were  harmon- 
ized, “mainly  by  the  efforts  of  M.  Niel,”  who 
has  been  called  the  real  creator  of  the  Confeder- 
ation Generate,  to  the  head  of  which,  as  general 
secretary,  “which  means  president,”  he  was 
elected  in  February,  1909.  “The  word  ‘presi- 
dent’ is  eschewed,  as  savoring  of  the  bourgeois 
state.”  M.  Niel  is  a compositor.  “He  is  of  the 
best  type  of  trade  unionist;  a calm,  capable, 
level-headed  man,  devoted  to  trade  unionism, 
but  no  crazy  theorist  or  violent  fanatic.” 

“ The  numerical  strength  of  the  Confederation 
or  its  want  of  strength  is  a point  on  which  its 
enemies  are  never  tired  of  insisting.  In  October 
last  the  official  figures  presented  to  the  congress 
at  Marseilles  were  : First  section,  2,586  syndi- 
cate, with  an  aggregate  membership  of  294,398; 
second  section,  154  bourses  du  travail,  represent- 
ing 2,014  syndicate.  The  figures  must  not  be  added 
together,  because  the  two  sections  represent 
the  same  or  almost  the  same  forces,  differently 
organized.  The  returns  of  the  first  section  show 
the  effective  membership,  and  we  may  call  it 
300,000.  Now  the  official  statistics  of  the  Min- 
isters du  Travail  give  the  total  membership  of 
syndicate  ouvriers  at  the  beginning  of  1908  as 
957,102.  The  Confederation,  therefore,  em- 
braces less  than  one-third  of  the  organized  labour 
in  France.  But  that  calculation  is  open  to  some 
criticisms  ; the  Government  returns  are  said  to 
be  too  high,  those  of  the  Confederation  too  low. 
There  is  probably  some  truth  in  both  state- 
ments.” 

A.  D.  1902.  — Extensive  Strike  of  Coal 
Miners.  — Strikes  at  Marseilles.  — On  the  8th 
of  October,  1902,  the  National  Committee  of 
French  Miners,  meeting  at  Paris,  voted  to  de- 
clare a general  strike,  and  issued  a manifesto 
to  their  comrades  in  Europe,  America,  and  Aus- 
tralia, appealing  for  aid  and  stating  their  cause, 
in  these  words;  “We  are  pushed  to  the  last 


extremity  in  fighting  to  obtain  a slight  improve- 
ment in  our  miserable  condition  — more  equi- 
table remuneration,  with  the  regulation  of  our 
work  for  the  present,  and  legislation  sheltering 
us  against  the  strict  needs  of  old  age.  We  are 
sure  you  understand  your  duty.  We  leave  to 
you  the  initiative  in  such  measures  as  are  most 
convenient  to  you  in  aiding  us  in  this  struggle.” 
The  strike  had  actually  begun  in  part  before  this 
order  was  given  and  it  was  estimated  that  some 
42,000  men  had  left  work  in  the  northern  coal 
fields.  The  whole  number  of  French  miners 
was  calculated  by  the  Temps  to  be  162,000  men, 
of  whom,  however,  only  60,000  belonged  to  the 
federation.  The  mine  owners  refused  to  discuss 
the  matter,  declaring  that  the  strike  began 
before  any  warning  had  been  given  them  and 
without  any  sufficient  motives,  and  also  that 
the  chief  points  in  dispute  were  already  before 
parliamentary  committees.  Troops  were  sent  to 
the  mining  districts,  and  some  conflicts  occurred. 
The  Government  attempted  arbitration,  and 
late  in  October  an  agreement  was  reached  which 
brought  the  strike  to  an  end. 

At  the  same  time  troublesome  strikes  of  dock- 
laborers,  stokers,  and  sailors  were  going  on  at 
Marseilles,  for  some  weeks. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Serious  Strikes  and  Labor 
Disturbances.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : 
A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1909  (March-May).  — Serious  Strike 
of  Government  Employes  in  the  Telegraph 
and  Postal  Service.  — Overcome  by  the  firm- 
ness of  the  Government.  — Disciplinary  pro- 
ceedings.— Court  decision  against  Trade 
Unions  among  Employes  of  the  State.  — The 
organizations  involved  in  the  strike  of  govern- 
ment employes  in  the  telegraph  and  postal 
service  of  France,  which  began  on  the  13tli  of 
March,  1909,  are  outside  of  the  Labor  Syndicate 
embraced  in  the  Confederation  Generate  du  Tra- 
vail described  above;  but  in  part  they  have 
been  brought  into  close  connection  with  that 
combination  and  have  striven  for  identification 
with  it.  As  explained  by  the  Paris  correspondent 
of  the  London  Times,  “the  associations  of  French 
Civil  servants  include  two  quite  separate  groups 
— one  in  favour  of  Parliamentary  action,  the 
other  sympathizing  with  the  General  Confeder- 
ation of  Labour  and  desiring  to  be  allowed  to 
combine  freely  and,  when  it  suits  them,  to 
strike.  The  former  group  is  represented  by  a 
Comite  d’fitudes  so-called,  and  includes  a large 
number  of  primary  school  teachers  and  Lycee 
professors,  the  association  of  the  Law  Courts 
clerks,  sub -employes  at  the  Post  Office,  employes 
of  the  Roads  and  Inland  Communications  De- 
partment of  the  Ministry  of  Public  Works,  and 
so  forth.  These  various  associations,  forming 
the  first  group,  are  convinced  that  their  lot  can 
be  quite  adequately  improved  if  Parliament 
will  only  vote  a satisfactory  Bill  on  the  status  of 
functionaries.  The  second  group  has  no  confi- 
dence whatever  in  such  a measure.  It  does  not 
count  on  Parliament  for  a panacea.  Under  the 
title  of  ‘ Central  Committee  for  the  defence  of 
the  syndical  rights  of  wage-earners  of  the 
State,  the  departments,  and  the  communes,’  it 
has  always  worked  in  unison  with  the  revolu- 
tionary unions  of  the  General  Confederation  of 
Labour,  and  it  was  this  group  which  wrote  two 
years  ago  to  M.  Clemenceau  an  open  letter 
stating  their  demands,  among  which  the  most 


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important  of  all  was  the  right  to  strike.  In 
consequence  of  that  manifestation,  which  was  re- 
garded as  illegal,  a certain  number  of  function- 
aries were  dismissed,  notably,  as  readers  of  The 
Times  will  recall,  a school  teacher  by  the  name 
of  N£gre,  an  official  of  the  Ministry  of  the  In- 
terior, M.  Janvion,  a postman  named  Simonnet, 
and  an  electrician,  M.  Pataud.” 

These  dismissed  officials,  M.  Pataud  especially, 
were  the  leaders  of  the  strike  that  was  under- 
taken on  the  13th  of  March,  when  twelve  hun- 
dred men  employed  in  the  central  offices  of  the 
Paris  Telegraph  Department  stopped  work  at 
about  2 o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  “ in  order  to  ex- 
press ‘ sympathy  ’ with  three  hundred  men  of 
the  postal  service  who  had  invaded  the  offices  on 
the  12th,  and  had  made  a demonstration  against 
M.  Simyan,  the  Under-Secretary  of  State  for 
Posts  and  Telegraphs.  ” ‘ ‘ The  precise  grievances 
of  the  strikers,”  said  The  Times,  “are  probably 
known  to  their  superiors;  but,  so  far  as  we  have 
seen,  they  have  not  been  placed  before  the  out- 
side world  in  any  form  which  renders  it  possible 
even  clearly  to  understand  them.” 

On  the  other  hand,  a special  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Evening  Post  wrote  from  Paris  on 
the  25th  of  March  : “ The  strike  of  these  govern- 
ment employees  may  have  been  a side  develop- 
ment of  the  general  movement  which  threatens 
to  transform  the  Parliamentary  French  republic 
into  a republique  syndicate  ; but,  in  itself,  it  was 
something  far  different.  And,  for  another  reason, 
it  is  a direct  object-lesson  for  the  United  States, 
where  the  trade  unions  are  not  yet  revolutionary, 
The  entire  strike  has  been  a spontaneous  upris- 
ing of  civil  service  in  possession  against  the  in- 
vasion of  a spoils  system.  The  strike  would 
not  have  been  possible  if  these  civil  service  ap- 
pointees — ‘ government  functionaries  ’ — had 
not  formed  themselves  into  strongly  organized 
unions,  just  as  private  service  employees  have 
long  been  doing ; and  in  this  they  have  been  en- 
couraged by  successive  republican  governments, 
unforeseeing  perhaps  such  strikes  as  the  inev- 
itable consequence.  The  spoils  system  in  the 
present  case  means  the  intervention  of  political 
influence  in  civil  service  appointments  and 
promotions.”  The  strikers,  said  this  writer, 
want  essentially  two  things,  “First,  that  poli- 
ticians — and  particularly  Postmaster-General 
Simyan,  who  was  taken  over  from  M.  Combes 
into  the  present  government  — should  cease 
interfering  with  civil  service  appointments  and 
promotions  and  no  longer  use  their  power  in 
behalf  of  the  favorite  of  some  deputy  with  ‘ in- 
fluence.’ ” 

The  situation  produced  in  Paris  by  the  strike 
was  thus  described  by  this  correspondent  of  The 
Post : “ We  of  Paris  were  for  eight  days  in  the 
same  condition  as  Frenchmen  were  before  Riche- 
lieu invented  a State  postal  service  for  the  use  of 
private  persons.  For  example,  my  last  letters 
were  sent  — one  to  Havre  by  a special  messen- 
ger who  was  carrying  by  hand  cable  messages 
for  several  correspondents  to  be  forwarded  from 
that  port;  one  to  London  by  another  special 
messenger,  who  posted  it  with  many  others  in 
a channel  boat ; and  a third  to  Cherbourg  by 
the  kindness  of  the  American  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce of  Paris,  which  organized  a service  of  its 
own  for  its  members.  ...  If  there  had  been  a 
sudden  outbreak  between  Servia  and  Austria 
last  week,  the  French  government  would  have 


known  little  about  it,  and,  in  case  of  need,  army 
mobilization  would  have  been  impossible.” 

A system  of  public  service  in  which  such  sit- 
uations as  this  are  made  possible  could  not  exist 
long  without  destruction  of  government  and  of 
all  social  order.  No  argument  was  needed  to 
demonstrate  that  it  must  not  be  paltered  with ; 
but  the  Government  of  France  was  forced  mo- 
mentarily to  yield  so  much  show  of  deference 
or  respect  to  its  rebellious  servants,  whose 
demands  were  made  with  arrogance  of  spirit 
anti  insolence  of  tone,  that  the  arrogance  and 
insolence  appeared  to  have  triumphed  in  the 
encounter  with  national  sovereignty  and  law. 
The  tenor  of  an  interview  given  on  the  22d  by 
the  Premier,  M.  Clemenceau,  and  the  Minister 
of  Public  Works,  Posts,  and  Telegraphs,  M.  Bar- 
tliou,  to  a committee  from  the  striking  employes 
of  the  State,  was  thus  stated  in  a Press  despatch 
at  the  time:  “The  two  conditions  which  had 
been  submitted  to  the  Ministers  were,  first,  im- 
munity from  disciplinary  penalties  for  all  the 
strikers;  secondly,  the  resignation  of  M.  Sim- 
yan, the  obnoxious  Under-Secretary  of  State. 
The  Ministers  had  agreed  to  the  first  of  these 
conditions  for  all  strikers  who  should  have  re- 
turned to  work  by  Tuesday  morning.  The  sec- 
ond condition  was  refused  by  the  Ministers 
on  the  ground  that  M.  Simyan  is  responsible  to 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  but  not  to  the  postal 
employes.  M.  Barthou  had,  however,  made  it 
plain  that,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  his 
speech  in  the  Chamber  last  Friday,  the  Govern- 
ment contemplated  appointing  in  place  of  M. 
Simyan  an  official  with  the  qualification  of  tech- 
nical knowledge.  ‘ When,  on  Friday,’  he  said,  ‘ I 
discussed  before  the  Chamber  the  transformation 
of  the  Under-Secretaryship  of  Posts  and  Tele- 
graphs into  a techinal  directorship,  I was  not 
employing  an  empty  phrase.  I consider  that 
the  reform  is  of  practical  interest  and  that  it 
ought  to  be  effected  at  an  early  date.’  This  was 
as  near  a promise  to  fulfil  the  strikers’  demands 
as  constitutional  considerations  would  permit.” 
This  brought  about  a return  to  duty  of  postal 
clerks  and  operators  of  the  telegraph  and  the 
telephone ; but  they  returned  as  victorious  revo- 
lutionists, and  the  news  from  Paris  in  the  fol- 
lowing weeks  was  filled  with  accounts  of  their 
manifestations  of  contempt  and  defiance  for  the 
Government,  and  the  extensive  insubordination 
among  them  that  prevailed.  But  the  Govern- 
ment, on  its  side,  supported  strongly  by  a great 
majority  of  votes  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
and  by  resolute  expressions  of  public  opinion 
from  every  part  of  France,  was  now  taking 
measures  to  prepare  itself  for  defeating  any  fu- 
ture attempt  to  paralyze  the  service  of  the  posts 
and  wires.  The  engineer  troops  and  other  tech- 
nical branches  of  the  service  were  warned  to  be 
ready  for  emergencies,  carrier  pigeons  were  col- 
lected, and  preliminary  arrangements  made  for 
an  elaborate  service  of  motor-cars.  Chambers 
of  commerce  throughout  the  country  were  called 
on  to  be  prepared  to  cooperate  with  the  Govern- 
ment in  organizing  an  auxiliary  mail  service.  By 
such  measures  it  was  soon  rendered  safe  to  begin 
applying  discipline  to  the  insubordination  that 
had  become  rife.  Seven  flagrant  offenders  were 
tried  by  a Council  of  Discipline  and  dismissed, 
on  the  8th  of  May,  and  this  precipitated  an 
attempt  to  renew  the  strike,  and  to  make  it  in- 
troductory to  the  long-threatened  revolutionary 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


strike  of  all  labor  in  France.  A few  anxious  days 
followed,  while  the  menace  kept  a serious  show, 
and  then  it  vanished,  like  an  emptied  cloud.  The 
linn  attitude  of  the  Government  and  the  hostility 
of  national  opinion  had  daunted  the  revolution- 
ary syndicats  which  inclined  to  join  fortunes 
with  the  revolutionists  of  the  public  service,  and 
the  latter  were  left  to  confront  official  authority 
alone.  Their  second  strike  came  to  nothing.  A 
despatch  from  Paris  on  the  16th  of  May  stated 
that  548  postmen  who  were  prominent  in  the 
rebellion  of  the  strike  had  been  expelled  from 
the  service,  and  that  others  were  receiving  less 
severe  punishments  from  the  Disciplinary  Court. 

Ultimately,  sixteen  officials  of  the  Post  Office 
were  prosecuted  by  the  Government  for  illegally 
forming  a trade  union.  They  were  brought  to 
trial  in  July,  with  the  result  announced  on  the 
29th  as  follows:  “The  16  officials  who  were 
prosecuted  by  the  Government  have  been  con- 
demned to  a purely  nominal  fine  of  12s.  6d.,  and 
their  union  has  been  declared  to  be  contrary  to 
the  law.  The  Court  argued  that  in  the  present 
state  of  the  law  there  was  no  doubt  whatever 
that  the  Waldeck-Rousseau  Bill  of  1884,  per- 
mitting the  organization  of  trade  unions,  solely 
had  application  to  the  interests  of  private  in- 
dividuals, and  that  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
had  not  meant  to  extend  the  provisions  of  that 
law  to  Civil  servants.  The  considerations  of  this 
important  legal  judgment  furthermore  declare 
it  to  be  utterly  preposterous  that  State  employes 
should  arrogate  to  themselves  the  right  to 
strike,  since  they  are  the  employes  of  the  nation, 
and  enjoy  moreover  such  special  privileges  as 
servants  of  the  State  that  no  comparison  can  be 
drawu  between  them  and  the  working  classes, 
whose  right  to  strike  is  not  contested.” 

The  judgment  of  the  Paris  Correctional  Court, 
in  the  case  of  the  sixteen  officials  who  were  pro- 
secuted for  illegally  forming  a trade  union  was 
followed,  on  the  7th  of  August,  by  a kindred 
decision  from  the  Conseil  d'etat,  to  which  two 
dismissed  postmen  had  appealed.  Their  appli- 
cation to  be  restored  to  the  service  was  denied. 
The  decree  of  the  Conseil  expressly  declared 
that  a strike  of  civil  servants  is  an  “ illegal  act,” 
and  added  that  a State  official  “has  accepted  all 
the  obligations  arising  from  the  necessities  of 
the  public  service  and  has  renounced  all  privi- 
leges incompatible  with  the  essential  continuity 
of  the  national  life,”  that  civil  servants  who 
declare  a strike  place  themselves  collectively 
outside  the  pale  of  the  laws  and  regulations 
which  guarantee  the  exercise  for  them  of  the 
rights  which  they  normally  possess  as  servants 
of  the  State. 

Having  thus  vindicated  its  authority  over  the 
servants  of  the  State,  the  Government  exercised 
a wise  clemency  at  once.  Two  days  after  the 
decision  of  the  Conseil  d’Etat,  the  new  Minis- 
ter of  Public  Works  authorized  the  publication 
of  the  following  note  : “In  consequence  of 
the  decision  of  the  Conseil  d’lStat,  M.  Millerand 
has  decided,  while  approving  the  suspensions 
pronounced  by  their  respective  chiefs,  that  30 
officials  of  both  sexes,  five  subaltern  officials, 
and  ten  Post  Office  workmen  who  have  been 
dismissed  should  resume  work  the  day  after 
tomorrow.”  Further  reinstatements  were  an- 
nounced in  the  course  of  the  following  month. 

Germany:  A.  D.  1905. — Strikes. — Upwards 
of  100,000  miners  in  the  coal  fields  of  the  Ruhr 


district  began  a strike  in  January  which  did  not 
end  until  the  middle  of  February,  and  which 
caused  most  of  the  iron  works  and  machine 
shops  of  Rhenish  Prussia  and  Westphalia  to  be 
closed.  Low  wages  (of  4 marks  or  a little  less 
than  a dollar  per  day)  and  inhuman  and  dishon- 
est treatment  were  the  chief  complaints  in  the 
miners.  A bill  to  reform  conditions  in  the  mines 
was  passed  soon  afterwards.  The  cost  of  the 
strike  to  all  concerned  was  estimated  to  have 
been  more  than  $30,000,000.  A very  serious 
strike  of  about  40,000  men  in  electrical  indus- 
tries occurred  at  Berlin  in  September  and  Octo- 
ber, resulting  in  a concession  of  six  per  cent,  in- 
crease of  wages  to  the  men.  Statistics  published 
in  the  next  year  showed  a startling  increase  of 
labor  conflicts  in  1904  and  1905.  From  1899  to 
1903  the  yearly  average  of  strikes  had  been 
1242.  In  1904  the  number  rose  to  1870,  and  in 
1905  to  2057.  Lockouts  had  averaged  42  in 
each  of  the  previous  five  years,  but  increased  to 
120  in  1904.  Apparently  the  labor  conditions 
were  no  more  peaceable  in  1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  Operation  of  In- 
dustrial Courts. — Desire  for  Voluntary 
Boards  of  Conciliation. — “In  the  event  of 
actual  dispute  the  official  machinery  of  the  In- 
dustrial Courts  is  always  at  call,  should  the  dis- 
putants be  willing  to  use  it.  The  law  requires 
the  formation  of  these  Courts  in  all  towns  with 
over  20,000  inhabitants,  but  they  may  be 
formed  elsewhere  at  the  option  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  State  or  on  the  joint  requisition  of 
a given  number  of  employers  and  workpeople, 
and  they  consist  of  equal  numbers  of  both. 
That  the  406  Courts  now  in  existence  do  not 
mediate  oftener  would  appear  to  be  less  the 
fault  of  the  workpeople  than  of  the  employers. 
During  1905  they  acted  as  boards  of  conciliation 
on  350  occasions:  on  165  in  response  to  invita- 
tions from  both  sides,  on  175  on  the  invitation 
of  the  workpeople  alone,  and  on  ten  only  on  the 
sole  invitation  of  the  employers.  Only  in  128 
cases  was  it  possible  to  bring  the  disputing 
parties  together.  . . . 

“ At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  German  Society 
for  Social  Reform,  held  in  Berlin  in  December, 
1906,  resolutions  were  adopted  ‘ affirming  the 
meeting’s  conviction  that  industrial  peace  would 
best  be  promoted  by  the  development  of  collec- 
tive arrangements  between  employers  and  work- 
people in  the  form  of  (1)  wages  agreements, 
(2)  voluntary  boards  of  conciliation  and  arbitra- 
tion, and  (3)  workmen’s  committees  for  indi- 
vidual works  ’ ; and  it  was  urged  that,  ‘ after  the 
example  of  Great  Britain,  conciliation  boards 
suited  to  the  various  industries  should  be  gen- 
erally formed,  these  to  cooperate  with  higher 
tribunals  and  to  call  in  on  occasion  the  help  of 
prominent  public  men  as  advisers  and  arbitra- 
tors.’”— William  H.  Dawson,  The  Evolution  of 
Modern  Germany,  p.  136  ( Unwin,  London  ; Scrib- 
ners, N.  T'.,1909). 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Spirit  of  the 
Struggle  between  Capitalists  and  Workmen. 
— Attitude  of  the  Latter.  — ‘ ‘ The  struggle  be- 
tween labour  and  capital  in  Germany  is  a little 
less  refined  than  in  some  other  countries.  . . . 
Rhineland  — Westphalia  is  its  chosen  battle 
ground.  Here  all  the  conditions  of  economic 
warfare  exist  in  a rare  degree.  It  is  a striking 
fact  that  a large  part  of  the  natural  resources, 
industry,  and  wealth-production  of  that  unrest- 


380 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


ing  workshop  of  German}-  is  under  the  control 
of  a dozen  men  of  commanding  business  genius 
— men  of  strong  and  masterful  character,  born 
rulers  of  the  sternest  mould,  without  sentiment, 
not  insusceptible  to  justice,  yet  never  going 
beyond  it,  inflexible  in  decision,  of  inexhaust- 
ible will-power,  and  impervious  to  all  modern 
notions  of  political  liberalism.  These  men,  who 
have  so  conspicuously  helped  to  create  modern 
industrial  Prussia,  and  who  are  a greater  real 
power  in  the  land  than  Ministers  and  legislators 
put  together,  typify  in  modern  industry  the 
feudalism  which  is  slowly  dying  upon  the  great 
estates  of  the  East.  Their  attitude  towards  the 
unions  in  which  their  workmen  are  organised 
to  the  number  of  hundreds  of  thousands  is  fre- 
quently expressed  in  the  maxim,  ‘ We  intend  to 
be  masters  in  our  own  house,’  and  nothing  is 
wanting  in  the  vigour  with  which  this  maxim  is 
applied.  On  the  occasion  of  the  Mannheim  con- 
ference of  the  Association  for  Social  Policy  in 
September,  1905,  Herr  Kirdorf , probably  the  best 
known  industrialist  of  Westphalia,  and  the  head 
of  the  Coal  and  Steel  Syndicates,  was  invited  to 
give  an  employer’s  reply  to  an  indictment  of  the 
syndicates  made  by  Professor  Gustav  Schmoller. 
In  the  course  of  his  statement  occurred  the  fol 
lowing  observations  on  the  question  of  labour 
organisation : — 

“ ‘ It  is  regrettable  that  our  workpeople  are 
able  to  change  their  positions  at  any  time.  An 
undertaking  can  only  prosper  if  it  has  a station- 
ary band  of  workers.  I do  not  ask  that  legisla- 
tion should  come  to  our  help,  but  we  must  re- 
serve to  ourselves  the  right  to  take  measures  to 
check  this  frequent  change  of  employment. 
The  proposal  has  been  made  that  all  workpeople 
should  be  compelled  to  join  organisations  and 
that  employers  should  be  required  to  negotiate 
with  these  organisations.  For  myself  I would 
remark  that  I refuse  to  negotiate  with  any  or- 
ganisation whatever.  ’ . . . 

“Public  opinion  naturally  finds  itself  often 
in  conflict  with  the  Westphalian  industrialists’ 
attitude,  which  more  than  anything  else  was 
responsible  for  the  solid  gain  won  by  the  men 
in  the  great  colliery  strike  of  1905.  It  was  the 
same  Herr  Kirdorf  who  declared  during  that 
strike . * The  movement  can  only  end  by  the  men 
recognising  that  they  can  get  nothing  by  a 
strike  and  returning  to  the  mines.  We  will 
negotiate  with  every  man  singly,  but  we  will 
not  concede  workmen’s  committees.’  It  was  this 
inflexible  attitude,  persisted  in  too  long,  which 
turned  first  the  public  and  then  the  Government 
against  the  colliery  owners.  By  refusing  to 
meet  the  colliers’  ‘Committee  of  Seven’  they 
created  the  impression  that  the  men  were  wish- 
ful for  peace  but  were  unable  to  gain  an  ear  for 
their  overtures.  In  the  end  not  only  were  work 
men’s  committees  granted  by  force  of  law,  but 
the  hours  of  labour  were  curtailed,  fines  were 
abolished,  and  other  concessions  were  made 
which  cost  the  colliery  owners  dearly,  until  the 
extra  burden  could  be  transferred  to  the  pub- 
lic.”— William  H.  Dawson,  Evolution  of  Mod- 
ern Germany , pp.  122-125  {Unwin,  London; 
Scribners,  N.  7.,  1909). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Extent  of  Trade  Unionism. — 
The  twentieth  International  Congress  of  Miners 
was  held  in  Berlin,  and  at  its  opening,  on  the 
31st  of  May,  1909,  Herr  Ritter,  president  of  the 
Federation  of  Berlin  Trade  Unions,  in  welcom- 


ing the  Congress,  said  that  there  were  now  223,- 
000  trade  unionists  in  Berlin,  as  compared  with 
40,000  when  the  congress  held  its  last  meeting 
there  15  years  ago.  Another  German  speaker 
said  that  during  the  last  15  years  the  number  of 
trade  unionists  in  the  whole  Empire  had  in- 
creased from  300,000  to  1,800,000. 

Italy:  A.  D.  1901.  — - Changed  Attitude  of 
the  Government  toward  Labor  Unions.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Italy:  A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A Church  Movement  of 
Agricultural  Labor  Organization.  — “An 
agitation  among  agricultural  labourers  in  North 
Umbria  seems  to  have  taken  a new  and  very 
unusual  form,  since,  from  all  accounts,  it  is  di- 
rectly promoted  and  supported  by  the  clergy. 
The  parish  priests  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Perugia  are  said  not  only  to  have  put  them- 
selves at  the  head  of  the  movement,  but  to 
have  actually  initiated  it  with  a manifesto  de- 
nouncing the  grievances  of  the  labourers,  and 
calling  upon  them  to  organize  themselves  in 
order  to  extort  more  favourable  conditions  from 
the  landowners  who  employ  them.  The  Church 
seems  to  have  satisfied  itself  that  the  mutual  re- 
lations of  capital  and  labour  were  unfair  to  the 
labourer,  and  to  have  determined  to  be  before- 
hand with  the  Socialist  agitator,  creating  an 
organization  which  will  call  itself  democristi- 
ana,  or  Christian  democrat,  in  anticipation  of 
what  might  have  been  a more  revolutionary 
Socialist  league.  The  manifesto  was  issued 
last  May,  and  contained  much  the  same  de- 
mands as  have  been  successfully  made  by  la- 
bour in  other  parts  of  Italy.  ...  So  far  the 
landowners  have  proved  absolutely  recalcitrant. 
A league  of  resistance  has  been  formed  on  their 
side,  and  an  attempt  was  made  at  reprisals  by 
boycotting  parish  priests,  stopping  any  pay- 
ment of  tithes  to  the  Church,  dismissing  any 
private  chaplains  who  belonged  to  the  secular 
clergy,  and  employing  the  regular  clergy  in- 
stead of  the  parochial  in  any  cases  where  their 
services  were  required. 

“The  parish  clergy  were  not  to  be  intimi- 
dated by  financial  loss,  and  the  proprietors  then 
appealed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Perugia  to  put 
his  veto  on  their  agitation.  The  Archbishop, 
Monsignor  Mattei-Gentile,  could  only  inform 
them  that  he  had  already  given  his  sanction  to 
the  movement.  The  proprietors,  by  the  friendly 
mediation  of  a Cardinal,  then  appealed  to  the 
Pope.  After  some  consideration,  Pius  X.  sent 
a certain  Signor  Giovanni  Passamonti,  a lawyer 
who  has  had  a good  deal  of  experience  in  Um- 
brian affairs,  to  make  an  inquiry,  and  attempt 
some  kind  of  compromise.  Neither  side,  how- 
ever, would  listen  to  suggestions  of  concilia- 
tion. ...  So  the  matter  now  stands.  The  po- 
sition is  certainly  an  interesting  one,  as  it  is  the 
first  time  that  the  Church  has  actually  taken 
the  lead  in  a labour  movement.”  — Rome  Cor- 
respondent, London  Times,  July  21,  1909. 

Netherlands:  A.  D.  1903. — Laws  against 
Railway  Strikes.  — Failure  of  Labor  Strike 
to  prevent  their  Passage.  — Early  in  1903  it 
was  made  known  that  the  Government  of  the 
Netherlands  intended  to  bring  forward  in  the 
States-General  a bill  prohibiting  strikes  among 
railway  employees,  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  engaged  in  a public  service  which  must 
not  suffer  interruption.  At  once  the  railway 
men  gave  notice  that  they  would,  if  this  mea- 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


sure  were  undertaken,  appeal  to  all  workmen  in 
the  country  for  a general  strike.  The  Govern- 
ment then  prepared  itself  for  a struggle  by  sum- 
moning a certain  quota  of  the  infantry  and  engi- 
neers of  the  Reserves  to  arms,  and,  on  the  25th 
of  February,  its  proposed  legislation  was  intro- 
duced. It  amended  the  penal  code,  in  order  to 
punish  strikes  by  persons  in  the  public  service 
as  misdemeanors  and  to  attach  penalties  of  more 
severity  to  all  attacks  on  the  freedom  of  labor. 
It  provided,  further,  for  the  organization  of  a 
military  railway  brigade,  to  insure  service  on 
the  lines  in  case  of  a strike  ; and  finally,  it 
created  a commission  to  investigate  the  condi- 
tion of  the  railway  service  and  of  its  employees. 
Pending  the  discussion  of  these  measures  the 
threatened  strike  was  undertaken,  and  was  seen 
very  soon  to  have  failed.  Without  any  serious 
conflict  with  the  authorities  it  was  given  up, 
and,  on  the  11th  of  April,  the  bills  became  Law. 

New  Zealand:  A.  D.  1896-1908.  — The 
Compulsory  Arbitration  Law.  — Its  work- 
ing. — At  the  meeting  of  the  National  Civic 
Federation  of  the  United  States,  in  December, 
1908,  Mr.  Hugh  H.  Lusk,  of  New  Zealand,  spoke 
of  the  compulsory  arbitration  law  of  that  coun- 
try (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work.  New  Zea- 
land). “In  form,”  he  said,  “the  law  is  not 
compulsory  upon  all  men,  but  only  upon  those 
who  become  amenable  to  it  by  registering  their 
associations  under  the  law.  Since  associations, 
both  of  workers  and  of  employers,  are  generally 
registered,  it  is  and  has  been  for  twelve  years 
now  past  absolutely  compulsory  arbitration. 
About  six  years  ago  the  law  was  extended  to  the 
Commonwealth  of  Australia,  where  it  is  now  in 
force.  In  New  Zealand  compulsory  arbitration 
has  hitherto  been  a great  success,  It  has  had 
the  effect  of  preventing  all  strikes  and  all  lock- 
outs for  twelve  years  in  that  country  until  the 
other  day.  The  history  of  its  extension  to  Aus- 
tralia has  been  the  greatest  tribute  that  could  be 
made  to  its  success  in  New  Zealand.  It  has  not 
been  in  all  respects  as  great  a success  in  Aus- 
tralia as  in  New  Zealand.  New  Zealand  has  a 
million  white  inhabitants,  Australia  nearly  five 
million  ; therefore,  by  the  extension  of  the  law 
from  New  Zealand  to  Australia  you  have  got,  as 
it  were,  a stepping  stone  from  which  you  can 
easily  see  how  far  it  would  be  likely  to  be  a suc- 
cess in  a country  as  much  greater  and  as  much 
more  populous  than  Australia  as  is  this  country. 

“The  law  of  New  Zealand,  and  now  of  Aus- 
tralia, compels  all  associated  workers  who  are 
registered  under  the  act  to  submit  to  the  law  if 
they  have  causes  of  difference  with  their  em- 
ployers. In  the  first  place,  they  have  to  go  to  a 
member  of  the  Board  of  Conciliation,  one  of 
which  exists  in  any  considerable  district,  and 
the  Conciliation  Board  failing  in  its  object  they 
can  remove  the  cause  into  the  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, which  passes  final  judgment. 

“ For  twelve  years  the  law  operated  without 
serious  breakdown  in  New  Zealand.  It  has  been 
carried  on  for  five  years  without  a serious  break- 
down in  Australia.  Now,  what  is  wrong  with 
the  Act  and  its  operations  ? At  first  the  workers 
were  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  court  because, 
as  a general  rule,  it  was  with  them.  Later  on, 
the  court  as  a rule  has  been  against  them.  They 
have  been  inclined  to  the  belief  that  the  consti- 
tution of  the  court  is  unfavorable,  the  court 
being  constituted  of  two  representatives  of  labor 


and  two  representatives  of  capital,  together 
with  one  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  sitting 
as  president  or  chairman.  They  have  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  is  the  fifth  man  who  really 
gives  the  decision.  The  difficulty  in  such  a case 
as  this  is  that  if  the  representative  man  who 
gives  his  decision  has  not  the  confidence  of  both 
parties  the  court  fails  in  its  object.  It  is  be- 
lieved that  the  decisions  are,  in  general,  those  of 
a man  belonging  to  the  capitalist  class — since 
laborers  do  not  often  find  their  way  to  the  Su- 
preme Court  bench  in  any  country.  This  seems 
to  be  the  bottom  of  the  difficulty  both  in  New 
Zealand  and  in  Australia.  I do  not  think  you 
could  enact  a law  either  as  a Federal  law  or  as  a 
State  law,  to-day,  such  as  the  law  in  New  Zea- 
land and  enforce  it.  The  people  are  not  ready 
for  it.  The  Canadian  plan  seems  to  me  to  be  a 
step,  although  perhaps  rather  a timid  step  in  the 
right  direction.” 

The  exceptional  strike  to  which  Mr.  Lusk  re- 
ferred, as  occurring  “the  other  day,”  was  in 
February,  1907.  The  strike  was  of  men  in  the 
freezing  works  of  the  frozen  meat  trade.  They 
stopped  work  as  individuals,  not  as  a union, 
each  claiming  his  right  to  take  a rest  from  work ; 
but  the  law  was  applied  to  them,  nevertheless, 
and  they  were  fined  £5  each.  Mr.  Gompers,  who 
spoke  after  Mr.  Lusk,  declared  himself  emphat- 
ically against  the  New  Zealand  system,  say- 
ing: “I  would  not  have  employers  do  as  they 
please ; I would  not  want  workmen  to  do  as 
they  please ; but  I believe  that  by  the  organ- 
ization of  industry  and  by  the  organization  of 
labor  we  are  gathering  forces  conscious  of  their 
power,  which,  intelligently  and  wisely  wielded, 
bring  forth  a spirit  of  conciliation  that  no  court  of 
arbitration  ever  yet  was  able  to  impose.  There 
is  in  the  United  States  more  genuine  conciliation 
between  organized  employers  and  organized 
workmen  than  exists  in  any  other  part  of  the 
world.” 

Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Revolutionary 
Strikes.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904- 
1905. 

Scotland:  A.  D.  1904-1909. — Five  Years 
of  Peace  in  Coal  Mining.  — A threatened 
conflict  averted.  — In  1904  the  coalmasters  of 
Scotland  made  an  agreement  with  their  men  for 
regulating  -wages  according  to  a fixed  scale,  to 
be  neither  below  37£  per  cent.,  nor  over  100  per 
cent,  above  what  is  called  the  basis  of  1888, 
which  was  4s.  per  day.  In  effect  the  range  -was 
from  5s.  6d.  to  8s.  per  day,  and  within  these 
limits  the  Coal  Conciliation  Board  was  empow- 
ered to  adjust  questions  of  wages  as  they  arose. 
Under  this  agreement  the  Conciliation  Board 
operated  satisfactorily  till  the  summer  of  1909, 
and  under  the  constitution  of  the  board  there 
was  power  to  refer  any  question  on  which  the 
representatives  of  the  masters  and  men  could 
not  agree  to  a neutral  chairman,  whose  decision 
was  to  be  absolute. 

During  the  first  three  years  of  the  agreement 
trade  was  prosperous  and  wages  rose  nearly  to  the 
maximum  under  which  the  Conciliation  Board 
could  adjudicate.  Then  came  the  period  of  gen- 
eral depression,  and  wages  went  down,  along 
with  prices  of  coal,  until,  finally,  the  coalmasters 
applied  for  a further  reduction  to  the  minimum 
of  the  agreement,  5s.  6d.  per  day.  The  men's 
representatives  on  the  Board  refused  to  entertain 
the  proposal.  The  disagreement  became  acute 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


in  a few  weeks,  ami  the  Miners’  Federation  of 
Great  Britain  threatened  a general  strike  in 
support  of  the  contention  of  its  Scottish  mem- 
bers. On  a ballot  taken  in  July,  518,361  of  the 
coal  miners  of  the  United  Kingdom  voted  for  a 
eneral  stoppage  of  work,  in  support  of  the 
emands  of  the  Scottish  miners  against  62,980 
who  opposed  the  undertaking.  But  the  efforts 
of  the  Government,  exerted  through  the  Board 
of  Trade,  were  successful  in  averting  the 
threatened  catastrophe.  Conferences  between 
delegates  from  the  coal  miners  and  the  coal  own- 
ers, held  at  the  offices  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and 
under  chairmanship  of  the  President  of  the 
Board,  Winston  Churchill,  resulted  in  an  agree- 
ment signed  on  the  30th  of  July,  which  is  to  be 
in  force  until  August  1st,  1912,  and  indefinitely 
thereafter  unless  six  months  notice  of  a wish  to 
terminate  it  is  served  by  one  party  to  it  on  the 
other.  The  agreement  provides  for  the  contin- 
uation of  the  former  Conciliation  Board  “with 
the  provision  that  there  shall  be  obligatory 
a neutral  chairman  (whose  decision  in  cases 
of  difference  shall  be  final  and  binding)  to  be 
selected  by  such  method  as  shall  be  mutually 
agreed  upon  by  the  parties,  and,  failing  agree- 
ment, by  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons.” 

On  the  point  of  wages,  the  opinion  of  the 
miners’  delegates  was  reported  to  be  that  the 
agreement  was  ‘ ‘ fair  to  all  parties,  for  it  secured 
the  owners  against  having  to  pay  an  increased 
wage  unless  all  the  circumstances  of  the  trade, 
considered  over  a reasonable  period,  were  taken 
into  account  by  a perfectly  impartial  arbitrator. 
The  concession  of  the  principle  of  the  50  per  cent, 
increase  on  the  1888  basis  as  a minimum  wage 
would,  as  far  as  could  be  foreseen,  obviate 
trouble  in  the  future,  and  the  safeguards  which 
had  been  introduced  into  the  grant  of  the  con- 
cession were,  in  the  opinion  of  all  the  delegates 
who  were  willing  to  express  their  views,  emi- 
nently fair  to  all  the  interests  concerned.” 

South  Africa:  A.  D.  1903-1904. — The 
question  of  Asiatic  Labor  for  the  mines  in 
the  Transvaal.  — Admission  of  Chinese  Coo- 
lies.— The  political  side  of  the  Opposition 
to  White  Labor.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

Spain  : A.  D.  1902.  — Great  Strike  at  Bar- 
celona.— Barcelona,  the  scene  of  frequent  and 
much  disturbance,  both  political  and  industrial, 
produced,  in  the  middle  of  February,  a general 
strike  of  80,000  workmen,  between  whom  and 
the  troops  of  General  Weyler,  the  Minister  of 
War,  a week  of  battle  in  the  streets  occurred, 
with  martial  law  in  force. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Insurrection  and  Strike  at 
Barcelona.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain  : A.  D. 
1907-1909. 

Sweden:  A.  D.  1909.  — The  Lockout  and 
the  attempted  General  Strike  of  all  Labor  in 
the  Kingdom.  — The  labor  conflicts  of  1909 
were  marked  most  impressively  by  two  attempts, 
in  two  countries,  to  combine  all  unionized  labor, 
of  all  trades  and  employments,  in  the  oft-threat- 
ened “general  strike,”  whereby  an  absolute 
paralysis  of  society  might  be  brought  about. 
The  first  of  these  attempts  was  planned  in 
France,  for  the  enforcement  of  the  demands  of 
the  postal  and  telegraphic  employees  of  the 
Government,  who  claimed  the  right  to  engage 
in  conflict  with  the  State  by  an  organized 


“strike.”  This  came  happily  to  naught;  and, 
the  second,  undertaken  in  Sweden,  had  the 
same  result. 

A dispute  in  the  paper,  woolen,  and  cotton 
industries  of  Sweden  led,  first,  to  a lockout  of 
about  13,000  workmen  in  those  factories,  the 
employers  acting  in  a compact  association, 
which  seems  to  have  embraced  all  important 
fields  of  production.  On  the  26th  of  July  the 
lockout  was  extended  to  certain  other  allied 
trades,  affecting  about  40,000  employees  in  all ; 
and  it  was  then  announced  that  on  the  2d  of 
August,  if  the  men  did  not  come  to  terms,  the 
closing  of  works  would  be  carried  into  the  iron 
trades,  and  further  still.  This  challenged  the 
Allied  Trade  Unions  to  summon  a “ general 
strike”  of  all  their  membership,  and  the  call 
went  out  for  an  universal  dropping  of  work  on 
August  4th.  Exception,  however,  was  made 
in  the  call,  of  employees  in  the  water-works, 
lighting  and  sanitation  departments  of  the  pub- 
lic service,  and  of  those  on  whom  hospitals, 
funerals  and  living  animals  were  dependent  for 
care.  Railway,  postal,  telegraph  and  telephone 
employees  were  not  included  in  the  Labor  Fed- 
eration, and  did  not  strike.  Between  lockout 
and  strike,  however,  the  suspension  of  industry 
was  so  extensive  as  to  reduce  Stockholm,  es- 
pecially, to  a very  grave  situation ; but  the 
emergency  was  faced  with  remarkable  energy 
and  courage  by  both  Government  and  people. 

Neither  employers  nor  employees  would  listen 
to  any  mediation  between  them  by  King  or 
Ministers,  and  the  measures  of  Government  were 
directed  solely  to  the  repression  of  disorder  and 
the  checking  of  all  that  savored  of  revolution- 
ary aims.  How  the  public  of  Stockholm  saved 
itself  from  paralysis  is  told  by  a correspondent 
who  wrote  from  that  city  on  the  28th  of  August, 
when  the  strike  was  in  its  fourth  week.  “How 
is  it,”  he  asked,  “that  the  trams  are  running, 
cabs  are  plying  for  hire  in  the  streets,  the  steam 
ferries  are  working  as  usual,  streets  and  houses 
are  lighted,  and  there  seems  no  lack  of  provi- 
sions or  transport?  The  explanation  is  that 
these  and  many  other  of  the  most  important 
social  services  are  being  performed  by  a brigade 
of  volunteers,  who  have  come  forward  in  the 
public  interest  and  who  devote  their  time  and 
energies  gratuitously  to  supplying  the  most 
pressing  needs  of  society  at  large.  . . . 

“On  July  31  plans  were  first  formed  for 
meeting  the  situation  by  the  organization  of  a 
band  of  voluntary  helpers,  and  on  August  2 a 
meeting  was  held  at  which  definite  action  was 
determined  upon.  A ‘ Public  Security  Bri- 
gade ’ ( Frivilliga  skyddskaren)  was  to  be  enrolled, 
and  the  following  services,  amongst  others, 
were  to  be  undertaken : The  protection  of 
banks,  insurance  officers,  and  similar  institutions 
liable  to  attack  or  plunder  by  the  strikers ; the 
working  of  trams  and  steamboats,  and  of  gas, 
water,  and  electric  lighting  machinery;  the 
driving  of  motor  and  other  cabs ; the  conveyance 
of  the  sick  to  the  hospitals,  and  the  rendering 
to  the  hospital  staff  of  any  necessary  help  ; the 
unloading  and  transport  of  the  necessities  of 
life,  such  as  food,  coal,  wood,  &c.  The  object 
of  the  organization  was  not  to  help  individual 
sufferers  or  to  safeguard  individual  interests, 
but  in  every  way  possible  to  maintain  such  ser- 
vices as  should  be  considered  necessary  for  the 
security  and  welfare  of  the  community. 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


“The  appeal  for  volunteers  met  with  a gener- 
ous and  enthusiastic  response,  and  within  a 
week  of  the  first  meeting  on  August  2 the  whole 
organization  was  in  full  working  order.  All 
classes  supplied  their  quota.  Counts  and  barons, 
military  and  naval  officers,  professional  and 
business  men,  engineers,  clerks,  students  from 
the  Universities  and  technical  schools,  alike  vol- 
unteered their  services.  The  importance  of 
such  a movement  can  hardly  be  overestimated. 
The  fact  that  the  executive  body  has  no  con- 
nexion with  the  Government  or  municipality 
and  yet  is  working  inconstant  touch  and  in  per- 
fect harmony  with  both  speaks  volumes  for 
the  spirit  in  which  the  work  has  been  under- 
taken and  the  efficiency  with  which  it  is  being 
carried  out.  It  is  an  object-lesson  in  the  capa- 
city of  the  upper  and  middle  classes  to  meet 
such  an  emergency.  And  lastly,  if,  as  is  thought 
probable  by  some,  the  institution  should  be- 
come a permanent  one,  Sweden  will  have  one 
of  the  best  guarantees  for  industrial  peace  in 
the  future.” 

When  this  was  written,  the  struggle,  so  far 
as  it  involved  an  attempted  general  strike,  was 
near  its  end.  On  the  3d  of  September  the 
Labor  Federation  announced  its  willingness  that 
those  organizations  which  were  not  connected 
with  the  original  dispute,  but  which  had  joined 
the  strike  to  help  make  it  general,  should  return 
to  work,  if  the  Government  would  renew  its 
proffer  of  mediation  in  the  primary  dispute. 
This  the  Government  did  willingly  ; but  at  the 
end  of  September  it  was  announced  that  the  ne- 
gotiations undertaken  had  broken  down  and  that 
60,000  men  were  still  without  work. 

The  most  serious  feature  of  the  conflict  was 
the  apparent  readiness  with  which  many  labor 
organizations  broke  agreements  and  contracts,  in 
order  to  take  part  in  it,  even  when  not  called  on 
to  do  so  by  the  general  Federation.  According 
to  the  claim  of  the  Employers’  Federation,  more- 
over, it  was  faithlessness  to  such  contracts  which 
had  most  to  do  with  bringing  of  the  Lockout  on. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  workmen  maintain  that 
it  is  the  aim  of  the  employers  to  break  down 
their  unions,  and  that  self-preservation  justifies 
them  in  breaking  contracts  when  that  course  is 
necessary  to  defeat  such  attempts.  Where  the 
very  truth  lies  is  questionable,  here  as  in  most 
such  conflicts. 

United  States  : The  Organization  of 

Labor.  — “Most  of  the  national  trade  unions 
are  affiliated  to  one  great  federal  organization, 
known  as  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 
The  railway  brotherhoods,  so  called,  keep  their 
separate  organizations,  without  affiliating  to 
any  other  body.  There  are  some  independent 
unions  ; while  the  Knights  of  Labor  are  a body 
entirely  distinct  from  all  other  organizations, 
and  have  a different  organic  law.  It  is  difficult 
to  ascertain  the  membership  of  unions.  In  Great 
Britain  the  law  requiring  registration  enables 
the  Government  to  state  with  fair  accuracy  the 
strength  of  unions  in  that  country.  According 
to  the  latest  reports  available,  the  English  trade 
unions  had  a membership  of  1,802,518,  while  in 
the  United  States, — with  double  England’s 
population, — the  estimated  membership  of 
labor  organizations  on  July  1 last  was  1,400,000. 
It  is  estimated  at  the  present  time  that  there  are 
nearly  18,000,000  persons  (men,  women,  and 
children)  in  the  United  States  working  as  wage- 


earners.  The  percentage  embraced  in  the  labor 
unions  is  not  large,  therefore,  being  not  more 
than  8 per  cent,  of  the  whole  body.  It  must  be 
remembered,  however,  that  in  many  trades  the 
members  are  organized  up  to  a large  proportion, 

— sometimes  90  per  cent.  — of  the  total  number 
engaged.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor 
probably  represents  850,000  members,  and  the 
Knights  of  Labor  perhaps  200,000.  The  Order 
of  Railway  Conductors  of  America,  — whose 
head,  Mr.  E.  E.  Clark,  has  been  appointed  on 
the  Coal  Commission,  — has  nearly  25,000  mem- 
bers ; the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers, 
over  34,000  ; the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive 
Firemen,  nearly  38,000  ; the  Brotherhood  of 
Railway  Trainmen,  about  44,000  ; and  there  are 
at  least  four  other  influential  railroad  organiza- 
tions.”— Carroll  D.  Wright,  Labor  Organization 
in  the  United  States  ( Contemporary  Review,  Oct.. 
1902). 

The  Trade  Union  as  a factor  in  the  As- 
similation of  the  Foreign-born  Population, 
and  in  its  Political  Education.  — “Whatever 
our  judgment  as  to  the  legality  or  expediency 
of  the  industrial  policy  of  our  American  unions, 
no  student  of  contemporary  conditions  can  deny 
that  they  are  a mighty  factor  in  effecting  the 
assimilation  of  our  foreign-born  population. 
Schooling  is  primarily  of  importance,  of  course, 
but  many  of  our  immigrants  come  here  as 
adults.  Education  can  affect  only  the  second 
generation.  The  churches,  particularly  the 
Catholic  hierarchy,  may  do  much.  Protestants 
seem  to  have  little  influence  in  the  industrial 
centres.  On  the  other  hand,  the  newspapers, 
at  least  such  as  the  masses  see  and  read,  and  the 
ballot  under  present  conditions  in  American 
cities,  have  no  uplifting  or  educative  power  at 
all.  The  great  source  of  intellectual  inspiration 
to  a large  percentage  of  our  inchoate  Americans, 
in  the  industrial  classes,  remains  in  the  trade- 
union.  It  is  a vast  power  for  good  or  evil, 
according  as  its  affairs  are  administered.  It 
cannot  fail  to  teach  the  English  language.  That 
in  itself  is  much.  Its  benefit  system,  as  among 
the  cigarmakers  and  printers,  may  inculcate 
thrift.  Its  journals,  the  best  of  them,  give  a 
general  knowledge  of  trade  conditions,  impos- 
sible to  the  isolated  workman.  Its  democratic 
constitutions  and  its  assemblies  and  conventions 
partake  of  the  primitive  character  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  folkmoot,  so  much  lauded  by  Freeman, 
the  historian,  as  a factor  in  English  political 
education  and  constitutional  development.  Not 
the  next  gubernatorial  or  presidential  candidate; 
not  the  expansion  of  the  currency,  nor  the  re- 
form of  the  general  staff  of  the  army  ; not  free- 
trade  or  protection,  or  anti-imperialism,  is  the 
real  living  thing  of  interest  to  the  trade-union 
workman.  His  thoughts,  interests,  and  hopes 
are  centred  in  the  politics  of  his  organization. 
It  is  the  forum  and  arena  of  his  social  and  in- 
dustrial world.”  — W.  Z.  Ripley,  Race  Factors 
in  Labor  Unions  ( Atlantic  Monthly,  March, 
1904). 

A.  D.  1899-1907.  — The  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners. — Its  adoption  of  a Socialist 
Platform.  — Its  fierce  Conflict  with  Mine 
Owners.  — Alleged  Criminal  Instigations  by 
its  Leaders.  — Orchard’s  Confessions. — 
Trial  and  Acquittal  of  Secretary  Haywood. 

— The  Western  Federation  of  Miners  was  organ- 
ized in  Butte,  Montana,  in  1893.  The  domain 


384 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


of  the  organization  was  and  is  mainly  the  metal 
mining  fields  west  of  the  Mississippi  River ; 
while  that  of  the  organization  called  the  United 
Mine  Workers  was  and  is  the  coal  fields  east 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  strongly  marked  dif- 
ference in  character  between  these  two  com- 
prehensive unions  of  mining  labor  is  indicated 
in  an  article  by  William  Hard,  contributed  to 
The  Outlook  of  May  ID.  1906.  “The  United, 
Mine  Workers,”  wrote  Mr.  Hard,  “accepts  the” 
present  industrial  system  and  ‘ regards- the  em- 
ployer as  its  partner.  The  Western  Federation 
of  Miners  denounces  the  present  industrial  sys- 
tem and  regards  the  very  existence  of  the  em- 
ployer as  an  evil.  The  United  Mine  Workers  is 
interested  mainly  in  the  division  of  the  proceeds 
of  the  present  industrial  system  between  itself 
and  its  partner,  the  employer.  It  wants  to  in- 
crease its  own  share  of  the  proceeds  and  it  wants 
to  reduce  its  partner’s  share.  The  Western 
Federation  of  Miners,  on  the  other  hand,  is  in- 
terested mainly  in  the  elimination  of  the  em- 
ployer. It  wants  more  wages,  of  course,  but  if 
it  should  succeed  in  establishing  a scale  of  even 
a hundred  dollars  a day  it  would  still  be  bound 
by  its  principles  to  spurn  the  relaxing  comforts 
of  prosperity  and  to  nerve  itself  to  a continua- 
tion of  the  struggle. 

“ Edward  Boyce,  as  President  of  the  Federa- 
tion, addressed  its  annual  Convention  in  1902  as 
follows : ‘ There  are  only  two  classes  of  people 
in  the  world.  One  is  composed  of  the  men  and 
women  who  produce  all.  The  other  is  composed 
of  men  and  women  who  produce  nothing,  but 
live  in  luxury  upon  the  wealth  produced  by 
others.’”  The  Convention,  at  the  same  session, 
adopted  the  following  declaration:  “We,  the 
tenth  annual  Convention  of  the  Western  Feder- 
ation of  Miners,  do  declare  for  a policy  of  in- 
dependent political  action,  and  do  advise  and 
recommend  the  adoption  of  the  platform  of  the 
Socialist  Party  of  America.” 

Says  Mr.  Hard,  in  comment  on  this  Socialist 
pronouncement  by  the  W estem  Federation  : 
“There  is  usually  one  of  two  reasons  for  the 
presence  of  a large  number  of  Socialists  in  any 
trade  union.  One  is  the  influence  of  Europeans ; 
the  other  is  a particularly  spectacular  triumph 
of  the  machine  over  the  man,  and  a particu- 
larly cruel  displacement  of  human  beings  by 
superhuman  tools.  . . . The  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners,  however,  has  not  been  devoured 
by  the  machine,  and  it  does  not  contain  more  than 
a small  percentage  of  Europeans.  Whatever  of 
lawlessness  there  has  been  in  the  history  of  the 
Western  Federation  has  been  American  lawless- 
ness. Whatever  of  radicalism  there  has  been 
in  that  history  has  been  radicalism  cherished 
and  propagated  by  Americans.  That  favorite 
National  scapegoat,  ‘the  foreigner,’  cannot  be 
loaded  with  the  sins  of  the  Western  Federation. 

. . . The  Western  mines  are  full  of  longlimbed, 
franked-eyed  men  who  have  adventured  them- 
selves far  and  wide  upon  the  face  of  the  earth. 
There  are  Eastern  miners  who  were  blacklisted 
after  leading  unsuccessful  strikes.  There  are 
cowboys  who  tired  of  the  trail.  There  are  farm- 
ers who  preferred  prospecting  to  plowing.  There 
are  city  men  who  burst  the  bars  of  their  cages  to 
breathe  the  open  air  of  the  West.  These  adven- 
turous characters,  going  out  into  a new  country 
and  plunging  into  the  virgin,  everlasting  hills, 
where  it  would  seem  that  at  last  all  men  would 


stand  on  the  same  footing,  have  suddenly  dis- 
covered that  amid  these  primitive  surroundings 
the  modern  industrial  system  is  not  only  found, 
but  is  found  at  its  worst.  No  one  would  try  to 
find  a parallel  anywhere  else  on  earth  for  the 
reckless  unscrupulous  and  maddening  insolence 
of  the  corporations  of  the  Rocky  Mountain 
States.  And  practical  anarchism  among  cor- 
P 9 r at  ion  s ifi-jaby  a yj^  s t r op  g promoter  of  theo- 
retical Socialism  amoitg  trade  unions.  . .. 

“The  internal  policy  of  the  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners  is  consistent  with  its  published 
principles.  The  most  important  part  of  this  pol- 
icy is  an  aversion  to  the  signing  of  contracts 
with  employers.  A contract  is  regarded  as  a 
manacle.  It  binds  one  union  when  another 
union  might  need  its  help.  ...  In  consequence 
of  not  demanding  a contract,  the  Federation 
naturally  does  not  demand  a closed  shop.  As  it 
does  not  ask  the  employer  to  bind  himself  by  a 
contract  to  anything,  it  does  not  ask  him  to 
bind  himself  to  the  exclusive  employment  of 
union  men.  In  three  other  respects  besides  its 
failure  to  demand  a closed  shop  the  Western 
Federation  of  Miners  follows  a policy  which  has 
often  been  admired  by  enemies  of  trade  unions. 
The  Western  Federation  has  no  apprentice  sys- 
tem. It  does  not  restrict  output.  And  it  dis- 
countenances jurisdictional  quarrels  between 
rival  trade  organizations.  . . . 

“So  much  for  the  philosophy  of  the  Western 
Federation  of  Miners.  Now  for  the  lawlessness 
with  which  it  has  been  charged.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  members  of  the  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners  have  frequently  coerced  non- 
union men.  ...  A programme  of  intimidation 
has  at  times,  in  certain  mining  camps,  become 
the  equivalent  of  a closed  shop  contract.  The 
employer  was  not  asked  to  exclude  non-union 
men.  The  union  excluded  them  spontaneously, 
without  bothering  the  employer  about  it.  . . . 
In  addition  to  the  coercion  of  individual  non- 
unionists,  there  have  been  a few  occasions  on 
which  armed  bodies  of  union  men  have  stormed 
mining  property  and  captured  it.” 

On  the  other  side  of  the  case  this  writer  re- 
counts the  acts  of  violence  and  the  barbarous 
“ deportations”  which  the  miners  of  the  West- 
ern Federation  have  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
the  Mine-Owners’  Association  and  the  Citizens’ 
Alliance  in  cooperation  with  them;  and  he  em- 
phasises this  fact: — “ that  the  members  of  the 
Citizens’  Alliance  and  the  members  of  the 
Western  Federation  of  Miners  are  brothers 
under  their  skins.  They  come  in  the  main  from 
exactly  the  same  breed.  Two  men  go  out  pro- 
specting. They  come  from  the  same  town  in 
Ohio.  Their  claims  are  half  a mile  apart.  One 
man  strikes  gold.  The  other  does  n’t.  One  man 
becomes  a millionaire  and  a member  of  the 
Mine-Owners’  Association.  The  other  becomes 
a workingman  and  a member  of  the  Western 
Federation.  . . . They  were  all  of  them  Ameri- 
can adventurers  before  they  became  employers 
and  employees.  Practically  identical  in  breed, 
the  mine-owners  and  the  miners  are  practically 
identical  in  temperament.  They  transact  their 
affairs  on  both  sides  with  an  untrammeled  reck- 
lessness which  is  appalling,  but  which,  if  the 
distinction  be  admitted,  savors  of  anarchy 
rather  than  of  illegality.  The  situation  is  like 
that  in  the  rough  early  mediaeval  States  before 
the  central  authority  had  established  its  power 


385 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


by  means  of  police.  . . . That  these  frontiers- 
men, as  workingmen  and  as  members  of  the 
Western  Federation,  have  used  their  guns  in 
trade  union  controversies  is  indubitable.  That 
the  Western  Federation,  however,  is  an  or- 
ganized criminal  clique,  and  that  it  accentuates 
and  stimulates  the  gun-playing  proclivities  of 
its  members,  is,  so  far,  unsupported  by  evi- 
dence.”-— -William  Hard,  The  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners  (The  Outlook,  May  19,  1906). 

The  question  on  which  Mr.  Hard  threw  doubt, 
as  to  whether  the  leaders  of  the  Western  Feder- 
ation of  Miners,  or  any  of  its  responsible  mem- 
bers, had  been  implicated  in  the  dreadful  crimes 
of  murder  and  destruction  of  property  which 
attended  the  conflict  between  the  Federation 
and  the  mine-owners  of  the  Far  West,  came  to 
trial  in  connection  with  the  horrible  murder  of 
ex-Governor  Frank  Steunenberg,  of  Idaho.  The 
victim  had  been  Governor  of  that  State  in 
1899,  when,  during  a strike  in  the  Coeur  d’Alene 
district,  a mill  at  Wardner  was  blown  up  by  a 
mob.  Governor  Steunenberg  obtained  the  aid 
of  Federal  troops  and  vigorously  crushed  the 
disorder.  Six  years  afterwards,  on  the  30th  of 
December,  1905,  at  the  gate  of  his  residence  in 
Caldwell,  he  was  blown  to  pieces  by  a bomb,  so 
placed  that  it  was  exploded  by  the  opening  of 
the  gate.  A man  named  Harry  Orchard  was 
arrested  on  suspicion  and  held  until,  finally,  he 
not  only  confessed  the  crime  in  question,  but 
owned,  or  claimed  to  have  participated  in,  or 
had  knowledge  of,  an  appalling  number  of  other 
murders,  deadly  explosions,  and  other  barbari- 
ties, all  of  which  he  alleged  to  have  been  com- 
mitted at  the  instigation  and  under  the  direction 
of  officials  in  the  Western  Federation.  Its  Pre- 
sident, Charles  H.  Moyer,  its  Secretary,  W.  D. 
Haywood,  and  George  A.  Pettibone  of  its  ex- 
ecutive were  especially  implicated  by  Orchard’s 
confession  in  the  murder  of  Governor  Steunen- 
berg. These  accused  men  were  in  Colorado  at 
the  time,  and  there,  on  a requisition  from  the 
Governor  of  Idaho,  they  were  arrested  on  the 
15th  of  February,  1906,  and  taken  hurriedly  to 
Boise,  having  no  opportunity  to  resist  what  was 
claimed  to  be  the  illegal  extradition.  Subse- 
quently, however,  when  the  question  was  car- 
ried from  the  Supreme  Court  of  Idaho  up  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  the  legal- 
ity of  the  proceeding  was  affirmed  by  all  of  the 
tribunals  which  reviewed  it. 

Intense  feeling  in  labor  circles  was  enlisted  in 
behalf  of  the  accused  chiefs  of  the  Western  Fed- 
eration of  Miners.  Very  generally  their  inno- 
cence of  the  imputed  crimes  was  believed,  and 
they  were  looked  on  as  victims  of  an  implacable 
conspiracy,  in  which  capitalists  and  politicians 
were  leagued,  to  hunt  them  to  their  death. 
More  than  a year  intervened  between  their  arrest 
and  the  trial  of  Haywood,  who  was  the  first  to 
be  arraigned.  This  greatly  exciting  trial  was 
opened,  at  Boise  City,  the  capital  of  Idaho,  in 
May,  1907,  and  was  concluded  on  the  28th  of 
July,  resulting  in  the  acquittal  of  the  accused. 
Orchard’s  testimony  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
seriously  shaken,  otherwise  than  by  the  incred- 
ible horrors  of  his  story ; but  corroborative  evi- 
dence was  lacking,  and  nobody  could  trust  a 
witness  whose  moral  irresponsibility  was  so  plain 
a fact.  The  announcement  of  the  verdict  of  ac- 
quittal was  gladly  received.  It  was  followed  at 
once  by  the  release  of  President  Moyer  on  bail. 


A.  D.  1900-1909.  — Labor  Unions  and  Ori- 
ental Immigration.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1900-1909.  — Study  and  treatment  of 
Industrial  Problems  by  the  National  Civic 
Federation.  See  Social  Betterment: 
United  States. 

A.  D.  1901. — Teamsters’  Strike  in  San 
Francisco.  See  Municipal  Government: 
San  Francisco. 

A.  D.  1901.  — The  unfortunate  Strike  of  the 
Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron,  Steel,  and 
Tin  Plate  Workers.  — Its  conflict  with  the 
United  States  Steel  Corporation.  — Breaches 
of  Contract  involved. — Failure. — A strike 
which  involved  breaches  of  contract  between 
employes  and  employers,  and  which  resulted 
most  unfortunately  to  those  engaged  in  it,  was 
ordered  in  July,  1901,  by  the  heads  of  the  Na- 
tional Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron,  Steel, 
and  Tin  Plate  Workers  of  the  United  States.  As 
in  the  case  of  the  Anthracite  Coal  Strike  of  1902, 
which  is  told  of  below,  the  circumstances  of  this 
strike  received  a very  thorough  study  and  a very 
clear  exposition  to  the  public,  in  an  article  from 
the  pen  of  Dr.  Talcott  Williams,  published  in 
the  American  Review  of  Revieics  for  September, 
1901,  and  what  is  stated  here  is  drawn  from  that 
article : 

The  industries  concerned  in  what  occurred  had 
been  carried  on  for  a considerable  period  under 
conditions  too  complicated  to  be  described  in 
this  limited  place.  It  must  suffice  to  say  that 
there  were  union  mills  and  non-union  mills,  and 
also  a third  class,  of  “open”  mills,  in  which 
union  and  non-union  men  worked  together.  A 
truce  had  sprung  up  during  a period  of  pros- 
perity in  which,  says  Dr.  Williams,  “there  had 
come  to  be  a quasi,  only  a quasi,  general  under- 
standing that  certain  mills  were  to  be  considered 
as  union,  certain  as  non-union,  and  certain  as 
‘open.’”  While  “the  trade  was  still  divided 
among  hundreds  of  mill-owners,”  the  Amalga 
mated  Association  of  workers  in  them  “equal- 
ized conditions  for  all  of  them.  It  lifted  wage 
disputes  out  of  the  narrow  mill  atmosphere.  It 
forced  all  concerned  to  look  at  the  trade  as  a 
whole.  It  gave  continuity  and  uniformity  to 
contracts  for  wages.  It  established  standards  of 
wages  ” — for  union  and  non-union,  both.  But 
when,  in  June,  1901,  “the  Amalgamated  came 
to  its  annual  collective  bargaining,”  it  had  to 
deal,  not  with  numerous  independent  mill-own- 
ers, but  with  the  great  consolidation  of  them 
that  had  just  occurred,  in  the  formation  of  the 
mammoth  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 

• ‘ Two  courses,”  says  Dr.  Williams, 1 ‘ were  open 
to  the  president  and  officers  and  Advisory  Coun- 
cil of  the  Amalgamated.  They  might,  after  the 
usual  conference,  for  which  its  constitution  pro- 
vides, through  a special  committee,  have  signed 
its  ‘scale’  for  the  union  mills  in  which  its  mem- 
bership worked  and  wait  for  the  social  and  po- 
litical pressure  of  public  opinion,  as  in  1900,  to 
force  this  new  representative  of  capital — the 
‘ Trust’  — in  its  various  forms  to  accept  a col- 
lective bargain  for  part  of  its  mills,  trusting  to 
events,  the  steady  gravitation  of  skilled  labor  to 
its  ranks,  and  the  greater  economic  efficiency  of 
the  union  — for  uniess  it  is  that  it  cannot  survive 
— to  win  a slow  battle.  Much  depended  for  or 
ganized  labor  all  over  the  country  in  formally 
committing  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation,. 


386 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


the  greatest  employer  of  labor  on  the  planet,  to 
the  recognition  of  a union  scale  as  the  best  regu- 
lator of  wages,  union  and  non-union.  It  looked 
as  if  this  waiting  plan  were  adopted  when  the 
scale  was  signed  for  one  year  to  come,  carrying 
a new  non-interruption  clause,  with  the  Ameri- 
can Tin  Plate  Company.  ...  On  the  last  day  on 
which  the  scale  could  be  signed  — June  29  — 
and  it  generally  is  not  signed  before,  the  demand 
was  made  that  the  scale  should  be  signed  for  all 
[of  certain]  non-union  mills.  The  advance  in 
wages  asked  was  conceded.  Mr.  Persifor  F. 
Smith,  for  the  company,  offered  to  sign  for 
twenty-one  mills  accepted  in  the  past  as  union. 
President  Shaffer  refused  to  sign  for  any,  unless 
all  were  accepted  as  union.  Mr.  Smith  refused 
to  sign  for  mills  non-union  in  the  past,  and 
claimed  that  two,  Salzburg  and  Old  Meadow, 
hitherto  union,  had  abandoned  the  organization, 
a position  later  conceded.  The  issue  raised  was 
whether  the  change  from  individual  to  collective 
bargaining  could  be  required  under  penalty  of  a 
strike,  not  only  in  the  mills  in  question,  but  in 
all  the  mills  of  the  company.  The  men  involved 
had  a right  to  require  a collective  bargain  for  as 
many  as  they  chose  to  include.  The  company 
had  its  right,  equally,  to  decide  where  it  would 
have  individual  and  where  collective  bargain- 
ing. . . . 

“ The  Amalgamated  was  . . . strong,  until  it 
struck.  Its  demand  for  wages  and  hours  were  all 
accepted.  It  had  been  allowed  to  organize  lodges 
in  various  non-union  mills,  after  the  corporation 
had  bought  them,  where  before  it  was  excluded. 
When  it  attempted,  on  its  own  demand  and  in- 
stance, to  change  the  status  of  these  mills  and 
act  for  their  labor,  it  proved  right  in  its  claim 
that  the  men  wished  to  be  union  in  four  out  of 
five  of  the  steel  hoop  mills  and  wrong  in  five 
out  of  the  seven  mills  claimed  in  the  Sheet  Steel 
Company.  Each  contestant  claimed  more  than 
it  could  control.  A compromise  was  in  order. 
A compromise  was  offered.  Twelve  mills  in  all 
were  in  dispute.  The  corporation  offered  four. 
The  Amalgamated  demanded  all  or  none.  . . . 
A strike  was  ordered  July  15,  and  the  American 
Tin  Plate  Company  men  broke  their  year’s  con- 
tract of  a fortnight  before.” 

The  strike  was  “circumscribed  at  first  by 
members  of  the  Amalgamated  in  the  Federal 
Steel  Company  plants  at  Chicago,  Joliet,  and 
Milwaukee  refusing  to  break  their  contracts 
and  strike.  Here,  the  membership  of  the  Amal- 
gamated was  less  than  a tenth  of  the  whole 
number  involved.  It  is  not  over  this  propor- 
tion in  the  general  body  of  men  on  the  pay-roll 
of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation.  The 
proportion  in  union  mills  varies.  In  none  does 
it  include  all.  In  some,  those  without  its  mem- 
bership are  a small  fraction,  in  others,  more 
than  half.  By  the  men  of  the  National  Steel 
Company  and  the  National  Tube  Company,  an- 
nual contracts  were  broken,  sacrificing  the  an- 
nual collective  bargain.” 

“Nothing  can  be  accomplished  for  labor, 
even  that  tenth  share  of  it  organized  in  the 
Amalgamated,  until  this  share  has  learned  that 
contracts  must  be  kept  and  the  line  drawn  be- 
tween wages  and  business  control.  The  success- 
ful efforts  of  the  Amalgamated  to  induce  its 
members  to  break  their  contracts,  first  in  the 
tin  works  and  later  at  various  works  in  the 
Federal  Steel  Company,  has  deepened  the  con- 


viction among  business  men  and  the  public  that 
men  in  the  union  cannot  be  trusted  to  keep 
promises;  and  until  this  trust  is  possible,  no- 
thing is  possible.” 

The  strike  failed  in  its  objects  completely, 
and  came  to  an  end  on  the  14th  of  September, 
having  lasted  sixty-one  days.  Under  the  agree- 
ment which  then  terminated  it,  the  union  mills 
which  the  Amalgamated  Association  had  been 
able  to  keep  closed  were  recognized  as  being 
within  its  sphere,  but  no  provision  could  be 
made  for  the  displaced  union  men  of  mills 
which  had  been  wholly  or  partly  reopened  dur- 
ing the  progress  of  the  strike,  and  large  bodies 
of  the  strikers  were  left  to  seek  employment 
where  they  could. 

A.  D.  1902. — Remarkable  Conference  on 
the  Peaceful  Settlement  of  Labor  Disputes, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  National  Civic 
Federation. — Appointment  of  a Committee 
of  Conciliation.  — In  January,  1902,  a remark- 
able conference,  to  discuss  the  relations  between 
labor  and  capital  and  to  seek  means  for  the 
peaceable  settlement  of  industrial  disputes,  was 
held  in  New  York,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
National  Civic  Federation.  Notable  men  of  all 
professions,  of  high  circles  in  business,  of  high 
leadership  in  trade  unions,  and  of  high  official 
positions,  came  together,  with  the  Hon.  Oscar 
S.  Straus  presiding,  and  held  frank  and  free 
talk  on  a subject  which  concerned  them  all  in 
the  greatest  possible  degree.  The  main  practi- 
cal result  of  the  Conference  was  the  appoint- 
ment of  a powerful  standing  Committee,  to  act 
for  the  Civic  Confederation  as  an  agency  of  con- 
ciliation and  intermediation  between  the  parties 
in  industrial  disputes.  The  Committee,  which 
has  exercised  its  good  offices  many  times  since, 
not  always  with  success,  but  always  with  an 
influence  that  must  be  of  growing  effect,  wa3 
appointed  as  follows : 

On  Behalf  of  the  Public.  — Grover  Cleveland ; 
Cornelius  N.  Bliss ; Charles  Francis  Adams  ; 
Archbishop  John  Ireland ; Bishop  Henry  C. 
Potter  ; Charles  W.  Eliot,  president  of  Harvard 
University ; Franklin  MacYeagh,  Chicago ; 
James  H.  Eckels;  John  J.  McCook;  John  G. 
Milburn,  Buffalo;  Charles  J.  Bonaparte,  Bal- 
timore ; Oscar  S.  Straus ; Ralph  M.  Easley. 

Representatives  of  Organized  Labor.  — 
Samuel  Gompers,  president  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor;  John  Mitchell,  president 
of  the  United  Mine  Workers;  F.  P.  Sargent, 
grand  master  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive 
Firemen ; T.  J.  Shaffer,  president  of  the  Amal- 
gamated Association  of  Iron,  Steel,  and  Tin 
Workers;  James  Duncan,  secretary  of  the  Gran- 
ite Cutters’  Association  ; Daniel  J.  Keefe,  presi- 
dent of  the  International  Association  of  ’Long- 
shoremen ; Martin  Fox,  president  of  the  National 
Iron  Molders’  Union  ; James  E.  Lynch,  presi- 
dent of  the  International  Typographical  Union  ; 
Edward  E.  Clarke,  grand  conductor,  Brother- 
hood of  Railway  Conductors ; Henry  White, 
secretary  of  the  Garment  Workers  of  America  ; 
Walter  Mac  Arthur,  editor  of  the  Coast  Seamen's 
Journal , San  Francisco;  James  O’Connell,  presi- 
dent of  the  International  Association  of  Machin- 
ists. 

Representative  Employers.  — Senator  Mar- 
cus A.  Hanna,  Cleveland ; Charles  M.  Schwab, 
president  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corpora- 
tion ; S.  R.  Callaway,  American  Locomotive 


387 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


Works;  Charles  Moore,  president  of  the  Na- 
tional Tool  Company;  J.  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr. ; H. 
H.  Vreeland,  Metropolitan  Street  Railway  Com- 
pany ; Lewis  Nixon,  Crescent  Shipyard,  Eliza- 
bethport,  N.  J. ; James  A.  Chambers,  president 
of  the  American  Glass  Company,  Pittsburg, 
Pa.  ; William  H.  Pf abler,  president  of  the  Na- 
tional Association  of  Stove  Manufacturers, 
Philadelphia,  Pa. ; E.  P.  Ripley,  president  of 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  & Santa  Fe  Railway ; 
Marcus  M.  Marks,  president  of  the  National 
Association  of  Clothing  Manufacturers ; J. 
Kruttschnitt,  president  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railway  Company. 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — The  Great  Strike  of 
Anthracite  Coal  Miners.  — Distress  and 
Alarm  in  the  Country..  — Intermediation  of 
President  Roosevelt.  — Arrogant  Attitude  of 
Mine-owning  Interests.  — Final  submission 
to  Arbitration  Commission  appointed  by  the 
President.  — Award  of  the  Commission.  — A 
prolonged  general  strike  of  miners  in  the  anthra- 
cite coal  fields  of  Pennsylvania,  beginning  in 
May,  1902,  was  one  of  the  most  serious  in  its 
public  effects  and  the  most  alarming  that  has 
ever  occurred  in  the  United  States.  It  may  be 
said  to  have  had  its  origin  in  a previous  strike 
that  came  about  in  the  fall  of  1900,  resulting  from 
which  the  miners  had  obtained  an  advance  in 
wages  of  ten  per  cent.  That  increase  was  guar- 
anteed until  the  1st  of  April,  1901.  In  the  in- 
terval Mr.  John  Mitchell,  the  able  and  much  re- 
spected President  of  the  United  Mine  Workers 
of  America,  strove  to  secure  from  the  railway 
magnates  who  are  the  masters  of  the  anthracite 
coal  property  and  trade  some  recognized  right  on 
the  part  of  the  miners  as  a body  to  discuss  and 
arrange  the  terms  and  conditions  of  their  work. 
The  rebuffs  that  he  met  with  were  near  to  caus- 
ing another  strike  in  the  spring ; but  some  pow- 
erful influences  were  brought  to  bear,  it  was  said, 
by  New  York  financiers,  which  patched  up  a 
truce  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  ten  per  cent  in- 
crease of  wages  was  continued  for  that  further 
period,  and  the  miners,  in  some  way,  rightly  or 
wrongly,  acquired  an  idea  that  the  next  year 
was  to  bring  about  an  arrangement  of  free  and 
fair  representative  conferences  between  their 
union  and  the  union  of  mine-owners  and  opera- 
tives, like  that  which  had  been  established  in  the 
bituminous  coal  regions.  In  this  expectation 
they  were  wholly  disappointed  when  the  year 
came  to  its  end,  as  it  did  on  the  1st  of  April, 
1902. 

The  National  Civic  Federation,  in  which  every 
great  social  interest,  of  capital,  labor,  politics, 
education,  religion,  philanthropy,  is  splendidly 
represented,  intervened  in  the  disputes  which 
followed,  and  brought  about  some  meetings 
on  the  subject;  but  the  capitalist  side  of  the 
controversy  was  entrenched  in  its  determina- 
tion to  give  no  recognition  to  any  union  of 
miners,  and  to  refuse  an  arbitration  of  the  dis- 
pute, while  the  miners  were  provoked  to  the 
making  of  larger  demands  than  they  might  have 
insisted  upon,  probably,  if  they  had  been  differ- 
ently met.  By  a small  majority  of  the  delegates 
to  a convention  held  in  May  the  miners  voted 
to  strike  — against  the  judgment  of  President 
Mitchell  it  is  said  — and  work  in  the  mines 
was  stopped  about  the  middle  of  the  month. 

On  both  sides  of  the  conflict  there  were  real 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  approach  to  a common 


ground  of  negotiation.  These  were  fairly  set 
forth  by  Dr.  Talcott  Williams,  of  the  Philadel- 
phia Press,  in  The  Review  of  Reviews  for  July, 
1902.  On  the  side  of  the  anthracite  railroad 
managers  and  mine  operators  he  pointed  to  the 
fact  that  they  were  “ under  a grinding  competi- 
tion with  bituminous  coal.  To  accept  a union 
of  United  Mine  Workers  of  America,  in  which 
the  bituminous  workers  were  two  to  one,  was, 
they  believed,  to  render  it  certain  that  on  most 
issues  the  management  of  the  union  would  keep 
bituminous  mines  busy  rather  than  anthracite.” 
Further  to  the  fact  that  “anthracite  mining 
varies  greatly  from  mine  to  mine,  and  a uniform 
‘ scale,’  as  in  bituminous  mines,  is  difficult.” 
But,  said  he,  “ it  cannot  be  impracticable,  for 
veins  as  narrow,  tortuous  and  varying  are  mined 
under  a ‘scale'  in  England.”  As  for  difficul- 
ties of  concession  on  the  part  of  the  mine-work- 
ers, this  just  analyzer  of  the  conflict  described 
their  division  into  three  classes  having  different 
and  unequal  footings  in  the  industry.  These 
were  the  miners  who  break  out  or  detach  the 
coal  in  the  mines  ; the  laborers  whom  the  miners 
employ  to  load  and  remove  what  the  latter  de- 
tach ; and,  finally,  the  men  employed  as  mine 
bosses  and  to  operate  engines  and  pumps.  The 
miners  are  paid  for  the  quantity  taken  out  ; the 
laborers  (who  aspire  to  become  miners)  receive 
wages  for  a ten  hours  day ; the  bosses  and  engi- 
neers are  employed  by  the  year  and  have  con- 
tinuous work,  because  the  pumps  cannot  be 
stopped,  whether  mining  goes  on  or  not.  These 
three  interests  must  be  consolidated  in  a union 
of  the  mine-workers  if  it  is  to  have  any  effect- 
ive strength ; and  this  raises  knotty  problems 
among  them.  The  attitude  of  the  railroad 
managers  and  operators  had  prevented  such  a 
consolidation,  with  bad  results,  in  Dr.  Williams’s 
opinion.  As  he  summed  up  the  situation,  it 
was  this  : “Had  the  miners’  union  in  the  past 
eighteen  months  exerted  the  rigid  discipline 
of  big  well-managed  unions,  prevented  small 
strikes,  and  worked  for  a cheap  output,  it  might 
have  divided  capital.  But  it  had  not  been  ‘ re- 
cognized.’ Therefore,  its  control  was  often 
loose.  Local  unions  irritated  local  operators. 
In  the  Reading  mines,  the  proportion  of  coal 
mined  per  miner  fell  one-eighth.  It  is  part  of  a 
bad  system  of  over- manned  mines  under  which 
miners  try  to  distribute  work.  Output  was  re- 
duced and  wages  increased.  The  result  was 
that  the  miners  were  without  the  responsible 
control  of  a big  union,  and  the  railroad  man- 
agers and  operators  irritated  by  small  strikes 
and  ready  for  a fight.” 

In  his  conclusions  this  well-informed  critic 
of  the  situation  justified  the  public  feeling  of 
the  time  which  held  the  capitalists  of  the  con- 
troversy more  accountable  than  the  laborers  for 
the  loss  and  suffering  inflicted  on  the  country. 
He  closed  his  article  with  these  words: 

“Under  competition,  the  anthracite  plant  is 
one-half  larger  in  mines  and  one-half  greater  in 
labor  than  the  utmost  demand  of  the  public. 
Two-thirds  of  the  mines  and  two-thirds  of  the 
men,  run  more  regularly  and  systematically, 
could  in  spite  of  the  lack  of  demand  in  summer, 
produce  the  coal  cheaper  and  more  profitably, 
and  at  a higher  individual  aggregate  average, 
even  if  at  a lower  per  diem  or  per  ton  than  the 
present  system.  What  the  anthracite  coal  in- 
dustry really  needs  is  a reorganization  like  that 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


after  tlie  London  dock  strike  of  1889,  reducing 
the  number  of  men  but  increasing  work  for 
each.  As  it  is,  men  who  prefer  working  all 
the  year  to  working  two-thirds  of  the  year,  and 
often  half  a day  at  that,  have,  by  a natural 
elimination,  been  weeded  out  steadily,  and  have 
left  a large  share  of  men,  bred  to  a habit  of 
irregular  work  and  short  hours.  This  one  fact 
is  at  the  bottom  of  much  fitful  irregularity  in 
the  mines. 

“The  railroad  managers,  holding  public  fran- 
chises weighted  by  public  responsibilities,  have 
clearly  no  right,  as  they  have  all  united  in  doing, 
to  refuse  all  compromise,  conciliation,  or  adjust- 
ment, and  simply  stop  work,  letting  the  public 
pay  the  cost  in  higher  coal.  They  are  bound 
either  to  reach  an  adjustment  themselves,  to  let 
some  one  else  reach  one  for  them,  or  to  reorgan- 
ize the  whole  industry  on  a basis  which  will 
reduce  the  material  and  moral  waste  of  the 
present  system,  where  poor  mines  are  worked 
and  men  are  one-third  of  the  year  idle  even  in  a 
prosperous  year.” 

The  powers  which  controlled  the  mines  did 
not,  however,  see  their  duty  to  the  public  in 
this  light,  and  the  strike  went  on.  Before  the 
summer  ended  the  pinch  of  scarcity  in  the  sup- 
ply of  fuel  to  the  country  was  being  felt  widely, 
in  most  industries  and  in  domestic  life.  The 
pinch  increased,  and  the  price  of  coal  went 
higher  as  cold  weather  came  on.  Control  of  the 
rougher  elements  among  the  miners  and  mine 
laborers  was  lost  by  their  leaders,  and  rioting 
broke  out,  with  dark  outrages  of  crime,  calling 
for  a strenuous  employment  of  militia  and  po- 
lice. There  were  threatenings,  too,  of  a sympa- 
thetic strike  of  bituminous  miners,  which  might 
easily  produce  a fuel  famine  of  frightful  effect ; 
but  President  Mitchell  and  other  intelligent 
leaders  succeeded  in  persuading  the  miners  of 
the  bituminous  district  that  their  best  help  to 
the  anthracite  unions  was  by  adhering  to  their 
yearly  contract  and  continuing  the  work  which 
enabled  them  to  contribute  funds  to  the  support 
of  the  existing  strike.  In  August  they  were  re- 
ported to  be  sending  to  the  idle  anthracite  men 
no  less  than  $130,000  a week.  With  this  and 
other  help  these  seemed  likely  to  maintain  their 
stand  for  months.  By  the  first  of  October  the 
supply  of  anthracite  coal  was  so  meagre  that 
“factory  managers  were  put  to  their  wits’  end  to 
get  fuel  enough  at  $15  or  $20  a ton  to  keep  their 
machinery  running  ; whereas,  in  normal  times, 
their  supplies  had  cost  perhaps  $3  a ton.  The 
great  majority  of  the  retail  coal  dealers  were 
entirely  sold  out,  and  for  the  poor  who  were 
obliged  to  buy  in  small  quantities  the  price  had 
reached  a cent  a pound,  or  even  more,  with 
prospect  of  a total  cessation  of  the  anthracite 
supply.  Soft  coal  was  being  largely  substituted 
for  hard  coal;  but  it  also,  in  the  East,  had  ad- 
vanced 300  or  400  per  cent,  in  price,  and  it  was 
not  well  adapted  for  chimneys,  furnaces,  stoves 
and  grates  that  had  been  constructed  for  anthra- 
cite. Furthermore,  the  cessation  of  anthracite 
mining  during  that  half  of  the  year  in  which 
the  bulk  of  the  winter’s  supply  is  produced  had 
created  a situation  of  scarcity  that  could  not 
have  been  wholly  overtaken  by  the  utmost  effort 
to  substitute  the  bituminous  article.” 

The  situation  was  now  so  grave  that  the  whole 
country  was  demanding  an  intervention  of  gov- 
ernment by  some  means  to  end  the  obstinate  dis- 


pute. The  Federal  Executive  could  find  no 
legal  authority  to  act;  but  President  Roosevelt 
determined  to  bring  the  prestige  and  weight  of 
his  high  office  and  of  his  vigorous  personality 
into  an  exercise  of  persuasive  influence  in  the 
case.  He  invited  the  representatives  of  both 
parties  in  the  conflict  to  meet  him,  and  the  meet- 
ing took  place  October  3d.  In  opening  a dis- 
cussion of  the  subject  he  disclaimed  any  right 
or  duty  to  intervene  between  them  on  legal 
grounds,  but  said  that  “the  urgency  and  the 
terrible  nature  of  the  catastrophe  impending 
over  a large  portion  of  our  people  ” had  impelled 
him  to  think  it  incumbent  on  him  to  use  such 
influence  as  he  could  to  “ bring  to  an  end  a situ- 
ation which  has  become  literally  intolerable.” 
“With  all  the  earnestness  that  is  in  me,”  he 
pleaded,  “ I ask  that  there  be  an  immediate  re- 
sumption of  operations  in  the  coal  mines  in  some 
such  way  as  will,  without  a day’s  unnecessary 
delay,  meet  the  crying  needs  of  the  people.  I 
do  not  invite  a discussion  of  your  respective 
claims  and  positions.  I appeal  to  your  patriot- 
ism, to  the  spirit  that  sinks  personal  considera- 
tions and  makes  individual  sacrifices  for  the  gen- 
eral good.”  Mr.  Mitchell  then  spoke  briefly, 
saying  that  he  and  his  associates  did  not  feel 
that  they  were  responsible  for  “this  terrible 
state  of  affairs”;  and  he  made  the  following 
proposition  ; “We  are  willing  to  meet  the  gen- 
tlemen representing  the  coal  operators  to  try  to 
adjust  our  differences  among  ourselves.  If  we 
cannot  adjust  them  that  way,  Mr.  President,  we 
are  willing  that  you  shall  name  a tribunal  who 
shall’determine  the  issues  that  have  resulted  in 
the  strike  ; and  if  the  gentlemen  representing 
the  operators  will  accept  the  award  or  decision 
of  such  a tribunal,  the  miners  will  willingly  ac- 
cept it,  even  if  it  is  against  their  claims.” 

To  say  that  the  President’s  appeal  and  Mr. 
Mitchell’s  proposal  of  arbitration  had  an  arro- 
gant response  from  the  chiefs  of  the  coal  mo- 
nopoly is  to  speak  mildly  of  the  spirit  and 
language  of  their  replies.  “I  now  ask  you,” 
said  one  of  them,  “ to  perform  the  duties  vested 
in  you  as  President  of  these  United  States  and 
to  at  once  squelch  the  anarchistic  condition  of 
affairs  in  the  coal  region  by  the  strong  arm  of 
the  military  at  your  command.”  “The  duty 
of  the  hour,”  cried  another  dictatorially,  “is  not 
to  waste  time  negotiating  with  the  fomenters  of 
this  anarchy  and  insolent  defiance  of  law,  but 
to  do  as  was  done  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion 
— restore  the  majesty  of  the  law.”  With  one 
consent  they  rejected  the  proposal  of  arbitration 
with  scornful  defiance,  and  the  meeting  broke 
up  without  result. 

But,  behind  the  men  in  immediate  command 
of  the  railway  and  the  mining  companies  there 
was  a bigger-brained  financial  power  that 
could  comprehend,  as  they  could  not,  the  reck- 
lessness of  so  arrogant  a challenge,  which  went 
straight  past  the  miners  and  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  a suffering  public.  As  the 
captain  of  that  force,  Mr.  J.  Pierpont  Morgan 
took  the  business  in  hand,  and,  after  a confer- 
ence with  Secretary  Root  and  some  talk  with 
railway  presidents,  brought  the  latter  to  a dif- 
ferent state  of  mind.  On  the  13th  of  October 
he  went  to  Washington  with  the  proposal  of  a 
Commission,  to  be  appointed  by  the  President, 
to  which  the  companies  were  willing  that  “all 
questions  between  the  respective  companies  and 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


their  own  employes”  should  be  referred.  “The 
Commission  to  be  constituted  as  follows:  (1)  An 
officer  of  the  Engineer  Corps  of  either  the  mili- 
tary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States;  (2) 
an  expert  mining  engineer,  experienced  in  the 
mining  of  coal  and  other  minerals,  and  not  in 
any  way  connected  with  coal-mining  proper- 
ties, either  anthracite  or  bituminous;  (3)  one  of 
the  judges  of  the  United  States  courts  of  the 
Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania ; (4)  a man  of 
prominence,  eminent  as  a sociologist ; (5)  a man 
who  by  active  participation  in  mining  and  sell- 
ing coal  is  familiar  with  the  physical  and  com- 
mercial features  of  the  business.”  There  were 
added  the  stipulations  that  upon  the  constitu- 
tion of  such  Commission  the  miners  should  re- 
turn to  work  and  “cease  all  interference  with 
and  persecution  of  any  non-union  men  who  are 
working  or  shall  hereafter  work,”  and  that  the 
Commission’s  findings  should  govern  the  condi- 
tions of  employment  between  the  respective 
companies  and  their  own  employees  for  a term 
of  at  least  three  years.  On  this  basis,  with 
some  modifications,  an  agreement  with  Mr. 
Mitchell,  acting  for  the  miners,  was  arrived  at, 
and  the  appointment  of  the  Commission,  named 
as  follows,  was  announced  on  the  16tli : 

Brig.  Gen.  John  M.  Wilson,  U.  S.  A.,  retired 
(late  Chief  of  Engineers),  Washington,  D.  C., 
“ as  an  officer  of  the  Engineer  Corps.” 

Edward  Wheeler  Parker,  Washington,  D.  C., 
chief  statistician  of  the  coal  division  of  the  Geo- 
logical Survey,  and  editor  of  the  Engineering 
and  Mining  Journal;  “as  an  expert  mining 
engineer.” 

Hon.  George  Gray,  Wilmington,  Del.,  “as  a 
Judge  of  a United  States  Court.” 

Edgar  E.  Clark,  Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa,  Grand 
Chief  of  the  Order  of  Railway  Conductors,  ‘ ‘ as 
a sociologist,  the  President  assuming  that  for 
the  purpose  of  such  a Commission  the  term 
sociologist  means  a man  who  has  thought  and 
studied  deeply  on  social  questions  and  has 
practically  applied  his  knowledge.” 

Thomas  H.  Watkins,  Scranton,  Pa., “as  a man 
practically  acquainted  with  the  mining  and  sell- 
ing of  coal.” 

Bishop  John  L.  Spalding,  Peoria,  111.  (The 
President  added  the  Bishop’s  name  to  the  Com- 
mission.) 

Carroll  D.  Wright,  Commissioner  of  Labor; 
appointed  Recorder  of  the  Commission. 

Mr.  Mitchell’s  acceptance  of  the  plan  of  settle- 
ment, as  finally  worked  out  by  the  President, 
was  ratified  by  a miners  ’ convention  at  Wilkes- 
barre,  and  the  strike  was  declared  at  an  end 
October  21st.  The  Arbitration  Commission 
was  organized  at  the  White  House  on  the  24tli, 
under  the  presidency  of  Judge  Gray.  Carroll  D. 
Wright,  appointed  originally  as  recorder  of  the 
Commission,  was  added  as  a seventh  member  to 
the  board,  all  parties  consenting.  Public  hear- 
ings by  the  Commission  were  opened  at  Scranton 
on  the  14tli  of  November,  President  Mitchell  be- 
ing the  first  witness,  under  cross-examination  by 
railway  attorneys  for  five  days.  The  investiga- 
tion was  laborious  and  long,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  21st  of  March,  1903,  that  the  award  of  the 
Commission  was  made.  The  following  summary 
of  its  important  decisions  is  derived  from  an  ex- 
position of  it  by  Walter  E.  Weyl,  Pli.  D.,  in  The 
Review  of  Reviews  for  April,  1903:  “ There  were 
four  demands  of  the  miners,  — namely,  for  an 


increase  of  pay,  a decrease  in  hours,  the  weigh- 
ing of  coal  where  practicable,  and  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  union.  The  first  two  demands  of 
the  miners  have  been  compromised,  the  miners 
receiving  over  half  of  the  increase  demanded  ; 
the  third  demand  was  refused,  but  the  condi- 
tions reformed ; while  for  the  fourth  demand, 
the  men  secured  practically  what  they  desired, 
although  formal  recognition  was  denied  them. 

“ At  the  beginning  of  the  hearings,  the  com- 
mission decided  that  any  increase  in  the  rate  of 
pay,  or  any  decrease  in  the  hours,  should  be  re- 
troactive, and  be  effective  from  the  first  day  of 
November.  There  would  have  been  difficulty  in 
carrying  out  this  plan,  however,  especially  in 
the  case  of  a reduction  in  hours,  and  in  substi- 
tution therefor  the  commission  provided  for  a 
10  per  cent,  increase  in  all  wages  of  all  em- 
ployees during  the  five  months  of  investigation, 
from  November  1,  1902,  to  April  1,  1903.  . . . 
With  regard  to  future  wages  and  future  hours 
of  labor,  the  commission  has  adopted  the  plan 
of  awarding  increases  for  the  various  classes  of 
employees  and  making  this  increased  wage  the 
minimum  of  a sliding  scale.  In  other  words, 
during  the  three  years  from  April  1,  1903,  to 
April  1,  1906,  wages  may  not  fall  below  the  in- 
creased scale  now  awarded,  no  matter  what  the 
price  of  coal  may  be,  but  must  rise  above  that 
rate  in  case  the  price  of  coal  advances.  The 
contract  miners  asked  for  an  increase  of  20  per 
cent.,  and  have  received  a minimum  of  10  per 
cent.”  The  engineers  hoisting  water  and  the 
firemen  were  awarded  the  reduction  in  hours 
that  they  asked  for,  from  twelve  to  eight,  with- 
out reduced  pay.  Other  engineers  and  pump 
men  who  asked  the  same  received  a five  per  cent, 
increase  of  pay  with  a reduction  of  working 
days  per  week  from  seven  to  six.  The  work  day 
of  men  paid  by  the  day  was  cut  down  from  ten 
hours  to  nine.  “ These  wages,  however,  are  not 
necessarily  the  wages  which  will  prevail,  but 
merely  the  irreducible  minimum  of  wages  dur- 
ing the  next  three  years.  It  was  suggested  by 
Mr.  Baer  that  a sliding  scale  should  be  adopted, 
and  that  the  wages  of  all  mine  workers  should 
not  fall  below  what  they  were  in  April,  1902, 
but  should  be  increased  by  one  per  cent,  for 
every  five  cents  increase  in  the  price  of  the  large 
sizes  of  coal  in  New  York  City.  ” This  seems  to 
have  made  part  of  the  award. 

“ The  commission  says  that  it  does  not  consider 
the  question  of  recognition  within  the  scope  of 
the  jurisdiction  conferred  upon  it,  although  it 
states  that  ‘ the  suggestion  of  a working  agree- 
ment between  employees  and  employers  em- 
bodying the  doctrine  of  collective  bargaining  is 
one  which  the  commission  believes  contains 
many  hopeful  elements  for  the  adjustment  of  re- 
lations in  the  mining  region.’  This  concession, 
however,  is  qualified  by  the  statement  that  ‘ the 
present  constitution  of  the  United  Mine  Workers 
of  America  does  not  present  the  most  inviting 
inducements  to  the  operators  to  enter  into  con- 
tractual relations  with  it.’  Notwithstanding  its 
disclaimer  of  jurisdiction,  however,  the  Anthra- 
cite Coal  Strike  Commission  has  in  practical  ef- 
fect compelled  the  operators  to  grant  to  the  union 
full,  plenary,  and  distinct  recognition.  The  re- 
cognition of  the  United  Mine  Workers  is  clearly 
indicated  by  the  language  of  the  award.  Section 
4 provides  that  ‘ Any  difficulty  or  disagreement 
arising  under  this  award,  either  as  to  its  inter- 


390 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


pretation  or  application,  or  in  any  way  growing 
out  of  the  relations  of  the  employees  and  em- 
ployers, which  cannot  be  settled  or  adjusted 
by  conciliation  between  the  superintendents  or 
managers  of  the  mine  or  mines  and  the  miner 
or  miners  directly  interested,  or  is  of  a scope 
too  large  to  be  settled  or  adjusted,  shall  be  re- 
ferred to  a board  of  conciliation,  to  consist  of 
six  persons,  appointed  as  hereinafter  provided. 
That  is  to  say,  if  there  shall  be  a division  of 
the  whole  region  into  three  districts,  in  each  of 
which  there  shall  exist  an  organization  represent- 
ing a majority  of  the  mine  workers  of  such  dis- 
trict, one  member  of  said  board  of  conciliation 
shall  be  appointed  by  each  of  said  organizations, 
and  three  other  persons  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
operators,  the  operators  of  said  district  appoint- 
ing one  person.’  The  award  of  this  board  of 
conciliation  shall  be  final,  and  in  case  of  dispute 
the  matter  shall  be  referred  to  an  umpire  ap- 
pointed by  one  of  the  Circuit  judges  of  the  Third 
Judicial  Circuit  of  the  United  States.  There 
could  be  no  clearer,  no  more  definite,  recogni- 
tion of  the  union  than  is  herein  provided.” 

A.  D.  1902-1909.  — The  National  Farmers’ 
Union  and  the  American  Society  of  Equity. 
— A history  of  the  Farmers’  National  Union 
has  been  written  by  its  President,  Charles 
Simon  Barrett,  from  whose  narrative  the  fol- 
lowing account  is  drawn.  It  is  quoted  here 
from  the  National  Civic  Federation,  Review. 

“In  the  little  town  of  Emory,  Texas,  in  the 
year  1902,  ten  men  met  together  at  various 
times  and  discussed  the  methods  of  formulating 
rules  and  plans  by  which  the  laboring  masses 
might  be  allowed  a voice  in  the  pricing  of  their 
farm  products.  From  this  meeting  of  a few 
plain  men  the  Texas  Union  was  formed. 
Credit  as  the  founder  of  the  Farmers’  Union  is 
given  to  Newt.  Gresham,  of  Texas,  an  indefati- 
gable worker  for  the  good  of  farmers,  who  was 
long  identified  with  the  Farmers’  Alliance  as 
one  of  the  organizers  of  that  association. 

“From  local  and  State  unions  the  organiza- 
tion has  grown  to  be  a national  union,  holding 
annual  conventions  and  gathering  into  its  fold 
an  aggregation  of  between  two  and  three  mil- 
lion members. 

“The  most  striking  feature  of  this  great  or- 
ganization is  the  fact  that  its  membership  is 
made  up  of  employers  and  employes.  No  line 
is  drawn  separating  the  farm  owner,  operator 
or  laborer,  but  all  are  received  in  the  Farmers’ 
Union  on  one  broad  platform  of  mutual  aims 
and  interests.  Recognizing  that  the  good  of  all 
is  the  good  of  the  individual,  the  Farmers’ 
Union,  in  democratic  fashion,  labors  for  the 
greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number. 

“The  Farmers’  Union  works  along  the  most 
practical  lines.  There  have  been  four  great 
national  meetings,  the  first  being  held  in  Texar- 
kana in  1905,  and  the  convention  of  1906  at  the 
same  place  ; in  1907  the  national  meeting  was 
at  Little  Rock,  Arkansas,  and  in  1908  at  Fort 
Worth,  Texas,  where  President  Gompers  ap- 
peared. Besides  the  annual  meetings  of  the 
National  Union  several  important  conventions 
have  been  held : one  in  January,  1907,  in  At- 
lanta, Georgia,  was  called  as  a grand  national 
rally.  At  Memphis,  Tennessee,  the  same  year, 
a convention  of  the  Farmers’  Union  was  held 
for  the  purpose  of  devising  ways  and  means  by 
which  the  cotton  then  held  by  the  membership 


of  the  Union  might  be  sold  advantageously. 
At  New  Orleans,  1908,  another  cotton  growers' 
meeting  was  held,  and  at  Topeka,  Kansas,  and 
Atlanta,  Georgia,  very  important  meetings 
were  arranged  between  the  cotton  spinners  and 
growers  of  the  South  and  representatives  from 
many  English  and  continental  cotton  mills  of 
Europe. 

“The  purpose  and  principles  of  the  Farmers’ 
Union,  as  enunciated  in  its  constitution,  afford 
material  for  an  interesting  study.  It  declares 
the  following  purposes:  ‘To  establish  justice. 
To  secure  equity.  To  apply  the  Golden  Rule. 
To  discourage  the  credit  and  mortgage  system. 
To  assist  members  in  buying  and  selling.  To 
encourage  the  agricultural  class  in  scientific 
farming.  To  teach  farmers  the  classification  of 
crops,  domestic  economy  and  the  process  of 
marketing.  To  systematize  methods  of  produc- 
tion and  distribution.  To  eliminate  gambling 
in  farm  products  by  boards  of  trade,  cotton  ex- 
changes and  other  speculators.  To  bring  farm- 
ers up  to  the  standard  of  other  industries  and 
business  enterprises.  To  secure  and  maintain 
profitable  and  uniform  prices  for  grain,  cotton, 
live  stock  and  other  products  of  the  farm.  To 
strive  for  harmony  and  good  will  among  all 
mankind  and  brotherly  love  among  ourselves.’” 

Another  extensive  organization  of  farmers 
bears  the  name  of  the  American  Society  of 
Equity,  which  was  reported  in  1906,  when  it 
weDt  into  alliance  with  the  American  Federa- 
tion of  Labor,  to  have  a membership  of  268,000. 
This  membership  was  scattered  principally 
throughout  Kentucky,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wis- 
consin, Minnesota,  and  Nebraska,  with  some 
members  in  Kansas,  Oklahoma,  and  Michigan. 

A.D.  1903.  — Establishment  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor  in  the  Federal 
Government.  See  (inthisvol.)  United  States; 
A.  D.  1903  (Feb.). 

A.  D.  1904.  — President  Roosevelt  on  Com- 
binations among  Employees  of  the  Govern- 
ment. — “There  is  no  objection  to  employees 
of  the  Government  forming  or  belonging  to 
unions  ; but  the  Government  can  neither  dis- 
criminate for  nor  discriminate  against  nonunion 
men  who  are  in  its  employment,  or  who  seek  to 
be  employed  under  it.  Moreover,  it  is  a very 
grave  impropriety  for  Government  employees 
to  band  themselves  together  for  the  purpose  of 
extorting  improperly  high  salaries  from  the 
Government.  Especially  is  this  true  of  those 
within  the  classified  service.  The  letter  car- 
riers, both  municipal  and  rural,  are  as  a whole 
an  excellent  body  of  public  servants.  They 
should  be  amply  paid.  But  their  payment 
must  be  obtained  by  arguing  their  claims  fairly 
and  honorably  before  the  Congress,  and  not  by 
banding  together  for  the  defeat  of  those  Con- 
gressmen who  refuse  to  give  promises  which 
they  can  not  in  conscience  give.  The  Adminis- 
tration has  already  taken  steps  to  prevent  and 
punish  abuses  of  this  nature;  but  it  will  be  wise 
for  the  Congress  to  supplement  this  action  by 
legislation.”  — President's  Message  to  Congress, 
Dec.  16,  1904. 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Long  unsuccessful 
Strike  of  Operators  in  the  Fall  River  Cotton 
Mills.  — From  July  25,  1904,  until  January  18, 
1905,  about  25,000  workers  in  the  Cotton  Mills 
of  Fall  River,  Massachusetts,  were  idle,  and 
seventy -two  mills  were  substantially  out  of  busi- 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


ness,  as  the  consequence  of  a reduction  of  wages 
which  the  operatives  would  not  consent  to. 
Great  suffering  among  the  men  and  women  con- 
cerned was  said  to  have  been  endured.  It  was 
through  the  mediation  of  Governor  Douglas 
that  a settlement  was  finally  brought  about,  the 
work  people  submitting  to  the  reduced  wages, 
but  having  the  promise  of  some  increase  later 
on,  if  an  independent  examination  of  the  books 
of  the  mill  companies  should  show  a certain 
stipulated  percentage  of  profit. 

A.  D.  1905  (April-July). — Strike  of  the 
Teamsters’  Union  at  Chicago. — One  of  the 
most  violently  conducted  strikes  that  has  ever 
occurred  in  the  United  States  was  brought  on  at 
Chicago,  in  the  spring  of  1905,  by  an  attempt 
of  the  Teamsters’  Union  in  that  city  to  give  sym- 
pathetic support  to  a strike  of  the  Garment 
Workers  Union.  The  latter  selected  for  special 
attack  the  firm  of  Montgomery  Ward  & Co., 
which  carries  on  an  enormous  mail-order  busi- 
ness, selling  goods  of  all  descriptions  through 
no  agencies,  but  dealing  directly  with  customers 
in  small  towns  and  rural  districts  throughout 
the  country.  This  company  employed  few  gar- 
ment workers  relatively:  but,  probably  because 
the  magnitude  and  diversity  of  its  shipments 
made  it  particularly  vulnerable  to  such  an  attack, 
the  teamsters  began  their  undertaking  by  refus- 
ing to  move  its  wagons  or  goods.  From  this  the 
movement  spread,  as  teamsters  refusing  to  de- 
liver goods  to  Montgomery  Ward  & Co.  were 
discharged,  and  the  concerns  discharging  them 
were  boycotted  in  turn.  Presently  business  in 
Chicago,  to  a large  extent,  was  brought  to  a 
stand-still.  The  membership  of  the  Teamsters’ 
Union  in  the  city  was  said  to  exceed  35,000,  and 
4000  were  estimated  to  be  on  strike  at  the  end  of 
the  first  week  in  May.  From  this  time  the  heat 
of  passion  in  the  conflict  rose  fast.  An  Employers’ 
Teaming  Association  was  organized,  and  the 
business  interests  of  Chicago  showed  readiness 
to  fight  the  striking  union  to  a finish.  Fierce 
attacks  were  made  on  the  non-union  teamsters 
brought  into  the  work,  but  they  seem  to  have 
been  well  defended  by  the  police.  In  a hundred 
ways  the  whole  city  was  divided  into  factions 
and  deplorably  disturbed.  Children  refused  to 
attend  schools  which  received  coal  from  boy- 
cotted companies  or  wagons;  and  arrests  of  both 
children  and  parents  were  necessary  to  enforce 
the  compulsory  education  laws. 

While  the  strike  was  in  its  earlier  weeks,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  visited  Chicago,  and  was  called 
on  by  the  President  of  the  Teamsters’  Union, 
Mr.  Shea,  who  protested  against  a supposed  de- 
sign to  call  Federal  troops  to  the  city.  In  reply 
to  him  the  President  said  : “I  have  not  been 

called  upon  to  interfere  in  any  way,  but  you 
must  not  misunderstand  my  attitude.  In  every 
effort  of  Mayor  Dunne  to  prevent  violence  by 
mobs  or  individuals,  to  see  that  the  laws  are 
obeyed  and  that  order  is  preserved,  he  lias  the 
hearty  support  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  — and  in  my  judgment  he  should  have 
that  of  every  good  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
...  I am  a believer  in  unions.  I am  an  hon- 
orary member  of  one  union.  But  the  union 
must  obey  the  law,  just  as  the  corporation  must 
obey  the  law  ; just  as  every  man,  rich  or  poor, 
must  obey  the  law.  As  yet  no  action  whatever 
has  been  called  for  by  me,  and  most  certainly  if 
action  is  called  for  by  me  I shall  try  to  do  exact 


justice  under  the  law  to  every  man,  so  far  as  I 
have  power.  But  the  first  essential  is  the  pre- 
servation of  law  and  order,  the  suppression  of 
violence  by  mobs  or  individuals.” 

At  a banquet  the  same  evening  the  President 
recurred  to  the  subject  and  added,  with  fine 
emphasis  : “ This  Government  is  not  and  never 
shall  be  the  government  of  a plutocracy.  This 
Government  is  not  and  never  shall  be  the  gov- 
ernment of  a mob.”  Those  immediately  respon- 
sible for  dealing  with  a local  situation,  the  Presi- 
dent said,  must  first  exhaust  every  effort  before 
a call  is  made  upon  any  outside  body.  “But,” 
he  added,  “if  ever  the  need  arises,  back  of  the 
city  stands  the  State,  and  back  of  the  State 
stands  the  Nation.” 

Chicago  kept  the  conflict  within  itself,  fight- 
ing it  out  through  105  days.  It  ended  in  the 
unconditional  defeat  of  the  Teamsters’  Union, 
which  called  off  the  strike  on  the  20th  of  July. 
It  was  followed  by  a grand  jury  investigation 
of  charges  which  each  side  had  hurled  freely 
against  the  other,  of  blackmail  attempts  by  one, 
of  bribery  and  attempted  bribery  by  the  other. 
The  evidence  obtained  left  little  doubt  that  la- 
bor-leaders had  extorted  money  for  the  preven- 
tion of  strikes,  and  that  business  men  had  paid 
for  exemption  from  trouble. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Suspension  of  Coal  Mining, 
both  Anthracite  and  Bituminous,  throughout 
the  Country.  — Final  Agreement  for  Three 
Coming  Years. — On  the  31st  of  March,  1906, 
the  agreements  between  mine  owners  and  miners 
under  which  the  latter  had  been  working,  in 
the  bituminous  mines  for  two  years  and  in  the 
anthracite  for  three,  expired,  and  agreements 
for  the  future  working  had  not  been  arrived  at 
in  either  case.  Miners  in  the  bituminous  field 
had  accepted  a wage  reduction  of  five  and  a half 
per  cent,  in  1904,  and  now  wanted  it  restored. 
Part  of  the  mine  owners,  in  Western  Pennsyl- 
vania, were  willing  to  concede  it ; others,  in  the 
more  western  States,  stood  out  against  them. 
In  the  anthracite  field  there  was  also  a question 
of  wages  between  miners  and  operators,  and 
both  sides  offered  arbitration,  but  differed  as 
to  the  point  to  be  submitted.  The  miners 
claimed  arbitration  of  the  general  question  of 
wages  and  conditions  in  the  mines;  the  operators 
maintained  that  those  had  been  adjudicated  by 
the  arbitration  of  1903,  and  that  the  only  proper 
question  now  was  whether  any  change  in  condi- 
tions had  occurred  which  called  for  a readjust- 
ment. That  question  they  would  submit  to  at 
least  a majority  of  the  members  of  the  former 
Anthracite  Coal  Strike  Commission,  or  they 
would  agree  that  the  awards  made  in  1903  by 
that  Commission  “and  the  principles  upon 
which  they  were  established  by  the  Commission, 
and  the  methods  established  for  carrying  out 
their  awards,  shall  be  continued  for  and  during 
the  further  term  of  three  years  from  the  first 
day  of  April,  1906.” 

The  1st  of  April  found  these  disagreements 
still  existing,  and  coal  mining,  both  anthracite 
and  bituminous,  was  generally  suspended 
throughout  the  United  States.  More  than  300,- 
000  miners,  on  the  whole,  stopped  work.  In  the 
anthracite  field  the  suspension  of  work  lasted 
until  the  10th  of  May,  when  it  was  resumed 
under  an  agreement  which  continued  for  another 
three  years  (until  March  31,  1909)  the  award  of 
1903.  During  the  forty  days  of  idleness  there 


392 


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LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


were  few  disorders  of  any  kind  in  this  region.  In 
the  soft  coal  lields  the  suspension  was  more  pro- 
tracted. It  was  ended  in  different  localities  at 
different  times.  Some  mine  owners,  in  several 
States,  made  terms  with  their  men  at  an  early 
day.  Some  kept  their  mines  idle  until  the 
middle  of  July.  Serious  disturbances  and  con- 
flicts of  rioters  with  police  and  militia  occurred 
in  a number  of  States.  At  the  end  the  miners  had 
won  a restoration  of  the  wages  of  1904,  but  had 
made  concessions  on  other  points  of  dispute 
which  differed  in  different  States. 

A.  D.  1907.  — President  Roosevelt’s  Found- 
ation for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial  Peace. 
— President  Roosevelt,  having  been  awarded 
the  Nobel  Prize  of  the  year  1906  for  his  services 
in  the  interest  of  international  peace,  devoted 
the  sum  received,  being  somewhat  more  than 
§40,000,  to  the  creation  of  a fund  “ the  income 
of  which  shall  be  expended  for  bringing  together 
in  conference  at  the  city  of  Washington,  espe- 
cially during  the  sessions  of  congress,  represent- 
atives of  labor  and  capital  for  the  purpose  of 
discussing  industrial  problems,  with  the  view 
of  arriving  at  a better  understanding  between 
employers  and  employes,  and  thus  promoting 
industrial  peace.”  To  carry  out  this  purpose, 
an  organization  was  incorporated  by  Act  of 
Congress,  March  2,  1905,  under  the  name  of  the 
“ Foundation  for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial 
Peace,”  with  trustees  named  as  follows:  Chief 
,1  ustice  Melville  W.  Fuller,  president ; Seth  Low 
of  New  York,  representing  the  general  public, 
treasurer ; John  Mitchell  of  the  United  Mine 
Workers  of  America,  representing  labor,  secre- 
tary ; Thomas  G.  Bush  of  Birmingham,  Ala., 
representing  general  public ; Marvin  A.  Hugh- 
itt,  representing  capital,  and  Secretaries  James 
Wilson  and  Oscar  Solomon  Straus.  Vacancies 
in  the  board  to  be  filled  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  Trustees  to  pay  over 
the  income  of  the  Foundation,  or  such  part  as 
they  may  apportion,  to  an  Industrial  Peace 
Committee,  of  nine  members,  selected  and  ap- 
pointed by  the  Trustees,  “three  members  of  this 
committee  to  be  representatives  of  labor,  three 
to  be  representatives  of  capital,  each  chosen  for 
distinguished  services  in  the  industrial  world  in 
promoting  righteous  industrial  peace,  and  three 
members  to  represent  the  general  public.”  As 
originally  appointed,  this  Committee  was  made 
up  of  the  following  persons:  “Archbishop  John 
Ireland,  Marcus  M.  Marks  of  New  York,  Ralph 
M.  Easley  of  New  York,  Elbert  H.  Gary,  chair- 
man finance  committee  United  States  Steel  Cor- 
poration; Lucius  Tuttle,  president  of  Boston  & 
Maine  railroad  ; J.  Gunby  Jordan  of  Columbus, 
Ga. ; Samuel  Gompers,  president  of  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor ; Daniel  Keefe,  pre- 
sident of  the  Longshoremen’s  association,  and 
Warren  S.  Stone,  president  International  Bro- 
therhood of  Locomotive  Engineers.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Abortive  Strike  of  Telegra- 
phers.— A widely  organized  and  considerably 
prolonged  strike  of  American  telegraph  oper- 
ators, in  the  fall  of  1907,  was  made  abortive  by 
the  fact  that  the  supply  of  men  and  women  who 
have  some  training  for  the  ordinary  work  of 
telegraphy  is  too  large  for  a trade  union  to  con- 
trol the  employment  of  it.  The  telegraphic  ser- 
vice was  made  very  imperfect  for  some  weeks, 
and  the  public  was  subjected  to  much  incon- 
venience ; but  the  employing  companies  were 


brought  to  no  such  straits  as  could  be  coercive. 
The  struggle  of  the  operators  was  mainly  for 
the  recognition  of  their  union,  to  secure  nego- 
tiation with  them  as  a body,  for  the  adjusting 
of  some  conditions  of  which  they  complained. 
They  suffered  absolute  defeat,  and  had  to  make 
terms  individually  at  the  end. 

A.  D.  1907  (April).  — Threatened  Railway 
Strike  averted  by  Federal  Intermediation. — 
A strike  of  trainmen  and  conductors  on  railways 
west  of  Chicago  which  threatened  to  be  very 
serious  was  averted,  in  April,  1907,  by  the  in- 
termediation of  the  Chairman  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  and  the  Commissioner  of 
Labor,  acting  in  obedience  to  the  Erdman  Law, 
so  called,  of  1898.  Both  parties  to  the  dispute 
made  concessions.  The  employes  withdrew 
their  demand  for  a nine-hour  work  day,  and  the 
railway  companies  made  an  advance  in  wages 
which  was  estimated  to  add  over  §5,000,000  to 
the  earnings  of  50,000  men  during  the  ensuing 
year. 

A.  D.  1908.  — The  Work  of  the  National 
Civic  Federation  in  Promotion  of  Trades 
Agreements.  — The  following  is  from  the  an- 
nual address  of  President  Seth  Low  to  the  Na- 
tional Civic  Federation,  at  its  annual  meeting  in 
New  York  on  the  14th  of  December,  1908.  The 
special  subject  of  discussion  at  the  meeting  was 
“The  Trade  Agreement,”  on  which  Mr.  Low 
spoke  in  part  as  follows: 

“It  has  been  our  good  fortune  during  the 
year  to  associate  Mr.  John  Mitchell  with  the  ac- 
tive work  of  the  Federation,  as  the  Chairman  of 
its  Trades  Agreement  Department.  Mr.  Mitchell 
entered  upon  his  duties  on  August  1,  and  we  have 
already  had  many  opportunities  to  perceive  the 
advantage  to  our  work  likely  to  result  from  his 
permanent  connection  with  it.  Through  cor- 
respondence with  labor  unions  and  with  the  em- 
ployers who  have  trade  agreements  with  labor 
unions,  he  is  building  up  an  exceedingly  strong 
department,  the  influence  of  which  ought  to  be 
very  helpfully  felt  in  furthering  the  use  of  the 
trade  agreement  as  a means  for  promoting  in- 
dustrial peace  and  progress. 

“ There  are  still  some,  though  they  are  fewer 
in  number  than  they  used  to  be,  who  maintain 
that  the  relation  of  the  employer  to  the  employe 
is  an  individual  one,  and  who  therefore  will  not 
deal  with  men  as  members  of  an  organization  in 
matters  relating  to  their  employment.  I read  in 
the  paper  the  other  day  that  there  are  89,000 
stockholders  in  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Com- 
pany. No  one  contends  that  these  people  or- 
ganize into  a company  in  order  to  fight  labor. 
They  organize  because  they  have  to  in  order  to 
work  together,  and,  as  a result  of  organizing, 
they  are  represented  in  every  use  made  of  their 
capital  by  their  officers.  Can  any  one  seriously 
contend  that  these  89,000  stockholders,  speaking 
through  their  officers,  are  justified  in  saying  to 
their  160,000  employes,  ‘ We  insist  upon  dealing 
with  you,  man  by  man;  we  will  not  recognize 
your  organization. ’ Is  it  not  rather  clear,  that 
the  160,000  employes,  so  far  as  their  interests 
are  common,  must  unite  if  they  are  to  have  any- 
thing at  all  to  say  as  to  the  conditions  upon 
which  they  will  work,  and,  if  they  unite,  they 
must  have  an  organization  and  they  must  be 
represented  by  their  officers  ? . . . 

“Take  another  illustration  : The  United 

States  Steel  Corporation  employs,  in  round 


393 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


numbers,  200,000  men.  Of  this  vast  army  of 
workmen  about  44,000,  nearly  all  of  them  repre- 
sentatives of  organized  labor,  own  stock  in  the 
corporation.  In  their  capacity  as  stockholders, 
these  44,000  workmen  are  represented  by  the 
officers  of  the  corporation.  Can  it  be  contended 
that  they  are  any  the  less  free,  or  have  any  less 
right,  to  be  represented,  in  their  capacity  as 
workmen,  by  the  chosen  representatives  of  their 
trade  organization?  And  when  the  two  attri- 
butes of  holding  stock  and  taking  employment 
are  thus  united  in  the  same  persons,  will  any 
one  any  longer  contend  that  these  men,  as  work- 
men, organize  for  the  purpose  of  antagonizing 
themselves  as  capitalists? 

“Now  it  is  out  of  conditions  that  have  pro- 
duced a situation  like  this  that  the  so-called 
‘trade  agreement’ has  sprung.  In  its  simplest 
statement,  a trade  agreement  is  an  agreement 
between  organized  stockholders  and  organized 
workmen,  both  acting  through  their  chosen 
representatives,  to  determine,  for  the  period  of 
the  agreement,  the  general  terms  of  employ- 
ment of  the  various  classes  of  workingmen 
concerned.  That  each  side  tries  to  make  the  best 
bargain  it  can,  goes  without  saying.  That  con- 
ditions favor  sometimes  one  side  and  sometimes 
the  other  is  equally  true.  That  each  side  tends, 
when  it  has  in  its  turn  the  upper  hand,  to  push 
the  other  too  hard  is  not  improbable.  But  just 
as  certainly  as  a pendulum,  after  swinging  from 
one  side  to  the  other,  tends  to  rest  in  a position 
of  equilibrium,  so  such  trade  agreements  tend 
to  relieve  the  trade  to  which  they  apply  of  the 
extreme  swing  from  conditions  favoring  capital 
to  conditions  favoring  labor,  and  vice  versa , 
which  so  often  spells  disaster  to  capital  and 
labor  alike.  In  other  words,  trade  agreements 
that  are  revisable  from  time  to  time  certainly 
make  for  industrial  peace,  and  they  ought  as 
certainly  to  make  for  industrial  progress.  In  the 
meanwhile  they  are  constantly  educating  every- 
body concerned  into  a realization  of  the  funda- 
mental importance  of  keeping  faith.” 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — The  Question  of  In- 
junctions in  Labor  Disputes.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Law  and  its  Courts  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Union  Boycottinga  Vio- 
lation of  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law. — 
The  American  Federation  of  Labor  and  the 
Bucks  Stove  Company. — - Alleged  Contempt 
of  Court  by  President  Gompers  and  others.  — 
Early  in  1908  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  gave  final  decision  to  a case  in  which  the 
Hatters’  Union  and  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  were  proceeded  against,  for  boycotting 
the  goods  of  a hat  manufacturing  firm  which  re- 
fused to  unionize  its  factory.  As  the  plaintiffs 
in  the  suit  sold  their  hats  in  many  States,  the 
boycott  was  alleged  to  be  a combination  in  re- 
straint of  interstate  commerce,  and  a violation, 
therefore,  of  the  anti-trust  law.  The  United 
States  Circuit  Court  had  dismissed  the  complaint, 
and  the  Court  of  Appeals  had  affirmed  its  de- 
cree; but  the  Supreme  Court,  by  a unanimous 
decision,  overruled  both.  It  held  that  the  law 
in  question  is  violated  by  a combination  to  pre- 
vent the  sale  of  non-union  articles  in  different 
States. 

[Under  this  decision,  in  a suit  by  the  hat  man- 
ufacturing company  against  the  Hatters’  Union 
for  damages,  a jury  at  Hartford,  Conn.,  on  the 
3d  of  February,  1910,  awarded  §74,000  to  the 


former.  The  Union  has  appealed  from  the 
verdict.] 

The  attitude  of  law  toward  trade  union  boy- 
cotting was  exhibited  a year  later  in  another 
more  notable  case,  which  arose  from  action  taken 
by  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  against 
the  Bucks  Stove  Company.  In  March  1907,  the 
Federation  had  proclaimed  a boycott  against 
that  company,  advertising  it  in  the  official  organ 
of  the  Federation  as  one  which  “we  don’t  pa- 
tronize,” and  taking  measures  to  prevent  trades- 
men from  buying  the  company’s  stoves.  A suit 
to  enjoin  this  boycott  was  brought,  and  the 
injunction  was  granted,  in  December,  1907,  by 
Judge  Gould,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  The  issuance  of  the  injunc- 
tion was  made  dependent,  however,  on  the  filing 
of  a bond  by  the  plaintiff,  to  make  good  all 
damages  if  the  injunction  should  not  finally  be 
sustained,  and  an  interval  of  six  days  occurred 
before  the  filing  of  the  bond  made  the  injunction 
effective.  In  that  interval,  many  copies  of  a 
publication  which  the  injunction  would  forbid 
were  sent  out  by  mail  from  the  headquarters  of 
the  Federation,  and  more  or  less  of  these  copies 
reached  their  destination  after  the  injunction  be- 
came of  force.  This  proceeding,  together  with 
various  devices  by  which  the  officers  of  the 
Federation  had  sought  to  evade  the  injunction, 
through  covert  allusions  to  the  boycott,  became 
the  ground  of  a charge  that  the  principal  officers 
of  the  Federation,  Samuel  Gompers,  John 
Mitchell,  and  Frank  Morrison,  had  violated  the 
injunction  and  been  guilty  of  contempt  of 
court.  On  this  charge,  in  July,  1908,  these  offi- 
cials were  ordered  to  show  cause,  on  the  8th  of 
September  following,  why  they  should  not  be 
punished  for  contempt.  The  case  came  then 
before  another  judge,  Daniel  T.  Wright,  whose 
judgment,  rendered  near  the  end  of  the  year, 
held  them  guilty  of  contempt  and  sentenced  them 
to  imprisonment,  severally,  for  one  year,  for  nine 
months  and  for  six  months. 

Appeal  from  the  injunction,  meantime,  had 
been  taken  to  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  there,  on  the  11th  of 
March,  1909,  it  received  a modification  which 
seems,  practically,  to  have  extinguished  the 
contempt.  The  Court  held  that  the  decree 
should  be  modified  to  the  extent  that  it  shall 
only  restrain  the  defendants  from  conspiring  or 
combining  to  boycott  the  business  of  the  Bucks 
Stove  & Range  Company  or  threatening  or  de- 
claring any  boycott  or  assisting  therein,  and 
from  printing  the  name  of  the  complainant,  its 
business  or  product  in  the  “ we  don’t  patronize  ” 
or  “ unfair”  list  of  defendants  in  furtherance  of 
any  boycott.  The  court  held  that  the  defend- 
ants cannot  be  restrained  from  all  publications 
referring  to  the  Bucks  company,  but  only  such 
as  are  made  in  furtherance  of  an  illegal  boy 
cott. 

On  the  appeal  from  the  decree  of  the  Court 
which  adjudged  Gompers,  Morrison,  and  Mitch- 
ell to  be  guilty  of  contempt  of  court,  the  Dis- 
trict Court  of  Appeals,  on  the  2d  of  November, 
1909,  affirmed  that  decree,  and  the  sentence 
of  Judge  Wright  was  thus  in  force.  A stay 
was  given  to  it  for  a time,  during  which  a writ 
of  certiorari  was  obtained  from  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  which  will  review 
the  whole  case,  but  not  until  October,  1910. 

A.  D.  1909. — Expiration  and  Renewal  of 


394 


LABOR  ORGANIZATION 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


the  Three  Year  Agreement  in  the  Anthracite 
Coal  Districts. — Report  of  the  Conciliation 
Board  for  the  past  Three  Years.  — Again,  in 
the  spring  of  1909,  at  the  end  of  a three  year 
term  of  agreement  (see  above,  A.  D.  1906),  the 
anthracite  coal  miners  and  their  employers  were 
in  controversy  over  a renewal  of  the  agreement. 
The  latter  proffered  a renewal,  without  change, 
for  another  three  years.  The  miners,  in  con- 
vention, at  Scranton,  on  March  23d  and  24tli, 
refused  the  offer  unless  the  agreement  should 
be  signed  by  them  as  members  of  the  United 
Mine  Workers  of  America,  recognizing  their  or- 
ganization. In  this  they  were  upheld  by  the 
new  President  of  the  United  Mine  Workers, 
Thomas  L.  Lewis,  successor  to  Mr.  John  Mitch- 
ell, whose  state  of  health  had  compelled  him 
to  resign.  The  old  agreement  expired  on  the 
31st  of  March,  and  nothing  was  formulated  at 
the  time  in  its  place,  except  a verbal  under- 
standing that,  pending  further  conferences,  the 
miners  would  continue  work  on  the  former 
terms.  Later,  however,  it  was  stated  that  the 
Board  of  Conciliation,  created  by  the  strike 
commission  of  1902,  had  been  continued  for  a 
further  period  of  three  years. 

At  the  end  of  August,  1909,  the  Conciliation 
Board  published  a report  of  the  last  three  years 
of  its  work,  in  the  settling  of  differences  be- 
tween mine-workers  and  operators.  Only 
twenty-three  grievances  were  presented  to  the 
mediators  between  April  1,  1906,  and  April  1, 
1909,  as  compared  with  150  grievances  in  the 
preceding  three  years.  The  volume  issued 
three  years  ago  contained  336  pages.  This  year 
only  69  pages  are  required  to  tell  of  the  griev- 
ances and  settlement.  A number  of  the  griev- 
ances covered  in  the  new  report  were  settled 
out  of  court.  Of  the  others,  some  were  de- 
cided in  favor  of  the  employees,  some  for  the 
employers.  In  three  years  only  three  griev- 
ances had  to  be  referred  to  an  umpire.  As  the 
purposes  of  the  board  have  become  more  clearly 
understood,  a greater  number  of  differences 
have  been  settled  without  reaching  the  stage  of 
formal  complaints.  The  members  use  their  in- 
fluence with  the  contestants  to  effect  a compro- 
mise, avoiding  the  delay  occasioned  by  a formal 
investigation. 

A.  D.  1909  (May-June).  — The  Georgia 


Railroad  Strike.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems:  United  States:  A.  I).  1909. 

A.  D.  1909-1910. — Strike  of  Girls  in  the 
Shirtwaist  Trade  at  New  York.  — Its  Social 
Significance.  — One  of  the  most  important  of 
recent  labor  strikes,  in  its  social  aspect,  was 
undertaken  in  November,  1909,  by  the  shirt- 
waist-makers of  New  York  City,  mostly  girls. 
At  the  outset,  the  strikers  numbered  between 
25,000  and  30,000;  but  half  of  them,  by  the 
middle  of  December,  had  made  terms  with  their 
employers  and  resumed  work.  Ten  or  fifteen 
thousand  were  still  in  heroic  contention  with 
obstinate  masters  of  the  trade,  and  having  pub- 
lic opinion  and  sympathy  very  strongly  on  their 
side.  “The  strike  began,”  says  the  New  York 
Evening  Post , “ in  a multiplicity  of  causes. 
Wages,  sanitary  conditions  in  the  shops,  humane 
treatment  by  foremen  and  forewomen,  and  re- 
cognition of  the  Waistmakers’  Union  all  played 
a part.  The  contest  has  now  [Dec.  15]  settled 
down  to  the  single  question  of  the  union  shop. 
The  employers  profess  themselves  ready  to  ar- 
bitrate every  other  point  in  dispute.  The  strik- 
ers maintain  that  recognition  of  their  union  is 
their  only  guarantee  against  the  recurrence  of 
conditions  such  as  precipitated  the  conflict.  . . . 
It  would  be  easy  to  exaggerate  the  significance 
of  the  eager  way  in  which  the  Suffragist  leaders 
have  thrown  themselves  into  the  conflict.  It  is 
even  easy  to  exaggerate  the  significance  of  the 
way  in  which  women  of  wealth  and  social  pro- 
minence have  come  out  in  support  of  the  strike. 
More  significant  to  us  is  the  zeal  with  which 
women  of  no  very  great  social  prominence,  but 
still  not  of  the  working  class,  have  from  the  be- 
ginning given  their  services  in  organizing  and 
managing  the  strike,  and  particularly  in  doing 
picket  duty  on  the  streets  and  defending  the 
rights  of  the  girl  employes  before  the  police 
magistrates  and  in  the  courts.  Here  evidently 
is  a sex-sentiment  which  cuts  across  the  bound- 
aries of  class  and  bids  fair  to  give  a new  aspect 
to  labor  conflicts  of  the  future  in  which  women 
are  involved.  The  present  strike  has  a social 
significance  quite  beyond  the  questions  imme- 
diately at  issue.  It  is  our  first  great  woman’s 
strike,  and  as  such  it  signalizes  in  a dramatic 
fashion  woman’s  invasion  into  the  field  of  in- 
dustry.” 


LABOR  PROTECTION. 


(Employers’  Liability — Industrial 

Safety  Guards.  — Employers’  Liability. — 
Insurance,  etc. — The  Needed  Law.  — “In 

order  to  protect  workingmen  against  injury  by 
disease  or  negligent  arrangements  of  machinery 
and  ways,  we  need  a state  code  of  regulations 
which  will  prescribe  protective  devices,  provide 
faithful  inspectors  and  punish  those  guilty  of 
violating  the  law.  The  roundabout  method  of 
making  employers  liable  for  damages  in  case 
of  negligence  has  little  effect,  because  employ- 
ers can  buy  legal  protection  and  wage-earners 
have  no  money  for  law  suits.  Employers’  lia- 
bility laws  may  be  made  more  severe  and  dras- 
tic ; by  statutes  the  obnoxious  ‘ fellow  servant  ’ 
factor  may  be  eliminated ; various  other  pro- 
visions may  be  enacted  by  Congress  and  by  state 


Insurance  — Hours  of  Labor,  etc.) 

legislatures  to  extend  somewhat  the  definition 
of  negligence;  but  no  law  of  this  kind  ever  was 
made  or  ever  can  be  made  which  will  protect 
workmen  from  the  loss  of  wages  not  clearly  due 
to  negligence  of  employers.  An  employer  can- 
not be  made  ‘ liable  ’ for  defects  for  which  he 
or  his  agent  is  not  responsible.  It  is  sheer 
waste  of  time  to  labor  for  improvement  of  a 
law  whose  fundamental  principle  covers  only 
cases  of  employers’  fault,  because  a vast  num- 
ber of  injuries  are  due  to  causes  which  the  ut- 
most care  cannot  prevent. 

“ In  order  to  secure  income  in  periods  of  in- 
capacity for  labor  several  legal  ways  are  open. 
The  British  method  has  much  to  commend  it 
and  finds  favor  with  many  Americans,  the 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


method  based  on  the  principle  of  ‘ compensa- 
tion.’ In  Great  Britain  the  old  liability  law  is 
left  to  stand,  like  a rotting  trunk,  by  the  side  of 
the  new  and  living  tree  of  the  ‘ compensation  ’ 
law.  By  the  terms  of  this  new  law,  enacted  in 
1897  and  extended  1907  to  certain  trade  diseases, 
the  employer  is  required  to  pay  indemnity  to 
any  employe  who  ,is  injured  in  health  or  limb 
by  accident  or  any  cause  due  to  the  trade,  and 
in  case  of  death  his  dependent  family  is  paid 
a certain  sum  for  support.  The  employer  rest- 
ing under  this  obligation  is  permitted  to  meet  it 
any  way  he  can  find.  Usually  he  will  bargain 
with  an  insurance  company  to  carry  his  legal 
risk  for  a premium.  It  is  said  the  insurance 
companies  are  putting  up  the  rates,  but  British- 
ers will  discover  a way  to  cover  the  risk  in  the 
cheapest  form.  Already  our  federal  government 
has  embodied  this  ‘ compensation  ’ principle  in 
a law  which  gives  a meagre  sum  to  its  own  em- 
ployes of  certain  classes  when  injured  in  its  ser- 
vice; and  the  example  of  the  central  government 
will  probably  soon  be  imitated  in  several  states. 
Bills  are  now  being  drawn  for  this  purpose. 

“The  ‘social  insurance’  principle  is  entirely 
different  from  that  of  either  ‘ liability  ’ or  ‘ com- 
pensation.’ The  word  ‘compensation’  carries  a 
little  of  the  flavor  of  the  ancient  damage  suit, 
while  ‘ insurance  ’ is  simply  an  amicable  busi- 
ness arrangement  to  provide  in  advance  for  the 
inevitable  average  risk  of  the  trade,  which  may 
be  extended  beyond  the  perils  of  the  shop  and 
mill  to  all  places  and  conditions  of  the  work- 
man's life. 

‘ 1 Historically  the  unquestioned  tendency  is 
from  the  liability  principle  to  the  direct  insur- 
ance principle,  with  a wayside  inn,  perhaps,  in 
some  law  like  that  of  Great  Britain,  the  law  of 
France  being  almost  squarely  on  the  social  in- 
surance ground  so  far  as  it  goes. 

“ The  Illinois  Industrial  Insurance  Commis- 
sion proposed  a law  based  on  the  insurance 
principle,  though  its  friends  were  compelled  to 
stop  at  a compromise  with  existing  laws  and 
constitutions.  The  bill  offered  by  that  commis- 
sion was  based  on  permission  and  persuasion ; 
it  offered  to  the  employers  who  would  provide 
an  adequate  system  of  insurance  against  trade 
accidents,  freedom  from  the  sword  of  the  exist- 
ing liability  law;  and  it  offered  to  the  workmen, 
if  they  were  willing  to  accept  these  terms,  an 
assured  income  in  case  of  injury  and  to  their 
dependents  relief  in  case  of  death  due  to  occupa- 
tion. A law  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, in  May,  1908,  has  actually  embodied 
this  idea  and  set  it  to  work  in  the  field  of  experi- 
ment. It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  mo- 
tives mentioned  will  induce  employers  and 
employes  to  agree  on  the  plan.  Without  agree- 
ment the  law  will  be  a dead  letter,  for  it  is 
merely  permissive,  and  agreements  will  not  be 
made  unless  the  economic  motive  is  adequate. 
Up  to  this  writing  (December  7)  not  a single 
employer  has  organized  a scheme  under  this 
law. 

“The  Wisconsin  Board  of  Labor  has  made 
what  seems  a wise  proposition  to  the  effect  that 
employers  be  compelled  to  insure  their  employes 
up  to  the  ordinary  amount  already  known  to  be 
spent  for  litigation,  casualty  insurance  pre- 
miums and  other  expenses ; and  they  also  pro- 
perly suggest  state  organization  for  the  collec- 
tion and  administration  of  the  premiums. 


“ The  recent  International  Congress  on  Work- 
ingmen’s Insurance,  after  many  years  of  debate, 
reached  conclusions  of  vast  import,  happily 
without  dissent.  One  conclusion  was  that  all 
attempts  to  insure  the  workmen  who  most  need 
it,  whose  pay  is  small  and  uncertain,  and  who 
are  not  organized,  must  prove  failures.  Dele- 
gates from  France  and  England  who  have  al- 
ways stood  for  ‘liberty ’ have  come  to  admit 
this  truth.  Not  even  subsidies  to  voluntary  in- 
surance associations  have  been  effective.  Only 
when  insurance  is  made  compulsory  on  all  does 
it  reach  the  multitude  of  the  wage-earners.  But 
compulsion  to  insure  may  include  liberty  of 
method,  if  the  plan  adopted  is  approved  by 
legal  authority  and  by  actuaries.  Either  pri- 
vate companies,  mutual  associations,  or  state 
departments  of  insurance  may  be  trusted  to 
conduct  the  plans  once  they  are  obligatory  on 
all. 

“ Another  interesting  conclusion  at  the  Rome 
congress  was  that  compulsory  insurance  can 
cover  only  a minimum  guarantee  of  income  to 
the  sick,  wounded  or  invalid  workman ; while 
above  this  minimum,  with  advancing  wages, 
workmen  and  their  employers  can  well  unite  in 
providing  more  generously  for  loss  of  in- 
come by  voluntary  payments  of  higher  premi- 
ums. Trade  unions,  fraternal  societies  and 
other  organizations,  as  well  as  casualty  compa- 
nies, have  before  them  an  indefinite  field  for 
expanding  their  activities  in  this  direction.”  — 
Charities  and  the  Commons , March  13,  1909. 

Accident  and  Sickness  Insurance  : Pro- 
posed Amendments  to  the  German  Compul- 
sory Insurance  Laws.  — A Bill  to  amend  the 
compulsory  insurance  laws  of  Germany  (see,  in 
Volume  IV.  of  this  work,  Social  Movements: 
A.  D.  1883-1889,  and  Germany  : A.  D.  1897- 
1900  in  Volume  VI.),  which  was  laid  by  the  Im- 
perial Government  before  the  Federal  Council  in 
April,  1909,  to  be  acted  on  in  the  course  of  the 
ensuing  year,  is  described  in  part  elsewhere  (see, 
in  this  vol.,  Poverty,  Problems  of:  Pensions). 
Of  the  contemplated  amendments  that  relate  to 
accident  and  sickness  insurance  it  was  an- 
nounced, that  “the  proposed  amendments  of 
the  law  of  accident  insurance  are  mainly  formal, 
but  the  scheme  of  insurance  against  illness  is  to 
be  largely  extended,  and  will  include  practically 
all  classes  of  workers  for  whom  insurance  against 
invalidity  and  old  age  is  or  is  to  be  compulsory. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  system  will  in  future  in- 
clude agricultural  labourers,  workers  engaged 
for  less  than  one  week,  and  assistants  and  ap- 
prentices, whose  insurance  is  not  at  present  com- 
pulsory. On  the  other  hand,  it  will  include 
such  categories  of  workers  as  stage  and  orchestra 
employes,  and  teachers  who  are  not  in  the  service 
of  the  State,  if  their  salaries  do  not  exceed  £100 
a year.  The  crews  of  seagoing  ships,  as  well  as 
of  vessels  plying  on  inland  waterways,  are  now 
brought  into  the  general  sick  insurance  system." 

Accidents  to  Workmen  in  the  United 
States.  — The  Death  Roll.  — Appalling  Sta- 
tistics.— “Mr.  Frederick  L.  Hoffman,  of  the 
Bureau  of  Labor,  Department  of  Commerce  and 
Labor,  has  compiled  some  striking  statistics 
concerning  the  subject  of  accidents  to  working- 
men. The  importance  of  this  subject  is  appar- 
ent when  it  is  considered  that  between  30,000 
and  35,000  workmen  lose  their  lives  in  accidents 
in  the  course  of  their  employment  in  this  conn- 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


try  during  a year.  Statistics  have  been  secured 
from  oilicial  sources  and  from  insurance  experi- 
ence which  show  that  the  accident  liability  to 
which  American  workmen  are  subject  is  indeed 
high.  Census  reports  covering  the  years  1900 
to  1906  show  that  out  of  over  1,000,000  deaths 
of  males  more  than  nine  per  cent,  were  due  to 
accident.  The  liability  of  workmen  to  acci- 
dental injury  or  death  is  brought  under  five 
general  classifications,  including  factories  and 
workshops,  electrical  industries,  mines  and 
quarries,  transportation  by  rail  and  transporta- 
tion by  water.  Of  those  employed  in  factories 
and  workshops,  probably  the  most  exposed  class 
is  the  workers  in  iron  and  steel.  Of  8,456  acci- 
dents during  the  years  1901  to  1905,  4.1  per 
cent,  of  the  accidents  to  men  employed  in  roll- 
ing mills  resulted  fatally.  According  to  indus- 
trial insurance  experience,  the  fatal-accident 
rate  of  electricians  and  of  electric  linemen  is  ex- 
cessive. Of  645  deaths  of  electricians,  14.7  per 
cent.,  and  of  240  deaths  of  linemen,  46.7  per 
cent.,  were  due  to  accidents.  In  the  anthracite 
mines  of  Pennsylvania  state  inspectors  have 
found  that  during  ten  years  there  have  averaged 
annually  3.18  fatal  accidents  for  every  1,000 
men  employed,  and  the  rate  is  even  higher  than 
this  for  certain  specific  occupations  in  the  mines. 
That  this  rate  is  excessive  is  shown  by  compar- 
ison with  the  death  rate  from  accident  of  1.29 
per  1,000  in  the  British  coal  mines.  Reports  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  show  that 
during  ten  years  16,363  railway  trainmen  lost 
their  lives  in  accidents.  This  is  equivalent  to 
7.46  deaths  per  1,000  employes.”  — Electrical 
Review,  Jan.  2,  1909. 

Child  Labor.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Children, 

UNDER  THE  Law  : As  WORKERS. 

Employers’  Liability  in  Great  Britain. 
— The  Workmen’s  Compensation  Act  of 
1906.  — The  Workmen’s  Compensation  Act 
which  passed  the  British  Parliament  in  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  has  the  core  of  its  purpose  in  the  first 
of  two  appended  schedules,  which  fixes  the 
“Scale  and  Conditions  of  Compensation,”  in  the 
following  terms : 

“ (1)  The  amount  of  compensation  under  this 
Act  shall  be  — 

“ (a)  where  death  results  from  the  injury  — 

“ (i)  if  the  workman  leaves  any  dependants 
wholly  dependent  upon  his  earnings,  a sum 
equal  to  his  earnings  in  the  employment  of  the 
same  employer  during  the  three  years  next  pre- 
ceding the  injury,  or  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds,  whichever  of  those  sums  is  the 
larger,  but  not  exceeding  in  any  case  three  hun- 
dred pounds,  provided  that  the  amount  of  any 
weekly  payments  made  under  this  Act,  and  any 
lump  sum  paid  in  redemption  thereof,  shall  be 
deducted  from  such  sum,  and,  if  the  period  of 
the  workman’s  employment  by  the  said  employer 
has  been  less  than  the  said  three  years,  then  the 
amount  of  his  earnings  during  the  said  three 
years  shall  be  deemed  to  he  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  times  his  average  weekly  earnings  during 
the  period  of  his  actual  employment  under  the 
said  employer ; 

“ (ii)  if  the  workman  does  not  leave  any  such 
dependants,  but  leaves  any  dependants  in  part 
dependent  upon  his  earnings,  such  sum,  not  ex- 
ceeding in  any  case  the  amount  payable  under 
the  foregoing  provisions,  as  may  be  agreed  upon, 
or,  in  default  of  agreement,  may  be  determined, 


on  arbitration  under  this  Act,  to  be  reasonable 
and  proportionate  in  the  injury  to  the  said  de- 
pendants; and 

“ (iii)  if  he  leaves  no  dependants,  the  reason- 
able expenses  of  his  medical  attendance  and 
burial,  not  exceeding  ten  pounds ; 

“ (b)  where  total  or  partial  incapacity  for  work 
results  from  the  injury,  a weekly  payment  dur- 
ing the  incapacity  not  exceeding  fifty  per  cent, 
of  his  average  weekly  earnings  during  the  pre- 
vious twelve  months,  if  he  has  been  so  long 
employed,  but  if  not  then  for  any  less  period 
diming  which  he  has  been  in  the  employment 
of  the  same  employer,  such  weekly  payment  not 
to  exceed  one  pound  : 

“ Provided  that  — 

“(a)  if  the  incapacity  lasts  less  than  two 
weeks  no  compensation  shall  be  payable  in  re- 
spect of  the  first  week  ; and 

“ (6)  as  respects  the  weekly  payments  during 
total  incapacity  of  a workman  who  is  under 
twenty-one  years  of  age  at  the  date  of  the  in- 
jury, and  whose  average  weekly  earnings  are 
less  than  twenty  shillings,  one  hundred  per 
cent,  shall  be  substituted  for  fifty  per  cent,  of 
his  average  weekly  earnings,  but  the  weekly 
payment  shall  in  no  case  exceed  ten  shillings. 

“(2)  For  the  purposes  of  the  provisions  of 
this  schedule  relating  to  ‘ earnings  ’ and  ‘ aver- 
age weekly  earnings  ’ of  a workman,  the  follow- 
ing rules  shall  be  observed : — 

“( a ) average  weekly  earnings  shall  be  com- 
puted in  such  manner  as  is  best  calculated  to 
give  the  rate  per  week  at  which  the  workman 
was  being  remunerated.  Provided  that  where 
by  reason  of  the  shortness  of  the  time  during 
which  the  workman  has  been  in  the  employ- 
ment of  his  employer,  or  the  casual  nature  of 
the  employment,  or  the  terms  of  the  employ- 
ment, it  is  impracticable  at  the  date  of  the  acci- 
dent to  compute  the  rate  of  remuneration,  re- 
gard may  be  had  to  the  average  weekly  amount 
which,  during  the  twelve  months  previous  to 
the  accident,  was  being  earned  by  a person  in 
the  same  grade,  employed  at  the  same  work  by 
the  same  employer,  or,  if  there  is  no  person  so 
employed,  by  a person  in  the  same  grade  em- 
ployed in  the  same  class  of  employment  and  in 
the  same  district ; 

“(b)  where  the  workman  had  entered  into 
concurrent  contracts  of  service  with  two  or 
more  employers  under  which  he  worked  at  one 
time  for  one  such  employer  and  at  another  time 
for  another  such  employer,  his  average  weekly 
earnings  shall  be  computed  as  if  his  earnings 
under  all  such  contracts  were  earnings  in  the 
employment  of  the  employer  for  whom  he  was 
working  at  the  time  of  the  accident ; 

“ (c)  employment  by  the  same  employer  shall 
be  taken  to  mean  employment  by  the  same  em- 
ployer in  the  grade  in  which  the  workman  was 
employed  at  the  time  of  the  accident,  uninter- 
rupted by  absence  from  work  due  to  illness  or 
any  other  unavoidable  cause; 

“(d)  Where  the  employer  has  been  accus- 
tomed to  pay  to  the  workman  a sum  to  cover 
any  special  expenses  entailed  on  him  by  the  na- 
ture of  his  employment,  the  sum  so  paid  shall 
not  be  reckoned  as  part  of  the  earnings. 

“ (3)  In  fixing  the  amount  of  the  weekly  pay- 
ment, regard  shall  be  had  to  any  payment,  al- 
lowance, or  benefit  which  the  workman  may 
receive  from  the  employer  during  the  period  of 


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LABOR  PROTECTION 


Lis  incapacity,  and  in  the  case  of  partial  inca- 
pacity the  weekly  payment  shall  in  no  case 
exceed  the  difference  between  the  amount  of 
the  average  weekly  earnings  of  the  workman 
before  the  accident  and  the  average  weekly 
amount  whieh  he  is  earning  or  is  able  to  earn 
in  some  suitable  employment  or  business  after 
the  accident,  but  shall  bear  such  relation  to  the 
amount  of  that  difference  as  under  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case  may  appear  proper. 

“ (4)  Where  a workman  has  given  notice  of 
an  accident,  he  shall,  if  so  required  by  the  em- 
ployer, submit  himself  for  examination  by  a 
duly  qualified  medical  practitioner  provided  and 
paid  by  the  employer,  and,  if  he  refuses  to  sub- 
mit himself  to  such  examination,  or  in  any  way 
obstructs  the  same,  his  right  to  compensation, 
and  to  take  or  prosecute  any  proceeding  under 
this  Act  in  relation  to  compensation,  shall  be 
suspended  until  such  examination  has  taken 
place.” 

Further  clauses  of  this  schedule,  and  of  the 
second  schedule,  which  relates  to  the  arbitration 
of  disputed  matters,  are  prescriptive  in  detail  of 
procedure  for  carrying  out  the  orders  stated 
above.  The  liability  of  the  employer  and  its 
limitations  are  set  forth  in  the  body  of  the  Act, 
as  follows : 

“i.  — (1)  If  in  any  employment  personal  in- 
jury by  accident  arising  out  of  and  in  the  course 
of  the  employment  is  caused  to  a workman,  his 
employer  shall,  subject  as  hereinafter  men- 
tioned, be  liable  to  pay  compensation  in  accord- 
ance with  the  First  Schedule  to  this  Act. 

“ (2)  Provided  that  — 

“(a)  The  employer  shall  not  be  liable  under 
this  Act  in  respect  of  any  injury  which  does  not 
disable  the  workman  for  a period  of  at  least  one 
week  from  earning  full  wages  at  the  work  at 
which  he  was  employed  : 

“ (b)  When  the  injury  was  caused  by  the  per- 
sonal negligence  or  wilful  act  of  the  employer 
or  of  some  person  for  whose  act  or  default  the 
employer  is  responsible,  nothing  in  this  Act 
shall  affect  any  civil  liability  of  the  employer, 
but  in  that  case  the  workman  may,  at  his  op- 
tion, either  claim  compensation  under  this  Act 
or  take  proceedings  independently  of  this  Act ; 
but  the  employer  shall  not  be  liable  to  pay  com- 
pensation for  injury  to  a workman  by  accident 
arising  out  of  and  in  the  course  of  the  employ- 
ment both  independently  of  and  also  under  this 
Act,  and  shall  not  be  liable  to  any  proceedings 
independently  of  this  Act,  except  in  case  of 
such  personal  negligence  or  wilful  act  as  afore- 
said : 

“ (c)  If  it  is  proved  that  the  injury  to  a work- 
man is  attributable  to  the  serious  and  wilful 
misconduct  of  that  workman,  any  compensation 
claimed  in  respect  of  that  injury  shall,  unless 
the  injury  results  in  death  or  serious  and  perma- 
nent disablement,  be  disallowed. 

“(3)  If  any  question  arises  in  any  proceed- 
ings under  this  Act  as  to  the  liability  to  pay 
compensation  under  this  Act  (including  any 
question  as  to  whether  the  person  injured  is  a 
workman  to  whom  this  Act  applies),  or  as  to 
the  amount  or  duration  of  compensation  under 
this  Act,  the  question,  if  not  settled  by  agree- 
ment, shall,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the 
First  Schedule  to  this  Act,  be  settled  by  arbitra- 
tion, in  accordance  with  the  Second  Schedule  to 
this  Act.” 


In  New  Zealand  : Compensation  for  “ Min- 
ers’ Disease.”  — In  the  later  part  of  1908  a sin- 
gular labor  strike  was  caused  in  New  Zealand  by 
legislation  making  “miners’  disease  ” a ground  of 
compensation  from  employers.  The  men  refused 
to  be  examined  for  the  disease,  and  the  masters 
refused  to  engage  them  without  examination; 
while  the  Government,  which  apparently  ex- 
pected masters  to  take  the  risk  of  engaging  men 
already  diseased,  itself  refused  to  admit  the  min- 
ers to  the  benefits  of  State  insurance  without 
examination. 

A despatch  from  Wellington,  January  9,  1909, 
announced:  “ The  Waihi  miners  have  unani- 
mously refused  to  submit  to  medical  examina- 
tion, and  1,700  men  will  cease  work  on  Monday 
unless  the  owners  concede  the  point.  The  out- 
look is  serious  and  the  township  is  depressed. 
The  Auckland  coal  miners  remain  idle,  and  con- 
sequently part  of  the  coast  fleet  is  laid  up  and 
a number  of  hands  have  been  discharged.”  But 
a later  despatch  of  the  same  date  added:  “The 
Government  have  now  resolved  to  accept  the 
risk  of  insuring  the  miners  without  examination, 
pending  an  amendment  of  the  Act  next  session. 

In  the  United  States:  On  Interstate  Rail- 
ways. — In  his  message  to  Congress,  December, 
1908,  the  President  referred  to  this  enactment, 
which  he  had  approved  in  the  previous  April : 

“Among  the  excellent  laws  which  the  Con- 
gress passed  at  the  last  session  was  an  employers’ 
liability  law.  It  was  a marked  step  in  advance 
to  get  the  recognition  of  employers’  liability  on 
the  statute  books  ; but  the  law  did  not  go  far 
enough.  In  spite  of  all  precautions  exercised  by 
employers  there  are  unavoidable  accidents  and 
even  deaths  involved  in  nearly  every  line  of  busi- 
ness connected  with  the  mechanic  arts.  This 
inevitable  sacrifice  of  life  may  be  reduced  to  a 
minimum,  but  it  can  not  be  completely  elimi- 
nated. It  is  a great  social  injustice  to  compel  the 
employee,  or  rather  the  family  of  the  killed  or 
disabled  victim,  to  bear  the  entire  burden  of  such 
an  inevitable  sacrifice.  In  other  words,  society 
shirks  its  duty  by  laying  the  whole  cost  on  the 
victim,  whereas  the  injury  comes  from  what 
may  be  called  the  legitimate  risks  of  the  trade. 
Compensation  for  accidents  or  deaths  due  in  any 
line  of  industry  to  the  actual  conditions  under 
which  that  industry  is  carried  on  should  be  paid 
by  that  portion  of  the  community  for  the  bene- 
fit of  which  the  industry  is  carried  on  — that  is, 
by  those  who  profit  by  the  industry.  If  the  en- 
tire trade  risk  is  placed  upon  the  employer  he 
will  promptly  and  properly  add  it  to  the  legiti- 
mate cost  of  production  and  assess  it  proportion- 
ately upon  the  consumers  of  his  commodity.  It 
is  therefore  clear  to  my  mind  that  the  law  should 
place  this  entire  ‘ risk  of  a trade  ’ upon  the  em- 
ployer. Neither  the  Federal  law,  nor,  as  far  as 
I am  informed,  the  State  laws  dealing  with  the 
question  of  employers’  liability  are  sufficiently 
thorogoing.  The  Federal  law  should  of  course 
include  employees  in  navy-vards,  arsenals,  and 
the  like.” 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Act: 

“ Sec.  1.  That  every  common  carrier  by  rail- 
road while  engaging  in  commerce  between  any 
of  the  several  States  or  Territories,  or  between 
any  of  the  States  and  Territories,  or  between  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  any  of  the  States  or  Ter- 
ritories, or  between  the  District  of  Columbia  or 
any  of  the  States  or  Territories  and  any  foreign 


398 


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LABOR  PROTECTION 


nation  or  nations,  shall  be  liable  in  damages  to 
any  person  suffering  injury  while  he  is  employed 
by  such  carrier  in  such  commerce,  or,  in  case  of 
the  death  of  such  employee,  to  his  or  her  per- 
sonal representative,  for  the  benefit  of  the  sur- 
viving widow  or  husband  and  children  of  such 
employee;  and,  if  none,  then  of  such  employee’s 
parents ; and,  if  none,  then  of  the  next  of  kin 
dependent  upon  such  employee,  for  such  injury 
or  death  resulting  in  whole  or  in  part  from  the 
negligence  of  any  of  the  officers,  agents  or  em- 
ployees of  such  carrier,  or  by  reason  of  any  de- 
fect or  insufficiency,  due  to  its  negligence,  in 
its  cars,  engines,  appliances,  machinery,  track, 
roadbed,  works,  boats,  wharves,  or  other  equip- 
ment. 

“Sec.  2.  That  every  common  carrier  by  rail- 
road in  the  Territories,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
the  Panama  Canal  Zone,  or  other  possessions  of 
the  United  States  shall  be  liable  in  damages  to 
any  person  suffering  injury  while  he  is  em- 
ployed by  such  carrier  in  any  of  said  jurisdic- 
tions, or,  in  case  of  the  death  of  such  employee, 
to  his  or  her  personal  representative,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  surviving  widow  or  husband  and 
children  of  such  employee;  and,  if  none,  then 
of  such  employee’s  parents ; and,  if  none,  then 
of  the  next  of  kin  dependent  upon  such  em- 
ployee, for  such  injury  or  death  resulting  in 
whole  or  in  part  from  the  negligence  of  any  of 
the  officers,  agents,  or  employees  of  such  car- 
rier, or  by  reason  of  any  defect  or  insufficiency, 
due  to  its  negligence,  in  its  cars,  engines,  appli- 
ances, machinery,  track,  roadbed,  works,  boats, 
wharves,  or  other  equipment. 

“Sec.  3.  That  in  all  actions  hereinafter 
brought  against  any  such  common  carrier  by 
railroad  under  or  by  virtue  of  any  of  the  pro- 
visions of  this  Act  to  recover  damages  for  per- 
sonal injuries  to  an  employee,  or  where  such  in- 
juries have  resulted  in  his  death,  the  fact  that 
the  employee  may  have  been  guilty  of  contribu- 
tory negligence  shall  not  bar  a recovery,  but 
the  damages  shall  be  diminished  by  the  jury  in 
proportion  to  the  amount  of  negligence  attribu- 
table to  such  employee  : Provided,  That  no  such 
employee  who  may  be  injured  or  killed  shall  be 
held  to  have  been  guilty  of  contributory  negli- 
gence in  any  case  where  the  violation  by  such 
common  carrier  of  any  statute  enacted  for  the 
safety  of  employees  contributed  to  the  injury  or 
death  of  such  employee. 

“ Sec.  4.  That  in  any  action  brought  against 
any  common  carrier  under  or  by  virtue  of  any 
of  the  provisions  of  this  Act  to  recover  dam- 
ages for  injuries  to,  or  death  of,  any  of  its 
employees,  such  employee  shall  not  be  held  to 
have  assumed  the  risks  of  his  employment  in 
any  case  where  the  violation  by  such  common 
carrier  of  any  statute  enacted  for  the  safety  of 
employees  contributed  to  the  injury  or  death  of 
such  employee. 

“ Sec.  5.  That  any  contract,  rule,  regulation, 
or  device  whatsoever,  the  purpose  or  intent  of 
which  shall  be  to  enable  any  common  carrier  to 
exempt  itself  from  any  liability  created  by  this 
Act,  shall  to  that  extent  be  void:  Provided,  That 
in  any  action  brought  against  any  such  com- 
mon carrier  under  or  by  virtue  of  any  of  the 
provisions  of  this  Act,  such  common  carrier 
may  set  off  therein  any  sum  it  has  contributed 
or  paid  to  any  insurance,  relief  benefit,  or  in- 
demnity that  may  have  been  paid  to  the  injured 


employee  or  the  person  entitled  thereto  on 
account  of  the  injury  or  death  for  which  said 
action  was  brought. 

“Sec.  6.  That  no  action  shall  be  maintained 
under  this  Act  unless  commenced  within  two- 
years  from  the  day  the  cause  of  action  accrued. 

“Sec.  7.  That  the  term  ‘common  carrier’  as 
used  in  this  Act  shall  include  the  receiver  or 
receivers  or  other  persons  or  corporations 
charged  with  the  duty  of  the  management  and 
operation  of  the  business  of  a common  carrier. 

“Sec.  8.  That  nothing  in  this  Act  shall  be 
held  to  limit  the  duty  or  liability  of  common 
carriers  or  to  impair  the  rights  of  their  em- 
ployees under  any  other  Act  or  Acts  of  Con- 
gress, or  to  affect  the  prosecution  of  any  pend- 
ing proceeding  or  right  of  action  under  the 
Act  of  Congress  entitled  ‘ An  Act  relating  to 
liability  of  common  carriers  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  Territories,  and  to  common  car- 
riers engaged  in  commerce  between  the  States 
and  between  the  States  and  foreign  nations  to 
their  employees,’  approved  June  eleventh,  nine- 
teen hundred  and  six.’’  — Statutes  of  the  United 
States  of  America  passed  at  Session  of  the 
60 th  Congress,  1907-8,  pt.  1.  chap.  149. 

Hours  of  Labor:  Judicial  Limitation  of 
Police  Power  to  regulate  them  in  the  United 
States. — By  a decision  from  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  in  April,  1905,  an 
Act  of  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  limiting 
the  hours  of  labor  to  be  exacted  from  workmen 
in  bakeries,  was  pronounced  unconstitutional. 
The  law  in  question  provided  that  “no  em- 
ployee shall  be  required  or  permitted  to  work  in 
a biscuit,  bread  or  cake  bakery  or  confectionery 
establishment  more  than  sixty  hours  in  any  one 
week,  or  more  than  ten  hours  in  any  one  day, 
unless  for  the  purpose  of  making  a shorter  work 
day  on  the  last  day  of  the  week ; nor  more  hours 
in  any  one  week  than  will  make  an  average  of 
ten  hours  per  day  for  the  number  of  days  dur- 
ing such  week  in  which  such  employee  shall 
work.”  The  New  York  Court  of  Appeals  had 
passed  on  this  enactment  and  declared  it  consti- 
tutional, as  a measure  for  the  protection  of  pub- 
lic health.  A majority  of  the  Supreme  Court  — 
five  to  four  — rejected  this  view,  saying,  in  the 
opinion  written  by  Justice  Peckham : “We  think 
the  limit  of  the  police  power  has  been  reached 
and  passed  in  this  case.  There  is,  in  our  judg- 
ment, no  reasonable  foundation  for  holding  this 
to  be  necessary  or  appropriate  as  a health  law 
to  safeguard  the  public  health  or  the  health  of 
the  individuals  who  are  following  the  trade  of 
a baker.”  In  the  dissenting  opinion  of  Justice 
Harlan,  Justices  White  and  Day  concurring,  it 
was  said : ‘ ‘ The  rule  is  universal  that  a legisla- 
tive enactment,  Federal  or  State,  is  never  to  be 
disregarded  or  held  invalid  unless  it  be,  beyond 
question,  plainly  and  palpably  in  excess  of  leg- 
islative power.  If  there  be  doubt  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  statute,  that  doubt  must  there- 
fore be  resolved  in  favor  of  its  validity,  and 
the  courts  must  keep  their  hands  off,  leaving 
the  Legislature  to  meet  the  responsibility  for 
unwise  legislation.” 

Limitation  of  Working  Hours  for  Train- 
men. See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1907. 

The  “ English  Coal  Mines  (Eight  Hour) 
Act.”  — The  Act  so  called,  passed  in  1908,  came 
into  force  on  the  1st  of  July,  1909,  except  as. 


399 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


respects  mines  in  the  counties  of  Northumber- 
land and  Durham,  where  its  operation  was  de- 
ferred until  the  1st  of  January,  1910.  The  Act 
provides  that  “a  workman  shaTl  not  be  below 
ground  in  a mine  for  the  purpose  of  his  work, 
or  of  going  to  and  from  his  work,  for  more  than 
eight  hours  during  any  consecutive  twenty-four 
hours”;  but  this  is  qualified  by  the  condition 
that  “no  contravention  of  the  foregoing  provi- 
sions shall  be  deemed  to  take  place  in  the  case 
of  a workman  working  in  a shift  if  the  period 
between  the  times  at  which  the  last  workman 
in  the  shift  leaves  the  surface  and  the  first  work- 
man in  the  shift  returns  to  the  surface  does  not 
exceed  eight  hours.”  This  rule,  it  is  said,  makes 
the  nominal  working  day  of  eight  hours  “one 
that  will  vary,  according  to  local  conditions,  from 
eight  and  a half  to  nine  hours.”  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Coal  Owners’  Association  of  South 
Wales  and  Monmouthshire,  in  a manifesto  issued 
shortly  before  the  Act  became  operative,  de- 
clared : “The  Act  does  not  permit  eight  hours’ 
work  underground,  but  a considerable  portion 
of  this  time  is  taken  up  in  travelling  to  and  from 
the  actual  place  of  work,  and  in  many  of  the 
older  collieries  not  more  than  6-J  hours’  effect- 
ive work  will  be  performed.  The  owners  are 
strongly  of  opinion  that  it  will  be  found  impos- 
sible to  work  such  collieries  and  maintain  them 
in  repair  with  all  the  pumping  of  water,  boilers, 
engines,  horses,  officials,  and  attendants  neces- 
sary for  24  hours  per  day  on  6-J  hours’  product- 
ive work,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  in 
South  Wales  a much  larger  proportion  of  the 
collier’s  time  is  occupied  in  other  work  than  in 
producing  coal  than  is  the  case  in  most  other 
coalfields.” 

The  conditions  are  described  as  being  different 
in  the  Welsh  mines  from  those  in  other  British 
coal  fields,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  there  only 
that  trouble  arose  when  the  Act  came  into  ef- 
fect. 

Germany’s  Latest  Code.  — “The  coal 
miners  of  Prussia  have  secured  a legal  eight- 
hours  day  for  underground  work,  but  in  indus- 
try generally  the  number  of  hours  worked  is 
ten  daily,  or  sixty  weekly,  and  these  hours  gen- 
erally fall  between  six  and  six  or  seven  and 
seven.  In  some  industries,  and  especially  the 
textile  industries,  from  sixty-three  to  sixty -six 
hours  per  week  are  commonly  worked  by  both 
sexes.  . . . Just  as  there  was  once  a time  when 
the  textile  industry  of  the  Rhineland  worked  to 
a large  extent  seventeen  hours  a day  in  order 
to  facilitate  competition  with  England’s  more 
highly  developed  factories  and  more  skilled 
workers,  so  now  a day  of  ten  and  eleven  hours 
is  maintained  in  the  same  industry  purely  out  of 
fear  of  the  foreigner.  . . . The  only  limitation 
of  hours  introduced  by  the  amendment  to  the 
Industrial  Code  which  was  passed  in  1908  ap- 
plied to  female  workers,  and  it  merely  fixed 
the  rule  of  sixty  hours,  subject  to  many  excep- 
tions. An  investigation  made  in  1902  by  the 
Government  into  the  hours  worked  by  females 
employed  in  factories  and  workshops  showed 
that  of  813,560  such  workpeople,  employed  in 
38,706  works,  86,191  (in  6,768  works),  or  10.6 
per  cent.,  worked  nine  hours  or  less,  while  347,- 
814  (in  18,267  works),  or  42.8  per  cent.,  worked 
from  nine  to  ten  hours  (inclusive),  so  that  over 
half  already  enjoy  the  protection  which  the  new 
law  is  to  afford.  The  Socialists  at  present  de- 


mand a ten -hours  day  for  both  sexes,  for  the 
whole  country  and  for  all  industries,  but  they 
regard  this  no  longer  as  their  final  objective,  but 
as  a stage  on  the  way  towards  the  goal  of  an 
eight-hours  day,  via  a halfway  house  of  nine 
hours.” — William  H.  Dawson,  The  Involution  of 
Modern  Germany,  pp.  129-131  (Unwin,  London; 
Scribners,  N.  Y.,  1909). 

“ On  December  28  last  [1908]  an  industrial 
amendment  Act  was  passed  by  the  German 
Reichstag  and  became  law.  It  introduces  a 
number  of  new  and  more  stringent  regulations 
for  the  protection  of  women  and  children,  which 
will  have  the  effect  of  securing  a large  reduction 
of  the  hours  of  labour  in  many  manufacturing 
industries.  In  its  application  it  goes  beyond 
the  existing  factory  law,  which  applies  to  Fab- 
riken,  and  it  includes  all  Betriebe  (industrial  es- 
tablishments) in  which  ten  or  more  persons  are 
employed.  It  reduces  the  maximum  number  of 
hours  for  women  from  11  to  10  on  ordinary 
week  days  and  from  10  to  8 on  Saturday.  That 
is  to  say,  it  reduces  the  statutory  maximum 
week  from  65  to  58  hours.  It  extends  the  period 
during  which  night-work  is  prohibited  by  an 
hour,  and  fixes  it  from  8 p.  m.  to  6 a.  m.,  instead 
of  from  8.30  p.  m.  to  5.30  a.  m.  as  heretofore.  It 
further  provides  that  after  each  day’s  work  an 
unbroken  interval  of  11  hours’  rest  must  elapse; 
and  this  also  applies  to  workers  of  both  sexes 
under  16.  The  latter,  who  already  enjoy  the 
daily  and  weekly  maximum  now  granted  to 
women,  will  also  have  the  statutory  times  of  be- 
ginning and  leaving  off  work  altered  from  5.30 
A.  M.  to  6 a.m.  for  beginning  and  from  8.30  a.  m. 
to  8 p.  m.  for  leaving  off.”  — London  Times, 
March  15,  1909. 

Japanese  Legislation  in  Prospect.  — The 

following  report  from  Japan  came  to  the  Ameri- 
can Press  in  a telegram  dated  December  15, 1909, 
at  Victoria,  British  Columbia:  Factory  owners 
of  Japan,  who  employ  642,000  hands,  of  whom 
392,000  are  women  and  a big  percentage  children, 
are  excited  over  factory  laws  to  be  advocated 
at  this  session  of  the  Diet,  according  to  news 
brought  here  yesterday.  The  law  will  provide 
against  employment  of  children  less  than  twelve 
years  old,  but  those  above  ten  now  employed 
will  be  permitted  to  continue.  Workers  under 
sixteen  and  females  mhy  not  be  worked  more 
than  twelve  hours  a day,  and  must  be  given  two 
days  rest  each  month.  In  days  of  ten  hours,  an 
hour’s  rest  must  be  given. 

Report  of  the  United  States  Industrial 
Commission  in  1902. — Recommendations  for 
State  Legislation.- — Child  Labor  and  Wo- 
man’s Labor. — The  Utah  Law  on  Labor  in 
Mines.  — “ Perhaps  the  subject  of  greatest  pub- 
lic interest  to-day  is  that  of  the  regulation  of 
the  hours  of  labor  permitted  in  industrial  occu- 
pations, and  especially  in  factories.  Most  of  the 
Northern  and  Eastern  States  prohibit  the  em- 
ployment of  persons  under  the  full  age  in  fac- 
tories or  other  mechanical  establishments  for 
more  than  a prescribed  time  per  diem,  usually 
ten  hours,  and  not  exceeding  sixty  hours  per 
week.  Obviously,  Congress  has  no  power  with- 
out a constitutional  amendment  to  legislate  di- 
rectly on  this  subject.  The  Commission  are  of 
the  opinion  that  a uniform  law  upon  this  subject 
may  wisely  be  recommended  for  adoption  by  all 
the  States.  We  believe  that  such  legislation  can 
not,  under  the  Federal  and  State  constitutions  be 


400 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


LABOR  PROTECTION 


recommended  as  to  persons,  male  or  female, 
above  the  age  of  21,  except,  of  course,  in  some 
special  industries  where  employment  for  too 
many  hours  becomes  positively  a menace  to  the 
health,  safety  or  well-being  of  the  community; 
but  minors  not  yet  clothed  with  all  the  rights  of 
citizens  are  peculiarly  the  subject  of  State  pro- 
tection, and  still  more  so  young  children.  The 
commission  are  of  opinion,  therefore,  that  a sim- 
ple statute  ought  to  be  enacted  by  all  the  States 
to  regulate  the  length  of  the  working  day  for 
young  persons  in  factories  (meaning  by  ' young 
persons  ’ those  between  the  age  of  majority  and 
14) ; and  in  view  of  the  entire  absence  of  protec- 
tion now  accorded  by  the  laws  of  many  States  to 
children  of  tender  years  we  think  that  the  em- 
ployment of  children  in  factories  in  any  capacity, 
or  for  any  time,  under  the  age  of  14,  should  be 
prohibited.  The  question  of  shops  and  mercan- 
tile establishments  generally  appears  even  more 
subject  to  local  conditions  than  that  of  factories  ; 
therefore  the  Commission  see  no  need  for  even 
recommending  to  the  States  any  uniform  legis- 
lation upon  this  subject.  But  child  labor  should 
be  universally  protected  by  educational  restric- 
tions, providing  in  substance  that  no  child  may 
be  employed  in  either  factories,  shops,  or  in  stores 
in  large  cities,  who  cannot  read  and  write,  and, 
except  during  vacation,  unless  he  has  attended 
school  for  at  least  twelve  weeks  in  each  year. 
Further  regulation,  especially  in  the  line  of 
bringing  States  which  now  have  no  factory  acts 
up  to  a higher  standard,  is  earnestly  recom- 
mended. 

“ The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has 
affirmed  the  constitutionality  of  the  Utah  law 
limiting  the  length  of  the  day’s  labor  in  mines 
or  under-ground  workings,  even  in  the  case  of 
male  citizens  of  full  age.  The  Commission  would 
therefore  recommend  that  the  provisions  of  the 
Utah  constitution  and  statutes  be  followed  in  all 
the  States,  by  which  the  period  of  employment 
of  workmen  in  all  under-ground  mines  or  work- 
ings shall  be  eight  hours  a day,  except  in  cases 
of  emergency,  when  life  or  property  is  in  im- 
minent danger,  and  also  that  the  employment  of 
children  under  the  age  of  14  and  of  all  women 
and  girls  in  mines  or  under-ground  quarries  and 
workings  shall  be  forbidden.”  — Final  Report 
(1902)  of  Industrial  Commission,  pp.  946-8. 

Hours  of  Labor  for  Women.  — Right  of 
the  State  to  put  other  Limitations  than  on 
Men.  — U.  S.  Supreme  Court  Decision.  — The 
constitutional  right  of  a State  to  put  other  lim- 
itations on  the  hours  of  labor  for  women  than  it 
puts  on  the  hours  of  labor  for  men  was  ques- 
tioned by  the  proprietor  of  a laundry  in  Oregon, 
and  the  question  was  carried  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  The  decision  of 
that  tribunal  was  rendered  early  in  1908,  affirm- 
ing the  right  of  a State  to  make  such  distinction 
in  labor  limitations  between  the  two  sexes,  and 
the  ground  of  the  decision  introduces  a prin- 
ciple of  enormous  importance  into  law.  A 
legal  limitation  of  the  hours  of  labor  touches 


the  contractual  rights  of  the  individual,  and  the 
Court  conceded  that  in  those  rights  women 
stand  on  the  same  plane  as  men ; but  the  State, 
it  declares,  has  the  constitutional  right,  for  the 
public  good,  to  limit  the  contractual  right  of 
the  individual,  and  its  reasoning  on  the  matter 
before  it  turns  therefore  on  the  question  whether 
the  protection  of  women  by  this  special  limita- 
tion of  contractual  rights  is  or  is  not  for  the 
public  good  ? On  this  question  the  counsel  for 
the  State  of  Oregon,  Mr.  Louis  D.  Brandeis, 
had  submitted  a remarkable  mass  of  testimony, 
social  and  physiological,  which  the  Court  ac- 
cepted as  conclusive,  and  founded  its  decision 
thereon.  This  testimony  the  Court  declared  to 
be  “significant  of  a widespread  belief  that 
women’s  physical  structure,  and  the  functions 
she  performs  in  consequence  thereof,  justify 
special  legislation  restricting  or  qualifying  the 
conditions  under  which  she  should  be  permitted 
to  toil.”  Though  “constitutional  questions  . . . 
are  not  settled  by  even  a consensus  of  present 
public  opinion,”  yet  the  Court  held  that  “when 
a question  of  fact  is  debated  and  debatable,  and 
the  extent  to  which  a special  constitutional 
limitation  goes  is  affected  by  the  truth  in  re- 
spect to  that  fact,  a widespread  and  long-con- 
tinued belief  concerning  it  is  worthy  of  consid- 
eration.” Applying  that  principle  in  this  case, 
the  Court  affirmed  that  ‘ ‘ as  healthy  mothers  are 
essential  to  vigorous  offspring,  the  physical 
well-being  of  woman  becomes  an  object  of  pub- 
lic interest  and  care  in  order  to  preserve  the 
strength  and  vigor  of  the  race.”  On  account  of 
her  physical  constitution,  “she  is  not  an  equal 
competitor  with  her  brother.”  In  spite  of  the 
removal  of  legal  and  other  disabilities,  “ she 
will  still  be  where  some  legislation  to  protect 
her  seems  necessary  to  secure  a real  equality  of 
right.”  Such  legislation  to  defend  woman,  to 
use  the  Court’s  phrase,  “from  the  greed  as  well 
as  the  passion  of  man,”  is  not  merely  for  her 
benefit,  but  for  the  well-being  of  the  race. 

“The  two  sexes,”  said  Justice  Brewer,  who 
delivered  the  decision  of  the  Court,  “differ  in 
structure  of  body,  in  the  functions  to  be  per- 
formed by  each,  in  the  amount  of  physical 
strength,  in  the  capacity  for  long-continued 
labor,  particularly  when  done  standing,  the  in- 
fluence of  vigorous  health  upon  the  future  well- 
being of  the  race,  the  self-reliance  which  enables 
one  to  assert  full  rights,  and  in  the  capacity  to 
maintain  the  struggle  for  subsistence.  This 
difference  justifies  a difference  in  legislation 
and  upholds  that  which  is  designed  to  com- 
pensate for  some  of  the  burdens  which  rest 
upon  her.” 

Oriental  Competition  : The  Force  of  the 
Objection  to  it  in  Countries  under  the  Pro- 
tective Tariff  System.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems  ; United  States. 

A.  D.  1900-1909.  — Study  and  Treatment 
of  Industrial  Problems  in  the  United  States 
by  the  National  Civic  Federation.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Social  Betterment:  United  States. 


401 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


LABOR  REMUNERATION. 


(Cooperative  Organization  — Pensior 

tion, 

The  Bonus  System.  — Its  Working  in  the 
Shops  of  the  Bethlehem  Steel  Company.  — 

“Awarding  extra  compensation  for  extra  work 
has  long  been  the  practice  of  successful  manu- 
facturing ; but  the  particular  method  of  award- 
ing a bonus  above  referred  to  is  of  recent  origin, 
and  fills  an  important  need  in  modern  systems 
of  management.  It  may  be  briefly  described 
as  follows  : Alternative  ways  of  doing  a piece 
of  work  are  carefully  investigated  by  the  most 
competent  expert  available  and  the  results  re- 
corded. The  best  method  is  determined  and 
taught  to  an  ordinary  workman,  who  is  awarded 
extra  compensation  in  addition  to  his  day’s  pay 
for  doing  the  work  iu  the  time  and  manner  spe- 
cified. This  method  of  compensation  was  the 
outcome  of  an  attempt  to  introduce  in  compli- 
cated work  equitable  piece  rates  determined  as 
nearly  as  possible  by  scientific  methods.” 

The  original  working  out  of  this  method  into 
a system  is  ascribed  by  the  writer  of  the  above 
to  Mr.  Fred  W.  Taylor,  in  the  early  eighties,  he 
being  then  in  the  employ  of  the  Midvale  Steel 
Company.  After  setting  forth  the  principles  in- 
volved in  the  system,  this  writer  concludes  his 
article  by  stating:  “The  principles  above  out- 
lined were  applied  during  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer of  1901  to  the  ordnance  and  armor-plate 
machine  shops  of  the  Bethlehem  Steel  Company, 
and  resulted  in  a short  time  in  more  than  dou- 
bling the  output  of  those  shops.  The  system  is 
still  in  use  substantially  as  introduced,  and  the 
superintendent,  Mr.  Archibald  Johnston,  in  his 
testimony  before  the  House  Committee  on  La- 
bor, February  13,  1902,  makes  the  following 
statement  regarding  it:  “This  arrangement 

has  worked  very  satisfactorily,  both  to  the  men 
and  the  company,  for  it  has  enabled  us  to  get 
work  out  more  quickly,  and  to  add  to  the  pro- 
ducing capacity  of  our  invested  capital;  while 
for  the  men  it  has  been  a great  benefit,  as  we 
have  many  instances  of  employees  who  have 
bought  homes  for  themselves  principally  from 
their  extra  earnings  on  the  bonus  system,  and 
from  overtime  work.  The  system  has  been  a 
stronger  incentive  to  industry  than  any  other  we 
have  been  able  to  put  into  effect  in  our  plant.” 
— H.  L.  Gantt,  The  Bonus  System  of  Bewarding 
Labor  (Am.  Beview  of  Be  views). 

Cooperative  Organization:  France,  Italy, 
etc.  — Cooperative  Production.  — A book  pub- 
lished in  1905,  entitled  “ Labor  Problems,”  by 
T.  8.  Adams  and  Helen  L.  Sumner,  gives  an 
interesting  account  of  cooperative  associations 
for  contract  labor  in  France,  of  which  there 
were  296  on  the  1st  of  January,  1901,  seemingly 
having  considerable  success,  106  of  the  number 
being  in  the  building  trades.  Similar  organiza- 
tions were  reported  in  Italy  and  New  Zealand. 

In  France,  the  law  provides  for  dividing  public 
contracts,  and  for  making  payments  on  them  in 
such  ways  as  to  bring  them  within  the  means  of 
these  associations  of  workmen.  In  Germany 
and  Holland  there  is  said  to  have  been  a less  de- 
gree of  success  in  organizing  this  mode  of  pro- 
ductive cooperation. 

Great  Britain : The  Cooperative  Union 


s — Profit-sharing  — Wages  Regula- 
etc.) 

and  Cooperative  Congress.  — Recent  Statis- 
tics of  Membership,  Organizations,  and  Oper- 
ations. — Rapidly  increasing  Cooperation 
in  Agriculture.  — As  reported  at  the  annual 
Cooperative  Congress  of  1905,  the  Cooperative 
Union  of  Great  Britain  had  then  a membership 
of  2,200,000,  conducting  cooperative  undertak- 
ings with  a total  capital  of  £36,500,000  and  a 
trade  of  £92,000,000.  At  that  meeting  a proposi- 
tion to  act  with  the  Labor  Representation  Com- 
mittee, for  increasing  the  representation  of  labor 
interests  in  Parliament,  was  defeated  by  801 
votes  against  135. 

Four  years  later,  at  the  Congress  held  in  May, 
1909,  the  reported  membership  of  the  Coopera- 
tive Union  had  increased  to  2,516,194,  in  1560 
affiliated  societies.  Among  other  statistics  re- 
ported for  the  previous  year  were  the  follow- 
ing : “The  two  large  wholesale  societies — one 
in  England  and  the  other  in  Scotland — had  a 
membership  of  1414  in  1908,  or  a decrease  of 
three  as  compared  with  the  total  for  1907 ; the 
shares  held  amounted  to  £1,984,676,  a rise  of 
£190,131 ; the  loans  were  £5,114,201,  an  increase 
of  £382,990  ; the  sales  for  the  year  amounted 
to  £32,433,968,  an  increase  of  £43,940,  and  the 
interest  on  capital  was  £96,350,  an  increase  of 
£5,498.  The  year’s  trading,  however,  resulted 
in  a decrease  of  profits  amounting  to  £137,197, 
the  total  profits  being  £731,124.  There  were 
1428  distributive  societies,  a decrease  of  15,  but 
the  membership  rose  to  2,404,595,  or  81,217 
more  ; the  shares  held  went  up  to  £30,037,352, 
an  increase  of  £998,703;  the  loans  amounted  to 
£4,558,021,  a rise  of  £212,377;  the  sales  in- 
creased by  £1,635,749,  the  total  being  £60,783,- 
278;  but  the  profits  dropped  to  £10,773,005,  or  a 
decrease  of  £126,327. 

“Cooperative  production  forms  a large  and 
important  branch  of  the  movement.  Some  facts 
relating  to  it  are  given  from  the  last  annual  re- 
port of  the  Chief  Registrar  of  Friendly  Societies 
in  order  to  supplement  the  figures  of  the  cen- 
tral board.  According  to  the  Chief  Registrar’s 
report,  1251  societies,  including  distributive, 
wholesale,  and  productive  societies,  made  re- 
turns showing  that,  they  carried  on  production 
to  the  extent  of  £16,989,764  in  the  year,  calcu- 
lated on  wholesale  prices.  The  workpeople  em- 
ployed in  production  numbered  44,188  — men, 
25,809;  women,  12,212;  boys,  6167  — and  the 
wages  paid  to  these  (exclusive  of  bonus) 
amounted  to  £2,324,674.  The  board’s  annual 
summary  of  the  operations  carried  on  by  the 
productive  societies  and  the  productive  depart- 
ments of  the  two  wholesale  societies  shows  a 
total  production  in  1908  of  £11,112,220.  To 
this  is  added  an  estimated  production  of  £7,750,- 
000  by  the  distributive  societies,  making  the 
total  production  of  the  cooperative  movement 
for  the  year  about  £18,862,000.  The  number  of 
productive  societies  to  which  the  Board’s  returns 
relate  is  122,  a decrease  of  five  as  compared  with 
the  total  for  the  previous  year.  The  number 
of  people  employed  by  these  societies  during 
the  year  was  28,575,  an  increase  of  1637 ; the 
capital  invested  was  £4,610,072,  an  increase  of 


LA DOIl  REMUNERATION 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


£259,137  ; the  trade,  as  stated  above,  was  £11,- 
112,220,  an  increase  of  £450,802;  the  profits 
amounted  to  £352,398,  a decrease  of  £15,317; 
and  the  losses  amounted  to  £68,650,  as  against 
£8336. 

‘ ‘ Among  the  industries  engaged  in  coopera- 
tive production,  corn  milling  had  a trade  last 
year  amounting  to  £4,564,706,  which  was  con- 
siderably higher  than  the  total  for  the  previous 
year.  Increases  were  also  recorded  in  the 
cotton,  linen,  silk,  and  wool  industries,  and  by 
societies  engaged  in  woodwork,  building,  and 
quarrying,  printing  and  bookbinding,  baking, 
and  laundry-work.  But  the  societies  produc- 
ing boots,  shoes,  and  leather,  metal  and  hard- 
ware, and  various  other  goods  had  a reduced 
trade.” 

In  an  article  on  “ The  Coining  of  Coopera- 
tion,” in  Agriculture,  the  London  Times  of  May 
3,  1909,  made  the  following  statements:  ‘‘The 
cooperative  movement,  on  which  more  than  any- 
thing else  the  success  of  all  small  farmers  and 
many  big  farmers  depends,  is  advancing  with  a 
rapidity  very  little  realized  even  by  farmers 
themselves. 

‘‘The  position  at  present  is  this.  In  Ireland, 
in  Scotland,  and  in  England  exist  three  organi- 
zation societies  which  decided  in  July  of  last 
year  to  amalgamate  for  certain  purposes.  Un- 
der the  lead  of  Sir  Horace  Plunkett  the  three 
societies  decided  that  joint  action  would  be 
effective  in  all  the  three  branches  of  cooperative 
trade  — ‘ (1)  The  acquisition  of  farmers’  supplies 
of  the  best  quality  at  the  lowest  price;  (2)  the 
marketing  of  produce  in  the  most  economical 
manner ; and  (3)  the  interchange  of  certain  pro- 
ducts.’ 

“ Into  this  third  attribute  of  cooperation  it 
is  worth  while  inquiring  closely.  The  idea, 
which  may  mean  an  immense  advance  in  the 
production  of  the  farm,  small  or  great,  has  not 
become  familiar  even  to  some  of  the  best  local 
cooperative  societies  we  have.  A few  examples 
will  illustrate  the  possibilities.  No  one  will 
doubt  the  value  of  geographical  knowledge  to 
the  farmer.  One  of  the  biggest  successes  made 
on  the  Fen  farms  in  recent  years  resulted  from 
the  accident  that  a Fen  farmer  went  to  shoot 
snipe  in  Ireland,  and  there  came  upon  a potato 
which  proved  to  be  exceptionally  suited  to  the 
Fen  soil.  Many  small  fortunes  have  been  made 
in  potato  farming  by  the  use  of  Scotch  seed. 
To-day,  of  course,  every  one  is  aware  of  its  ex- 
cellence, due  partly  to  the  red  soil,  partly  to  the 
wise  custom  of  the  Scotch  farmer  in  digging 
his  potatoes  before  they  are  mature.  But  this 
knowledge  penetrated  very  slowly.  . . . 

“An  admirable  instance,  illustrating  the  same 
point,  may  be  found  in  the  unpublished  history 
of  the  French  wheats  recently  introduced  into 
England.  The  whole  tale  is  full  of  suggestions 
for  English  farmers  and  for  the  organization 
societies.  French  farmers,  as  we  all  know,  are 
very  closely  federated ; and  every  sort  of  work 
— in  buying,  in  marketing,  and  in  advancing 
money  — is  carried  on  by  the  local  and  feder- 
ated syndicates.  Some  years  ago  the  leaders  of 
these  syndicates  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
their  wheats  greatly  improved  by  a year  or  two 
in  English  soil.  They  preferred  their  own  va- 
rieties, but  found  them  more  prolific  when  the 
seed  was  imported  from  England.  Several  dif- 
ficulties met  them.  They  had  first  to  persuade 


English  growers  to  grow  these  varieties,  and 
secondly  they  had  to  compel  them  to  keep  the 
stock  pure.  The  second  difficulty  might  have 
been  insuperable  without  joint  action,  but  it 
was  soon  overcome  by  the  syndicates. 

“At  present  Ireland  is  a long  way  ahead  of 
England,  and  England  of  Scotland,  in  co-opera- 
tive organization  ; but  certainly  in  England,  as 
well  as  Ireland,  co-operation  has  advanced  more 
rapidly  in  the  last  year  or  two  than  seemed  at 
all  likely  at  the  beginning  of  the  century.  The 
Agricultural  Organization  Society,  which  was 
formed  for  propaganda  work,  is  already  able  to 
give  proof  of  valuable  results  from  joint  action 
towards  what  may  be  called  the  self-sufficiency 
of  Britain.  The  advance  has  been  made  pos- 
sible by  the  new  federations  of  farmers,  as  well 
as  by  the  multiplication  of  local  co-operative 
societies.” 

Exhibition  of  Cooperative  Productions.  — 

An  exhibition  of  cooperative  productions  was 
opened  in  August,  1909,  at  the  Crystal  Palace, 
London,  in  connection  with  a National  Co-op- 
erative Festival.  On  the  one  side  goods  were 
shown  from  the  various  co-partnership  produc- 
tive societies,  including  boots  and  shoes,  bas- 
kets, cloth,  velvets,  cutlery,  watches,  and 
printing ; and  on  the  other  side  were  specimens 
of  the  Co-operative  Wholesale  Society’s  goods, 
such  as  working  exhibits  of  sweet-boiling,  soap- 
milling, and  cigar  and  cigarette  making.  In 
addition  to  the  exhibits  from  workshops,  the 
Tenant’s  Housing  Societies  showed  plans  of 
their  houses  owned  on  the  cooperative  principle 
by  groups  of  workmen  and  others.  It  was 
pointed  out  by  the  promoters  of  the  exhibition 
that  such  houses  may  be  completely  equipped 
for  habitation  with  articles  produced  under  co- 
operative conditions. 

India;  Rapidity  of  the  Movement.  — “The 
co-operative  movement  in  India,  which  was 
started  five  years  ago  by  the  passing  of  the  Co- 
operative Credit  Societies  Act,  has  made  steady 
and  satisfactory  progress  in  all  the  Provinces, 
and  there  are  now  2,000  societies  with  185,000 
members  and  a working  capital  of  over  half  a 
million  sterling.  Each  Province  has  its  official 
registrar  and  staff  of  inspectors,  whose  business 
it  is  to  preach  the  benefits  of  co-operation,  to  en- 
courage the  formation  of  new  societies,  to  help 
each  society  to  draw  up  its  by-laws,  to  check 
and  audit  its  accounts  free  of  charge,  to  point 
out  mistakes,  and  to  put  things  right.  The  or- 
dinary type  of  co-operative  society  is  the  village 
bank  of  from  50  to  100  members,  all  residents  of 
the  same  neighbourhood,  who  know  intimately 
each  other’s  needs  and  resources,  and,  above  all, 
each  other’s  character.”  — Cor.  London  Times, 
Dec.  17,  1909. 

New  Zealand  : The  Labor  Group  Method. 

— “What  distinguishes  New  Zealand  as  a State 
is  the  way  in  which  governmental  powers  have 
been  used,  not  to  stop  competition  in  the  social- 
istic sense,  but  to  force  a higher  and  fairer 
level,  on  which  it  acts  for  the  many  rather  than 
for  the  few.  Every  startling  step  has  been  of 
this  nature.  New  Zealand  is  democratizing  com- 
petition. If  the  public  is  there  threatened  with 
monopoly  prices  in  coal  or  in  insurance,  the 
State  acts  competitively  for  the  whole  people. 
Our  great  interest  in  this  method  is  that  it  may 
have  immeasurable  development  without  land- 
ing us  in  Socialism.  It  has  the  soul  of  demo- 


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cracy  in  it  while  preserving  great  areas  on 
which  those  forms  of  private  property  may  be 
maintained  which  Socialism  usually  attacks. 
Even  more  significant  is  the  other  illustration 
which  New  Zealand  offers. 

“ It  is  the  allotment  of  work  to  labor  groups 
under  the  co-operation  method.  It  unifies  at 
once  the  political  and  the  industrial  practice. 
If  the  digging  and  laying  up  of  a cellar,  a sec- 
tion of  roadway,  or  the  foundations  of  a bridge 
are  assigned  to  twelve  laborers  for  the  sum  of 
fifty  pounds,  they  elect  their  own  manager, 
agreeing  upon  the  distribution  of  the  work.  A 
standard  of  efficiency  is  set,  which  the  inspector 
enforces.  The  lump  sum  of  fifty  pounds  is 
assumed  by  the  authorities  to  give  first  a ‘ fair 
wage,’  but  beyond  that  a margin  is  given 
which  extra  zeal  and  fidelity  may  very  mate- 
rially increase.  Under  private  contractors  work- 
ing for  profit,  this  is  of  course  a very  old  story. 
It  is  not  an  old  story  for  the  State  or  town  to  do 
it,  with  the  express  purpose  of  avoiding  certain 
evils  of  competition,  like  insecurity  and  lack  of 
work.”  — John  Graham  Brooks,  Industrial  De- 
mocracy ( The  Outlook,  Nov.  17,  1906). 

Russia:  A.  D.  1903.  — Statistics  of  Con- 
sumers’ Associations.  — In  1903  “ the  number 
of  co-operative  consumers’  associations  in  Russia 
was  824.  In  order  to  compile  some  statistics, 
in  regard  to  these,  the  ‘ Permanent  Commission 
for  Co-operative  Associations’  sent  out  some  in- 
quiry blanks  which,  in  204  cases,  were  properly 
filled  out  and  returned.  From  these  reports  is 
gathered  that  the  204  associations  had  together 
91,417  members  and  26,402  annual  subscribers, 
making  a total  number  of  about  118,000  cus- 
tomers. The  average  membership  of  the  associa- 
tions was  577.  The  number  of  employees  was 
3258,  or  16  per  association,  and  the  expenses  for 
wages  and  maintenance  of  these  amounted  to 
1,131,307  rubles,  or  averaging  5515  rubles  foreach 
association.  The  total  capital  reached  a sum  of 
more  than  4,000,000  rubles,  which  item  was 
counterbalanced  by  a total  indebtedness  of  nearly 
an  equal  amount.  Of  the  entire  net  profit,  — 
1,270,000  rubles, — 256,539  rubles  were  distrib- 
uted as  dividends  on  shares,  590,857  rubles  as 
premiums  on  purchases,  and  68,155  were  paid 
into  the  government  as  taxes.”  — Herman  Ros- 
enthal (. American  Review  of  Reviews). 

United  States:  Cooperative  Distribution 
and  Cooperative  Production. — “Today  in 
Utah  are  eighty-seven  cooperative  distribution 
societies  and  in  California  sixty;  and  elsewhere 
are  signs  that  the  excellent  principles  of  united 
effort  may  soon  enter  upon  another  and  very 
likely  its  most  notable  revival.  In  San  Fran- 
cisco before  the  earthquake  the  cooperators 
had  a large  wholesale  store  doing  a good  busi- 
ness. At  Lawrence,  Mass.,  the  flourishing  Ar- 
lington Store  Society,  an  admirably  conducted 
Rochdale  venture,  has  4,360  members  and 
does  an  annual  business  of  more  than  $500,000, 
and  at  Lewiston,  Maine,  is  a store  managed 
on  lines  of  modified  cooperation  with  annual 
sales  of  more  than  $600,000.  Through  the 
country  the  cooperative  stores  number  about 
250,  with  60,000  or  more  members  and  $7, 
000,000,  of  annual  business;  a showing  that 
looks  small  compared  with  the  gigantic  opera- 
tions of  the  British  societies.  But  with  the 
development  of  the  Cooperative  Association  of 
America,  a new  enterprise  managed  by  men 


like  Frank  Parsons,  B.  O.  Flower,  Charles  E. 
Lund  and  other  advanced  thinkers,  there  is 
likely  to  be  in  the  next  few  years  a new  and 
very  different  story  to  tell  of  cooperation  in 
America. 

“ Cooperative  production  has  already  made  a 
different  story,  although  even  that  is  flecked 
with  enough  of  failure.  ...  So  far  back  as  1868, 
in  Minneapolis,  four  journeymen  coopers  had 
formed  a cooperative  society,  steadily  enlarged 
as  the  milling  interests  increased.  In  1874, 
when  the  flour  output  was  about  500,000  bar- 
rels a year,  so  many  coopers  had  come  to  town 
that  the  Cooperative  Barrel  Manufacturing 
Company  was  formed  and  twelve  years  after- 
wards two-thirds  of  all  barrels  made  in  Minne- 
apolis were  made  in  cooperative  shops.  And 
then  somehow  the  things  began  to  decline.  Of 
seven  great  cooperative  shops  existing  in  1886 
only  three  survive.  ...  In  other  lines  of  pro- 
ductive effort  Cooperation  has  often  achieved 
notable  success.  The  cooperative  creamery,  for 
instance,  has  been  a boon  to  millions  of  farmers. 
Of  such  creameries  in  the  United  States  there 
are  about  3,800  with  a membership  in  their  as- 
sociations of  more  than  300,000  and  an  annual 
product  worth  more  than  $80,000,000.  In  Min- 
nesota six-sevenths  of  all  the  creameries  are 
cooperative;  six  hundred  have  been  organized 
in  the  last  ten  years  with  a membership  of 
50,000.  The  idea  is  steadily  gaining;  it  is  very 
strong  in  all  the  Western  States,  and  even  in 
Massachusetts  twenty-eight  of  fifty  creameries 
are  cooperative.  In  the  operation  of  these  so- 
cieties there  has  been  almost  uniform  success. 
The  farmers  indeed  have  done  far  more  than 
the  workingmen  to  show  the  benefits  of  union. 
There  are  "in  the  United  States  about  4,000 
farmers’  purchasing  and  distributing  societies 
with  500,000  members.  Fruit  growers’  associa- 
tions have  been  formed  in  nine  states  and  have 
now  more  than  100,000  members.  The  South- 
ern California  Fruit  Exchange,  organized  in 
1891,  handles  more  than  half  the  orange  busi- 
ness in  California.  It  has  seventy  associations 
with  4,000  members.  One  third  of  all  the 
fruit  grown  in  California  is  now  handled  coop- 
eratively. 

“ There  are  also  cooperative  bee  keepers, 
cooperative  sheep  herders,  cooperative  poultry 
raisers,  cattle  breeders,  wool  growers,  cotton 
growers  and  milk-dealers,  and  in  six  states  are 
flourishing  cooperative  grain  elevators.  . . . 
[See  also,  above,  Labor  Organization:  U.  S. : 
A.  D.  1906.]  Of  cooperative  insurance  compa- 
nies we  have  about  3,800,  including  mutual  life, 
fire,  hail  and  live-stock  insurance.  Three  thou- 
sand of  these  are  among  the  farmers,  with  a 
total  membership  of  2,700,000  and  total  risks 
reaching  the  amazing  sum  of  $3,000,000,000. 
Premiums  among  the  farmers’  cooperative  in- 
surance companies  average  twenty-four  cents 
for  each  $100  of  insurance  against  an  average 
among  all  companies,  as  reported  by  the  United 
States  census,  of  $1  for  every  $100  of  insurance. 
In  Michigan,  Iowa,  Indiana,  Kansas,  Nebraska, 
Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  and  the  Dakotas  farm- 
ers’ cooperative  telephone  companies  have  had  a 
phenomenal  growth  and  have  effected  in  some 
degree  a transformation  of  rural  life.  . . . Co- 
operative distribution  . . . has  lately  been  revived 
in  America  through  the  well-considered  efforts 
of  the  Cooperative  Association  of  America,  and 


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still  more  recently  through  the  Golden  Rule 
Fraternity.  The  Cooperative  Association  be- 
gan in  Lewiston,  Me.,  in  1900,  as  ‘A  Trust  for 
the  People.’  It  has  utilized  the  ordinary  trust 
machinery  towards  communal  good  instead  of 
personal  profit.  There  is  a holding  company 
called  the  ‘Co-Workers’  Fraternity’  and  this 
owns  a controlling  interest  in  stock  of  the  Coop- 
erative Association  of  America,  in  the  National 
Production  Company  of  New  Jersey,  in  the 
Massachusetts  Cooperative  Society,  and  is  to 
own  a similar  control  in  the  other  cooperative 
societies  now  being  formed.  On  this  modern 
and  comprehensive  basis  cooperation  is  being 
reformed  and  reorganized  in  America.  Its  pit- 
falls  hitherto  have  been  chiefly  those  of  man- 
agement. On  the  new  plan  of  organization 
these  should  be  avoided.  . . . The  revived 
prospects  of  Cooperation  in  America  are  due 
chiefly  to  the  altruistic  efforts  of  a certain  band 
of  thoughtful  men  and  women  that  believe  this 
to  be  the  first  step  towards  a cure  of  the  na- 
tional evils.” — Chas.  D.  Russell,  The  Uprising 
of  the  Many,  pp.  30-37  (iV.  Y.,  Doubleday,  Page 
& Co.,  1907). 

“ I spent  nearly  four  weeks,  from  March  3 to 
March  27,  [1908]  visiting  a chain  of  co-operative 
stores,  fifty-five  in  number,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Minneapolis,  Minnesota.  These  stores  are  or- 
ganized on  the  famous  Rochdale  plan,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  consumer  instead  of  the  capitalist. 
The  profits  are  divided  in  proportion  to  pur- 
chases, except  that  the  general  public  who  have 
not  yet  chosen  to  become  members  or  share- 
holders receive  only  half -dividend  or  benefit. 
Goods  are  not  sold  cheaper ; it  is  aimed  to  create 
capital  by  earning  good  profits.  An  accounting 
is  had  and  the  profits  ascertained  once  in  three 
or  six  or  twelve  months.  These  profits  are  then 
distributed  between  a surplus  fund,  an  educa- 
tional or  propaganda  fund,  and  dividend  on  pur 
chases,  which  is  paid  in  cash  if  the  shareholder 
has  paid  in  full,  or  credited  on  his  share  if  only 
part  paid.  This  is  the  nub  of  the  Rochdale  Sys- 
tem, departures  from  which  have  been  the  cause 
of  a long  and  almost  unbroken  line  of  failure  in 
American  attempts  in  co-operative  stores. 

“ These  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin  stores  have 
all  been  organized  on  a nearly  uniform  plan  by 
a propaganda  organization  known  as  the  Right 
Relationship  League,  consisting  of  three  active 
officers,  two  additional  directors,  eight  field  or- 
ganizers, and  an  associate  membership  of  all  the 
store  shareholders  who  pay  a fee  of  one  dollar. 
The  stores  are  incorporated  by  counties ; when 
there  are  several  stores  in  one  county,  they  are 
‘ departments  ’ or  branches.  For  example,  the 
Polk  County  (Wisconsin)  company  has  ten 
stores,  the  Pepin  County  company  nine  stores, 
and  each  has  a general  manager  and  a joint 
warehouse.  Instead  of  starting  a new  store  with 
a new  manager  and  no  established  trade,  the 
newly  organized  co-operative  company  buys  out 
the  best  or  next  best  general  store  in  the  town 
and  continues  the  former  owner  as  manager. 

“Of  the  old  guard  who  wrote  and  hoped  for 
co-operation  twenty  to  thirty  years  ago,  all 
gave  up  the  fight  long  since,  myself  excepted. 
Edward  Everett  Hale,  Richard  T.  Ely,  Carroll 
D.  Wright,  Washington  Gladden,  E.  W.  Bemis, 
John  R.  Commons,  will  be  glad  to  know  that 
the  lost  cause  is  reviving  and  may  yet,  in  their 
lifetime,  justify  their  early  faith  and  repay  their 


labors.”  — N.  O.  Nelson,  The  Co-operative  Move- 
ment in  the  United  States  ( The  Outlook,  July  4, 
1908). 

In  February,  1909,  it  was  reported  that  the 
stores  of  the  above  League  had  increased  in 
number  to  seventy-six;  that  the  membership 
and  capital  had  been  doubled  within  a year, 
and  that  a wholesale  company  had  been  formed, 
each  store  subscribing  $1000. 

In  “Labor  Problems,”  by  T.  S.  Adams  and 
Helen  L.  Sumner,  a considerable  number  of 
successful  undertakings  in  producers  ’ co-opera- 
tion in  the  United  States  are  enumerated,  in- 
cluding establishments  operated  by  labor  unions 
in  the  iron,  glass,  garment  and  cigar-making, 
box-workers,  wood-workers,  building  trades, 
etc.,  east  and  west;  besides  co-operative  laun- 
dries and  restaurants.  The  most  interesting  of 
these  organizations  appears  to  be  that  of  the 
Workers’  Cooperative  Association  of  Boston, 
formed  in  1900  by  members  of  the  building 
trades. 

The  “ New  Protection”:  Australia:  A.  D. 
1907-1908.  — The  “New  Protection,”  so  called, 
introduced  in  Australia,  “is  an  extension  of  the 
principle  of  the  Wages  Boards  Acts,  which  aim 
to  preserve  for  the  workers  a certain  assured 
remuneration.  Under  the  New  Protection,  the 
field  of  this  minimum  wage  legislation  is  ex- 
tended to  the  trades  subsidized  or  assisted  under 
protective  duties,  so  as  to  compel  the  manufac- 
turers to  share  the  accruing  advantage  with 
their  employees.  The  Tariff  Excise  Act  is  the 
first  installment  of  the  new  legislation.  It  came 
into  force  on  January  1,  1907,  and  was  specially 
intended  to  protect  the  agricultural  implement 
industry  from  American  and  Canadian  competi- 
tion. It  placed  upon  imported  harvesters  a duty 
of  sixty  dollars.  The  Federal  Labor  party  sup- 
ported the  manufacturers  in  obtaining  the  duty, 
on  condition  that  there  was  inserted  a clause  im- 
posing upon  locally  produced  harvesters  an  ex- 
cise duty  of  half  the  amount  of  the  import  duty. 
Manufacturers  would,  however,  be  exempt  from 
the  payment  of  this  excise  upon  showing  proof 
that  their  workmen  had  been  paid  ‘ fair  and 
reasonable  remuneration.’ 

“At  the  close  of  the  manufacturing  season  one 
hundred  and  twelve  manufacturers  of  harvesters 
filed  applications  for  exemption  from  excise 
duty.”  This,  at  once  on  a test  case,  carried  the 
question,  what  is  a “fair  and  reasonable  remu- 
neration” for  wage-paid  labor  into  the  Court  of 
Conciliation  and  Arbitration,  and  its  judge, 
much  against  his  will,  was  required  to  determine 
it.  He  decided  that  not  less  than  $9.50  per  week, 
in  Australia,  for  the  lowest  class  of  unskilled 
labor,  could  be  regarded  as  a “living  wage.” 
“This  formed  the  basis  of  the  entire  Tariff  Ex- 
cise scale,  since  from  it  the  court  calculated  the 
rates  of  payment  for  all  other  employees.  This 
was  the  easier  because  there  was  but  little  differ- 
ence of  opinion  between  the  employers  and  the 
respective  unions  as  to  the  proportionate  wages 
to  be  paid  to  various  classes  of  skilled  labor,  and, 
with  the  price  for  unskilled  labor  raised,  a simi- 
lar increase  followed  in  all  the  skilled  trades  in 
the  business  of  manufacturing  harvesters. 

“The  Harvester  legislation  is  only  the  fore- 
runner of  plans  for  extensive  control  over  in- 
dustry to  be  brought  forward  as  soon  as  the 
import  duties  under  the  recently  introduced 
tariff  are  decided. 


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“ In  this  the  three  objects  to  be  gained  are 
not  always  easily  reconciled,  and  the  detail 
work,  besides,  of  drafting  rules  and  regulations 
to  result  in  a moderately  practicable  working 
Act  will  be  enormous.  These  objects  are:  1.  To 
conserve  the  market  for  the  Australian  manu- 
facturer. 2.  To  insure  fair  remuneration  to  the 
employee.  3.  To  protect  the  consumer  by 
placing  a limit  upon  the  price  which  may  be 
charged. 

‘ ‘ The  rough  outline  of  the  proposals  is  as 
follows:  All  dutiable  goods  bearing  the  Com- 
monwealth Trade-Mark  (a  sort  of  universal 
label)  as  a guarantee  that  they  have  been  man- 
ufactured under  fair  and  reasonable  conditions 
as  to  remuneration  of  labor  will  be  exempt 
from  excise.  A board  of  excise,  to  consist  of 
three  members,  to  be  appointed  to  give  effect 
to  these  proposals.  All  goods  manufactured 
under  conditions  which  are  in  accordance  with 
the  State  or  Commonwealth  industrial  award 
or  agreement,  or  which  are  declared  to  be  fair 
and  reasonable  by  the  newly  created  board  of 
excise,  will  be  entitled  to  have  the  Common- 
wealth Trade-Mark  affixed.”  — Alice  Henry, 
Australia’s  “New  Protection”  (The  Outlook, 
Feb.  8,  1908). 

The  constitutionality  of  the  Tariff  Excise 
Act  was  soon  brought  to  a test,  and  the  Fed- 
eral High  Court  decided  in  June,  1908,  that 
wages  could  not  be  regulated  in  the  method 
proposed.  In  the  following  October  proceed- 
ings were  opened  in  Parliament  to  secure  such 
an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  as  would 
empower  the  desired  legislation. 

Pensions : The  German  State-aided  Sys- 
tem. See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems 
of:  Pensions. 

System  adopted  by  American  Railroad 
Companies.- — On  the  10th  of  November,  1909, 
announcement  was  made  by  the  New  York  Cen- 
tral Railroad  Company  that  it  had  adopted  an 
employees’  pension  system,  by  which  100,000 
men  would  be  affected.  Under  the  plan,  em- 
ployees reaching  the  age  of  seventy  years  are 
retired.  If  they  have  been  continuously  in  the 
service  of  the  company  for  at  least  ten  years 
preceding  their  retirement,  they  will  be  entitled 
to  a pension.  An  employee  who  has  been  at 
least  twenty  years  in  continual  service  and  has 
become  unfit  for  duty  may  be  retired  with  a 
pension,  although  he  has  not  reached  the  age 
of  seventy.  The  amount  of  the  pensions  is  1 per 
cent,  for  each  year  of  continuous  service,  based 
upon  the  average  rate  of  pay  received  for  the  ten 
years  next  preceding  retirement.  The  pension 
system  became  effective  on  January  9,  1910. 

The  latest  government  report  on  the  number 
of  railroad  employees  puts  the  total  for  the  coun- 
try at  1,672,074.  “Of  these,”  says  the  New 
York  Evening  Post,  “approximately  665,000,  or 
about  40  per  cent.,  serve  the  roads  which  have 
pension  systems.  These  companies  are  the  New 
York  Central,  the  Rock  Island,  the  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  Buffalo,  Rochester  and  Pittsburg,  the 
Chicago  and  Northwestern,  the  Illinois  Central, 
the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe,  the  Union 
Pacific,  Southern  Pacific,  and  their  affiliated 
lines,  the  Delaware,  Lackawanna  and  Western, 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio,  the  Atlantic  Coast  Line, 
the  Reading,  and  the  Central  of  New  Jersey.” 

Profit-sharing  : Plan  of  Furness,  Withy  & 
Company.  — One  of  the  greatest  of  the  British 


ship-building  and  shipping  concerns,  that  of  the 
incorporated  firm  of  Furness,  Withy  & Co.  of 
which  Sir  Christopher  Furness  is  the  managing 
director,  announced  in  the  fall  of  1908  that  it 
could  not  continue  its  business  unless  the  con- 
stant troubles  between  itself  and  its  employees 
over  wages  questions  could  be  brought  to  an  end. 
With  that  view  it  was  proposed  to  the  workmen 
that  they  should  become  partners  in  the  business 
by  taking  shares  of  the  company’s  capital  stock 
and  paying  therefor  by  a five  per  cent  reduction 
of  their  wages  until  the  price  of  their  shares 
should  be  covered.  Additional  shares  of  stock 
would  be  issued  for  the  purpose,  on  which  four 
per  cent  of  dividend  would  be  paid,  whether  the 
company  divided  any  surplus  on  the  general 
stock  or  not.  A certain  percentage  of  the  earn- 
ings of  the  business  would  be  allotted  to  capital, 
and  to  cover  depreciation  and  development,  over 
and  above  which  the  employee-partners  would 
participate  in  all  profits.  With  reference  to  these 
allotments,  to  capital,  etc.,  Sir  Christopher  Fur- 
ness, speaking  to  a Labor  Union  meeting  on  the 
subject  of  his  proposal,  said : “ I am  aware  that 
a section  of  working-men  criticise  the  amounts 
laid  aside  by  some  companies  for  these  various 
purposes  as  if  they  were  devices  for  stealing  the 
real  earnings  of  the  company  from  their  employ- 
ees, but,  take  my  word  for  it,  these  allotments 
cannot  be  dispensed  with,  that  is  to  say,  if  the 
directors  have  any  regard  for  the  continuance  of 
the  company  with  a reasonable  hope  of  prosper- 
ity. Possibly  an  arrangement  might  be  reached 
that  nothing  beyond  a definite  percentage  on  an 
average  of  years  should  be  put  aside.” 

Importantly  in  connection  with  the  arrange- 
ment of  profit-sharing  co  partnery,  Sir  Christo- 
pher planned  to  organize  what  he  called  a Works 
Council,  to  be  composed  of  an  equal  number  of 
representatives  of  the  workmen  and  representa- 
tives of  the  company.  It  would  be,  he  said,  a 
kind  of  Court  of  Reference  and  Committee  of 
Counsel  rolled  into  one.  The  proposals  of  the 
firm  were  accepted  by  its  employees  and  the 
co-partnery  arrangement  was  carried  out. 

A year  and  a half  later,  on  May  22,  Sir  Chris- 
topher Furness  and  two  others  purchased  an 
extensive  colliery,  the  Wingate  Colliery,  and 
made  a similar  proposition  to  the  workmen  there, 
offering  them  one  quarter  of  the  shares  of  the 
company  to  be  formed,  on  the  same  terms  of 
payment  as  in  the  case  of  the  ship-building  com- 
pany. This  gave  evidence  that  the  plan  had 
worked  satisfactorily  thus  far  in  its  earlier  trial. 

On  the  15th  of  Dec.,  1909,  the  secretary  of  the 
Company  addressed  a letter  to  its  Employe 
Shareholders,  saying:  “ I have  to  acquaint  you 
that  my  board  have  had  under  consideration  the 
working  of  the  company  since  the  adoption  of 
the  co  partnery  scheme,  and  I am  directed  to  say 
that  they  consider  the  results,  from  every  point 
of  view,  to  be  very  satisfactory.”  The  substan- 
tial results  to  the  employees  were  thus  stated : 

“ On  the  financial  side  you  will  also  be  pleased 
to  hear  that  the  working  results  are  equally  sat- 
isfactory. The  audited  accounts  up  to  Septem- 
ber 30  last,  and  the  estimated  results  from  that 
date  to  the  present  time,  show  such  a balance  as 
enables  the  directors  to  declare  a dividend.  They 
propose  therefore,  to  make  a distribution  on  the 
agreed  basis  of  the  scheme  — viz.,  the  guaran- 
teed 4 per  cent,  to  the  employe  shareholders,  the 
fixed  5 per  cent,  to  the  Ordinary  shareholders, 


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LABOR  REMUNERATION 


with  a bonus  of  5 per  cent,  to  both  classes  of 
shareholders.  This  will  yield  to  the  employe 
shareholders  a return  at  the  rate  of  9 per  cent, 
per  annum,  and  to  the  Ordinary  shareholders  at 
the  rate  of  10  per  cent,  per  annum,  for  the  nine 
months  ending  December  81,  1909. 

‘‘For  better  convenience  it  has  been  decided 
by  my  board  to  make  the  financial  year  end  on 
December  31. 

‘‘The  amount  due  to  each  employe  share- 
holder will  be  paid  at  the  offices  of  the  company 
at  the  respective  ship-yards  on  the  pay-day, 
Friday,  December  24.” 

Promising  as  this  plan  of  profit-sharing  ap- 
peared, it  did  not  prove  satisfactory  to  the  em- 
ployes, and,  on  the  1st  of  April,  1910,  they  voted 
against  its  continuance,  complaining  that  their 
expectation  of  full  employment  had  not  been 
realized,  and  that  the  system  tended  to  break  up 
trade  unions,  which  are  labor’s  surest  support 
and  defence. 

The  Plan  of  the  United  States  Steel  Cor- 
poration, and  other  Great  Corporations.  — 

“An  occurrence  of  tremendous  and  far-reaching 
importance  is  the  success  of  the  United  States 
Steel  Corporation’s  wage-earners’  investment 
and  profit-sharing  plan.  When  this  plan  was 
announced,  January  1,  [1903],  every  thoughtful 
man  in  the  country  gave  it  close  attention.  . . . 
With  all,  the  question  of  questions  was,  Will  it 
succeed  ? ...  We  have  not  been  compelled  to 
wait  long  for  the  answer.  The  directors  of  the 
Steel  Corporation  offered  25,000  shares  of  stock 
to  their  168,000  employees.  The  books  were  to 
be  kept  open  thirty  days.  No  one  dared  believe 
that  within  this  month,  while  the  plan  was  so 
new,  while  all  sorts  of  prejudices  or  fears  might 
deter  subscribers,  and  while  the  great  mass  of 
employees  would  still  be  studying  and  thinking 
about  the  offer  which  to  them  must  have  seemed 
somewhat  novel  and  complicated,  all  or  even 
■one-half  of  the  proffered  stock  would  be  taken 
up.  Yet,  when  the  books  closed  Saturday  even- 
ing, January  31,  it  was  found  that  the  25,000 
shares  offered  had  been  subscribed  for  more  than 
twice  over.  Twenty-seven  thousand  six  hun- 
dred and  thirty -three  employees  had  subscribed 
for  51,125  shares.  . . . 

“ The  company’s  proposal  was  to  share  profits 
with  all  employees  who  would  demonstrate 
their  interest  and  thrift  by  buying  the  company’s 
stock.  Consequently,  the  great  bulk  of  the 
stock  set  aside  for  purchase  by  employees  was 
offered  to  the  men  who  earn  the  smallest  salaries. 
This  was  done  by  dividing  the  168,000  em- 
ployees into  six  classes,  according  to  their  sala- 
ries — Class  A,  over  §20,000  a year ; Class  B, 
§10,000  to  §20,000,  down  to  Class  E,  §800  to 
§2,500  a year,  and  Class  F,  under  §800  a year  — 
and  then  by  limiting  the  amount  of  stock  em- 
ployees could  take  to  the  following  proportions 
of  their  annual  salaries  : Class  A,  5 per  cent. ; 
Class  B,  8 per  cent.;  Class  C,  10  per  cent. ; Class 
D,  12  per  cent.;  Class  E,  15  per  cent.;  and 
Class  F,  20  per  cent.  It  will  thus  be  seen  why 
90  per  cent,  of  all  the  stock  subscribed  for  in 
January  goes  to  the  two  classes  of  mechanics 
and  workmen  whose  salaries  are  under  §2,500 
a year. 

“The  method  is  really  a very  simple  one. 
Employees  subscribe  for  stock,  one  or  two 
shares  apiece.  The  shares  cost  §82.50,  or  less 
than  the  market  value.  Each  employee  pays 


in  monthly  installments,  taken  from  his  wages, 
and  he  may  have  the  payments  made  small  or 
large,  as  he  likes,  save  that  not  more  than  25 
per  cent,  of  his  wages  may  be  so  used  in  any 
month,  and  he  may  not  be  more  than  three 
years  in  completing  payment.  Dividends  at 
the  rate  of  7 per  cent,  a year  go  to  the  subscriber 
from  the  date  of  his  first  payment.  Interest  at 
5 per  cent,  is  charged  on  the  deferred  payments. 
In  other  words,  the  corporation  sells  stock  be- 
low the  market  price,  on  credit,  and  pays  the 
holder  2 per  cent,  a year  in  dividends  more  than 
he  has  to  pay  in  interest.  Here  is  a direct  in- 
ducement to  the  investment  of  savings.  But 
this  is  not  all.  Inducements  are  offered  the  em- 
ployee to  complete  payment  for  his  stock  and 
to  hold  it.  As  soon  as  he  has  fully  paid  for  it, 
the  certificate  is  issued  in  his  name,  and  he  is 
free  to  dispose  of  it.  But  to  make  it  worth  his 
while  to  hold  it  and  at  the  same  time  keep  his 
place  as  a working  partner  in  the  company’s 
service,  the  corporation  says  to  him : ‘ If  you 

hold  your  stock,  and  beginning  with  January 
next  year  you  show  it  to  the  treasurer  of  your 
company,  and  present  a letter  from  the  proper 
official  that  during  the  preceding  year  you  have 
been  in  the  employ  of  the  company,  and  have 
shown  a proper  interest  in  its  welfare  and  pro- 
gress, and  you  do  this  each  January  for  five 
years,  we  will  give  you,  in  addition  to  the  divi- 
dends paid  you,  a bonus  of  five  dollars  per 
share  for  each  year.  During  the  second  period 
of  five  years,  we  will  pay  you  a further  yearly 
bonus,  as  a reward  for  your  continuous  faithful 
service.’  The  amount  of  the  second  bonus 
cannot  now  be  fixed,  but  it  will  doubtless  be 
larger  than  the  first  one.  Ample  provision  is 
made  for  the  protection  of  subscribers  who 
from  one  cause  or  another  are  unable  to  com- 
plete payment.  Subscribers  who  discontinue 
payments  get  their  money  back  and  keep  the 
difference  between  the  7 per  cent,  dividends 
and  the  5 per  cent,  interest.  In  the  case  of  sub- 
scribers who  die  or  are  disabled  while  faithfully 
serving  the  corporation,  after  having  paid  for 
their  stock,  the  five  dollars  per  share  yearly 
bonus  is  not  lost,  but  is  paid  over  to  them  or 
to  their  estates.” — Walter  Wellman,  The  Steel 
Corporation  Points  the  Way  ( American  Review 
of  Reviews,  March,  1903). 

“On  December  31,  1908,  it  was  reported  that 
22,960  employees  had  purchased  shares  under 
this  plan  and  at  that  date  either  held  the  certi- 
ficates or  were  making  monthly  payments  for 
them  on  account.  This  is  about  10  per  cent, 
of  the  total  number  of  employees,  so  that  the 
scheme  has  not  failed  to  enlist  support.  Indeed, 
it  appears  that  in  certain  years,  in  1907,  for  in- 
stance, the  allotments  of  stock  to  employees 
were  over-subscribed  by  100  per  cent.  In  May 
of  this  present  year  it  was  announced  that 
since  the  scheme  went  into  effect  193,493  shares 
of  preferred  stock  and  15,318  of  common  stock 
had  been  sold  to  the  employees  at  a total 
price  of  §17,491,680.  For  1909,  the  preferred 
was  allotted  at  §110  per  share,  and  the  com- 
mon on  the  basis  of  §50  per  share.  Indeed, 
one  might  opine  that  of  late  the  attention  of 
the  lucky  employee-holders  might  have  been 
concentrated  more  on  the  ticker  than  on  the 
steel  hammer.  Their  paper  profits  have  been 
figured  at  over  §6,000,000,  and  it  is  asserted  that 
much  of  the  stock  has  been  sold  by  the  fortu- 


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LABOR  REMUNERATION 


nate  investors.” — N.  Y.  Evening  Post , July  29, 
1909. 

A plan  of  profit-sharing  with  its  employees 
similar  to  that  of  the  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation 
was  introduced  by  the  International  Harvester 
Company,  1909,  and  by  the  Youngstown  Sheet 
and  Tube  Company  at  about  the  same  time. 
The  plan  of  the  former  company  was  described 
very  fully  to  the  National  Civic  Federation,  at 
its  tenth  annual  meeting  in  New  York,  Novem- 
ber, 1909,  by  Mr.  George  W.  Perkins,  chairman 
of  the  finance  committee  of  the  company.  The 
result  of  the  plan  is  “ that  a man  begins  to  buy 
a share  of  the  company’s  stock  at  a price  below 
the  market  value;  he  is  allowed  to  pay  for  it  in 
instalments,  paying  5 per  cent,  interest  on  de- 
ferred payments ; he  is  credited  with  7 per  cent, 
dividends  on  the  preferred  stock  and  whatever 
dividends  are  declared  on  common  stock.  In  ad- 
dition to  this,  he  is  credited  with,  respectively, 
$4  and  $3  per  share,  each  year,  on  the  preferred 
and  common  stock,  and  at  the  end  of  five  years 
receives  a further  benefit  by  way  of  a share  in  a 
fund  made  up  of  such  §4  or  $3  deposits  as  are 
made  by  the  company  on  account  of  those  who 
do  not  continue  under  the  plan.  It  will  be  seen 
that  this  offers  the  men  an  exceedingly  satis- 
factory form  of  investment  in  the  business  in 
which  they  are  employed,  and  gives  to  the  com- 
pany the  great  advantage  of  anchoring  its  or- 
ganization to  the  business. 

‘‘The  stock  offered  last  summer  was  largely 
over  subscribed,  and  the  company  to-day  has 
more  than  4,300  employees  as  stockholders.” 

Wages  Regulation  by  Law. — The  Eng- 
lish Trade  Boards  Bill.  — To  Suppress 
“ Sweating  ” in  certain  Industries.  — A Bill 
known  as  the  Trade  Boards  Bill,  which  had 
passed  the  House  of  Commons  already,  had  its 
second  reading  in  the  House  of  Lords,  almost 
without  opposition  or  serious  criticism,  on  the 
20th  of  August,  1909.  The  second  reading  was 
moved  by  Lord  Hamilton  of  Dalzell,  who  said 
in  doing  so  that  “its  object  was  the  establish- 
ment of  a minimum  rate  of  wages  in  certain 
sweated  industries.  The  establishment  by  stat- 
ute of  a minimum  rate  of  wages  was,  he  sup- 
posed, anew  departure,  but  the  regulation  of  the 
conditions  of  labour  in  certain  trades  was  by  no 
means  new,  and  ever  since  the  passing  of  the  first 
Factory  Act  Parliament  had  from  time  to  time 
agreed  to  legislation  having  that  object.  Every 
one  knew  what  sweating  was,  and  every  one 
acknowledged  it  to  be  a great  evil.  It  was  not  a 
new  thing,  but  the  Government  were  of  opinion 
that  the  time  had  now  come  when  the  only 
practical  remedy  should  be  applied.  He  under- 
stood that  in  Germany  legislation  dealing  with 
this  subject  was  imminent.  He  commended 
that  fact  to  any  one  who  might  be  afraid  that 
by  legislation  of  this  sort  the  trade  of  this 
country  would  be  driven  abroad. 

“Asa  matter  of  fact  there  was  no  reason  to 
believe  that  any  trade  would  be  killed  by  the 
Bill.  He  did  not  know  of  any  better  proof  of 
that  than  was  found  in  the  fact  that  almost  all 
connected  with  the  trades  mentioned  in  the 
schedule,  both  masters  and  men,  warmly  sup- 
ported the  bill.  He  imagined  that  there  would 
be  a levelling  up  process.  Employers  who  had 
paid  fair  wages  would  continue  to  do  so;  em- 
ployers who  would  like  to  pay  fair  wages  but 
were  afraid  of  having  their  prices  cut  by  the 


class  below  would  now  be  able  to  do  so,  while 
the  genuine  sweater  would  have  to  pay  fair 
wages  whether  he  liked  it  or  not.  Girls  living 
at  home  with  their  families  and  married  women 
who  had  no  children  were  often  willing  to  work 
at  considerably  less  than  the  market  rate  for  the 
purpose  of  earning  a little  pocket  money,  and 
it  might  be  said  that  if  both  parties  were  agree- 
able to  this  arrangement  there  was  no  reason  to 
interfere.  Seeing,  however,  that  these  people 
dragged  down  the  level  of  wages  and  inflicted 
a serious  injury  on  those  who  had  to  carry  on 
trade  for  their  living,  they  were  included  in  the 
Bill.  If  their  work  was  worth  having,  it  must 
be  worth  paying  for.  The  trades  selected  for 
the  purpose  of  the  Bill  were  certain  parts  of 
the  tailoring  trade,  the  paper  box  making  trade, 
certain  parts  of  the  common  lace  finishing 
trade,  and  certain  parts  of  the  chain  making 
trade.  These  were  all  trades  in  which  sweating 
was  acknowledged  to  exist.  The  Bill  could  be 
extended  to  other  trades  by  a Provisional  Order 
Bill,  and  in  this  way  the  control  of  Parliament 
would  be  maintained.  The  minimum  rate  of 
wages  in  the  specified  trades  would  be  regulated 
by  a Central  Trade  Board  assisted  by  local  com- 
mittees. Notice  would  be  given  when  it  was 
intended  to  fix  a minimum  rate  of  wages,  and 
there  would  be  an  interval  of  three  months  to 
give  those  who  desired  to  raise  objections  an 
opportunity  of  being  heard.  During  the  inter- 
mediary period,  which  would  last  six  months, 
the  rate  of  wages  fixed  by  the  Board  would  not 
be  compulsory.  He  admitted  that  the  establish- 
ment of  a minimum  rate  of  wages  was  a new 
principle.  In  certain  quarters  it  had  been  ob- 
jected to  as  an  undue  interference  with  freedom 
of  contract,  but  the  principle  would  only  be 
applied  where  the  workpeople  had  shown  them- 
selves incapable  of  any  action  for  themselves. 
The  conditions  in  those  extreme  cases  clearly 
called  for  legislative  action,  in  the  interests  of 
the  community  as  well  as  of  the  workpeople 
themselves.” 

Almost  every  speaker  who  discussed  the  Bill, 
Liberal  and  Conservative  alike,  gave  it  cordial 
support. 

Wages  and  Cost  of  Living  : Germany  and 
England  compared,  1908-1909.  — Results  of 
a statistical  study  of  labor  conditions  in  Ger- 
many, compared  with  those  in  Great  Britain, 
were  published  by  the  British  Government  in 
the  summer  of  1908,  and  the  showing  favors  the 
British  workingmen.  As  nearly  as  the  different 
housing  of  their  class  in  the  two  countries  can 
be  compared,  the  average  of -German  rents  is  to 
rents  in  England  as  123  to  100;  while  the  cost  of 
food  to  the  Germans  is  to  that  of  the  English  as 
115  to  100.  On  the  side  of  necessary  expendi- 
ture, therefore,  the  wages  of  the  German  work- 
man are  drawn  upon  more  heavily  than  the  Eng 
lishman’s  by  fifteen  or  twenty  per  cent.,  at  the 
least.  In  other  words,  he  would  need  to  have 
higher  wages  than  the  Englishman,  by  as  much 
as  fifteen  or  twenty  per  cent.,  to  put  him  on  a 
footing  of  equality  with  the  latter  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  living.  Instead  of  which  his 
wages  are  lower  by  a number  of  points,  the  sta- 
tistical ratio  being  83  to  100  in  the  average  of 
weekly  wages,  and  75  to  100  in  the  average  of 
hourly  rates.  But  this  does  not  end  his  disad- 
vantages, for  he  renders  more  hours  of  work,  in 
the  measure  of  111  to  100.  Notwithstanding  all 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


which  handicaps,  it  is  quite  commonly  conceded 
that  the  German  workingman  is  physically  more 
vigorous  than  the  English,  as  a rule,  and  con- 
trives, by  more  thriftiness  in  his  living,  to  keep 
it  on  a higher  level.  Which  is  an  extraordinarily 
creditable  fact. 

That  the  German  workman  lives  and  labors 
under  the  conditions  produced  by  a high  protec- 
tive tariff,  which  is  claimed  to  be  protective  of 
high  wages  as  well  as  high  prices,  while  the 
British  workman’s  conditions  of  life  and  labor 
are  the  product  of  free  trade  in  everything  but 
a few  tariff-taxed  articles  of  luxury,  such  as 
wines,  tobacco,  silks,  jewels  and  the  like,  are 
facts  to  be  borne  in  mind  when  these  compari- 
sons are  considered. 

The  following  is  from  a report  by  the  British 
Consul-General  on  the  trade  and  commerce  of 
the  consular  district  of  Frankfort-on -the-Main 
for  the  year  ending  April  30,  1909. 

“ In  last  year’s  report  it  was  stated  that  the 
belief  was  gaining  ground  that  wages  in  Ger- 
many were  not  only  approaching  those  paid  in 
the  United  Kingdom  for  the  same  class  of  work, 
but  in  some  cases  even  exceeded  them.  That 
the  German  workman  to-day  lives  better  than 
he  used  to  there  can  be  little  doubt.  The  stand- 
ard of  life  has  been  raised  all  round  ; the  low- 
est aspect  and  standard  of  years  gone  by  no 
longer  exists.  Food  has  improved,  clothes  have 
improved,  Germany  has  become  a rich  country 
without  the  lowest  grades  of  poverty  which 
exist  elsewhere.  Wages  have  been  increased  in 
keeping  with  the  higher  level.  Yet  I do  not 
think  that,  generally  speaking,  the  German 
workman  lives  as  well  as  the  British  work- 
man.” 

After  giving  a table  relating  to  savings 
bank  deposits  the  report  says  that  while  during 
1900-5  the  number  of  deposit  books  increased 
by  22.7  percent,  and  the  total  deposits  by  44 
per  cent.,  during  1905-7  they  increased  by  only 
7.95  and  10  per  cent,  respectively.  This  is  con- 
sidered to  be  attributable  to  the  increased  cost 
of  living,  and  also  to  the  fact  that  “with  in- 
creasing wealth  people  are  apt  to  become  less 
thrifty.” 

France,  Germany,  and  England:  Work- 
men’s Living  Expenses  compared,  1909.  — 

A British  Board  of  Trade  report  on  the  condi- 
tions of  industrial  life  in  France,  published  in 
May,  1909,  summarizes  as  follows,  in  a prefa- 
tory note,  the  conclusions  drawn  from  the  mass 
of  facts  collected,  as  to  the  comparative  cost  of 
living  to  workmen  in  France,  Germany,  and 
England:  “As  regards  rents,  it  appears  that 
the  French  workman  pays  somewhat  less  than 
the  English  workman  for  a corresponding 
amount  of  housing  accommodation,  and  there- 
fore much  less  than  the  German  workman  ; but 
against  this  must  be  set  the  fact  that  his  hous- 
ing accommodation  is,  as  a rule,  decidedly  in- 
ferior in  quality.  The  difference  between  the 
rent-levels  of  the  capital  and  of  the  rest  of  the 
country  is  quite  as  marked  in  France  as  in  Eng 
land  or  Germany. 

“The  range  of  town  price-levels  is  not  very 
wide  in  any  one  of  the  three  countries  investi- 
gated, and  in  France,  as  in  the  other  two,  the 
differences  between  one  town  and  another  in 
the  cost  of  living  (so  far  as  it  relates  to  expend- 
iture on  food)  are,  as  a rule,  by  no  means 
great.  When  the  relative  levels  of  food -prices 


in  the  three  countries  are  compared,  so  far  as 
the  data  permit,  it  appears  that  the  general 
ratio  of  French  prices  to  English  prices  for  cor- 
responding commodities  is  the  same  as  that  of 
German  prices. 

“ On  the  assumption  which  has  been  adopted 
for  the  purposes  of  these  international  compari- 
sons it  follows  that  an  English  workman,  w'itli 
an  average  family,  who  should  go  to  France 
and  endeavour  to  maintain  there  his  accustomed 
mode  of  living,  would  find  his  expenditure  on 
rent,  food,  and  fuel  substantially  increased  — 
though  not  to  so  large  an  extent  as  if  he  had 
gone  to  Germany.  On  the  other  hand,  he  W'ould 
find  his  wages  to  be  lower  than  in  the  latter 
country  and  much  below  the  English  level,  in 
spite  of  longer  hours. 

“ The  results  of  the  comparison  are  some- 
what modified  if  we  take  as  its  basis  the  for- 
eign rather  than  the  English  mode  of  living.  A 
French  workman  living  in  England  according 
to  his  French  standard  would  find  a certain 
reduction  in  the  cost  of  food,  but  a rise  in  the 
cost  of  housing  accommodation.  On  the  whole 
his  expenses  of  living  would  be  somewhat  de- 
creased, but  in  a proportion  by  no  means  so 
great  as  that  by  which  the  English  workman 
would  find  his  expenses  increased  on  migration 
to  France.  ” 

United  States:  1905-6  compared  with  1890. 
— Gains  to  Labor. — Bulletin  No.  71  of  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor,  published  in 
July,  1907,  is  devoted  mainly  to  an  elaborate  re- 
port on  Wages  and  Hours  of  Labor  in  Manufac- 
turing Industries,  1890  to  1906,  exhibiting  “the 
average  wages  per  hour,  the  average  hours  of 
labor  per  week,  and  the  number  of  employees  in 
both  1905  and  1906,  in  the  leading  wage-working 
occupations  of  4,034  establishments  in  the  prin- 
cipal manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries 
of  the  United  States.”  The  report  does  not  cover 
salaried  employees  in  any  industries.  With  it,  in 
a separate  article,  the  retail  prices  of  food  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  country,  1890-1906,  are  tabu- 
lated. A summary  of  deductions  from  the  fig- 
ures detailed  is  submitted  by  way  of  preface  to 
the  tables  and  from  this  the  following  is  taken  : 

“In  the  year  1906  the  average  wages  per  hour 
in  the  principal  manufacturing  and  mechanical 
industries  of  the  country  were  4.5  per  cent 
higher  than  in  1905,  the  regular  hours  of  labor 
per  week  were  0.5  per  cent  lower  than  in  1905, 
and  the  number  of  employees  in  the  establish- 
ments investigated  was  7 per  cent  greater  than 
in  1905.  The  average  full-time  weekly  earnings 
per  employee  in  1906  were  3.9  per  cent  greater 
than  in  1905. 

“The  variation  in  the  purchasing  power  of 
wages  may  be  measured  by  using  the  retail 
prices  of  food,  the  expenditures  for  which  con- 
stitute nearly  half  of  the  expenditures  for  all 
purposes  in  a workingman’s  family.  Accord- 
ing to  that  article  [on  prices]  the  retail  prices  of 
food,  weighted  according  to  consumption  in  re- 
presentative workingmen’s  families,  were  2.9 
per  cent  higher  in  1906  than  in  1905.  As  the  ad- 
vance in  wages  per  hour  from  1905  to  1906  was 
greater  than  the  advance  in  the  retail  prices  of 
food,  the  purchasing  power  of  an  hour’s  wages, 
as  measured  by  food,  was  greater  in  1906  than 
in  1905.  In  1906  the  purchasing  power  of  an 
hour’s  wages  as  expended  for  food  was  1.4  per 
cent  greater  than  in  1905,  and  the  purchasing 


409 


LABOR  REMUNERATION 


LANSDOWNE 


power  of  a full  week’s  wages  was  1 per  cent 
greater  in  1906  than  in  1905,  or,  expressed  in 
other  words,  an  hour’s  wages  in  1906  in  the 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries  in  the 
United  States  would  purchase  1.4  per  cent  more 
food  than  an  hour's  wages  in  1905,  and  a full 
week’s  wages  in  1906  would  purchase  1 per  cent 
more  food  than  a full  week’s  wages  in  1905. 

“ As  compared  in  each  case  with  the  average 
for  the  years  from  1890  to  1899,  the  average 
wages  per  hour  in  1906  were  24.2  per  cent 
higher,  the  number  of  employees  in  the  estab- 
lishments investigated  was  42.9  per  cent 
greater,  and  the  average  hours  of  labor  per 
week  were  4.6  per  cent  lower.  The  average 
earnings  per  employee  per  full  week  in  1906 
were  18.5  per  cent  higher  than  the  average  earn- 
ings per  full  week  during  the  ten  years  from 
1890  to  1899. 

“The  retail  price  of  the  principal  articles  of 
food,  weighted  according  to  family  consumption 
of  the  various  articles,  was  15.7  per  cent  higher 
in  1906  than  the  average  price  for  the  ten  years 
from  1890  to  1899.  Compared  with  the  average 
for  the  same  ten-year  period,  the  purchasing 
power  of  an  hour’s  wages  in  1906  was  7.3  per 
cent  greater,  and  of  a full  week’s  wages  2.4  per 
cent  greater,  the  increase  in  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  full  week’s  wages  being  less  than 
the  increase  in  the  purchasing  power  of  hourly 
wages,  because  of  the  reduction  in  the  hours  of 
labor.” 

In  40  of  the  41  industries  covered  by  this  re- 
port the  greatest  increase  of  wages  “was  in  the 
manufacture  of  cotton  goods,  where  the  average 
wages  per  hour  in  1906  were  11.2  per  cent 
higher  than  the  average  wages  per  hour  in  1905. 
In  the  manufacture  of  electrical  apparatus  and 
supplies  there  was  an  increase  in  wages  per  hour 
of  10.1  per  cent.  In  street  and  sewer  work  done 
by  contract  the  increase  in  wages  per  hour  was 


8.7  per  cent;  in  iron  and  steel,  Bessemer  con- 
verting, 8.5  per  cent,  and  in  the  manufacture  of 
cigars,  8.4  per  cent.  In  the  manufacture  of  bar 
iron  the  increase  in  wages  per  hour  was  6.9  per 
cent,  and  in  the  building  trades  6.1  per  cent. 
Briefly  stated,  two  industries  show  an  increase 
in  hourly  wages  of  more  than  10  per  cent,  7 in- 
dustries an  increase  of  5 per  cent  but  less  than 
10  per  cent,  and  31  industries  an  increase  of  less 
than  5 per  cent.  In  one  industry,  paper  and  wood 
pulp,  there  was  a decrease  of  wages  of  1.1  per 
cent.  In  the  industries  as  a whole,  weighted 
according  to  importance,  the  increase  in  wages 
was  4.5  per  cent.  . . . 

“The  per  cent  of  change  in  hours  of  labor 
in  1906,  as  compared  with  1905,  was  not  so  great 
as  the  per  cent  of  change  in  wages  per  hour.  In 
5 industries  there  was  a decrease  of  hours  of  1 
per  cent  or  more,  while  in  25  industries  there 
wTas  a decrease  of  less  than  1 per  cent.  In  5 in- 
dustries there  was  an  increase  in  hours  of  labor 
per  week ; in  no  instance,  however,  was  the  in- 
crease more  than  0.3  per  cent.  Five  industries 
show  no  change  in  hours  of  labor.  The  hours  of 
labor  were  not  reported  for  slaughtering  and 
meat  packing,  for  the  reason  set  forth  in  foot- 
note on  page  58.  The  decrease  in  hours  of  labor 
in  the  industries  taken  as  a whole  was  0.5  per 
cent. 

“ In  1906  there  was  an  increase  in  the  retail 
price  of  food,  weighted  according  to  family  con- 
sumption of  2.9  per  cent  as  compared  with  1905, 
an  increase  of  3.6  per  cent  as  compared  with 
1904,  an  increase  of  4.9  per  cent  as  compared 
with  1903.  an  increase  of  4.3  per  cent  as  com- 
pared with  1902,  and  an  increase  of  10  per  cent 
as  compared  with  1901.  The  retail  price  of  food 
was  21.2  per  cent  higher  in  1906  than  in  1896, 
the  year  of  lowest  prices,  and  15.7  per  cent 
higher  than  the  average  price  for  the  ten  years, 
1890  to  1899.” 


LABOR  TRAINING:  Technical  and  In- 
dustrial Education.  See  Education. 

LADRONES.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine 
Islands  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

LAFAYETTE,  Marquis  de : Represent- 
atives of  the  Family  invited  Guests  of  the 
United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902  (May). 

LA  FOLLETTE,  Robert  Marion.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Wisconsin  : A.  D.  1900-1909 ; also, 
Public  Utilities,  Regulation  of. 

LAGERLOF,  Selma.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

LAKES  -TO-THE-GULF  DEEP 
WATERWAY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conser- 
vation  of  Natural  Resources  : United 

States. 

LALLA  R’KIA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mo- 
rocco : A.  D.  1903. 

LAMA,  The  Dalai.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet. 

LAMSDORFF,  Count:  Russian  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1901-1904. 

LAND:  In  the  United  States:  Reclama- 
tion of  Arid  Lands.  — Wasteful  Culture.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources. 

The  Small  Holdings  Act  in  Great  Britain. 

See  England:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

T axation  proposed  in  the  British  Budget  of 
1909.  SeeENGLAND’  A.  D.  1909  (Apiiil-Dec.). 


LAND  LAWS,  Irish  : The  working  of  the 
Successive  Laws.  — The  Act  of  1903.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D.  1870-1903,  1905. 

Russian:  The  Agrarian  Law.  See  Rus- 
sia: A.  D.  1909  (April). 

LAND  OFFICE  FRAUDS.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

LAND  PURCHASE  ACT,  of  1909,  Irish. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D.  1909. 

LAND  QUESTION,  in  Australia.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Immigration  and  Emigration  : 
Australia. 

LAND,  RUSSIAN  CROWN:  Sale  to 
Peasants  opened.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia: 
A.  D.  1906. 

LAND  SYSTEM,  of  New  Zealand.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  New  Zealand:  A.  D.  1905. 

LANDIS,  Judge  K.  M. : Judgment  against 
the  Standard  Oil  Company,  imposing  a Fine 
of  $29,000,000.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c.:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1904-1909. 

LANDLORDISM  : Overthrown  Politi- 

cally in  Denmark.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Den- 
mark : A.  D.  1901. 

LANGLEY,  Samuel  P.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Aero- 
nautics. 

LANSDOWNE,  Henry  Charles,  Mar- 
quess of:  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs. — 
Despatch  explanatory  of  Agreements  be- 


LANSDOWNE 


LAW  AND  ITS  COUNTS 


tween  England  and  France,  April,  1904. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1904  (April). 

On  each  of  the  Two  Defensive  Agreements 
with  Japan.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1902,  and  1905 
(Aug.). 

On  the  Budget  of  1909.  See  England  : A. 
D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

LARRINAGA,  Tulio:  Delegate  to  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

LATHAM,  Hubert.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention  ; Recent  : Aeronautics. 

LATIN  BIBLE,  Revised  Translation  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

LAURIER,  Sir  Wilfred,  Premier  of  Can- 
ada: At  Colonial  Conference  in  London, 
1902.  See  British  Empire. 

At  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See 
British  Empire:  A.  D.  1907. 

LAURIER  MINISTRY:  Supported  ill 
the  Canadian  Elections,  1904.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1904. 

LAVERAN,  Charles  L.  A.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS:  England: 
Institution  of  a Court  of  Criminal  Appeal.  — 

An  important  innovation  in  the  administration 
of  criminal  law  was  introduced  in  Great  Britain 
by  an  Act  of  Parliament  “ to  Establish  a Court 
of  Criminal  Appeal,”  approved  August  28,  1907. 
In  part,  the  enactment  was  as  follows  : 

“ 1.  — (1)  There  shall  be  a Court  of  Criminal 
Appeal,  and  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England 
and  eight  judges  of  the  King’s  Bench  Division 
of  the  High  Court,  appointed  for  the  purpose 
by  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  with  the  consent  of 
the  Lord  Chancellor  for  such  period  as  he  thinks 
desirable  in  each  case,  shall  be  judges  of  that 
court. 

“ (2)  For  the  purpose  of  hearing  and  determin- 
ing appeals  under  this  Act,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  any  other  proceedings  under  this  Act,  the 
Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  shall  be  summoned  in 
accordance  with  directions  given  by  the  Lord 
Chief  Justice  of  England  with  the  consent  of 
the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  the  court  shall  be  duly 
constituted  if  it  consists  of  not  less  than  three 
judges  and  of  an  uneven  number  of  judges. 

“If  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  so  directs,  the 
court  may  sit  in  two  or  more  divisions.  The 
court  shall  sit  in  London  except  in  cases  where 
the  Lord  Chief  Justice  gives  special  directions 
that  it  shall  sit  at  some  other  place.  . . . 

“3.  A person  convicted  on  indictment  may 
appeal  under  this  Act  to  the  Court  of  Criminal 
Appeal  — (a)  against  his  conviction  on  any 
ground  of  appeal  which  involves  a question  of 
law  alone ; and  (5)  with  the  leave  of  the  Court 
of  Criminal  Appeal  or  upon  the  certificate  of  the 
Judge  who  tried  him  that  it  is  a fit  case  for 
appeal  against  his  conviction  on  any  ground  of 
appeal  which  involves  a question  of  fact  alone 
or  a question  of  mixed  law  and  fact,  or  any  other 
ground  which  appears  to  the  court  to  be  a suffi- 
cient ground  of  appeal ; and  (c)  with  the  leave 
of  the  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  against  the  sen- 
tence passed  on  his  conviction,  unless  the  sen- 
tence is  one  fixed  by  law. 

“4.  — (1)  The  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  on 
any  such  appeal  against  conviction  shall  allow 
the  appeal  if  they  think  that  the  verdict  of  the 
jury  should  be  set  aside  on  the  ground  that  it 
is  unreasonable  or  cannot  be  supported  having 


regard  to  the  evidence,  or  that  the  judgment  of 
the  court  before  whom  the  appellant  was  con- 
victed should  be  set  aside  on  the  ground  of  a 
wrong  decision  of  any  question  of  law  or  that  on 
any  ground  there  was  a miscarriage  of  j ustice, 
and  in  any  other  case  shall  dismiss  the  appeal : 
Provided  that  the  court  may,  notwithstanding 
that  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  point  raised  in 
the  appeal  might  be  decided  in  favour  of  the  ap- 
pellant, dismiss  the  appeal  if  they  consider  that 
no  substantial  miscarriage  of  justice  has  actu- 
ally occurred. 

“(2)  Subject  to  the  special  provisions  of  this 
Act,  the  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  shall,  if  they 
allow  an  appeal  against  conviction,  quash  the 
conviction  and  direct  a judgment  and  verdict 
of  acquittal  to  be  entered. 

“ (3)  On  an  appeal  against  sentence  the  Court 
of  Criminal  Appeal  shall,  if  they  think  that  a 
different  sentence  should  have  been  passed, 
quash  the  sentence  passed  at  the  trial,  and  pass 
such  other  sentence  warranted  in  law  by  the 
verdict  (whether  more  or  less  severe)  in  substi- 
tution therefor  as  they  think  ought  to  have  been 
passed,  and  in  any  other  case  shall  dismiss  the 
appeal. 

“ 5.  — (1)  If  it  appears  to  the  Court  of  Crim- 
inal Appeal  that  an  appellant,  though  not  pro- 
perly convicted  on  some  count  or  part  of  the  in- 
dictment, has  been  properly  convicted  on  some 
other  count  or  part  of  the  indictment,  the  court 
may  either  affirm  the  sentence  passed  on  the 
appellant  at  the  trial,  or  pass  such  sentence  in 
substitution  therefor  as  they  think  proper,  and 
as  may  be  warranted  in  law  by  the  verdict  on 
the  count  or  part  of  the  indictment  on  which 
the  court  consider  that  the  appellant  has  been 
properly  convicted. 

“(2)  Where  an  appellant  has  been  convicted 
of  an  offence  and  the  jury  could  on  the  indict- 
ment have  found  him  guilty  of  some  other  of- 
fence, and  on  the  finding  of  the  jury  it  appears 
to  the  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  that  the  jury 
must  have  been  satisfied  of  facts  which  proved 
him  guilty  of  that  other  offence,  the  court  may, 
instead  of  allowing  or  dismissing  the  appeal, 
substitute  for  the  verdict  found  by  the  jury  a 
verdict  of  guilty  of  that  other  offence,  and  pass 
such  sentence  in  substitution  for  the  sentence 
passed  at  the  trial  as  may  be  warranted  in  law 
for  that  other  offence,  not  being  a sentence  of 
greater  severity. 

“ (3)  Where  on  the  conviction  of  the  appellant 
the  jury  have  found  a special  verdict,  and  the 
Court  of  Criminal  Appeal  consider  that  a wrong 
conclusion  has  been  arrived  at  by  the  court  before 
which  the  appellant  has  been  convicted  on  the 
effect  of  that  verdict,  the  Court  of  Criminal  Ap- 
peal may,  instead  of  allowing  the  appeal,  order 
such  conclusion  to  be  recorded  as  appears  to  the 
court  to  be  in  law  required  by  the  verdict,  and 
pass  such  sentence  in  substitution  for  the  sen- 
tence passed  at  the  trial  as  may  be  warranted  in 
law. 

“ (4)  If  on  any  appeal  it  appears  to  the  Court 
of  Criminal  Appeal  that,  although  the  appellant 
was  guilty  of  the  act  or  omission  charged  against 
him,  he  was  insane  at  the  time  the  act  was  done 
or  omission  made  so  as  not  to  be  responsible  ac- 
cording to  law  for  his  actions,  the  court  may 
quash  the  sentence  passed  at  the  trial  and  order 
the  appellant  to  be  kept  in  custody  as  a criminal 
lunatic.” 


411 


LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS 


LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS 


France:  Reform  of  Judicial  Procedure  in 
Criminal  Trials.  — Criticism  of  French  judi- 
cial procedure  in  criminal  trials,  under  the 
system  which  puts  the  duties  of  a prosecuting 
attorney  on  the  judge,  was  much  sharpened  in 
the  autum  of  1909  by  the  attention  drawn  to  a 
sensational  murder  trial  at  Paris  — the  Steinheil 
case.  The  result  was  to  impel  the  Government 
to  undertake  measures  of  reform,  beginning 
with  the  appointment,  November  20,  of  an 
extra-Parliamentary  commission  to  study  the 
whole  question  of  reform.  Within  a month 
after  the  appointment  of  the  commission  one  of 
its  leading  members,  in  an  article  in  the  Matin, 
indicated  the  main  points  of  the  recommenda- 
tions which  the  commission  was  already  pre- 
pared to  make.  It  would  recommend  that  the 
authority  of  the  President  of  the  Assize  Court 
should  remain  intact,  and  that  the  Judge  should 
as  heretofore  continue  to  direct  the  jury  and 
preside  over  the  whole  process  of  the  instruc- 
tion or  preliminary  inquiry.  In  the  view  of  the 
Commission  the  Judge's  moral  authority  cannot 
but  be  augmented  by  the  proposal  to  relieve  him 
of  the  duty  of  cross-examining  a prisoner  at  the 
bar.  It  would  be  recommended  that  in  future 
a summary  statement  of  the  case  by  the  Public 
Prosecutor,  or  in  a civil  suit  by  the  plaintiff, 
should  be  followed  by  a presentation  of  the 
defendant’s  case  on  the  part  of  counsel  for  the 
defence.  The  jury  would  thus  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  issue,  and  the  witnesses  would 
then  be  called.  Each  witness  would  be  liable  to 
cross-examination  on  behalf  both  of  the  defence 
and  of  the  prosecution,  and  the  Judge,  remain- 
ing aloof  from  the  discussion  in  his  new  rule  as 
arbitrator,  could  not  but  gain  moral  authority 
in  a degree  which  would  materially  promote  the 
ends  of  even-handed  justice. 

A Bill  on  these  lines  was  introduced  by  the 
Minister  of  Justice  in  the  following  month. 

International:  Naval  Prize  Court,  and 
proposed  Judicial  Arbitration  Court.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D. 
1909  (Oct.). 

United  States  : The  Question  of  Injunc- 
tions in  Labor  Disputes.  - — - The  question  of  the 
issuance  of  writs  of  injunction  by  the  courts  in 
connection  with  labor  disputes  came  much  into 
discussion  during  the  canvass  preliminary  to  the 
American  presidential  election  of  1908,  and  was 
a prominent  subject  of  declaration  in  the  plat- 
forms of  the  political  parties  (see,  in  this  vol., 
United  States  : A.  D.  1908,  April-Nov.). 
Subsequently,  President  Taft,  in  his  first  annual 
message  to  Congress,  cited  the  pronouncement 
of  the  Republican  party  on  this  question,  and 
said:  “I  recommend  that  in  compliance  with 
the  promise  thus  made,  appropriate  legislation 
be  adopted.  The  ends  of  justice  will  best  be  met 
and  the  chief  cause  of  complaint  against  ill-con- 
sidered injunctions  without  notice  will  be  re- 
moved by  the  enactment  of  a statute  forbidding 
hereafter  the  issuing  of  any  injunction  or  re- 
straining order,  whether  temporary  or  perma- 
nent, by  any  Federal  court,  without  previous 
notice  and  a reasonable  opportunity  to  be  heard 
on  behalf  of  the  parties  to  be  enjoined  ; unless 
it  shall  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  court 
that  the  delay  necessary  to  give  such  notice  and 
hearing  would  result  in  irreparable  injury  to  the 
complainant  and  unless  also  the  court  shall  from 
the  evidence  make  a written  finding,  which  shall 


be  spread  upon  the  court  minutes,  that  immedi- 
ate and  irreparable  injury  is  likely  to  ensue  to 
the  complainant,  and  shall  define  the  injury, 
state  why  it  is  irreparable,  and  shall  also  endorse 
on  the  order  issued  the  date  and  the  hour  of  the 
issuance  of  the  order.  Moreover,  every  such 
injunction  or  restraining  order  issued  without 
previous  notice  and  opportunity  by  the  defend- 
ant to  be  heard  should  by  force  of  the  statute 
expire  and  be  of  no  effect  after  seven  days  from 
the  issuance  thereof,  or  within  any  time  less 
than  that  period  which  the  court  may  fix,  unless 
within  such  seven  days  or  such  less  period,  the 
injunction  or  order  is  extended  or  renewed  after 
previous  notice  and  opportunity  to  be  heard.” 
National  and  State  Legislation.  — Need 
of  Uniformity.- — Movements  to  secure  it. — 
Speaking  in  1906  at  a dinner  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Society,  the  Hon.  Elihu  Root,  then  U.  S. 
Secretary  of  State,  addressed,  in  a few  words,  a 
very  pregnant  suggestion  and  admonition  to  the 
lawmakers  of  the  States  in  the  American  Union. 
He  spoke  first  of  the  strongly  nationalized  sen- 
timent of  patriotism  that  has  had  its  rapid 
growth  of  late  in  the  country,  saying:  “Our 
country  as  a whole,  the  noble  and  beloved  land 
of  every  citizen  of  every  State,  has  become  the 
object  of  pride  and  devotion  among  all  our 
people.  North  and  South,  within  the  limits  of 
the  proud  old  colonial  commonwealths,  through 
out  that  vast  region  where  Burr  once  dreamed 
of  a separate  empire  dominating  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  upon  the  far  distant  shores 
of  the  Pacific : and  by  the  side  of  this  strong 
and  glowing  loyalty  to  the  nation,  sentiment 
for  the  separate  States  has  become  dim  and 
faint  in  comparison.”  Then  he  added,  warn 
ingly  : “There  is  but  one  way  in  which  the 
States  of  the  Union  can  maintain  their  power 
and  authority  under  the  conditions  which  are 
now  before  us,  and  that  way  is  by  an  awaken- 
ing on  the  part  of  the  States  to  a realization  of 
their  own  duties  to  the  country  at  large.  Un- 
der the  conditions  which  now  exist,  no  State 
can  live  unto  itself  alone  and  regulate  its  affairs 
with  sole  reference  to  its  own  treasury,  its  own 
convenience,  its  own  special  interests.  Every 
State  is  bound  to  frame  its  legislation  and  its 
administration  with  reference  not  only  to  its 
own  social  affairs  but  with  reference  to  the  effect 
upon  all  its  sister  States.” 

Quoting  and  affirming  these  remarks  of  the 
thoughtful  statesman,  the  National  Civic  Feder- 
ation Review,  of  July,  1909,  says:  “The  plain 
truth  is  that  the  movement  of  people  and  of 
merchandise  goes  on  in  our  day  without  any  re- 
gard to  State  lines;  and  it  is  becoming  increas- 
ingly clear  that  unless  the  States  will  legislate 
with  substantial  uniformity  on  a number  of  sub- 
jects the  tendency  toward  centralization  and  a 
corresponding  increase  of  Federal  power  cannot 
permanently  be  resisted.” 

In  its  preceding  issue,  of  March,  the  Review 
had  made  the  following  announcement:  “The 
National  Civic  Federation,  through  its  experi- 
ence in  holding  national  conferences  on  such  sub- 
jects as  the  trusts,  taxation,  immigration  and 
election  reform  — conferences  to  which  the  Gov- 
ernors of  States  sent  official  representatives  — 
has  become  impressed  with  the  necessity  for  a 
systematic  national  effort  toward  securing, 
within  reasonable  limits,  more  uniform  legisla- 
tion in  the  States  of  the  Union. 


412 


LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS 


LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS 


“There  are  useful  national  organizations  of 
farmers,  manufacturers,  wage-earners,  bankers, 
merchants,  lawyers,  economists  and  other  organ- 
izations which  hold  national  meetings  for  the 
discussion  of  alfairs  peculiar  to  their  own  pur- 
suits and  callings.  The  Civic  Federation,  how- 
ever, provides  a forum  in  its  annual  conference 
for  representatives  of  all  these  elements  to  dis- 
cuss national  problems  in  which  they  have  a 
common  interest.  Heretofore  there  has  been  no 
effort  to  crystallize  into  State  organizations  this 
representative  membership  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  concrete  aims. 

“ A committee  has  been  appointed  to  organize 
a Council  of  one  hundred  representative  men  in 
each  State.  Mr.  John  Hays  Hammond  has  ac- 
cepted the  chairmanship  of  this  committee,  of 
which  the  following  are  also  members:  Messrs. 
Alton  B.  Parker,  New  York;  Myron  T.  Herrick, 
Ohio ; David  R.  Francis,  Missouri ; Curtis  Guild, 
Jr.,  Massachusetts;  Nahum  J.  Bachelder,  New 
Hampshire ; Edwin  Warfield,  Maryland ; Herman 
Ridder,  New  York;  C.  F.  Brooker,  Connecticut; 
Bruce  Haldeman,  Kentucky;  Victor  Rosewater, 
Nebraska;  Clark  Howell,  Georgia;  P.  I.  Bone- 
brake,  Kansas;  James  Lynch,  Indiana;  Harry 
Pratt  Judson,  Illinois;  A.  H.  Revell,  Illinois; 
John  B.  Lennon,  Illinois;  John  H.  Holliday, 
Indiana,  and  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler,  California. 

“The  continued  existence  for  eighteen  years  of 
the  Annual  Conference  of  Commissioners  on 
Uniform  State  Law's,  created  by  the  different 
States  at  the  instance  of  the  American  Bar  As- 
sociation, shows  that  the  State  Executives  and 
Legislatures  are  fully  alive  to  the  importance  of 
this  subject.  The  last-named  organization  has 
been  instrumental  in  securing  the  passage  in 
thirty-five  States  of  a uniform  negotiable  instru- 
ments law,  and  is  promoting  other  commercial 
measures,  including  a uniform  food  law  to  con- 
form to  the  national  law. 

“This  necessity  for  uniform  legislation  is  fur- 
ther illustrated  by  the  proceedings  at  the  annual 
meetings  of  the  National  Association  of  the 
State  Attorneys  General  and  of  the  State  Labor 
Commissioners,  Insurance  Commissioners,  etc., 
etc.” 

Discussing  the  subject  in  the  July  issue  of  the 
Review,  President  Amasa  M.  Eaton  of  the  Com- 
missioners on  Uniform  State  Laws,  said:  “The 
subject  of  uniform  legislation  is  in  the  air  all 
over  the  United  States.  At  the  instance  of  the 
President,  a National  Conference  to  secure  the 
conservation  of  our  national  resources  has  been 
held  in  Washington,  and  to  carry  into  effect  the 
conclusions  of  this  Conference  there  must  follow 
uniform  State  legislation.  At  the  instance  of 
Governor  Guild  a conference  of  the  Governors 
of  the  New  England  States,  with  other  dele- 
gates, met  in  Boston  last  fall  on  the  subject  of 
forestry,  shell  fisheries  and  automobiles,  all  sub- 
jects calling  for  uniform  legislation.  A similar 
conference  of  the  Governors  of  New  York  and 
the  adjoining  States  has  met  in  New  York,  at 
the  instance  of  Governor  Hughes  of  New  York, 
to  consider  a uniform  automobile  law.  A Na- 
tional Divorce  Congress,  called  by  Governor 
Pennypacker  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  Pennsylvania,  has  framed  a uniform 
divorce  law  which  has  been  indorsed  by  the 
Conference  of  Commissioners  on  Uniform  State 
Laws.  In  March  a Conference  on  Uniform 
Child  Labor  Laws  in  the  Southern  States  was 

4 


held  in  New  Orleans  at  the  call  of  the  Governor 
of  Louisiana,  at  which  the  Governors  and  Dele- 
gates of  those  States  were  present.  The  result 
was  the  formation  of  a permanent  organization, 
with  the  Governor  of  Louisiana  as  Chairman, 
and  the  executive  committee  of  that  organization 
is  to  draft  a Uniform  Child  Labor  Law  and  to 
submit  it  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several  South- 
ern States. 

“All  these  are  but  expressions  of  the  deep- 
seated  necessity  for  uniform  legislation  that  has 
existed  ever  since  we  acquired  our  independence 
of  Great  Britain,  intensified  by  the  requirements 
of  a progressive  civilization  knitting  us  ever 
more  and  more  closely  into  union  as  a nation.” 

The  whole  movement  was  planned  to  receive 
effective  organization  at  a National  Conference 
in  Washington  which  the  National  Civic  Fed- 
eration, after  consultation  with  other  bodies, 
announced,  in  the  summer  of  1909,  its  intention 
to  call,  for  January  5-7,  1910.  The  Conference 
was  held  accordingly,  in  conjunction  with  a meet- 
ing of  the  Governors  of  States,  which  gave  at 
tention  to  the  same  subject. 

President  Taft’s  Recommendations  for 
Expediting  Procedure.  — The  following  is 
from  President  Taft’s  first  annual  Message  to 
Congress,  December,  1909:  “ The  deplorable 
delays  in  the  administration  of  civil  and  crim- 
inal law  have  received  the  attention  of  commit- 
tees of  the  American  Bar  Association  and  of 
many  State  Bar  Associations,  as  well  as  the  con- 
sidered thought  of  judges  and  jurists.  In  my 
judgment,  a change  in  judicial  procedure,  with 
a view  to  reducing  its  expense  to  private  liti- 
gants in  civil  cases  and  facilitating  the  dis- 
patch of  business  and  final  decision  in  both  civil 
and  criminal  cases,  constitutes  the  greatest  need 
in  our  American  institutions.  I do  not  doubt  for 
one  moment  that  much  of  the  lawless  violence 
and  cruelty  exhibited  in  lynchings  is  directly 
due  to  the  uncertainties  and  injustice  growing 
out  of  the  delays  in  trials,  judgments,  and  the 
executions  thereof  by  our  courts.  Of  course, 
these  remarks  apply  quite  as  well  to  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  in  State  courts  as  to  that  in 
Federal  courts,  and  without  making  invidious 
distinction,  it  is,  perhaps,  not  too  much  to  say 
that,  speaking  generally,  the  defects  are  less  in 
the  Federal  courts  than  in  the  State  courts.  But 
they  are  very  great  in  the  Federal  courts.  The 
expedition  with  which  business  is  disposed  of 
both  on  the  civil  and  the  criminal  side  of  Eng- 
lish courts,  under  modern  rules  of  procedure, 
makes  the  delays  in  our  courts  seem  archaic  and 
barbarous. 

“ The  procedure  in  the  Federal  courts  should 
furnish  an  example  for  the  State  courts.  I pre- 
sume it  is  impossible,  without  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  to  unite  under  one  form  of  ac- 
tion the  proceedings  at  common  law  and  pro- 
ceedings in  equity  in  the  Federal  courts,  but  it 
is  certainly  not  impossible  by  a statute  to  sim- 
plify and  make  short  and  direct  the  procedure 
both  at  law  and  in  equity  in  those  courts.  It  is 
not  impossible  to  cut  down  still  more  than  it  is 
cut  down  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court 
so  as  to  confine  it  almost  wholly  to  statutory 
and  constitutional  questions.  Under  the  present 
statutes,  the  equity  and  admiralty  procedure  in 
the  Federal  courts  is  under  the  control  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  but  in  the  pressure  of  business 
to  which  that  court  is  subjected,  it  is  impossible 

3 


LAW  AND  ITS  COURTS 


LIBERIA,  1907-1909 


to  hope  that  a radical  and  proper  reform  of  the 
Federal  equity  procedure  can  be  brought  about. 
I therefore  recommend  legislation  providing  for 
the  appointment  by  the  President  of  a commis- 
sion with  authority  to  examine  the  law  and 
equity  procedure  of  the  Federal  courts  of  first 
instance,  the  law  of  appeals  from  those  courts 
to  the  courts  of  appeals  and  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  costs  imposed  in  such  procedure 
upon  the  private  litigants  and  upon  the  public 
treasury,  and  make  recommendation  with  a 
view  to  simplifying  and  expediting  the  pro- 
cedure as  far  as  possible,  and  making  it  as  in- 
expensive as  may  be  to  the  litigant  of  little 
means.” 

See,  also,  Crime  and  Criminology. 

LEAGUE,  All-India  Moslem.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907  (Dec.). 

LEAGUE  OF  LIBERATION.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

LEAGUE  OF  UNION  AND  PRO- 
GRESS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

LECOT,  Cardinal.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

LEGARDA,  Benito.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1901. 

LEGISLATION.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Law 
and  its  Courts. 

LEGUIA,  Augusto  B. : President  of  Peru. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Peru:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

LENARD,  Philippe.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 

LEO  XIII.:  Death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Pa- 
pacy : A.  D.  1903  (July-Aug.). 

LEOPOLD  II.,  King  of  Belgium:  His 
Administration  of  the  Congo  State.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Congo  State. 

His  death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Belgium  : 
A.  D.  1909  (Dec.). 

LERROUX,  Senor:  Socialist-Republican 
Leader  in  Spain.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain: 
A.  D.  1907-1909. 

LESE  MAJESTE  : Prosecutions  in  Ger- 
many. See  (in  this  vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1903. 

LETCHWORTH  PARK.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  New  York  State  : A.  D.  1907. 

LEWIS,  Thomas  L.  : President  of  the 
United  Mine  Workers  of  America.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 

States  : A.  D.  1909. 

LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPOSITION. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Portland,  Oregon. 

LEWIS  ESTATE,  Evicted  Tenants  of 
the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ireland  : A.  D.  1907. 

LHASA:  A.  D.  1904.  — Reached  by  Brit- 
ish Expedition  under  Colonel  Younghus- 
band.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet:  A.  D.  1902- 
1904. 

LIAO-TUNG  PENINSULA.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb  -July). 

LIAO-YANG,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 

LIAUTEY,  General:  Operations  in  Mo- 
rocco. See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909,  and  1909. 

LIBERAL -CONSERVATIVE  SEPA- 
RATIST PARTY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Aus- 
tria-Hungary : A.  D.  1904. 

LIBERIA:  A.  D.  1904-1905. — Good  Re- 
lations between  Colonists  and  Natives. — 
Improved  Prospects. — “ When  it  was  de- 
cided in  the  United  States  to  found  a home  for 


repatriated  Africans,  the  prior  experiment  of 
Sierra  Leone  turned  attention  toward  the  same 
coast,  and  in  1821  and  at  subsequent  dates 
settlements  were  effected,  firstly  at  Monrovia, 
and  later  on  at  Roberts  Port,  Grand  Basa,  Sino, 
and  Harper  (Cape  Palmas).  Usually  those  who 
conducted  the  enterprise  went  through  the  form 
of  buying  small  plats  of  land  from  local  head- 
men  or  chiefs  ; but,  as  a rule,  the  promoters  of 
this  movement  did  not  trouble  overmuch  about 
the  rights  of  the  ‘ bush  niggers,’  as  the  indige- 
nous natives  were  termed.  Consequently  the 
first  fifty  years  of  the  history  of  Liberia  were 
marked  by  constant  struggles  between  the 
American-Liberian  invaders  and  the  Dative 
blacks.  During  the  last  ten  years,  however, 
there  has  been  a marked  advance  in  good  rela- 
tions between  the  American  settlers  and  their 
native  subjects,  as  many  of  them  may  fairly  be 
called.  The  wise  policy  of  President  Barclay 
has  greatly  promoted  this  good  feeling  since 
1904.  He  has  been  able  to  assemble  at  different 
times  at  the  capital  chiefs  or  their  representa- 
tives from  almost  all  parts  of  Liberia,  even  from 
the  Mandingo  districts  just  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  coast  belt.  Therefore  they  have  no  subject 
of  disagreement.  Curiously  enough  one  exam- 
ple of  this  mild  rule  of  black  by  black  is  that  the 
white  man  in  Liberia  is  everywhere  received 
with  great  friendliness,  because  he  is  not  asso- 
ciated in  the  minds  of  the  natives  with  anything 
like  conquest  or  oppression. 

“ How  far  the  original  experiment  will  suc- 
ceed the  next  twenty  years  will,  perhaps,  indi- 
cate. The  negroes  of  American  origin  who  have 
settled  in  Liberia  have  not,  as  a general  rule, 
beeD  able  to  stand  the  climate  very  much  better 
than  Europeans,  and,  as  a rule,  they  have  not 
been  able  to  rear  large  families  of  children.  Yet 
it  seems  to  me  as  though  Liberians  of  the  new 
generation  born  in  the  country  are  beginning  to 
take  hold,  but  this  is  partly  due  to  the  increasing 
and  I think  very  sensible  practice  of  intermar- 
riage with  women  of  the  fine,  vigorous,  indi- 
genous races.  Probably  the  future  of  Liberia 
will  be  a negro  state  very  like  Sierra  Leone  in 
its  development,  with  English  as  its  government 
language,  and  such  English  or  American  institu- 
tions as  may  prove  to  be  suited  to  an  African 
country,  a coast  belt  inhabited  by  negroes  pro- 
fessing Christianity  and  wearing  clothes  of  Euro- 
pean cut,  and  a hinterland  of  Mohammedans 
dressed  in  the  picturesque  and  wholly  suitable 
costume  worn  at  the  present  day  by  the  Mandin- 
gos  and  by  most  Mohammedan  negroes  between 
Senegal  and  the  White  Nile.”  — Sir  Harry  John- 
ston, Liberia  ( Annual  Report,  Smithsonian  In- 
stitution, 1904-5,  pp.  254—255). 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — English,  French,  and 
American  attention  to  Conditions  in  the 
Republic.  — “The  policy  of  the  Liberian  Re- 
public has  caused  anxiety  for  some  time  past 
both  to  England  and  to  France,  the  Powers 
whose  territory  adjoins  the  Liberian  boundary. 
Some  two  years  ago  President  Barclay  came 
to  Europe  to  discuss  the  situation  with  the 
British  and  French  Governments.  As  a result 
of  this  exchange  of  views,  Liberia  appointed 
Europeans  to  her  Customs  Department,  se- 
cured a gunboat  to  patrol  her  coast-line,  and 
arranged  for  a frontier  force.  These  measures 
were  approved  by  the  British  and  French  Gov- 
ernments and  also  by  the  American  Govem- 


414 


LIBERIA,  1907-1909 


LIBERIA,  1907-1909 


ment,  and  their  execution  was  facilitated  by  a 
loan  negotiated  on  behalf  of  Liberia  by  the 
Liberian  Development  Company.  The  growth 
of  British  interests  in  the  Republic  led  the 
Foreign  Office  to  appoint  a Consul-General  at 
Monrovia,  the  capital,  in  the  person  of  Captain 
Braithwaite  Wallis,  formerly  acting  district 
commissioner  in  Sierra  Leone.  So  far  as  the 
first  part  of  the  reform  programme  was  con- 
cerned the  consequences  have  been  eminently 
satisfactory.  Liberia  has  been  able  to  pay  oil 
some  of  her  debts,  and  her  revenue  has  in- 
creased.”— Cor.  London  Times,  April  22,  1909. 

While  these  movements  were  in  progress,  in 
June,  1908,  three  commissioners  from  Liberia 
came  to  Washington  asking  for  aid  in  main- 
taining and  administering  its  government. 
Probably  in  course  of  this  application,  the 
American  Ambassador  in  London,  Mr.  Reid, 
addressed  a note  to  the  British  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  on  the  29th  of  June, 
in  which  he  wrote:  “We  should  be  glad  to  have 
your  views  as  to  how  the  two  Governments 
could  best  co-operate  at  the  present  time  to- 
wards promoting  the  welfare  of  Liberia.”  In 
his  reply  to  this  Sir  Edward  Grey  said: 

“ As  I had  the  honour  to  explain  in  March 
last  to  the  United  States  Charge  d’Affaires,  his 
Majesty’s  Government  have  in  any  measure  they 
may  be  called  upon  to  take  in  Liberia  no  designs 
whatever  upon  the  independence  or  integrity 
of  the  country,  and  they  do  not  intend  to  under- 
take any  responsibility  with  regard  to  it.  The 
services  of  British  officials  have  been  lent  to  the 
Liberians  solely  with  a view  to  the  better  pre- 
servation of  order,  more  particularly  in  that  part 
of  Liberia  which  marches  with  Sierra  Leone, 
and  improved  administration. 

“The  French  Government  also,  as  your  Ex- 
cellency is  doubtless  aware,  takes  a special  in- 
terest in  the  affairs  of  the  Republic,  and  his 
Majesty’s  Government  have  already  assured  them 
that  they  would  have  no  objection  to  the  ser- 
vices of  some  French  officials  being  lent  for  the 
same  objects  as  the  British  officials.  It  is  doubt- 
ful, therefore,  whether  there  is  at  the  present 
time  any  scope  for  the  co-operation  of  the  United 
States  Government  in  the  Customs  or  police, 
and  if  they  desire  to  render  active  assistance  to 
the  Liberian  Government  they  will  perhaps  pre- 
fer to  direct  their  attention  to  other  branches  of 
the  administration  which  are  as  urgently  in  need 
of  reform. 

“That  reforms  are  required  in  one  other 
branch  at  least  his  Majesty’s  Government  have 
reason  to  know,  for  among  the  chief  difficulties 
which  his  Majesty’s  Government  experience  in 
regard  to  Liberia  are  the  frequent  complaints 
received  from  British  subjects  as  to  the  treat- 
ment they  receive  in  the  Liberian  Courts.  If 
therefore  the  United  States  could  see  their  way 
to  introducing  reforms  into  the  judiciary,  either 
by  lending  the  services  of  an  official  to  act  as 
judicial  advisor  or  in  some  other  manner,  much 
good  would  in  the  opinion  of  his  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment be  derived  not  only  by  the  various 
subjects  of  foreign  nationalities  resident  in  the 
country  but  also  by  the  Liberians  themselves. 

“ While  calling  attention  more  specially  to  this 
one  branch  of  the  administration,  which  has 
been  a frequent  source  of  trouble,  I need  hardly 
add  that  his  Majesty’s  Government  would  wel- 
come the  co-operation  of  the  Government  of  the 

4] 


United  States  with  them  in  Liberia  in  any  other 
manner  which  may  appear  more  suitable  or  more 
desirable  on  a consideration  of  all  the  circum- 
stances.” 

This  and  other  information  obtained  by  the 
State  Department  led  President  Roosevelt,  on 
the  18th  of  January,  1909,  to  ask  Congress  for 
an  appropriation  of  $20,000  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  a commission  to  goto  Liberia  “to  examine 
into  the  situation,  confer  with  the  officers  of  the 
Liberian  government,  and  with  the  representa- 
tives of  other  governments  actually  present  in 
Monrovia,  and  report  recommendations  as  to 
the  specific  action  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  most  apt  to  render  effective  relief  to  the 
Republic  of  Liberia  under  the  present  critical 
circumstances.”  The  conclusion  reached  by 
the  State  Department  was  that  it  “is  quite 
clear  that  Liberia  is  very  much  in  need  of  as- 
sistance, that  the  United  States  can  help  her 
substantially,  and  that  it  is  our  duty  to  help 
her.” 

The  seriousness  of  the  situation  was  set  forth 
by  Secretary  Root  in  a memorandum  to  the 
President.  Between  forty  and  fifty  thousand 
civilized  negroes,  for  the  most  part  descendants 
of  the  original  colonists  from  the  United  States, 
occupy  a territory  comprising  43,000  square 
miles,  in  which  there  are  also  over  a million 
and  a half  members  of  uncivilized  native  tribes. 
The  civilized  part  of  the  population  have  been 
to  a great  degree  cut  off  from  any  intimate  re- 
lation with  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world  for 
two-thirds  of  a century.  They  began  -with 
little  education,  with  no  acquired  skill  in  the 
art  of  government,  and  they  have  had  little  op- 
portunity to  improve  through  intercourse  with 
other  and  more  advanced  communities.  They 
find  it  especially  difficult  to  control  the  native 
tribes,  or  to  conduct  their  own  government  in 
accordance  with  modern  requirements. 

The  British  colony  of  Sierra  Leone  to  the 
north  and  the  French  possessions  closing  in 
their  hinterland  to  the  east  are  almost  continu- 
ously complaining  of  the  failure  of  Liberia  to 
maintain  order  upon  the  border.  “Notwith- 
standing the  very  kindly  disposition  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  similar  disposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  France,  there  is  imminent 
danger  that  the  republic,  unless  it  receives  out 
side  assistance,  will  not  be  able  to  maintain 
itself  very  long,”  said  Secretary  Root. 

The  Commission  to  visit  Liberia  was  ap- 
pointed in  the  following  April,  and  was  con- 
veyed soon  afterward  to  Monrovia  by  a squad- 
ron of  three  cruiser  scouts.  It  was  composed 
of  three  members,  Mr.  W.  Morgan  Shuster, 
who  had  been  for  a number  of  years  in  the 
Philippine  service  of  the  United  States,  Dr. 
George  Sale,  and  Mr.  Emmett  J.  Scott,  private 
Secretary  of  Dr.  Booker  Washington.  These 
Commissioners  were  accompanied  by  Captain 
Sydney  A.  Cloman,  as  Military  Attache,  and 
by  Major  Percy  W.  Ashburn,  of  the  U.  S.  A. 
Medical  Department,  who  would  study  the 
sanitary  conditions  in  Liberia. 

Early  in  October  the  Commission  returned, 
but  its  report  to  the  State  Department  was  not 
transmitted  to  Congress  until  the  25th  of  March, 
1910.  It  recommended  an  extension  of  prompt 
and  effective  aid  to  the  Liberian  Government, 
in  the  refunding  of  its  debt,  the  reform  of  its 
finances,  the  settlement  of  its  boundary  disputes, 

5 


LICENSE  LAWS 


LOS  ANGELES 


and  the  organizing  of  a competent  constabulary 
force.  Also  that  the  United  States  establish  in 
Liberia  a naval  coaling  station  and  a research 
station. 

LICENSE  LAWS.  See  Alcouol  Prob- 
lem. 

LIFE  INSURANCE.  See  Insurance. 

LILIENTHAL,  Otto.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention  : Aeronautics. 

LIMA,  Wenceslao  de.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  •.  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

LINCOLN,  Abraham.  — February  12,  1909, 
the  100th  anniversary  of  his  birth,  was  made  a 
legal  holiday  by  act  of  Congress.  The  same  bill 
appropriated  §50,000  for  making  a highway 
from  Washington  to  Gettysburg,  to  be  known 
as  the  Lincoln  Way. 

LINDSEY,  Judge  Ben  D. : His  Juvenile 
Court  at  Denver.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Children, 
under  tiie  Law  ; As  Offenders. 

LINEVITCH,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept. -March). 

LIPPMAN,  Gabriel.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

JNJ  ADUT  Pptvfc 

LIQUOR  QUESTION.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Alcohol  Problem. 

LLOYD-GEORGE,  David:  President  of 
the  Board  of  Trade.  See  (in  this  vol).  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1905-1906. 

Address  at  the  Imperial  Conference  of 
1907  on  Preferential  Trade.  See  British  Em- 
pire : A.  D.  1907. 

Success  in  arranging  for  the  Pacific  Set- 
tlement of  Labor  Disputes  in  the  English 
Railway  Service.  See  Labor  Organization  : 
England  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1908  (April). 

On  the  Working  of  the  Old  Age  Pensions 
Act  and  its  Disclosures  of  Poverty.  See 
Poverty,  Problems  of  : Pensions. 

On  the  Development  of  the  Natural  Re- 
sources of  Great  Britain.  See  Conservation 
of  Natural  Resources  : Great  Britain. 

His  Budget  of  1909.  — His  speech  on  it. 
See  England  : A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

LOCAL  OPTION  : Progress  in  the  United 
States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem: 
United  States. 

LOCKOUTS.  See  Labor  Organization. 

LODGE,  Sir  Oliver.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
•ence,  Recent-:  Electrical^ 

LODZ,  Disturbances  in.s  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

LOEB,  William,  Jr.:  Collector  of  Cus- 
toms at  New  York.  — His  unearthing  of 
Corruptions.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). 

LOISY,  Abbe:  Appointment  to  be  Pro- 
fessor of  the  History  of  Religions  in  the 
College  de  France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

LONDON,  England:  A.  D.  1907-1909. — 
Control  of  the  London  County  Council  lost 
by  the  Progressives.  — Defeat  in  Borough 
Councils  Elections  of  1909. — The  local  party 
of  Progressives,  so  called,  who  had  controlled 
the  London  County  Council  since  1889,  lost 
their  majority  in  the  elections  of  the  spring  of 
1907,  and  the  Conservatives,  or  Moderates,  or 
Reformers,  as  they  are  variedly  styled,  were 
brought  into  power,  electing  120  members, 
against  85.  The  Progressives,  in  their  eighteen 


years  of  ascendancy,  had  wrought  immense 
changes  in  the  great  city,  widening  congested 
streets,  such  as  the  Strand,  opening  great  new 
thoroughfares  and  new  parks,  electrifying  the 
street  railways,  remodelling  antiquated  public 
institutions,  and  the  like.  The  cost  of  their 
works  had  been  heavy,  and  ratepayers  had  be- 
come persuaded  that  there  was  extravagance  in 
the  progressiveness  of  the  party.  It  had  antago- 
nized many  powerful  interests  in  the  city,  more- 
over, and  the  wonder  seems  to  be  that  it  had 
been  permitted  to  conduct  the  City  Government 
so  long. 

Again,  in  elections  to  the  borough  councils, 
in  1909,  the  Progressives  lost  heavily,  and  the 
Conservatives,  who  have  taken  the  name  of  Mu 
nicipal  Reformers,  are  strongly  entrenched  in 
most  of  the  boroughs.  Several  women  were 
elected,  61  of  their  sex  having  been  candidates. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Statistics  of  Elementary 
Schools.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — International  Naval 
Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Re- 
volt against:  A.  D.  1907  (appended  to  account 
of  Second  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague). 

LONG,  John  D. : Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901- 
1905. 

LOPUKHIN,  M. : His  exposure  of  the 
Police  Spy,  Azeff,  to  the  Russian  Revolu- 
tionists. See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -July). 

LORDS,  British  House  of : Decision  in 
case  of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Scotland  : A.  D.  1904. 

Defeat  of  Education  Bill,  1906.  See  Edu- 
cation: England:  A.  D.  1906. 

Menaced  Limitation  of  its  Legislative 
Powers  by  the  House  of  Commons.  — Its  own 
proposals  of  Constitutional  Change.  See 
England:  A.  D.  1906  (April-Dec.);  1907-1908; 
1909  (April-Dec.),  and  1910. 

Rejection  of  Licensing  Bill.  See  Alco- 
hol Problem  : England  : A.  D.  1908. 

Rejection  of  Budget  of  1909.  See  Eng- 
land: A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

LORENTZ,  Henrik  Anton.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

LOS  ANGELES,  Cal.:  Recent  Rapid 
Growth  of  the  City.  — “The  advance  of  this 
city  to  the  important  position  of  metropolis  of 
Southern  California  falls  into  two  quite  distinct 
periods,  each,  however,  beginning  with  the  ad- 
vent of  a transcontinental  railroad.  The  first 
period  opened  with  the  completion  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  Railroad  as  a through  line  from  San 
Francisco  to  the  East,  in  1881,  and  saw  the 
transformation  of  Los  Angeles  from  a sleepy, 
half-Spanish  town  of  about  12,000  souls  into 
a bustling  progressive  city  of  70,000  popula- 
tion. The  second  period  of  advance  began 
with  the  entrance  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and 
Santa  Fe  Railroad  in  1885.  This  improved  com- 
munication with  the  States  east  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  gave  an  impetus  to  tourist  travel, 
especially  in  the  winter  season,  and  the  fame  of 
the  city  and  of  near-by  localities  as  places  of 
winter  resort  spread  far  and  wide.  The  people 
of  Los  Angeles  were  quick  to  recognize  the 
opportunity  for  gain  and  the  whole  community 
joined  in  methods  of  advertising  of  the  most 
systematic  character.  By  the  aid  of  its  local 


LOS  ANGELES 


LUBIN 


press  and  through  the  agcucy  of  an  energetic 
Chamber  of  Commerce  Los  Angeles  has  become 
one  of  the  best  known  cities  of  North  America. 

*'  Since  1900,  railroad  communication  has  been 
further  improved  by  the  opening  of  an  addi- 
tional road  to  San  Francisco  by  way  of  the  ocean 
shore  and  the  Salinas  and  Santa  Clara  Valleys. 
This  line,  known  as  the  Southern  Pacific  ‘Coast 
Line,’  avoids  the  heavy  grades  of  the  Tehachapi 
Mountains  and  greatly  shortens  the  running 
time  between  Los  Augeles  and  San  Francisco. 
The  opening  of  the  San  Pedro,  Los  Augeles  and 
Salt  Lake  Railroad  eastward  of  Los  Angeles  in 
1903  gave  the  city  direct  connection  with  the 
central  Rocky  Mountain  region. 

“ Two  other  important  influences  within  the 
past  decade  contributed  to  the  city’s  remarkable 
advance  in  wealth  and  population.  These  are 
the  building  of  a vast  system  of  suburban  elec- 
tric railways  making  a large  region  of  fertile 
attractive  land,  now  densely  populated,  directly 
tributary  to  Los  Angeles,  and  secondly,  the  in- 
troduction of  cheap  fuel  through  the  discovery 
of  local  supplies  of  oil.  The  net-work  of  sub- 
urban electric  railways  of  which  Los  Angeles  is 
the  center  is  one  of  the  most  perfect  in  the 
world.  These  lines  reach  out  in  every  direction 
through  distances  of  from  10  to  50  miles,  and 
connect  Los  Angeles  with  the  many  rapidly 
growing  cities  of  Los  Angeles  County  and  its 
neighbor,  Orange  County. 

“Manufacturing  in  Los  Angeles  was  for  a 
long  time  handicapped  by  the  high  cost  of  fuel. 
This  difficulty  has  been  removed  by  the  intro- 
duction of  crude  oil  as  fuel,  and  the  city  now  has 
over  1500  manufacturing  establishments,  em- 
ploying over  12,000  people,  with  an  annual  out- 
put of  over  840,000,000.  These  include  rolling 
mills,  brass-works,  paper-box  factories,  man- 
ufactories of  mining  machinery,  pumps,  glass, 
etc.  Los  Angeles  is  becoming  a manufacturing 
center  for  the  mining  and  agricultural  lands  of 
Utah,  Southern  Nevada,  Arizona,  New  Mexico 
and  the  Northern  parts  of  Mexico,  as  well  as 
Southern  California  itself. 

“The  steady  expansion  of  Los  Angeles  has 
been  maintained  by  a policy  of  annexation  of 
suburbs.  The  latest  event  in  this  line  of  growth 
has  elevated  the  city  into  the  rank  of  a sea-port. 
The  city  has  long  enjoyed  abundant  means  of 
ocean  traffic  by  way  of  Santa  Monica,  Redondo 
and  San  Pedro,  but  by  the  annexation  of  San 
Pedro  and  Wilmington,  in  1906,  with  a connect- 
ing strip  of  territory  19  miles  long  by  ^ mile  in 
width,  Los  Angeles  itself  becomes  a sea-port 
with  the  control  of  traffic  on  San  Pedro  Bay. 
The  city  thus  achieves  an  extreme  length  from 
north  to  south  of  33  miles.”  — Frederick  H. 
Clark,  Head  of  History  Dept.,  Lowell  High 
School,  San  Francisco. 

Experiments  and  Experiences  in  Muni- 
cipal Government.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Munici- 
pal Government.  , 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Water  Supply. —The 
Owens  River  Aqueduct. — “ The  present  water 
supply  of  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  is  taken  from 
the  flow  of  the  Los  Angeles  River,  supplemented 
by  the  underground  flow  of  the  San  Fernando 
Valley  in  which  the  river  lies.  The  demand  for 
water  within  the  city  is  supplemented  by  the 
need  for  water  for  irrigation  purposes  in  the 
surrounding  country.  Some  years  ago  it  became 
evident  that  an  increased  supply  must  be  ob- 

41 


tained,  or  the  further  development  of  the  city 
and  its  environs  be  brought  to  a standstill.  Ex- 
tensive investigations  resulted  in  the  decision 
that  Owens  River  offered  the  best  source  of 
supply.  This  river,  the  principal  drainage  of 
the  Owens  Valley  region,  at  the  base  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada  Mountains,  has  a large  number 
of  tributaries,  and  empties  into  Owens  Lake, 
from  which  the  waters  escape  by  evaporation 
only.  The  Los  Angeles  authorities  adopted  the 
plan  of  an  aqueduct  to  conduct  the  waters  of 
this  river  along  the  mountain  slopes,  over  the 
Mojave  Desert,  and,  by  tunnel,  through  the  San 
Fernando  Mountains,  to  their  city,  — a total 
distance  of  217  1-2  miles.  On  the  7th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1905,  an  election  was  held  at  which  the 
voters  of  Los  Angeles,  by  a majority  of  about 
fourteen  to  one,  declared  in  favor  of  a bond 
issue  of  $23,000,000  for  the  undertaking.  Be- 
sides the  construction  of  the  conduit,  the  pro- 
ject includes  the  building  of  a large  reservoir  in 
Long  Valley,  above  the  Owens  Valley  proper, 
for  the  storage  of  flood  waters ; also  the  con- 
struction of  a system  of  additional  reservoirs 
along  the  line  of  the  aqueduct  for  the  regula- 
tion of  flow  as  well  as  for  storage ; and  a ter- 
minal reservoir  from  which  the  distributing 
system  proceeds.  All  of  this  work  is  well  under 
way  at  this  date  (1909),  and  according  to  the 
last  published  report  of  the  Aqueduct  Bureau 
the  chief  engineer  confidently  expects  that  this 
great  project  will  be  brought  to  completion 
within  the  estimated  period  of  five  years  — and 
within  the  estimated  cost  of  $23,000,000. 

“Outside  of  the  above  estimates,  the  City  also 
plans  to  build  a great  electric  power  plant 
which  will  utilize  the  drop  of  1500  feet  where 
the  aqueduct  emerges  from  the  San  Fernando 
Mountains.  This  plant  is  estimated  to  cost  from 
$4,500,000  to  $5,000,000,  and  through  the  sale 
of  electric  power  will  become  the  source  of 
very  considerable  revenue  to  the  City.  Taken 
altogether  this  Owens  River  Aqueduct  is  the 
greatest  municipal  undertaking  in  California  at 
the  present  time,  and  one  of  the  most  important 
engineering  achievements  of  recent  years.”  — 
Frederick  H.  Clark,  Head  of  History  Dept., 
Lowell  High  School,  San  Francisco. 

LOUBET,  Emile : President  of  France. 
See  (in  Vol.  VI.)  France:  A.  D.  1899  (Feb- 
ruary-June). 

Visit  to  the  King  of  Italy.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

Expiration  of  term  as  President  of  the 
French  Republic.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : 
A.  D.  1906. 

LOUISIANA:  A.  D.  1908.  — Enactment 
against  Race-track  Gambling.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Gambling. 

LOUISIANA  PURCHASE  EXPOSI- 
TION. See  (in  this  vol.)  St.  Louis:  A.  D. 
1904., 

LOW,  Seth:  Mayor  of  New  York.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  New  York  City:  A.  D.  1901-1903. 

LOWELL,  Abbott  Lawrence  : President 
of  Harvard  University.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education  : United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

LOWTHER,  James  William:  Elected 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1905  (June). 

LUBIN,  David:  Originator  of  Interna- 

tional Institute  of  Agriculture.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Agriculture. 

.7 


LUIZ  FELIPE 


MARRAKESH 


LUIZ  FELIPE,  Crown  Prince  of  Port- 
ugal: His  assasination.  See  Portugal: 
A.  D.  1906-1909. 

“LUSITANIA,”  The  Turbine  Steam- 


McADOO, William  Gibbs.  See  (in  this  vol. ) 
New  York  City  : A.  D.  1900-1909. 

McANENY,  George:  President  of  the 

Borough  of  Manhattan.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  City  : A.  D.  1909. 

McCALL,  John  A.:  President  of  New  York 
Life  Insurance  Company.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Insurance,  Life. 

McCLELLAN,  George  B.:  Mayor  of  New 
York.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  City  : 
A.  D.  1901-1903,  and  1905. 

McCURDY,  Richard  A.:  President  of  Mu- 
tual Life  Insurance  Company.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

MACDONALD  COLLEGE,  The  Found- 
ing of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : Canada  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

MACEDONIA:  The  recent  use  of  the 

Name.  — As  employed  very  commonly  at  the 
present  time,  the  name  Macedonia  simply  signi- 
fies that  part  of  the  small  remainder  of  the  Turk- 
ish Empire  in  Europe  which  coincides  nearly 
with  the  original  Macedonia  of  ancient  history. 
It  is  applied  to  the  three  Turkish  vilayets  or 
provinces  of  Salonika,  Monastir  and  Kossovo, 
which  have  been  the  scene  for  years  of  condi- 
tions of  strife  and  misery  that  are  worse,  per- 
haps, than  can  be  found  elsewhere  in  the  world. 
Whether  the  wretched  inhabitants  have  suffered 
more  from  their  political  masters,  the  Turks, 
than  from  their  Bulgarian  and  Greek  neighbors, 
who  covet  the  ground  they  occupy,  seems  to  be 
much  of  a question.  For  some  account  of  the 
Macedonian  troubles  of  late  years,  see  Tur- 
key. 

MCKENNA,  Reginald  : First  Lord  of  the 
British  Admiralty.  — Speech  on  the  Navy 
Estimates,  1909.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Preparations  for:  Naval. 

MACKENZIE  BASIN,  Report  on  the. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1909. 

MCKINLEY,  William:  President  of  the 
United  States.  — His  assassination.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Buffalo  : A.  D.  1901,  and  United 
States:  A.  D.  1901  (Sept.). 

Last  public  utterance.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Tariffs  : United  States. 

MACLAURIN,  Richard  C. : President  of 
Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Education  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1901-1909. 

MACLEAN,  Kaid  Sir  Harry : Capture 
by  Raisuli  and  ransom.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Morocco:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

MACVEAGH,  Franklin:  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

On  the  corruptions  in  the  United  States 
Customs  Service.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). 

MADAGASCAR:  Agreement  of  England 
and  France  concerning  matters  in.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904  (April). 

MADRIZ,  Dr. : President  of  Nicaragua.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Central  America:  A.  I).  1909. 


ship.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion, Recent  : Turbine  Engine. 

LUZURIAGA,  Jose.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1901. 


MAGHRABI,  Amina  Hafiz.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education:  Egypt. 

MAGHREB  EL-AKSA.  See  Morocco. 
MAGOON,  Charles  E. : Governor  of  the 
Panama  Canal  Zone.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public 
Health:  Panama  Canal. 

Provisional  Governor  of  Cuba.  See  Cuba: 
A.  D.  1906  (Aug.-Oct.),  and  1906-1909. 

MAHDI,  The  Moorish  : Bu  Hamara.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

MAHDI,  A New:  His  summary  destruc- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa:  A.  D.  1903  (Su- 
dan). 

MAHMUD  SHEVKET  PASHA:  Com- 
mander of  the  Turkish  Constitutional  Forces. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.- 
May). 

MAHOMET  and  MAHOMETAN.  See  Mo- 
hammed and  Mohammedan. 

MAKAROFF,  Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb.- Aug.). 

MALARIA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public 
Health:  Malaria. 

MALAY  PENINSULA:  A.  D.  1909.— 
Cession  of  Three  States  to  Great  Britain. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Siam  : A.  D.  1909. 

MANCHURIA:  A.  D.  1901-1904.  — Per- 
sistent occupation  by  the  Russians. — Re- 
monstrances by  the  Japanese.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Treaty  opening  two  new 
Ports  to  Foreign  Trade.  See  China:  A.  D. 
1903  (May -Oct.). 

A.  D.  1904.  — The  Russo-Japanese  War. 
See  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Treaty  between  China  and 
Japan.  See  China  : A.  D.  1905  (Dec.). 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — The  question  of  Mu- 
nicipalities on  the  line  of  the  Chinese 
Eastern  Railway.  — New  Russo-Chinese 
Agreement.  See  China:  A.  D.  1909  (May). 

MANICKTOLLAH  GARDEN,  The. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 
MANIKALAND.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa. 
MANILLA:  A.  D.  1900-1902. — The 
Stamping  Out  of  the  Bubonic  Plague.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

MANITOBA:  A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Cen- 
sus.— Increased  Representation  in  Parlia- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1901- 
1902. 

MANNESMANN  CONCESSION,  The. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  I).  1909. 

MANUEL  II.:  King  of  Portugal.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Portugal, 

MARCONI,  Guglielmo.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science,  Recent  : Electrical.  See,  also, 
Nobel  Prizes. 

MARISCAL,  Ignacio : Honorary  Presi- 

dent of  Second  International  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

MARRAKESH  (Morocco  City),  Events 

at.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 


MARRIAGE 


MEXICO,  1902 


MARRIAGE  WITH  A DECEASED 
WIFE’S  SISTER  : English  Act  to  legal- 
ize it.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1907 
(Aug.). 

MARSEILLES:  A.  D.  1902.  — Strikes  of 
Dock  Laborers,  Sailors,  and  Stokers.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  France: 
A.  D.  1902. 

MARTENS,  Frederick  de.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

MARTINIQUE:  Volcanic  Explosion  of 
Mont  Pelee.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Volcanic 
Eruptions:  West  Indies. 

MARYLAND:  A.  D.  1909. — Defeat  of 
Disfranchising  Amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise  ; 
United  States. 

MASCHINE,  Colonel:  Leader  of  the  As- 
sassins of  King  Alexander,  at  Belgrade.  See 

in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian  States: 
Servia. 

MASSACHUSETTS:  A.  D.  1909.— 

Seeking  a Leader  for  an  Educational  Revo- 
lution. See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1909. 

MASSACRES:  In  Asia  Minor.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

Of  “Bloody  Sunday”  in  St.  Petersburg. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

Of  Jews  at  Kishineff.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Rus- 
sia : A.  D.  1903  (April). 

MATOS,  Manuel  A.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

MATSUKATA,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1903  (June). 

MATTER,  New  Theory  of.  (See  in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Phys- 
ical. 

MAURA,  Senor:  Prime  Minister  of  Spain. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1901-1904,  and 
1907-1909. 

“MAURETANIA,”  The  Turbine  Steam- 
ship. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion, Recent  : Turbine  Engine. 

MAURETANIE,  French.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Morocco  : A.  D.  1909. 

MAY  LAWS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ed- 
ucation : Prussia:  A.  D.  1904.. 

MECCA:  Railway  from  Damascus.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Railways  (Turkey,  Asiatic: 
A.  D.  1908). 

MEDJLISS  or  MEJLIS:  The  Persian 
Parliament  or  National  Assembly.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Constitution  of  Persia.  Also 
Persia  : A.  D.  1905-1907. 

MELILLA:  Spanish  hostilities  with 
Moors.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco  : A.  D. 
1909. 

MENDEL,  Gregor,  and  his  Law  of  Vari- 
ation in  Species.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention  : Biological. 

MENELEK:  Emperor  of  Ethiopia.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Abyssinia:  A.  D.  1902. 

MERRY  DEL  VAL,  Cardinal.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

MERSINA  : Moslem  attack  on  Armeni- 
ans. See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -May). 

MESSINA  : Its  destruction  by  Earth- 
quake. See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes: 
Italy. 

METCALF,  Victor  H. : Secretary  of 
Commerce  and  Labor,  and  Secretary  of  the 

41 


Navy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  : 
A.  1).  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

METCHNIKOFF,  Professor  Elie.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent: 
Opsonins.  See,  also,  Nobel  Prizes. 

MEXICO:  A.  D.  1901 -1902.  — Invitation 
and  entertainment  of  Second  International 
Conference  of  American  Republics.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1902  (May). — Arbitration  of  the  Pious 
Fund  Question,  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico.  — From  1868  until  1902  a claim  of 
the  United  States  against  Mexico  had  been  in 
dispute.  It  related  to  the  right  of  the  Catholic 
missions  in  that  part  of  old  California  which 
now  forms  the  American  State  of  California  to 
a portion  of  the  income  from  a certain  fund 
which  pious  people  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  more 
than  two  centuries  ago,  had  established  for  the 
support  of  Catholic  missions  among  the  Cali- 
fornia Indians.  In  1767  the  Jesuits  who  held 
the  fund  were  driven  from  the  country  and  the 
Spanish  Government  assumed  the  trust,  which 
in  turn  devolved  on  Mexico  when  that  colony 
acquired  independence.  When  upper  California 
was  ceded  to  this  country  Mexico  ceased  to  pay 
to  the  missions  there  the  portion  of  the  income 
due  them.  Their  claim  was  finally  taken  up  by 
the  American  Government,  to  be  pressed  against, 
the  Mexican,  and,  after  years  of  diplomatic  con- 
troversy, was  referred,  May  22d,  1902,  to  the 
Hague  Tribunal  for  arbitration.  This  has  the 
distinction  of  being  the  first  controversy  sub- 
mitted to  that  permanent  tribunal.  The  de- 
cision of  the  Tribunal  was  rendered  on  the  14th 
of  October,  1902,  in  favor  of  the  California 
claim,  requiring  Mexico  to  pay  $1,420,682  (Mexi- 
can currency)  of  past  dues,  and  $43,051  annually 
thereafter. 

A.  D.  1903.  — New  Legislative  Palace,  and 
other  Government  Buildings. — “The  cities 
and  towns  of  Mexico  are  improving  at  a surpris- 
ing rate,  and  the  capital  city  especially  is  just 
now  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  building  boom 
that  has  ever,  perhaps,  been  known  in  any  Latin- 
American  city  except  Buenos  Ayres.  The  in- 
teresting monthly  publication  entitled  Modern 
Mexico  informs  us  that  the  federal  government 
alone  is  entering  upon  an  investment  approxi- 
mating $50,000,000  in  new  buildings  in  the  City 
of  Mexico. 

“The  greatest  of  these  buildings  is  the  so- 
called  Legislative  Palace,  corresponding  to  our 
Capitol  building  at  Washington.  The  founda- 
tions of  this  building  are  now  being  laid,  and 
it  will  cost,  perhaps,  $20,000,000.  The  City  of 
Mexico  has  adopted  the  wise  European  plan  of 
carefully  regulating  the  height  of  new  buildings, 
and  preventing  the  construction  of  anything  that 
would  be  inartistic  or  out  of  keeping  with  the 
harmony  of  the  city’s  architecture.  Next  to  the 
Legislative  Palace,  perhaps  the  most  imposing 
of  the  new  Mexican  buildings  will  be  the  Na- 
tional Pantheon,  which  is  to  cost  more  than 
$5,000,000,  and  is  to  be  at  once  a memorial  to 
Mexico’s  eminent  men  and  a place  for  their  en- 
tombment. Several  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments are  to  be  housed  in  the  buildings  now 
approaching  completion.” — American  Review  of 
Reviews,  Oct.,  1903. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  Settlement  of 
Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

9 


MEXICO,  1904-1905 


MEXICO,  1906 


A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Arbitration  Treaty 
with  the  United  States.  — Reelection  of 
President  Diaz  for  a Seventh  Term.  — Ex- 
tension of  the  Term.  — Currency  Reform.— 
End  of  the  Free  Zone. — “Mexico  was  one  of 
the  countries  with  which  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment negotiated  an  arbitration  treaty  early 
in  the  year  [1905],  a treaty  which  was  dropped, 
like  its  fellows,  by  the  Washington  administra- 
tion, because  of  the  Senate  amendments.  . . . 
Though  the  tentative  arbitration  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico  . . . fell  through, 
another  very  practical  and  useful  arbitration 
convention  was  concluded  between  the  two 
nations  during  the  year.  This  was  the  conven- 
tion agreed  to  in  principle  during  the  Pan- 
American  Conference  in  the  city  of  Mexico  in 
the  winter  of  1901-02,  which  provides  for  the 
settlement  by  arbitration  of  all  international 
questions  growing  out  of  pecuniary  claims. 
The  representatives  of  several  of  the  nations 
taking  part  in  that  conference  affixed  their  sig- 
natures to  this  preliminary  compact,  and  it  has 
since  become  operative  among  a number  of 
them.  It  was  ratified  by  the  Mexican  Senate 
during  its  spring  sessions.  As  pecuniary 
claims  have  in  point  of  fact  been  one  of  the 
most  fruitful  sources  of  difficulty  between  the 
United  States  and  the  other  nations  of  the  west- 
ern hemisphere,  the  conclusion  of  an  agreement, 
in  a binding  form,  to  dispose  by  arbitration  of 
any  such  cases  as  may  arise  in  the  future,  is  a 
distinct  gain  for  the  cause  of  the  rational  ad- 
justment of  international  controversies,  and  is  a 
guarantee,  not  indeed  absolute,  but  most  sub- 
stantial, of  lasting  peace  among  the  nations  of 
this  continent.  . . . 

“ There  were  no  striking  developments  in 
the  political  situation  in  Mexico.  On  December 
1 of  the  previous  year  (1904)  President  Diaz 
had  entered  on  his  sixth  consecutive  term  and 
his  seventh  term  in  all.  By  a constitutional 
amendment,  a regular  vice-president  of  the  re- 
public, for  the  first  time  since  the  early  days  of 
Mexico’s  history,  took  the  oath  of  office  at  the 
same  time  as  the  president,  on  December  1, 
1904.  The  gentleman  previously  elected,  and 
now  occupying  the  position  of  vice-president,  is 
the  Honorable  Ramon  Corral,  formerly  gov- 
ernor of  the  state  of  Sonora.  By  virtue  of  an- 
other constitutional  amendment,  the  present 
and  future  presidential  terms  will  be  six  years, 
instead  of  four  as  formerly.  . . . 

“ A measure  of  vital  importance  to  the  eco- 
nomic well-being  of  the  nation  was  promul- 
gated on  March  25,  1905.  This  was  the  decree 
for  the  reform  of  the  currency,  issued  by  the 
Executive  under  an  enabling  Act  of  Congress, 
approved  on  December  9,  1904.  The  new  mon- 
etary system,  due  to  the  initiative  of  the  very 
able  finance  minister  Senor  Jose  Yves  Liman- 
tour,  went  into  effect  on  the  first  of  May,  but 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  ceased  on  April  16. 
Broadly  speaking,  the  new  system  gives  Mex- 
ico a fifty-cent  dollar.  It  declares  that  the  the- 
oretical unit  of  the  monetary  system  of  the 
United  Mexican  States  is  represented  by  seventy- 
five  centigrams  of  pure  gold,  and  is  denomi- 
nated a peso.  . . . 

“On  July  1 that  time-honored  institution 
known  as  the  Free  Zone  ceased  to  exist.”  — 
F.  R.  Guernsey,  The  Year  in  Mexico  ( Atlantic 
Monthly,  Feb.,  1906). 


A.  D.  1906. — Celebration  of  the  Centenary 
of  Benito  Juarez. — His  relation  to  the  Secu- 
larizing Movement  a generation  ago.  — Pre- 
sent Pacific  Relations  between  Church  and 
State.  — “ Though  Juarez  is  generally  cred- 
ited with  the  paternity  of  the  laws  generically 
known  as  the  Reform  Laws,  and  although  he 
undoubtedly  was  the  life  and  soul  of  the  sec- 
ularizing movement  of  his  day,  it  is  worthy  of 
note  that  he  had  no  formal  participation  in  the 
chief  measures  framed  against  the  Church.  . . . 
He  was  not  a signatory  of  the  Constitution  of 
1857,  which  first  attacked  the  existence  of  the 
religious  orders ; the  law  for  the  confiscation  of 
church  property  was  framed  by  Miguel  Lerdo 
de  Tejada,  the  Finance  Minister  of  PresidentCo- 
moufort  (1856);  and  the  constitutional  amend- 
ments which  definitely  established  the  sepa- 
ration of  Church  and  State,  instituted  civil 
marriage,  placed  monastic  communities  outside 
the  pale  of  the  law,  and  forbade  open-air  reli- 
gious services,  were  not  enacted  until  1873  and 
1874,  after  the  death  of  Juarez,  and  during  the 
presidency  of  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada. 

“March  21,  1906,  was,  by  a decree  of  Con- 
gress, observed  as  a general  holiday  in  Mexico. 
Pilgrimages  to  the  tomb  of  Juarez  took  place  in 
the  morning  ; commemorative  tablets  were  un- 
veiled in  the  afternoon,  and  at  night  General 
Diaz,  surrounded  by  his  cabinet,  presided  in  the 
Arbeu  Theatre  at  an  apotheosis  of  Juarez,  dur- 
ing which  the  career  and  character  of  the  re- 
forming president  were  extolled  in  an  eloquent 
oration  by  Hon.  Justo  Sierra,  Minister  of  Public 
Instruction.  On  the  stage  with  the  President 
during  these  exercises  were  the  son  and  other 
surviving  descendants  of  Juarez,  who  are  nu- 
merous. 

“ Curiously  enough,  a question  involving  the 
interpretation  of  the  Reform  Laws  arose  soon 
after  the  celebration  of  the  Juarez  centenary. 
The  ministers  of  all  denominations  in  Mexico 
had  been  accustomed  to  conduct  a service  at  the 
graveside  in  connection  with  the  burial  of  the 
dead.  It  was  generally  held  that  this  prac- 
tice did  not  conflict  with  Article  5 of  the  Law  of 
December  14,  1874,  forbidding  all  forms  of  re- 
ligious service  other  than  those  held  inside  the 
churches.  But  in  May,  1906,  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment issued  a circular  declaring  open-air  burial 
services  conducted  in  the  cemeteries  to  be  illegal. 
This  rule  has  led  to  the  erection  of  mortuary 
chapels  in  the  cemeteries  which  previously  were 
unprovided  with  them,  and  the  burial  services 
are  held  inside  these  chapels. 

“ While  this  episode  shows  that  there  is  no  in- 
tention on  the  part  of  the  governmental  author- 
ities of  Mexico  to  relax  one  iota  of  the  laws 
which  curtailed  the  power  of  the  Church,  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  there  is  no  serious  religious 
conflict  in  Mexico  at  the  present  time  ; and, 
under  laws  which  are  probably  as  restrictive  as 
those  recently  enacted  in  France,  which  have  so 
agitated  that  country,  Church  and  State  in  the 
Mexican  Republic  move  smoothly  in  their  sepa- 
rate orbits,  with  conciliatory  if  not  cordial  sen- 
timents toward  each  other.”  — F.  R.  Guernsey, 
The  Year  in  Mexico  ( Atlantic  Monthly,  March, 
1907). 

A.  D.  1906.  — Joint  Action  with  the  United 
States  in  Central  American  Mediation.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Central  America. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Participation  in  Third  In- 


420 


MEXICO,  1909 


MILWAUKEE 


ternational  Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Nationalizing  the  Railway 
System.  See  Railways:  Mexico. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Extended  Governmental 
Control  of  Railways.  See  Railways:  Mexico. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Last  Year  of  the  Sixth 
Consecutive  Term  of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  the 
Presidency.  — His  long  practical  Autocracy, 
and  its  effects  on  the  Nation.  — A Mexican 
View. — Since  Napoleon  remodeled  a French 
republic  into  an  empire  there  has  been  nothing 
of  its  kind  in  political  workmanship  to  equal 
the  masterpiece  of  practical  autocracy  which 
Porfirio  Diaz  has  erected  in  Mexico,  on  a basis 
of  nominal  democracy,  within  the  last  30  years. 
He  has  not  throned  or  crowned  himself,  as 
Napoleon  did,  which  saves  his  work  from  the 
vulgarity  that  the  Corsican  could  not  resist; 
but  he  has  exercised  more  than  the  sovereignty 
that  imperial  seats  and  trappings  could  invest 
him  with. 

On  the  1st  of  December,  1909,  Diaz  entered 
the  last  year  of  his  sixth  consecutive  term  in 
the  presidency  — his  seventh  term  in  all  — the 
previous  term  of  four  years  having  now  been 
lengthened  to  six.  Since  1884  he  has  held  the 
reins  of  Government  by  what  seems  to  have 
become  sheer  mastery,  whatever  of  free  popu- 
lar election  there  may  have  been  at  the  outset 
of  his  official  career.  If  internal  and  external 
peace,  general  good  order,  rapid  progress  on 
all  lines  of  material  advancement,  great  gains 
in  public  education  and  a general  uplift  of  the 
country  in  its  standing  before  the  world  were 
sufficient  fruits  of  his  government  to  test  its 
quality  by,  then  Mexico  might  well  be  satisfied 
with  it  and  with  him  ; for  the  beneficence  of  his 
autocracy  on  this  side  of  its  working  appears 
to  be  beyond  dispute.  But  Mexico  appears  to 
have  begun  to  feel  the  cost  in  public  character 
and  spirit  which  paternalized  government  must 
always  exact  for  the  superficial  benefits  it  be- 
stows, and  the  country  is  said  to  be  filled  with 
more  than  discontent. 

A notable  Mexican  writer,  Rafael  de  Zayes 
Enriquez,  who  is  described  as  a lifelong  friend 
and  supporter  of  Diaz,  has  been  bold  enough  to 
give  voice  to  the  existing  feeling  in  a recent 
book.  The  long  administration  of  the  masterful 
president  is  recounted  and  studied  with  honest 
friendliness,  for  the  open  purpose  of  addressing 
plain  truths  to  the  man  whose  life  and  work  are 
discussed.  “ You  have  disarmed  the  judiciary 
and  the  Legislature,”  he  is  told,  “ until  they 
are  impotent,  and  in  reality  nothing  more  than 
branches  of  the  executive.”  “Imitating  the 
high  example,  almost  everyone  in  Mexico  who 
has  any  power  abuses  it,  and  the  cowed  public 
submits.”  “Everyone  is  permitted  to  despise 
the  public  and  to  treat  it  tyrannically.”  And 
the  honest  friend  who  thus  commands  the  at- 
tention of  Diaz  to  the  evil  workings  of  his  dic- 
tatorship, appeals  for  the  ending  of  it  — for  the 
restoration  of  a nullified  constitution,  for  free 
elections,  for  independent  legislatures  and 
courts;  for  the  averting  of  otherwise  inevitable 
storms  of  revolution,  and  for  the  saving  of  him- 
self from  a verdict  of  history,  that  “ he  created 
a nation,  but  destroyed  a people.” 

On  the  other  hand  there  are  foreign  observers 
in  Mexico  who  believe  that  Diaz  holds  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  country  in  his  hand.  A 


Press  correspondent  wrote  not  long  since  : “ He, 
Diaz,  alone  saved  us  from  a disastrous  panic  last 
fall,  the  effects  of  which  would  have  reached 
beyond  our  boundaries.  The  Government  com- 
pelled the  Banco  Nacional  to  advance  ready 
money  to  every  institution  that  was  in  need  and 
intrinsically  sound.  The  bank  was  likewise 
compelled  to  sell  exchange  at  a loss,  so  that  the 
failure  to  keep  silver  at  a parity  was  less  appar- 
ent. The  Government  stood  this  loss.  About 
January  first  one  of  the  largest  mercantile 
houses  in  Mexico,  with  many  branches,  was  in 
serious  difficulty.  Its  chief  went  straight  to 
President  Diaz,  and  said  that  he  must  have  a 
million  dollars  or  fail.  Recognizing  that  the 
failure  of  this  house  would  precipitate  a panic, 
the  Government  let  him  have  the  money.  . . . 
In  my  opinion,  the  most  serious  menace  to  the 
prosperity  of  Mexico  is  the  fear  that  President 
Diaz  is  not  as  strong  physically  as  is  popularly 
believed.  . . . The  least  of  the  evils  which 
might  come  from  his  death,  should  it  occur 
soon,  would  be  increase  in  business  stagnation 
and  in  popular  unrest.  Many  politicians  seem 
ready  to  avail  themselves  of  the  present  wide- 
spread dislike  of  foreigners.  The  ferment  of 
anti-foreign  leaven  is  working  among  the 
masses.” 

Whatever  may  be  the  kind  and  quality  of  the 
domination  he  has  exercised  for  twenty-five 
years,  Mexico  must  inevitably  be  put  to  a cru- 
cial test  when  he  drops  the  helm  of  state. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Meeting  of  President  Diaz 
with  President  T aft.  See  (in  this  vol.  ) United 
States  : A.  D.  1909  (Sept.-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Participation  in  a 
North  American  Conference  on  the  Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Conservation  of  Natural  Resources:  North 
America. 

MEYER,  George  von  L. : Postmaster- 
General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1905-1909;  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  See 
the  same:  A.  D.  1909  (March). 

MICHELSEN,  Professor  Albert  A.:  In- 
ventor of  the  Interferometer.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent.  See, 
also,  Nobel  Prizes. 

MICHELSEN,  M. : Premier  of  Norway. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Norway  : A.  D.  1902-1905. 

MICHIGAN:  A.  D.  1909. — Legislation 
giving  Home  Rule  to  Cities.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government  : Michigan. 

MIDHAT  PASHA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

MIGNOT,  Bishop.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

MIGUEL,  Dom:  Pretender  to  the  Crown 
of  Portugal.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Portugal: 
A.  D.  1909. 

MIGUELISTAS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba : 
A.  D.  1906-1909. 

MILIOUKOV,  Professor  Paul.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

MILLERAND,  M. : Minister  of  Public 
Works,  Posts,  and  Telegraphs  in  the  Briand 
Cabinet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1909 
(July). 

MILNER,  Alfred,  Lord:  In  South  Africa. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901- 
1902,  and  after. 

MILWAUKEE  REFRIGERATOR 
TRANSIT  CASE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combi- 


421 


MISSIONS 


MISSIONS 


NATIONS,  INDUSTRIAL:  UNITED  STATES:  A.  D. 
1901-1906. 

MIN,  General:  Assassination  of.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1906. 

MINDANAO,  Conditions  in.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

MINE  OWNERS’  ASSOCIATION, 

Western.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labok  Organiza- 
tion : United  States  : A.  D.  1899-1907. 

MINERS  AND  MINING.  See  Labor. 

MINING,  Wasteful.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

MINNESOTA:  A.  D.  1908.  — Organiza- 
tion of  Cooperative  Stores.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Remuneration  : Cooperative  Organi- 
zation. 

MINTO,  Gilbert  John  Murray  K.  Elliott, 
Earl  of : Governor-General  of  Canada.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1904. 

Viceroy  of  India.  — His  initiation  of  the 
Reform  in  Indian  Government  by  the  Indian 
Councils  Bill.  See  India  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

MIRSKY,  Prince  Svyatopolk-.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

MISSIONS,  Christian  : At  Large:  Notable 
Movements  of  1910.  — “The  year  1910  will  be 
notable  in  the  annals  of  foreign  missions.  The 
Laymen’s  Missionary  Movement,  now  holding 
meetings  in  this  city,  plans  an  educative  cam- 
paign covering  over  seventy  centres  and  cul- 
minating next  May  in  a national  congress  in 
Chicago.  The  Student  Volunteer  Movement, 
which  enrols  in  its  mission  study  classes  over 
25,000  collegians,  and  which  has  sent  over  4,000 
workers  to  the  foreign  field,  has  just  closed  a 
conference  at  Rochester,  where  were  assembled 
nearly  3,000  college  men  and  women.  In  this 
month  also  is  the  gathering  of  medical  mission- 
aries at  Battle  Creek,  Mich.  Next  June  the  im- 
portant World  Missionary  Conference  takes 
place  in  Edinburgh.  In  October  the  country’s 
oldest  foreign  missionary  organization,  the 
American  Board,  celebrates  its  centennial  in  con- 
nection with  the  National  Congregational  Coun- 
cil at  Boston.”  — If.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Jan.  10, 
1910. 

China : A.  D.  1906-1907.  — “ In  view  of  the 
recent  remarkable  awakening  in  China,  and  the 
strong  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  for  a 
knowledge  of  Western  civilisation  and  science, 
an  influential  Committee,  ‘ The  China  Missions 
Emergency  Committee,’  was  appointed  last 
year,  including  in  its  membership  an  equal  num- 
ber of  prominent  representatives  of  the  Angli- 
can Church  as  well  as  of  the  Free  Churches  of 
Great  Britain,  to  consider  in  what  ways  it 
might  assist  the  missionary  societies  and  their 
representatives  in  China  in  adjusting  and  ex- 
tending their  existing  operations,  so  that  the 
momentous  demands  now  made  upon  them  by 
the  surprising  changes  of  thought  and  policy 
that  have  so  suddenly  emerged,  may  be  ade- 
quately met.  . . . 

“It  appointed  as  its  representatives  the  Rev. 
Lord  William  and  Lady  Florence  Gascoyne- 
Cecil,  of  Hatfield ; Sir  Alexander  R.  Simpson, 
of  Edinburgh  ; Professor  Alexander  Macalister, 
of  Cambridge  ; and  Mr.  Francis  William  Fox, 
of  London,  to  attend  the  Missionary  Conference 
held  at  Shanghai  from  April  26th  to  May  7th 
last,  and  also  to  pay  a series  of  visits  to  mis- 
sionaries and  mission  stations,  for  the  purpose 
of  learning  from  the  most  experienced  mission- 


aries what  measures  should  be  adopted  to  meet 
the  new  demands  that  had  arisen.” 

“We  found  everywhere  throughout  the  Chi- 
nese Empire  that  greater  religious  liberty  is  en- 
joyed than  is  the  case  in  many  other  parts  of 
the  world,  and  that,  so  long  as  the  laws  of  the 
country  are  observed,  there  is,  theoretically,  no 
interference  with  the  conscientious  opinions  of 
individuals,  with,  however,  the  exceptions  that 
Chinese  officials  are  required  occasionally  to  per- 
form certain  ceremonies  of  an  idolatrous  charac- 
ter. . . i 

“ In  the  year  1906,  as  before  stated,  there  were 
approximately  3,750  Foreign  Protestant  Mis- 
sionaries residing  in  China.  Of  these,  1,950  were 
British,  1,457  American,  and  some  343  Conti- 
nental and  Independent  Workers.  The  number 
of  Bible  Women:  — In  1876,  90  ; in  1889,  180;  in 
1906,  894.  Number  of  Boys’  and  Girls’  Day 
Schools  : — In  1878,  289  ; in  1906,  385.  Number 
of  Scholars  in  Day  Schools:  — In  1876,  4,909;  in 
1889,  16,836;  in  1906,  42,546.  Number  of  Inter- 
mediate, High  Schools  and  Colleges:  — In  1906, 
389.  Number  of  Students  in  Colleges,  etc.  (male 
and  female) : — In  1906,  15,137.  Total  number 
of  Scholars  and  Students  :- — In  1906,  57,683. 

“By  the  commencement  of  1908  it  is  esti- 
mated that  the  total  number  of  Foreign  Protest- 
ant Missionaries  in  China  will  be  at  least  4,000. 
The  number  of  Mission  Stations  (including  the 
sub  or  smaller  ones)  is  about  5,750.  The  ordained 
Chinese  Pastors  and  other  Chinese  Preachers  are 
now  about  6,000.  The  number  of  recognized 
Protestant  Church  (full)  Members  and  Catechu- 
mens is  estimated  as  250,000,  which,  with  the 
addition  of  children  and  others  not  regarded  as 
in  full  connection,  represents  a total  of  about 
1,000,000  persons  who  are  more  or  less  closely 
connected  with  the  Protestant  Christian  Churches 
of  China.”  — F.  W.  Fox,  A.  Macalister,  and  A.  R. 
Simpson,  Christian  Missions  in  China  ( Contem- 
porary Review,  Feb.,  1908). 

See,  also,  Education:  China. 

India  and  Korea:  American  Mission 

Schools.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  India, 
and  Korea. 

Japan. — "Viscount  Aoki,  a former  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  is  a Christian,  and  so  is  Vis- 
count Okabe,  Minister  of  Justice  in  the  present 
Cabinet.  There  are  10  Christian  members  of 
the  Imperial  Diet,  all  men  of  high  character  and 
enjoying  the  respect  of  their  fellow-countrymen, 
for  there  is  no  constituency  in  Japan  which 
would  elect  a Christian  qua  Christian.  It  is 
perhaps  among  the  commercial  class  that  Chris- 
tianity is  gaining  most  ground,  and  at  Osaka, 
the  great  industrial  city  of  Japan,  there  are 
churches  with  Japanese  ministers,  supported  en- 
tirely by  Japanese  congregations,  who  have  at 
heart  to  remove  the  popular  reproach  that  Chris- 
tianity is  a foreign  creed  which  cannot  live 
without  foreign  subsidies.  Missionary  activity 
has  always  had  a free  field  in  Japan,  and  its  phi- 
lanthropic aspects  have  never  received  wider 
recognition  than  of  recent  years.  The  Emperor 
himself  has  frequently  marked  by  handsome 
contributions  his  personal  interest  in  orphan- 
ages and  hospitals  conducted  under  missionary 
auspices.  But  if  Christianity  should  ever  be- 
come the  national  faith  of  Japan  it  will  prob- 
ably be  in  some  new  national  form  impressed 
upon  it  by  Japanese  teachers  rather  than  in  any 
sectarian  form  borrowed  from  the  West.  What 


422 


MISSIONS 


MONROE  DOCTRINE 


is  meanwhile  unquestionably  increasing  very 
steadily  is  the  influence  of  Christian  ethics.  . . . 
To  quote  a missionary : ‘ If  there  are  less  than 
200,000  professing  Christians  in  Japan,  there 
are  more  than  a million  educated  Japanese  who 
think  in  terms  of  Christian  ethics,  and  who  try 
to  live  up  to  them  more  truly  than  many  mil- 
lions of  professing  Christians  in  the  West.’”  — 
Cor.  of  The  Times,  London. 

In  April,  1907,  a great  international  mission 
conference  was  assembled  at  Tokyo,  Japan,  of 
which  The  Outlook  gave  the  following  account 
the  next  month:  “ Over  six  hundred  delegates, 
representing  organizations  in  twenty-five  coun- 
tries, assembled  last  month  in  Tokyo.  They  con- 
stituted the  seventh  Conference  of  the  World’s 
Student  Christian  Federation.  The  body  repre- 
sented is  a federation  of  various  national  associ- 
ations of  Christian  students.  Some  of  them 
are  Young  Men’s  Christian  Associations,  organ- 
ized in  the  colleges;  some  of  them  are  student 
organizations,  not  affiliated  with  the  Young 
Men’s  Christian  Association.  The  delegates  re- 
ceived many  messages  of  greeting  from  offi- 
cials of  high  station  ; among  these  were  messages 
from  Viscount  Hayashi,  the  Japanese  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs ; Marquis  Ito,  who  sent  a 
letter  from  Korea  accompanied  with  a gift  of 
five  thousand  dollars  ; Count  Okuma,  Elder 
Statesman  ; the  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  King  of  England,  and  the  King  of  Norway. 

“The  meetings  were  thronged  by  ten  thou- 
sand students,  mainly  Japanese  and  Chinese. 
The  Conference  was  of  course  distinctively 
Christian  in  character;  it  had  a definite  pur- 
pose of  proclaiming  a Christian  message:  it 
advocated  ethical  and  intellectual  progress  by 
means  of  the  Christian  religion  ; it  assembled  in 
a non-Christian  land  ; yet  its  existence,  so  far 
from  arousing  resentment  or  opposition,  evoked 
rather  the  warmest  expression  of  appreciation 
and  even  gratitude.  That  it  stimulated  emula- 
tion is  not  surprising.  A Buddhist  Conference, 
for  example,  was  summoned  in  the  same  city  at 
the  same  time  ; but  at  that  Conference  resolutions 
expressing  its  ‘ profound  respect  ’ to  the  gather- 
ing of  Christians  were  passed,  and  a deputation 
to  convey  these  resolutions  was  chosen.  Simi- 
larly, a Conference  of  Shinto  priests  sent  a letter 
to  the  Christian  Conference  expressing  their 
sense  of  the  honor  which  the  Federation  had 
shown  to  Japan  by  convening  in  Tokyo,  and, 
in  lieu  of  a reception  which  could  not  be  ar- 
ranged for  lack  of  time,  presented  material 
‘mementoes  and  tokens  of  esteem,’  in  order, 
to  use  their  own  words,  ‘to  express  our  deep 
appreciation  of  your  coming,  and  to  commem- 
orate this  bright  event  in  Japan’s  history.’ 
The  press  of  Japan  was  emphatic  in  its  expres- 
sion of  good  will.” 

Turkey  and  the  Near  East  : American 
Mission  Schools.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion : Turkey. 

MISSOURI:  A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Success- 
ful Prosecution  of  the  Waters-Pierce  and 
Standard  Oil  Companies.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1904-1909. 

MISSOURI  RIVER  RATE  CASE.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

MISTRAL,  Frederic.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 


MITCHELL,  John:  President  of  the 

United  Mine  Workers  of  America.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1902-1903. 

Resignation  on  account  of  ill  health.  See 

(as  above)  A.  D.  1909. 

Chairman  of  Trades  Agreements  Depart- 
ment of  National  Civic  Federation.  See  Labor 
Organization:  United  States:  A.  D.  1908. 

Sentence  for  alleged  Violation  of  an  In- 
junction. See  Labor  Organization  : United 
States:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

MITCHELL,  John  H.:  United  States  Sen- 
ator, involved  in  Land  Frauds.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

MODERATE-REPUBLICANS.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  France.-  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

MODERNISM,  Papal  Encyclical  against. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy  : A.  D.  1907.  Also, 
Tyrrel,  Father  George. 

MODUS  VIVENDI:  On  American  Fish- 
ing in  Newfoundland  waters.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Newfoundland:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

MOHAMMED  ALI:  Lately  deposed  Shah 
of  Persia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia  : A.  D. 

1907  (Jan.-Sept.). 

MOHAMMEDAN  CONFERENCE.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1907  (Dec.). 

MOHAMMEDANS  OF  INDIA:  Their 
present  Feeling.  See  (in  this  vol.)  India: 
A.  D.  1907-1909,  and  1908-1909. 

MOHAMID  EL  AMIN,  a new  Mahdi. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa  : A.  D.  1903  (Sudan). 

MOHAMMID  RESCHAD  EFFENDI : 
Made  Sultan  of  Turkey  as  Mohammid  V. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.- 
May). 

MOHONK  (LAKE)  PEACE  CONFER- 
ENCE. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against  : A.  D.  1909. 

MOISSAN,  H.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

MOLTKE,  Count  Kuno  von:  His  Libel 
Suit  against  Maximilien  Harden.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

MOMMSEN,  Theodor.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

MONASTIR  : Beginnings  of  the  Turkish 
Revolution.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D. 

1908  (July-Dec.). 

MONETA,  Ernesto  T.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

MONEY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and 

MONO-RAIL  SYSTEM.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention  : Railways. 

MONOPOLIES.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combi- 
nations,  Industrial. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE:  Interpreted  re- 
latively to  German  Claims  and  Complaints 
against  Venezuela.  — Its  Recognition  by 
Germany.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Venezuela:  A.  D. 
1901,  and  United  States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

Impliedly  recognized  by  the  Hague  Tribu- 
nal. See  (in  this  vol.)  Venezuela  : A.  D. 
1902-1904. 

In  the  case  of  San  Domingo.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  San  Domingo  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

Stated  as  an  All-America  Doctrine  by 
Secretary  Root,  at  the  Third  International 
Conference  of  American  Republics,  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  in  1906.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics. 


423 


MONROE  PALACE 


MOROCCO,  1896-1906 


MONROE  PALACE,  The.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  American  Republics:  Third  Interna- 
tional Conference. 

MONTAGUE,  A.  J.  : Delegate  to  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Re- 
publics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

MONTENEGRO.  See  Balkan  and  Danu- 
bian  States. 

MONTES,  I.  : President  of  Bolivia.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Acre  Disputes. 

MONT  PEL&E,  Volcanic  explosion  of. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Volcanic  Eruptions  : West 
Indies. 

MONTT,  Pedro:  President  of  Chile.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Chile:  A.  D.  1906. 

MOODY,  William  H. : Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Attorney-General  and  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

MOOR,  F.  R.  : Premier  of  Natal.  — At  the 
Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

MORALES,  President  Carlos  F.  See  (in 
this  vol.  San  Domingo  : A.  D.  1904-1907. 

MORENGA,  Chief  of  Hereros.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Africa  : German  Colonies. 

MORET  Y PRENDERGAST:  Premier 
of  Spain.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain  : A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

MORGAN,  J.  Pierpont : His  Intervention 
in  the  Anthracite  Coal  Strike  of  1902.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

His  organization  of  the  International  Mer- 
cantile Marine  Company.  See  Combina- 
tions, Industrial  : International. 

Enlarged  Control  of  Banking  Interests. 
See  Finance  and  Trade:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909-1910. 

MORLEY,  John,  Viscount:  Secretary  of 
State  for  India.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

On  the  Indian  Councils  Bill.  See  India: 
A.  D.  1908-1909. 

MOROCCO  (Maghreb  el-Aksa):  The 

Name.  — Maroc  or  Morocco,  the  name  given  by 
Europeans  to  the  empire  of  the  Moorish  Sultan 
as  a whole,  is  not  so  applied  by  the  natives  of 
the  country.  According  to  them,  the  Maroc  or 
country  of  Marrakech,  the  Marruecos  of  the 
Spaniards,  is  only  one  of  three  States  submis- 
sive to  the  authority  of  the  Sultan-Shereef.  At 
the  north  the  kingdom  of  Fez,  at  the  southwest 
the  oasis  of  Tafilet,  make  up  his  real  empire. 
Beyond  these,  vast  territories  occupied  by  nu- 
merous independent  tribes,  stretch  over  the 
space  that  is  marked  on  our  maps  with  the 
name  Morocco.  Its  inhabitants  have  no  com- 
mon  name  for  it  as  a whole.  Their  country,  in- 
dicated in  a general  manner,  with  no  precise 
delimitation,  is  the  Maghreb  el-Aksa, — that  is 
to  say,  “ The  Extreme  West.”  — fllisee  Reclus, 
Nouvelle  Geographic  Universelle,  vol.  11,  p.  653. 

A.  D.  1896-1906.  — The  Creeping  of  the 
French  Algerian  Boundary  into  Moroccan 
T erritory.  — A Justification  of  the  Encroach- 
ment. — “Something  has  happened  during  the 
two  weeks  preceding  the  Conference  at  Al- 
geciras  [see  Europe  : A.  D.  1904-1906],  which 
may  or  may  not  be  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  international  diplomats.  France  from  the 
start  has  refused  to  submit  her  doings  along  the 


Algerian  frontier  to  the  discussion  of  the  con- 
ference. That  concerns  herself  and  Morocco 
alone.  What  has  been  happening  would  in  any 
case  put  the  conference  in  face  of  an  accom- 
plished fact.  Some  time  ago  M.  Jonnart,  Gov- 
ernor-General of  Algiers,  was  informed  that 
emissaries  from  Fez  were  notifying  the  fron- 
tier tribes,  whose  submission  to  France  dates 
only  from  the  last  few  years,  that  Germany 
would  help  the  Sultan  very  shortly  to  force  the 
French  to  evacuate  their  tribal  territories.  . . . 
M.  Jonnart  at  once  set  out  on  a long  and  cere- 
monious visit  to  the  tribes  along  the  extreme 
southern  frontier.  He  was  accompanied  by 
Gen.  Lyautey,  the  ‘ pacificating  ’ general,  who 
has  been  M.  JaurtSs’  bugbear  in  this  Moroccan 
affair.  The  Governor-General  returned  to  Al- 
giers Friday  last,  just  in  time  to  have  his  news 
ready  for  the  conference.  He  has  reason  to  be 
satisfied.  Except  for  a vague  idea  that  the  Mo- 
roccan territory  along  the  Algerian  frontier  is  a 
‘ bled-es-siba  ’ — a country  where  the  Sultan  has 
difficulty  in  collecting  his  taxes  — the  foreign 
press  has  not  kept  pace  with  what  has  been  going 
on  for  the  last  ten  years.  In  one  word,  during 
that  time  France  has  brought  under  her  dom- 
ination a stretch  of  territory  of  some  thousands 
of  square  miles.  It  is  true  that  this  territory  is 
sparsely  settled  by  wilfully  independent  tribes, 
who  so  far  alternately  aided  in  the  Algerian 
harvests  and  raided  the  French  outposts.  This 
situation  quite  justifies  the  action  of  the  French 
troops,  which  has  consisted  in  throwing  for- 
ward the  unbroken  line  of  outposts  that  enclose 
and  keep  in  order  the  French  dominion,  and  not 
in  any  military  conquest  of  volatile  tribes.  M. 
Jaurtis  always  fell  foul  of  the  latter  policy, 
which  he  ascribed  to  the  military;  but  it  would 
be  as  useless  as  it  is  absurd.  What  Gen.  Ly- 
autey has  been  doing  all  these  years,  without 
Germany  or  any  other  friend  of  the  Sultan 
giving  sign  of  life,  is  not  only  reasonable  : it 
is  better — it  has  proved  effective.  And  M. 
Jonnart’s  tour  has  secured  the  formal  submis- 
sion of  these  tribes  whose  territory  geographers 
have  all  along  made  a part  of  Tafilalt  — the 
soutlieasternmost  of  the  four  ancient  kingdoms 
which,  together,  make  up  the  empire  of  Mo- 
rocco. The  boundary  between  Morocco  and 
French  territory  in  Algiers  has  never  been  set- 
tled since  the  original  treaty  of  1845.  That 
drew  a line  from  the  coast  southward  about  a 
hundred  miles  to  Teniet-es-Sassi,  four  degrees 
of  longitude  west  from  Paris,  and  then  stopped. 
Whatever  was  to  the  south — then  a No  Man’s 
Land,  so  far  as  France  was  concerned — was  to 
be  divided  amicably  along  as  natural  a line  as 
possible,  leaving  the  east  to  France  as  a sphere 
of  influence  (the  word  had  not  yet  been  in- 
vented). During  these  sixty  years  the  frontier 
line  has  remained  about  the  same  on  the  maps. 
But  France  has  steadily  prolonged  her  settled 
domination  southward,  gaining  over  a Moham- 
medan population  by  serving  their  material  in- 
terests without  offence  to  their  religion.  The 
railway  now  reaches  Beni  Otinif,  only  a short 
distance  from  Fighig,  whose  Amcl  is  among 
those  notified  that  Morocco  with  German  help 
will  soon  send  the  French  over  the  desert  and 
far  away.  At  Beni  Ounif,  besides  the  Grand 
Hotel  for  tourists,  there  are  extensive  counting 
houses  for  the  trade  of  all  the  Hinterland,  with 
an  appropriate  banking  system,  and  everything 


424 


MOROCCO,  1903 


MOROCCO,  1903 


to  draw  the  Moroccan  tribes.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  this  territory  has  always  been  nominally  a 
part  of  Morocco.  . . . And  now  M.  Jonnart  has 
visited  olllcially  the  great  Zaouia,  or  religious 
centre  of  Kenadsa,  still  farther  to  the  west.” — ■ 
Paris  Special  Correspondence  N.  Y.  Eve.  Post, 
Feb.  3,  1906. 

A.  D.  1903.  — State  of  Affairs  in  the  Moor- 
ish Sultanate.  — Abd  el  Aziz,  the  young 
Sultan.  — His  expensive  tastes.  — His  enjoy- 
ment of  the  Playthings  of  Civilization  and 
Science. — “Regarded  as  a Moorish  ruler  and 
leader,  the  late  Sultan,  Mulai  Hassan,  was  a 
strong  man,  almost,  perhaps,  a great  man.  The 
loss  of  Morocco  is  that  apparently  she  cannot 
produce  his  like  in  the  present  generation.  She 
was  richer  a few  years  ago  ; and  that  is  part  of 
her  decadence.  Mulai  Hassan  had  a companion 
of  his  right  hand  : Ba  Hamed,  the  Grand  Wa- 
zeer.  In  them  Morocco  could  boast  the  posses- 
sion of  two  strong  men  ; crude,  narrow  of  vision, 
even  brutal  and  merciless,  if  judged  by  Euro- 
pean standards,  yet  genuinely  strong  men.  The 
greater  of  them  died,  and  his  subordinate  suc- 
cessfully hid  the  fact  (though  the  Court  was 
journeying  at  the  time)  from  all  Morocco, 
masquerading  as  one  in  close  attendance  upon 
a Sultan  whose  corpse,  as  a fact,  was  tied  in  its 
litter,  until  city  walls  were  reached,  prepara- 
tions made,  and  the  succession  of  the  youth 
Abd  el  Aziz  assured.  Be  it  remembered  that  Ba 
Hamed,  the  survivor,  was  a strong  man  in  his 
own  right.  Young  Abd  el  Aziz  [who  succeeded 
his  father  in  1894]  was  docile  perforce,  and  Ba 
Hamed  ruled,  without  pity,  with  greed,  and 
quite  unhampered  by  what  Europe  calls  honour 
or  justice.  . . . 

“Rather  more  than  two  years  ago  [1901], 
when  already  the  country  was  perturbed  by 
news  of  the  French  advance  upon  and  occu- 
pation of  Igli,  the  Moorish  town  which  was 
regarded  as  the  depot  and  junction  via  which 
the  caravan  traffic  of  the  desert  filtered  through 
Morocco  to  the  coast ; at  this  critical  juncture, 
in  the  thick  of  conflicting  intrigues,  poisonings, 
and  official  treachery,  Ba  Hamed,  the  greatly 
feared,  greatly  hated,  and  rigidly  obeyed  Wa- 
zeer,  died  at  Marrakish,  leaving  many  schem- 
ing heirs-presumptive  to  his  office,  but  no  single 
successor  to  the  mantle  of  his  authority,  the  in- 
herent masterfulness  of  his  personality. 

“Still  youthful  Abd  el  Aziz  IY.  stretched 
forth  both  hands  and  personally  took  up  the 
fallen  reins  of  government  with  a great  flourish 
of  trumpets  and  display  of  energy.  . . . Opti- 
mistic Europeans,  naturally  gratified  by  the  ac- 
tive good  sense  with  which  Abd  el  Aziz  checked 
his  Filali  tribesmen’s  turbulent  resentment  of 
contact  with  the  French  in  Igli  and  its  oasis, 
freely  predicted  a new  lease  of  life  for  the 
Moorish  Empire.  They  credited  the  new  broom 
with  powers  which,  in  view  of  its  origin  and 
environment,  had  been  little  short  of  miracu- 
lous. And  they  omitted  reflection  regarding 
the  hand  which  moved  the  new  broom.  This 
was  a power  behind  the  Parasol,  a latent  intelli- 
gence, not  wholly  Moorish,  capricious,  feminine, 
subtle,  unstable,  and  somewhat  vitiated  from 
long  repression  in  an  unwholesome  atmosphere. 
The  late  Mulai  Hassan’s  Circassian  wife,  young 
Abd  el  Aziz’s  mother,  Lalla  R’kia,  had  also 
found  a dangerous  emancipation  in  the  death  of 
Ba  Hamed.  . . . 


“Casually  observant  Nazarenes  saw  rich, 
cruel  officials  swept  from  their  high  estate  by 
wholesale,  and  predicted  the  birth  of  probity 
at  Court.  Notorious  gainers  by  oppression  were 
loaded  with  chains  in  Kasbah  dungeons;  the 
young  Sultan’s  brother,  the  One-Eyed,  whom 
cautious  Ba  Hamed  had  kept  secure  in  Tetuan 
prison,  was  established  on  parole  at  Mcquinez, 
and  ‘ Here ’s  positive  purity  of  administration  ! ’ 
cried  the  surface-reading  hopeful  in  Christian- 
ridden  Tangier. 

“Of  a sudden,  all  movement  ceased.  The 
young  Sultan  was  lost  sight  of  — behind  the 
curtain.  ...  It  is  not  given  to  us  to  know 
anything  of  pale  Lalla  lt’kia’s  attitude  during 
this  breathing  space.  . . . (Lalla  R’kia  died 
last  year.) 

“Speaking  metaphorically,  his  Shareefian 
Majesty  Abd  el  Aziz  reappeared  on  the  arm  of 
a commercial  agent,  a French  Israelite,  with  a 
genius  for  the  ‘placing’  of  imported  commodi- 
ties. Allah’s  Chosen  had  been  initiated  into 
the  select  manias  of  Europe,  and  become  ad- 
dicted to  golfing,  the  use  of  the  camera,  the 
bicycle,  and  other  less  pretty  pastimes  from  the 
West.  . . . 

“ Commercial  agents  continued  to  press  upon 
the  young  Sultan  the  latest  and  most  expensive 
of  electrical  and  other  toys,  and  those  far-seeing 
gentlemen,  the  newspaper  correspondents,  bade 
Europe  take  note  of  the  remarkable  enlighten- 
ment and  progressive  wisdom  of  the  ruler  of 
Morocco,  as  evidenced  by  his  interest  in  motor 
cars  and  Broadwood  pianos.  And  the  friends 
of  these  optimistic  gentry  criticised  the  present 
writer  as  a croaker  and  a bird  of  ill-omen  when 
he  published  in  The  Fortnightly  Review  for 
July,  1901,  the  following  extract  from  a letter 
sent  him  by  a Moorish  friend: 

“‘To  sum  all  up,  my  friend,  I grieve  be- 
cause I find  the  affairs  of  my  native  land  in 
parlous  order,  demanding  as  never  before  in  the 
history  of  Morocco  the  guidance  of  a strong, 
clear  mind,  a veritable  Sultan.  That  my  coun- 
try’s affairs  most  urgently  need.  They  have 
a governing  power  composed  of  half  a dozen 
corrupt  creatures,  of  a corrupt,  short-sighted, 
cruel,  and  desperately  greedy  Wazeer,  whose 
rightful  Lord  is  occupied  exclusively  in  — Bah ! 
We  have  spoken  of  those  whose  graves  will  be 
defiled,  and  of  the  trumpery  gauds  from  Paris 
bazaars.  And  this,  while  the  turbulent  Sus  is 
aflame,  the  far  south-east  a mine  charged  by 
French  aggression,  waiting  only  the  match  of 
knowledge  of  our  Lord’s  indifference;  the  coun- 
try between  Tafilalt  and  Fas  is  openly  given 
over  to  brigandage  and  anarchy,  and  even  A1 
Ksar,  Arzila,  and  the  Gharb,  Tangiers  out- 
skirts, are  full  of  unrest  and  disorder,  crimes 
and  indifference  to  crimes.’”  — A.  J.  Dawson, 
Morocco,  the  Moors,  and  the  Powers  {Fortnightly 
Review,  Feb.,  1903). 

“ I have  not  seen  the  Sultan  face  to  face,  but 
I have  conversed  with  nearly  all  the  leading 
Europeans  who  have  been  with  him  either  at 
Marrakesh  or  Fez,  and  from  what  they  have 
told  me  I have  been  forced  to  conclude  that 
Mulai  Abd -el -Aziz  is  a charming,  kindly, 
headstrong  man,  suffering  badly  from  youth, 
who  delights  in  reforms  for  the  sake  of  their 
novelty  and  lacks  the  brain  power  that  distin- 
guished his  father,  Mulai  el  Hassan,  and  his 
grandfather,  Mulai  Mohammed.  While  he 


425 


MOROCCO,  1903-1904 


MOROCCO,  1907-1909 


stayed  in  his  southern  capital  he  was  compara- 
tively free  from  the  attacks  of  commercial  at- 
taches and  other  rogues,  whose  designs  upon 
his  treasury  should  have  been  obvious,  though 
he  was  guilty  of  many  extravagances,  includ- 
ing displays  of  fireworks  that  made  his  envoy 
to  England  speak  slightingly  of  the  special 
display  arranged  in  his  honour  at  the  Crystal 
Palace.  In  Fez  the  agents  surrounded  him 
like  summer  flies.  He  has  twelve  motor  cars 
and  no  roads  to  ride  them  over;  he  paid  be- 
tween three  and  four  thousand  pounds  for  a 
yacht,  sixty  feet  long,  that  was  to  be  used  on 
the  Sebu  river,  which  is  no  more  than  thirty 
feet  wide;  in  spite  of  the  Koran’s  prohibition, 
he  has  purchased  a crown  at  a price  I am  afraid 
to  name.  He  has  put  some  of  his  soldiers  into 
European  uniforms  and  boots,  only  to  find  that 
they  run  away  from  Bu  Hamara  as  readily  as 
they  did  when  dressed  in  native  garments.  He 
has  developed  an  enthusiasm  for  photography 

— I have  seen  some  of  his  work  — and  in  addi- 
tion to  cameras  with  cases  of  pure  gold,  he  has 
one  apartment  of  his  palace  loaded  from  floor  to 
ceiling  with  dark  plates,  and  he  was  persuaded 
to  order  ten  thousand  francs’  worth  of  printing 
paper.  He  has  a menagerie  in  the  grounds  of 
the  palace  at  Fez,  and  on  a day  when  it  was 
reported  that  the  lion  sent  from  England  had 
quarrelled  with  and  killed  the  lion  sent  from 
Berlin,  one  of  the  European  visitors  to  the 
court  suggested  to  him  that  a contest  between 
the  victorious  lion  and  the  Bengal  tiger  would 
afford  good  sport.  ‘ No,’  said  Abd-el-Aziz, 

‘ the  lion  cost  me  three  thousand  pounds  ! ’ All 
Europe  knows  that  the  Sultan  is  poor.”  — S.  L. 
Bensusan,  Britain,  France,  and  the  Moorish 
Empire  (Contemporary  Review,  Nov.,  1903). 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Appearance  of  the 
Mahdi,  Bu  Hamara,  as  a leader  of  Insurrec- 
tion.— In  1903  there  appeared  in  Morocco  one 
of  the  prophetic  pretenders  called  Mahdis,  of 
whom  so  many  have  arisen  in  the  Moslem  world, 
to  take  advantage  of  occasions  of  religious  ex- 
citement, and  to  lead  a rising  of  wild  tribes. 
This  Moorish  Mahdi,  known  as  Bu  Hamara,  was 
helped  to  a leadership  of  insurrection  by  an  in- 
cident which  greatly  stirred  the  religious  tem- 
per of  tribes  wherever  known.  An  English 
missionary  was  killed  at  Fez,  and  the  murderer, 
flying  to  a sanctuary  of  special  sanctity,  was 
pursued  thereto  by  the  Sultan’s  guards,  and 
slain  within  the  sacred  bounds.  Against  this 
sacrilege,  committed  to  satisfy  hated  Christians, 
Bu  Hamara  roused  the  country,  preaching  exter- 
mination of  all  Christians  within  it.  The  inse- 
cure throne  of  Abd  el  Aziz  was  made  more  inse- 
cure, English  influence  in  Morocco  was  shaken, 
the  French  frontiers  east  and  south  were  endan- 
gered, and  Bu  Hamara’s  revolt  appears  to  have 
had  much  to  do  with  the  producing  of  all  that 
followed, — in  the  Anglo-French  Agreement  of 
1904,  the  Algeciras  Conference,  the  dethrone- 
ment of  Abd  el  Aziz,  etc. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Declarations  of  England  and 
France  concerning  Morocco  in  the  Agree- 
ments of  the  Entente  of  1904.  — Explanatory 
Despatch.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D. 
1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Exploits  of  El  Raisuli. 

— The  Kidnapping  and  Ransoming  of  Messrs. 
Perdicaris  and  Varley.  — The  Capture  and 
Ransom  of  Kaid  Sir  Harry  MacLean.  — Pre- 


sent Respectability  of  Raisuli  as  a Moroccan 
Governor. — One  of  the  chiefs  in  that  moun- 
tainous strip  of  northern  Morocco,  nearly  paral- 
lel to  the  Mediterranean,  which  is  called  “The 
Riff,”  has  played  a startlingly  troublesome  part 
in  recent  Moroccan  history.  His  name  is  Mulai 
Ahmed  ben  Mohammed,  but  he  is  commonly 
designated  in  all  news-mentions  of  his  doings 
by  the  title  he  bears,  — El  Raisuli,  chieftain  of 
a clan.  The  first  exploit  which  made  this  title 
familiar  to  all  the  world  was  in  May,  1904,  when 
he  kidnapped,  from  their  residence  near  Tangier, 
a naturalized  American  and  an  Englishman,  Mr. 
Ion  Perdicaris  and  his  stepson,  Mr.  Varley,  car- 
rying them  into  the  mountains  and  holding  them 
captive  until  he  had  extorted  a ransom  of  $70,- 
000,  despite  the  utmost  efforts  of  France,  Great 
Britain,  and  the  United  States,  with  the  aid  of 
the  Sultan,  to  obtain  their  release  on  less  humil- 
iating terms.  This  success  failed,  however,  to 
satisfy  the  audacious  brigand,  and  in  July,  1907, 
he  laid  hands  on  another  important  hostage,  this 
time  a British  officer,  Sir  Harry  MacLean,  who 
had  been  long  in  the  service  of  the  Sultan  of 
Morocco,  as  military  adviser,  with  the  title 
of  Kaid.  Kaid  MacLean  ventured  to  visit  the 
brigand  in  his  mountain  retreat  for  some  nego- 
tiation, and  was  detained  in  pawn.  Raisuli  held 
this  notable  captive  until  the  following  Febru- 
ary, and  released  him  then  on  receipt  of  $25,000, 
cash  down,  with  a pledge  of  $75,000  more  at  the 
end  of  three  years,  if  he  gave  no  fresh  trouble 
within  that  time.  Meanwhile,  he  and  twenty- 
eight  of  his  family  were  to  be  under  British  pro- 
tection. Before  this  transaction  was  closed  a 
new  Sultan  had  won  the  Moroccan  throne  (as 
will  be  explained  below)  and  he  thought  it  wiser 
to  employ  the  energies  of  Raisuli  officially  than 
to  try  to  maintain  a contest  of  authority  with  so 
unmanageable  a subject.  Accordingly,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1909,  Raisuli  was  appointed  governor  of 
twelve  tribes  in  Northern  Morocco,  and  is  now 
one  of  the  most  respectable  representatives  of 
government  in  the  last  of  the  Barbary  States. 

A.  D.  1905-1906. —German  hostility  to  the 
Anglo-French  Agreement.  — The  Kaiser’s 
speech  at  Tangier.  — The  International  Con- 
ference at  Algeciras.  — The  resulting  Act. — 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Mob-murder  of  Dr. 
Mauchamp  at  Morocco  City.  — Conflict  with 
Tribesmen  at  Casablanca.  — Bombardment 
by  French  and  Spanish  Ships. — Campaign 
against  the  Tribes.  — Dethronement  of  Sul- 
tan Abd  el  Aziz  by  his  brother  Mulai  Hafid. 
— Fresh  friction  between  France  and  Ger- 
many. - — Its  Pacific  Settlement  by  Arbitra- 
tion at  The  Hague.  — Organization  of  police 
forces  for  the  service  which  France  and  Spain 
were  commissioned  by  the  Powers  at  the  Al- 
geciras Conference  to  perform  in  Morocco  was 
retarded,  necessarily,  by  the  prevailing  anarchy 
in  the  Empire,  and  fresh  causes  of  disorder  oc- 
curred before  the  means  for  prompt  treatment 
of  them  were  prepared.  In  the  spring  of  1907 
a French  citizen,  Dr.  Mauchamp,  at  Marrakesh 
(Morocco  City),  undertook  to  install  at  his 
house  the  apparatus  for  wireless  telegraphy. 
His  Moorish  neighbors  suspected  some  diabol- 
ical intention,  when  he  raised  the  necessary 
mast  on  his  house,  and  proceeded  with  fanatic 
enterprise  to  kill  the  man  of  too  much  science 
and  to  demolish  the  house.  The  French  Gov- 


MOROCCO,  1907-1909 


MOROCCO,  1907-1909 


eminent  demanded  punishment  of  the  outrage, 
with  indemnity  to  the  family  of  the  victim,  and 
put  a force  in  motion,  under  General  Liautey, 
which  occupied  the  city  of  Ujda,  not  far  from 
the  Algerian  frontier,  to  hold  it  until  the  de- 
mands of  justice  were  complied  with.  None  of 
the  Powers  signatory  to  the  Algeciras  Confer- 
ence raised  objections  to  this  proceeding. 

A more  serious  intervention  was  occasioned 
in  July,  1907,  when  the  French  took  control  of 
the  collection  of  customs  at  the  ports,  as  di- 
rected by  the  Algeciras  agreement.  At  Casa- 
blanca, on  the  Atlantic  coast,  the  tribesmen  at- 
tacked a number  of  European  laborers,  employed 
there  in  quarries,  and  killed  eight.  All  the  for- 
eign residents  of  the  region  were  in  danger,  and 
French  and  Spanish  war-ships  were  hurried  to 
the  scene.  The  local  Moorish  official  confessed 
his  inability  to  protect  the  threatened  foreign- 
ers, who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  French,  Span- 
ish, and  British  consulates,  with  hostile  tribes 
swarming  around  the  town,  and  he  asked  for 
help.  Marines  were  landed  on  the  4th  of  Au- 
gust and  were  attacked.  “ A sanguinary  battle 
followed  between  the  Arabs  and  the  European 
soldiery,  the  French  cruiser  opening  fire  and 
shelling  the  Moorish  batteries.  Scenes  of  great 
disorder  and  violence  followed  upon  the  firing, 
a raging  mob  of  Moors  attacking  and  pillaging 
the  entire  city.  The  Jews  particularly  were 
massacred  by  hundreds.  Another  French  war- 
ship soon  appeared  upon  the  scene,  accompanied 
by  a Spanish  cruiser,  and  troops  were  landed 
to  the  number  of  4000.  General  Drude,  the 
French  commander,  was  chosen  to  head  the  al- 
lied troops,  Spanish  and  French,  and  reinforce- 
ments were  hurried  from  France.”  A number 
of  encounters  followed.  “The  most  serious 
were  the  attacks,  on  August  28,  and  September 
2,  upon  Casablanca  and  its  outskirts,  both  re- 
sulting from  a reconnaissance  in  force  by  the 
French  Algerian  irregular  cavalry  and  the  fa- 
mous Foreign  Legion.  Seven  or  eight  thou- 
sand Moors  attacked  the  Europeans,  sweeping 
down  from  the  hills  with  all  the  ferocity  and 
courage  traditional  in  their  race.  By  the  aid  of 
machine  guns  and  the  batteries  from  their  war- 
ships the  French  succeeded  in  repelling  the 
tribesmen  with  considerable  loss  of  life.” 

Justification  of  the  bombardment  of  Casa- 
blanca was  somewhat  questioned  at  the  time, 
and  with  good  reason  if  the  following  account  of 
the  circumstances,  by  an  eye-witness,  a Scotch 
missionary,  are  to  be  believed.  His  statement 
was  published  in  the  Glasgow  Herald , and  is 
given  here  as  summarized  in  The  Outlook,  of 
September  21,  1907. 

“This  missionary,  Dr.  Kerr,  has  lived  many 
years  in  the  country,  and  he  asserts  that  in  many 
ways  the  French  residents  and  officials  have  con- 
tinually irritated  the  Moors  and  provoked  them 
to  anger.  Dr.  Kerr  states  that  no  further  out- 
breaks occurred  after  the  massacre  of  French 
and  Spanish  workmen  on  July  30,  and  that  when 
the  bombardment  began  on  August  1 there  was 
absolutely  no  immediate  provocation  for  it.  He 
denounces  it  as  contrary  to  the  usages  of  civ- 
ilized war  and  as  ‘wicked  and  unjustifiable,’ 
adding  that  the  British  merchants  in  Casablanca 
will  probably  sue  the  French  Government  for 
damages  caused  to  their  property  by  what  they 
consider  an  unnecessary  bombardment.  The 
punishment  of  the  Moors  concerned  in  the  mur- 


der of  the  eight  workmen,  says  Dr.  Kerr,  no  one 
could  object  to,  but  instead  of  this  the  punish- 
ment took  the  form  of  an  unprovoked  massacre 
of  persons  many  of  whom  were  entirely  inno- 
cent. The  details  of  the  affair  as  he  gives  them 
are  certainly  deplorable,  and  if  his  assertion  that 
the  lauding  force  of  the  French  fired  the  first 
shot  is  true,  the  succeeding  episodes  described 
are  unpardonable.  One  of  these  episodes  may  be 
quoted  here: 

“ ‘ I saw  two  young  women  walking  as 
quickly  as  they  could.  . . . Suddenly  a volley 
was  fired  into  them  by  the  Spanish  marines. 
They  fell,  but  picked  themselves  up,  and  took 
refuge  in  a ledge  of  a wall.  After  waiting  a few 
minutes  they  made  to  return,  when  another  vol- 
ley was  fired  at  them,  and  they  fell  again.  . . . 
One  of  these  brave  daughters  of  Ishmael  refused 
to  flee  without  taking  with  her  the  “ khaik,”  or 
outer  garment,  which  fell  from  her  [thus  leav- 
ing her  face  uncovered,  contrary  to  Moslem 
law].  She  turned  back,  picked  up  her  garment, 
and  fled  as  fast  as  she  could,  bleeding  all  over.’  ” 

In  the  fall  of  1907  General  Drude  was  suc- 
ceeded in  the  command  at  Casablanca  by  Gen- 
eral d’Amade,  who  prosecuted  a more  vigorous 
campaign  against  the  obstinately  hostile  tribes 
of  the  region,  and  made  but  slow  progress  in  re- 
ducing them  to  submission. 

Meantime  a rising  against  Sultan  Abd  el  Aziz, 
in  favor  of  one  of  his  brothers,  Mulai  Hafid, 
had  been  started  and  was  making  rapid  head- 
way. Mulai  Hafid  was  proclaimed  Sultan  at 
Marrakesh  on  the  25th  of  August,  1907,  and  on 
the  4th  of  the  following  January  his  support- 
ers had  gained  possession  of  Fez  and  proclaimed 
him  there.  Abd  el  Aziz  kept  the  field  against  his 
rival  until  August,  1908,  when  he  had  practically 
no  following  left,  and  the  direction  of  Govern- 
ment was  assumed  formally  by  Mulai  Hafid.  His 
authority  had  soon  become  established  so  fully 
that  the  German  Government  addressed  a note 
to  the  Powers  proposing  an  immediate  recogni- 
tion of  it.  France  and  Spain  objected,  insisting 
that  Mulai  Hafid  must  confirm  existing  trea- 
ties, accept  responsibility  for  the  debts  of  the 
previous  regime,  give  pledges  of  indemnity  for 
the  Casablanca  outbreak,  disavow  the  “Holy 
War”  which  he  had  countenanced  and  which 
had  given  him  his  success,  and  take  effective 
measures  for  securing  the  safety  of  foreigners 
in  the  Empire.  Their  objection  was  approved 
generally ; Germany  assented  to  the  requirements 
proposed,  and  it  was  not  until  Mulai  Hafid  had 
satisfied  them  that  he  obtained  recognition  as  the 
legitimate  sovereign  of  Morocco.  This  was  given 
in  the  following  note,  handed  to  his  representa- 
tive on  the  5tli  of  January,  1909,  by  the  doyen  of 
the  Diplomatic  Body  at  Tangier  : 

“The  signatory  Governments  of  the  Act  of 
Algeciras  have  received  the  letter  which  Mulai 
Hafid  sent  to  them  through  the  agency  of  the 
Diplomatic  Body  at  Tangier  in  reply  to  their 
communique  of  November  18.  The  Govern- 
ments represented  in  Morocco  received  with  sat- 
isfaction this  reply,  in  which  they  saw  a proof 
that  the  explanations  which  they  formulated 
in  their  Note  of  November  18,  in  the  interest 
of  the  relations  of  friendship  and  confidence 
which  they  desire  to  maintain  with  the  sovereign 
authority  of  the  Shereefian  Empire,  are  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  views  of  Mulai  Hafid.  In 
consequence  the  signatory  Powers  of  the  Act  of 


427 


MOROCCO,  1907-1909 


MOROCCO,  1909 


Algeciras  have  decided  to  recognize  his  Majesty 
Mulai  Hafid  as  legitimate  Sultan  of  Morocco, 
and  have  charged  the  doyen  of  the  Diplomatic 
Body  at  Tangier  to  notify  their  recognition  of 
him  to  the  representatives  of  his  Majesty  in  that 
town.” 

Before  this  settlement  was  reached  an  inci- 
dent had  occurred  at  Casablanca  on  the  15th 
of  September,  1908,  which  irritated  the  chronic 
sensitiveness  of  feeling  between  Germany  and 
France.  Five  or  six  soldiers  of  the  Foreign  Le- 
gion in  French  service  at  Casablanca,  including 
three  Germans,  deserted,  and  the  German  Con- 
sulate attempted  to  protect  the  Germans  when 
their  arrest  was  undertaken  by  French  gen- 
darmes. There  was  some  struggle,  but  the  ar- 
rest was  accomplished,  and  the  demand  of  the 
Consul  for  the  release  of  the  three  Germans  was 
refused.  Germany  demanded  satisfaction  for 
the  treatment  of  her  Consul.  France  maintained 
that  satisfaction  was  due  to  herself  for  the  in- 
terference of  the  Consul  with  her  military 
rights ; but  offered  to  submit  the  affair  to  the 
Hague  Tribunal  for  arbitration.  Germany  was 
willing  to  arbitrate  the  questions  involved  if 
France  would  first  express  regret  for  the  official 
conduct  on  her  side  of  the  matter.  France  in 
reply  suggested  expressions  of  regret  by  both 
parties ; and  on  these  terms,  supposedly  vindi- 
cating national  dignity  on  each  side,  the  case 
went  to  The  Hague.  The  Court  of  Arbitration 
held  its  first  meeting  on  the  1st  of  May,  1909, 
and  announced  its  judgment  on  the  22d  of  the 
same  month.  As  summarized  in  an  English 
despatch  from  The  Hague,  the  opinion  of  the 
Court  was  as  follows  : 

“ The  Court  considered  that  in  this  case  there 
was  a conflict  of  jurisdiction  between  the  Con- 
sular and  the  military  authority  of  two  foreign 
Powers,  the  one  Power  exercising  full  Consular 
authority  over  her  subjects,  who  happened  to 
be  soldiers  in  the  Foreign  Legion  of  the  other 
Power.  The  latter  Power  had  effected  the  mil- 
itary occupation  of  a certain  territory,  and  in 
consequence  exercised  full  authority  over  that 
territory.  As  it  was  impossible  to  decide  this 
conflict  by  any  absolute  ruling,  which  might 
indicate  in  a general  way  the  precedence  of 
either  jurisdiction,  the  Court  considered  that 
the  question  must  be  determined  by  the  particu- 
lar circumstances  of  any  given  case. 

“In  this  case  the  jurisdiction  of  the  occupy- 
ing force  had  precedence  because  the  persons  in 
question  did  not  leave  the  territory  occupied  by 
that  force.  The  Court  decided  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  German  Consulate  at  Casablanca 
wrongly  and  through  a grave  and  manifest  error 
tried  to  embark  in  a German  steamer  deserters 
of  the  French  Foreign  Legion,  who  were  not  of 
German  nationality.  The  German  Consul  and 
the  other  officials  of  the  Consulate  were  not  re- 
sponsible for  that  fact ; the  Consul,  however, 
in  signing  the  safe  conduct,  which  was  laid  be- 
fore him,  committed  an  unintentional  error. 

“ The  German  Consulate  in  the  circumstances 
obtaining  at  that  time  was  not  entitled  to  grant 
its  protection  even  to  deserters  of  German  na- 
tionality ; the  legal  error,  however,  which  was 
committed  in  this  connexion  by  the  officials  of 
the  Consulate  could  not  be  reckoned  either  as 
an  intentional  or  as  an  unintentional  error. 

“ The  French  military  authorities  were  wrong 
in  not  respecting,  as  far  as  possible,  the  de  facto 


protection  exercised  over  those  deserters  in  the 
name  of  the  German  Consulate.  The  circum- 
stances did  not  justify  either  menace  by  re- 
volver on  the  part  of  the  French  soldiers,  or 
the  blows  given  to  the  Moroccan  soldier  of  the 
Consulate.” 

This  proved  satisfactory  to  all  concerned,  and 
the  Casablanca  incident  was  happily  closed. 

A more  important  adjustment  of  matters  be- 
tween Germany  and  France,  aiming  at  a gen- 
eral clearing  of  causes  of  friction  in  their  rela- 
tions, so  far  as  concerned  Morocco,  had  preceded 
the  Casablanca  arbitration  by  nearly  three 
months.  All  Europe  had  been  surprised  and 
delighted  on  the  9th  of  February,  1909,  by  the 
announcement  of  a Franco-German  Agreement, 
just  concluded,  in  the  following  words: 

“The  Government  of  the  French  Republic  and 
the  German  Imperial  Government,  actuated  by 
an  equal  desire  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  the 
Act  of  Algeciras,  have  agreed  to  define  the  sig- 
nificance which  they  attach  to  its  clauses  with  a 
view  to  avoiding  any  cause  of  misunderstanding 
between  them  in  the  future. 

“ Consequently,  the  Government  of  the 
French  Republic,  wholly  attached  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  integrity  and  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Shereefian  Empire,  decided  to  safe- 
guard economic  equality  there,  and  accordingly 
not  to  impede  German  commercial  and  indus- 
trial interests,  and  the  German  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment, pursuing  only  economic  interests  in 
Morocco,  recognizing  at  the  same  time  that  the 
special  political  interests  of  France  are  closely 
bound  up  in  that  country  with  the  consolidation 
of  order  and  of  internal  peace,  and  resolved  not 
to  impede  those  interests,  declare  that  they  will 
not  prosecute  or  encourage  any  measure  calcu- 
lated to  create  in  their  favour  or  in  favour  of  any 
Power  whatsoever  an  economic  privilege,  and 
that  they  will  endeavour  to  associate  their  na- 
tionals in  business  for  which  these  may  be  able 
to  obtain  contracts  (I’ent reprise).” 

This  most  important  agreement  resulted  from 
negotiations  that  were  said  to  have  been  opened 
by  a suggestion  from  the  German  Foreign  Sec- 
retary, Baron  von  Schon.  Its  importance  to 
Europe  was  hardly  exaggerated  by  the  Paris 
Matin , when  it  said  : “ It  is  a great  and  happy 
event,  the  importance  of  which  need  not  be  em- 
phasized. . . . This  close  of  the  Moroccan  quar- 
rel may,  if  such  be  the  desire,  mark  a date  of 
capital  importance  in  the  history  of  Europe.  In 
fact,  as  Prince  Billow  has  said  and  repeated,  Mo- 
rocco was  only  a pretext.  If  therefore  it  has 
become  an  object  of  agreement,  it  is  not  merely 
because  it  has  been  recognized  that  the  local 
problem  was  not  insoluble,  but  also  because  the 
general  situation  has  changed  or  because  the 
‘opportunity’  no  longer  exists." 

A.  D.  1908.  — A German  Statement  of  the 
Moroccan  Policy  of  Germany.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1909. — Discontent  with  the  new 
Sultan.  — His  struggle  with  Pretenders. — 
Spanish  War  with  the  Tribes  of  the  Riff. — 
Success  of  Mulai  Hafid  against  his  Rivals.  — 
French  operations  in  and  around  the  Moor- 
ish Empire.  — French  Mauretanie.  — French 
Demands.  — The  Mannesmann  Mining  Con- 
cession.-— France  and  Spain  were  now  strength- 
ened in  the  execution  of  their  Algeciras  com- 
mission, by  a harmonious  backing  in  Europe, 


428 


MOROCCO,  1909 


MOROCCO,  1909 


and  the  native  Government  in  Morocco  had  ac- 
quired, seemingly,  a strong  and  capable  man  at 
its  head.  Sultan  Mulai  Halid  made  that  impres- 
sion very  positively  on  a correspondent  of  the 
London  Times,  to  whom  he  gave  audience  on 
the  13th  of  February,  and  who  wrote  of  him  that 
day:  “It  is  quite  evident  that  Mulai  Halid  is  a 
man  of  large  and  independent  ideas,  with  a lean- 
ing toward  democracy.  In  appearance  and  man- 
ner he  is  most  attractive,  and  both  his  looks  and 
his  conversation  betoken  a character  at  once 
strong  and  of  quick  decision.  Everything  he 
says  is  very  much  to  the  point,  and  his  remarks 
are  often  touched  with  humour  and  even  cyni- 
cism. His  openmindedness  and  cordiality  extend 
almost  to  breaches  of  the  rigorous  Moorish  eti- 
quette.” 

Five  days  later  the  same  correspondent  wrote 
again : ‘ ‘ The  Fez  Moors  had  hoped  at  Mulai 
Halid’s  accession  for  material  though  indefinite 
advantages,  for  they  felt  that  the  new  Sultan, 
who  owed  his  throne  not  to  inheritance  but  to 
election,  would  be  an  instrument  in  their  own 
hands,  and  that  they  would  be  able  to  exert 
their  influence  for  their  own  purely  selfish  ends. 
But  they  had  counted  without  Mulai  Hafid. 
Once  on  the  throne,  he  consolidated,  at  all  events 
locally,  his  power,  and  the  Fez  population,  who 
during  the  previous  reign  had  undoubtedly  held 
and  used  considerable  influence,  found  them- 
selves in  the  hands  of  a firm,  masterful  man, 
who  did  not  hesitate  to  tax  them  to  an  extent 
formerly  unknown,  and  gave  them  clearly  to  un- 
derstand that  he  would  brook  no  interference  in 
matters  of  policy.  The  effect  was  instantaneous. 
The  Fezzis  began  openly  to  regret  the  slack 
regime  of  Mulai  Abdul  Aziz,  and  Mulai  Halid 
became  unpopular,  as  any  monarch  who  really 
governs  in  Morocco  must  always  be. 

“But  if  Mulai  Hafid  was  unpopular,  he  in- 
spired at  the  same  time  a wholesome  fear.  His 
indifference  to  public  opinion,  his  breaches  of 
the  absurd  prescriptions  of  Moorish  etiquette, 
his  personal  supervision  of  every  detail,  and  the 
publicity  in  which  he  lives  show  not  only  re- 
markable courage,  but  also  remarkable  know- 
ledge of  the  people  whom  he  governs.  . . . 
Yet  he  has  but  a small  army,  and  he  is  financially 
hampered.  He  receives  Europeans  publicly, 
and  grants  audiences  in  the  presence  of  the  whole 
Court,  often  before  the  whole  army.  He  invites 
his  guests  to  be  seated,  and  chats  in  a natural 
and  sympathetic  manner  on  all  kinds  of  sub- 
jects. But  it  is  quite  apparent  that  his  entour- 
age is  in  terror  of  him.  Never  have  the  viziers 
had  less  freedom  or  fewer  opportunities  for 
plunder.  The  Government  is  Mulai  Hafid,  and 
Mulai  Hafid  alone,  and  yet  Mulai  Hafid  is  a 
democrat.  He  desires  to  put  down  — and  has 
already  largely  done  so  — the  fanatical  and  al- 
ways mischievous  influence  of  the  great  She- 
reefian  families.  He  works  from  morning  till 
night,  and  keeps  every  one  else  working.  His 
negotiations  with  the  French  Minister  are  pro- 
gressing in  a way  that  astonishes  every  one. 

. . . Mulai  Hafid  obtained  the  throne  by  preach- 
ing a holy  war  against  Europeans.  He  will 
maintain  himself  upon  the  throne  by  a policy 
of  reform  which  will  win  for  him  the  assistance 
of  France  against  his  own  fanatical  people.” 

But  subsequent  events  did  not  realize  the  con- 
fident expectations  of  this  wrriter.  A month 
later  he  reported:  “ Shereef  Sid  Mohammed 


Kittani,  a descendant  of  a former  dynasty  and 
chief  of  an  important  reactionary  religious  sect, 
who  was  freely  spoken  of  as  possible  Sultan  be- 
fore Mulai  Halid’s  proclamation,  left  Fez  secretly 
yesterday.  Apparently  he  had  previously  suc- 
ceeded in  dispatching  his  family  and  movable 
property  from  time  to  time  to  some  spot  in  the 
Berber  tribelands  without  exciting  suspicion. 
His  flight  has  caused  what  can  only  be  described 
as  consternation.  His  influence  is  very  great, 
and  he  is  known  to  lay  claim  to  the  Throne." 

Within  another  month  this  pretender  had  de- 
feated Mulai  Hafid’s  forces  in  a sharp  engage- 
ment and  had  an  army  encamped  about  eighteen 
miles  east  of  Fez.  French  officers  were  reported 
to  be  doing  notable  work  in  organizing  and 
equipping  the  Sultan’s  troops.  On  the  8th  of 
May  there  was  alarming  news  that  Mulai  el 
Kebir,  another  brother  of  Mulai  Hafid  and  of 
the  ex-Sultan,  Abd  el  Aziz,  “who  was  accom- 
panying the  Southern  Ivaids  to  Fez,  had  left 
their  camp  secretly  by  night  and  had  fled  into 
the  Zimmour  country,”  and  “many  believe  that 
he  will  take  advantage  of  the  Sultan’s  unpop- 
ularity to  raise  a rebellion.”  Two  days  later 
“nothing  is  known  of  the  whereabouts  of  Mulai 
el  Kebir,”  and  “the  Sultan  does  not  conceal  his 
anxiety.  Mulai-el-Kebir  was  on  the  best  terms 
with  his  Majesty,  but  the  Sultan’s  severe  treat- 
ment of  other  members  of  his  family  no  doubt 
filled  him  with  fear.” 

From  Paris,  on  the  26th  of  May,  it  was  tele- 
graphed that  the  Sultan’s  Minister  of  Finance, 
El  Mokri,  then  visiting  Paris  on  a financial  mis- 
sion, “observes  that  Mulai  Hafid’s  authority  is 
more  solidly  established  at  present  than  might 
at  first  sight  appear  to  be  the  case.  At  no  time 
has  any  Sultan  been  recognized  over  a much 
wider  area  of  Moroccan  territory.  In  the  Beled 
el  Makhzen  his  sway  is  uncontested.  The  kaids 
of  the  Haouz  and  the  southern  Atlas  have  al- 
ways been  his  partisans.  El  Mokri  has  no  fear 
of  the  pretenders.” 

There  were  now  two  pretenders  in  the  field  : 
for  Mulai  Kebir  had  been  heard  from,  “beyond 
Mekinez,”  w'here  he  had  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt.  And  Bu  Hamara  was  on  the  stage  of 
civil  war  again,  east  of  Fez,  with  an  army 
which  “is  camped  at  less  than  four  hours  dis- 
tance from  the  capital,”  and  which  is  “actively 
pillaging  the  only  tribe  that  remains  loyal  to 
Mulai  Hafid  in  that  region.”  Troops  sent 
against  him  a few  days  later  were  said  to  have 
been  badly  beaten.  The  Sultan  was  reported 
to  be  in  quarrel  with  his  viziers;  was  ill, — in- 
visible in  the  palace,  — and  the  situation  did  not 
seem  to  look  well  for  him. 

Then,  suddenly,  all  news  reports  from  Mo- 
rocco became  silent  as  to  Mulai  Hafid  and  his 
rivals,  and  gave  entire  attention  to  a serious 
outbreak  of  warfare  in  that  northeastern  corner 
of  the  empire,  known  as  the  Riff,  where  Spain 
has  had  a long  recognized  “ sphere  of  influence," 
and  wThere  she  had  undertaken  the  working  of 
valuable  iron  mines  near  Melilla.  Hostilities 
were  begun  in  July  by  an  attack  of  tribesmen 
on  the  miners,  killing  several,  and  the  Spanish 
troops  sent  to  the  scene  met  disaster,  being  in- 
sufficient in  force.  In  the  end,  so  extensive  a 
rising  of  Moorish  tribesmen  had  occurred  that 
Spain  wras  obliged  to  put  a large  army  into  the 
field  against  them  and  organize  a costly  cam- 
paign. It  was  not  until  late  in  September  that 


429 


MOROCCO,  1909 


MOROCCO,  1909 


much  success  attended  the  Spanish  arms,  and 
not  until  late  in  November  that  the  campaign 
was  regarded  as  closed,  the  Spanish  forces  hav- 
ing secured  positions  which,  when  fortified, 
were  expected  to  give  them  a firm  footing  in 
the  region,  and  having  brought  most  of  the 
tribes  to  terms. 

Meantime,  the  war  had  been  bitterly  unpop- 
ular among  large  classes  in  Spain,  and  the  feel- 
ing had  been  manifested  in  destructive  rioting 
at  Barcelona  and  elsewhere  (see,  in  this  vol., 
Spain  : A.  D.  1907-1909). 

What  France  had  been  doing  meanwhile,  in 
and  around  Morocco,  has  been  told  by  a writer 
in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  : 

“ During  the  year  [May,  1908,  to  May,  1909] 
the  French  army  under  General  d’Amade,  lias 
continued  occupying  Casablanca,  and  the  fertile 
Chaoui'a  (Shawia)  region.  It  has  forced  peace, 
law,  and  order,  and  open  markets  on  the  inhab- 
itants, to  their  great  advantage.  Agriculture 
has  revived  ; and  German  trade  itself  has  run 
up  two  million  francs.  Even  so  the  ‘ economic 
interests’  of  Germany  in  Morocco  are  scant 
indeed  compared  with  those  of  France  and 
England  ; they  are  perhaps  less  than  those  of 
Spain — and  yet  they  have  long  threatened  the 
peace  of  Europe.  . . . Meanwhile  the  interior 
of  Morocco  has  been  chiefly  occupied  in  the 
unmaking  and  making  of  Sultans.  Toward  the 
German  Emperor  these  fighting  Moors  have 
now  a feeling  much  like  that  of  the  Transvaal 
Boers  when  the  Kruger  telegram  failed  to  lead 
to  eventualities.  . . . The  real  success  of  France 
is  along  the  entire  land-frontier  of  Morocco. 
For  its  whole  length  this  is  now  also  the  fron- 
tier of  French  territory, — Algiers  to  the  east, 
the  Sahara  with  its  line  of  French  posts  to  the 
south,  and  so  on  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  through 
the  new  French  civil  territory  of  ‘ Mauritanie.’ 
Here  foreign  geography  will  still  be  incomplete 
for  some  time  ; but  it  is  childish  to  dismiss  these 
territorial  stretches  as  so  many  acres  of  sand. 
The  empire  which  France  might  have  had  in 
Canada  was,  in  like  manner,  denounced  by  Vol- 
taire as  acres  of  snow. 

“France  absolutely  refused  to  allow  any 
question  concerning  this  land-frontier  to  be 
brought  up  at  the  Conference  of  Algeciras.  It 
is  no  business  of  Europe  ; it  concerns  the  two 
neighbors,  France  and  Morocco,  only. 

“ General  Lyautey  has  had  its  more  than 
eight  hundred  miles  well  under  control.  ...  Of 
late  years  France  has  successfully  occupied  ter- 
ritory farther  and  farther  to  the  south,  pushing 
forward  the  railway,  and  throwing  out  a long 
line  of  military  posts  through  the  Sahara.  Peo- 
ple who  amuse  themselves  marking  obscure 
changes  of  conquest  on  the  map,  may  safely 
stick  their  pins  one  full  degree  farther  west  all 
along  this  part  of  Algiers,  beginning  where 
Spain  at  Melilla  blocks  the  way  along  the  Med- 
iterranean coast.” — Stoddard  Dewey,  The  Tear 
in  France  ( Atlantic  Monthly , Aug.,  1909). 

When  newspaper  attention  reverted  to  Mulai 
Hafid  a great  improvement  was  found  in  his 
affairs.  Seemingly,  the  pretenders  to  his  throne 
had  disappeared,  and  Bu  Hamara,  the  rebel, 
now  styled  El  Roghi,  was  decisively  routed  by 
troops  of  the  Sultan  on  the  16th  of  August, 
captured  a few  days  later,  and  taken  to  Fez  in 
an  iron  cage.  On  the  13th  of  September  it  was 
announced  that  he  had  been  executed  the  day 


before.  Later,  this  was  contradicted,  and  there 
seems  to  be  no  certainty  as  to  his  fate. 

The  Moroccan  Government  was  now  being 
sharply  pressed  by  France  with  demands  over 
which  negotiation  had  proceeded  hitherto  very 
slowly.  M.  Pichon,  the  French  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  made  a statement  on  the  subject 
to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the  23d  of  No- 
vember, to  the  following  effect:  “ On  August 
14  the  representatives  of  the  Sultan  received 
a note  summing  up  the  conditions  imposed 
by  the  French  Government.  These  conditions 
were  the  evacuation  of  the  Shawia  region  on 
condition  of  the  organization  by  the  Maghzen 
of  a force  ; the  evacuation  of  Casablanca  when 
the  French  Government  felt  convinced  that  the 
organization  of  the  Shawia  police  had  become 
sufficiently  effective  ; the  organization  of  the 
police  service  on  the  Algero-Moroccan  frontier; 
the  payment  of  the  Maghzen’s  debts  and  the 
reimbursement  of  the  costs  of  the  French  mili- 
tary expeditions.  The  Maghzen  owed  at  present 
£3;200,000,  more  than  £400,000  of  which  was 
due  to  private  creditors.  The  French  Govern- 
ment would  allow  the  Moroccan  Government  to 
raise  a loan  in  France  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
payment  of  its  debts.  . . . The  French  condi- 
tions had  been  acknowledged  to  be  very  mod- 
erate by  all  who  had  had  cognisance  of  them. 
Germany  had  recently  informed  the  Maghzen 
that  it  was  high  time  to  contract  a loan.  M. 
Pichon  dwelt  on  the  loyalty  with  which  the 
Franco-German  Agreement  had  been  observed 
by  the  Berlin  Government.  Nevertheless  the 
adhesion  of  the  Moroccan  Government  had  not 
yet  been  obtained.  That  Government  had  ad- 
mitted the  principle  of  the  loan  of  80,000,000f. 
and  that  of  the  indemnity  of  70,000,000f.  for 
the  French  military  expedition,  but  there  was 
disagreement  still  in  regard  to  the  guarantees 
required  for  the  realization  of  that  operation. 
Midai  Hafid,  moreover,  demanded  the  immediate 
evacuation  of  the  Shawia  and  of  Casablanca. 
On  November  6 M.  Pichon  informed  the  Sul- 
tan’s envoys  that  it  was  futile  to  continue  the 
'pourparlers  if  France  did  not  obtain  a satis- 
factory reply.  It  would  not  be  without  danger 
for  the  Moroccan  Government  to  persevere  in  its 
attitude.” 

A little  later  it  was  made  known  that  the  Sul- 
tan had  yielded  to  the  terms  prescribed  by  the 
French  Government  and  was  to  obtain  the  loan 
which  would  help  toward  the  payment  of  his 
debts. 

By  this  time  a new  Morocco  question  had 
sprung  out  of  a sweeping  mining  concession 
which  certain  German  exploiters,  the  Brothers 
Mannesmann,  had  obtained  from  Sultan  Mulai 
Hafid,  in  distinct  violation  of  the  agreements  at 
Algeciras  which  the  Sultan  had  been  a party  to. 
The  Mannesmann  mining  rights  under  this  con- 
cession, if  allowed,  would  swallow  up  all  others, 
and  large  interests,  French,  Spanish,  German, 
English,  Italian,  and  Dutch,  were  arrayed  against 
their  claims.  The  backing  of  the  Mannesmanns 
in  Germany,  however,  by  commercial  and  news- 
paper influence,  appears  to  have  been  very 
powerful,  and  it  has  not  been  easy  for  the  Gov- 
ernment to  resist  being  drawn  into  alliance  with 
it.  But  the  attitude  of  the  Imperial  Government 
appears  to  have  been  strictly  loyal  to  the  Alge- 
ciras agreements,  and  it  has  gone  no  farther  for 
the  Mannesmanns  and  their  partisans  than  to 


MOIIOS 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


negotiate  with  the  other  Powers  concerned  for  a 
submission  of  the  question  of  legality  in  the 
Mannesmann  concession  to  a Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion. That  will  probably  be  the  mode  of  set- 
tling it. 

MOROS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Philippine 
Islands  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

MORRIS,  Sir  Edward:  Premier  of  New- 
foundland. See  (in  this  vol.)  Newfoundland: 
A.  D.  1908-1909. 

MORTON,  Paul:  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  : A.  D.  190 1— 
1905. 

President  of  Equitable  Life  Assurance  So- 
ciety. See  Insuhanck,  Life. 

MOSCOW,  Risings  and  Disturbances  in. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia. 

MOSLEM  LEAGUE,  All-India.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907  (Dec.);  also, 
1907-1909. 

MOSQUITO  TERRITORY,  The.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Central  America:  A.  D.  1905. 

MOTIENLING.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 


MOVING  PICTURE  SHOWS.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention. 

MUIJTEHEDS  : The  higher  Persian 

Priests.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1905- 
1907. 

MUKDEN  : A.  D.  1903.  — Opened  to  For- 
eign Trade.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1903  (May-Oct.). 

Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D. 
1904-1905  (Sept. -March). 

MULAI  AHMED  BEN  MOHAMMED, 
El  Raisuli.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D. 
1904-1909. 

MULAI  HAFID:  Sultan  of  Morocco  by 
Dethronement  of  his  Brother.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1907-1909,  and  1909. 

MULAI  HASSAN,  Late  Sultan  of  Mo- 
rocco. See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco:  A.  D.  1903. 

MULLAH,  Abdulla  Muhammed.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Africa  : Somaliland. 

MULLAS:  The  common  Persian  Priests. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

MUNICIPAL  COMMITTEES  IN  IN- 
DIA. See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT. 


American  Democracy’s  most  Serious  Prob- 
lem. — Present  Interest  in  it.  — Hopeful 
Movements.  — Americans  have  long  been  forced 
to  acknowledge  that  political  democracy  in  the 
United  States  makes  its  worst  showing  in  the 
government  of  municipalities  ; and  those  who 
give  any  searching  thought  to  the  matter  have 
little  dispute  over  reasons  for  the  fact.  It  con- 
nects very  plainly  with  another  fact,  namely, 
that  municipal  politics,  as  a political  interest 
distinct  and  apart  from  the  interests  of  govern- 
ment in  Nation  and  State,  has  had  no  growth  in 
the  country  as  yet.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  for- 
mation of  the  national  union,  the  few  cities  of 
America  had  a quite  positive  political  life  of 
their  own,  which  might  have  carried  them  into 
conditions  very  different  from  what  they  have 
realized  since,  if  it  had  not  undergone  the  ab- 
sorption that  it  did  in  the  politics  of  a national 
government.  The  national  political  parties 
formed  then  on  exciting  issues,  sectional,  con- 
stitutional, and  economic,  caught  all  political 
feeling  into  their  embrace,  not  instantly,  but 
gradually,  and  surely,  and  appropriated  the 
whole  mechanism  of  political  organization  to 
themselves.  Cities  are  the  natural  centers  of 
such  mechanism,  and  the  great  parties  of  Fed- 
eral politics  were  able  easily  to  impose  on  them 
a domination  which  left  no  free  working  of  pub- 
lic opinion  on  the  immediate  concerns  of  the 
cities  themselves.  All  political  action  was 
drawn  into  the  mill  which  turns  out  Presidents, 
Congresses,  Tariffs,  Bank  Acts,  etc.,  and  the 
mere  by-product  of  Mayors,  Aldermen,  and  City 
Ordinances  which  it  drops  incidentally  into  the 
cities,  receives  almost  no  stamp  of  quality  or  de- 
sign from  the  local  mind. 

Until  the  wheels  of  local  government  are  loos- 
ened in  some  way  from  the  clutch  of  the  great 
party  machines,  and  can  work  independently, 
under  motive  forces  of  their  own,  to  produce 
the  satisfaction  of  local  needs,  interests,  and 
aims,  there  will  be  little  success  in  undertakings 
of  municipal  reform.  How  to  accomplish  that 


political  ungearing  is  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not 
the  greatest,  of  the  problems  now  occupying 
the  minds  of  the  American  people.  Fortunately 
it  is  occupying  their  minds.  Within  the  last 
few  years  they  have  given  more  thought  to  this 
subject  than  it  ever  received  from  them  before ; 
and  it  has  been  bold  thought,  as  well  as  pro- 
foundly earnest.  It  has  not  been  afraid  of  hos- 
pitality to  new  ideas  and  new  experiences,  but 
is  giving  them  fair  hearings  and  fair  tests.  The 
present  attitude  of  the  whole  country  in  this 
matter  is  of  the  happiest  hopefulness,  and  every 
day  brightens  the  prospect  of  a better  future 
for  municipal  government  in  America. 

Boston:  A.  D.  1909. — A Plan  of  Govern- 
ment chosen  by  popular  vote.  — In  connection 
with  the  election  of  November  2,  1909,  the  citi- 
zens of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  had  two  plans 
of  City  Government  submitted  to  their  vote, 
and  the  charter  under  which  the  City  will  be 
ruled  and  its  business  conducted  after  the  be- 
ginning of  February,  1910,  was  determined  by 
the  choice  between  these  plans  which  a ma- 
jority expressed  at  the  polls.  One  of  the  plans 
emanated  from  an  official  body,  called  the  Fi- 
nance Commission,  which  had  been  appointed 
to  investigate  bad  conditions  in  the  City  Gov- 
ernment, and  whose  investigations  had  given 
rise  to  the  demand  for  a radical  reform.  This 
plan  had  the  approval,  moreover,  of  a citizens 
Committee  of  One  Hundred,  which  had  given 
much  attention  to  the  subject;  but  it  was  ex- 
ceedingly unsatisfactory  to  the  party  politi- 
cians, whose  personal  interests  were  flagrantly 
disregarded  in  its  scheme.  These  drafted  a 
form  of  charter  which  fitted  their  own  pur- 
poses, and  the  two  plans  were  submitted  to  the 
Legislature  in  the  winter  of  1909.  That  body 
escaped  the  responsibility  of  a decision  between 
them  by  referring  both  to  the  voters  of  Boston. 
The  charter  wanted  by  the  party  managers  was 
designated  as  “Plan  No.  1”;  that  of  the  Fi- 
nance Commission  and  the  Committee  of  One 
Hundred  as  “Plan  No.  2.”  A strenuous  cam- 


431 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


paign  of  education  was  fought  for  some  weeks 
before  election  day  by  the  supporters  of  Plan 
No.  2,  who  seem  to  have  included  practically 
all  single-minded  seekers  of  good  government, 
and  an  equally  active  campaign  of  wire-pulling 
was  carried  on  by  the  champions  of  Plan  No.  1. 
The  education  was  successful  in  convincing 
39,175  voters  that  Plan  2 should  he  preferred, 
while  35,306  were  persuaded  to  the  contrary, 
and  about  34,000  remained  so  indifferent  or  un- 
decided that  they  gave  the  question  no  vote. 
But  public  considerations  prevailed  over  party 
motives  and  influences  by  3869  votes,  which  is 
a highly  important  fact. 

The  charter  thus  adopted  for  Boston  differs 
in  many  features  from  what  has  acquired  the 
name  of  “the  Des  Moines  plan,”  but  is  funda- 
mentally akin  to  it  in  principle 'and  aim.  Its 
prime  purpose  is  to  divorce  local  politics  from 
national  politics,  freeing  municipal  elections 
from  the  baneful  control  of  parties  which  have 
nothing  rightly  to  do  with  the  city’s  affairs. 
Its  secondary  object  is  to  concentrate  official 
responsibility  in  a moderated  way.  It  subjects 
the  mayor  of  Boston,  at  the  middle  of  his  term, 
to  a reconsideration  of  the  vote  which  elected 
him  (in  the  nature  of  the  Swiss  “recall”),  but 
it  does  not  introduce  the  initiative  and  referen- 
dum. The  operation  of  the  new  charter  under 
its  provisions  was  outlined  as  follows  by  the  Bos- 
ton Herald  on  the  day  following  its  adoption: 

“ By  the  acceptance  of  plan  2,  party  and  all 
other  designations  will  be  eliminated  from  the 
ballots  for  the  municipal  elections,  which  will 
be  held  on  the  first  Tuesday  after  the  second 
Monday  in  January  of  each  year.  The  coming 
city  election  will  be  held  on  Jan.  11. 

‘ ‘ Candidates  for  mayor  must  be  nominated 
by  petition  of  not  less  than  5000  registered 
Boston  voters.  The  candidate  who  receives  the 
highest  vote  at  the  city  election  will  hold  office 
for  four  years,  unless  recalled  at  the  end  of 
two  years.  The  salary  will  be  $10,000  a year. 

“At  the  state  election  in  the  second  year  of 
the  mayor’s  term  the  ballots  will  contain  the 
question : ‘ Shall  there  be  an  election  for  mayor 
at  the  next  municipal  election?’  And  this  will 
be  answered  by  ‘Yes,’  or  ‘ No.’  If  a majority 
of  the  registered  voters  vote  ‘Yes’  an  election 
for  mayor  will  be  held  at  the  following  city 
election. 

“ Whether  recalled  or  not,  the  mayor  holding 
office  will  have  his  name  on  the  ballot  at  the 
city  election  unless  in  writing  he  requests  the 
election  commissioners  not  to  place  his  name  on 
the  ballot.  The  mayor  then  elected  will  hold 
office  for  four  years,  subject  to  recall  at  the  end 
of  his  second  year. 

“The  city  council  will  consist  of  nine  mem- 
bers, all  elected  at  large.  The  salary  will  be 
$1500  each.  In  the  election  on  Jan.  11  the 
voters  may  vote  for  nine  candidates,  and  the 
nine  receiving  the  highest  votes  will  be  de- 
clared elected.  The  three  highest  will  have 
three-year  terms,  the  three  next  highest  will 
serve  for  two  years  and  the  next  three  for 
one  year  each.  Each  year  thereafter  three  can- 
didates-at-large  will  be  elected,  and  the  voters 
may  vote  for  three.  All  members  of  the  city 
council  will  be  elected  at  large,  and  there  will 
be  no  ward  members  of  the  body.  By  the  abo- 
lition of  party  designations  no  primary  elections 
or  caucuses  for  municipal  offices  will  be  held. 


“All  candidates  for  mayor,  city  council  and 
school  board  must  be  nominated  by  papers  of 
not  less  than  5000  registered  voters.  No  voter 
may  sign  more  than  one  paper  for  mayor,  not 
more  than  nine  for  council  for  the  first  election 
and  for  three  candidates  thereafter,  and  not 
more  than  two  papers  for  the  school  board 
when  there  are  two  members  to  be  elected. 

“ If  a candidate  for  any  of  the  offices  decides 
to  withdraw  from  the  contest  before  the  elec- 
tion, vacancies  in  nominations  for  any  cause 
may  be  filled  by  a committee  of  not  less  than 
five  persons  authorized  in  the  nomination  pa- 
pers to  fill  such  vacancies. 

“Members  of  the  street  commission,  formerly 
elected  at  large,  will  be  appointed  by  the  mayor, 
subject  to  approval  by  the  civil  service  com- 
mission, but  without  restriction  as  to  their  po- 
litical affiliation.  All  department  heads  will  be 
appointed  by  the  mayor,  subject  to  approval  by 
the  civil  service  commission. 

“The  new  municipal  year  will  begin  on  the 
first  Monday  in  February,  when  the  mayor  and 
city  council  will  be  inducted  into  office.” 

The  election,  held  at  the  appointed  time,  Jan- 
uary 11,  1910,  was  managed  so  badly  as  to  di- 
vide the  vote  of  the  reforming  element  between 
three  candidates,  against  one,  the  former  Mayor, 
Fitzgerald,  whose  scandalous  administration 
had  afforded  the  prime  incentive  to  the  reform 
movement,  and  thus  giving  opportunity  for  his 
election  by  a small  plurality.  A committee  of 
the  reform  leaders  had  chosen  for  their  candi- 
date Mr.  James  J.  Storrow,  President  of  the 
Boston  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  strove  to 
concentrate  the  opposition  to  Fitzgerald  upon 
him  ; but  the  Mayor  in  office,  who  had  secured 
renomination,  persisted  in  keeping  the  field,  and 
won  the  petty  number  of  1816  votes,  which  a 
little  more  than  sufficed  to  elect  Fitzgerald. 
The  vote  given  the  latter  was  47,142,  against 
45,757  to  Mr.  Storrow,  and  613  to  the  fourth 
candidate,  Taylor.  A recount  of  the  vote  was 
secured,  but  made  no  substantial  change. 

California  : Charter-framing  Power  given 
to  Cities.- — -“All  cities  in  California  except 
the  very  smallest  are  permitted  to  frame  their 
own  charters,  which  become  effective  upon  rati- 
fication by  the  legislature.  The  cities  are  quick 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  privilege,  with  the 
result  that  almost  every  possible  experiment  in 
municipal  organization  may  be  found  on  trial 
somewhere  in  California.  That  the  cities  are 
progressive  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  within  the 
past  decade  every  city  of  any  size  in  the  State 
lias  remodeled  its  organization  either  by  a new 
charter  or  by  far-reaching  amendments.  A high 
standard  of  efficient  city  organization  has  been 
set  by  the  recent  charter  of  the  city  of  Berkeley 
[adopted  1909],  which  furnishes  a very  perfect 
example  of  the  ‘commission’  plan.  Elections 
are  freed  from  the  influence  of  national  parties, 
and  the  possibility  of  a final  choice  in  the  direct 
primary  is  sufficient  to  bring  out  the  entire  vote 
of  the  city. 

“The  popular  initiative,  the  referendum,  and 
the  recall  are  now  generally  established  in  all 
the  larger  cities  of  the  State,  but  outside  of  San 
Francisco  and  Los  Angeles  without  sufficient 
use  to  test  their  value  for  good  government.  In 
San  Francisco  the  popular  initiative  has  been 
used  more  frequently  for  bad  measures  than  for 
good.  In  Los  Angeles  the  spectacular  removal 


432 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


of  the  mayor  in  1909  will  doubtless  be  regarded 
as  a justification  of  the  method  of  recall.”  — 
Frederick  II.  Clark,  Head  of  History  Depart- 
ment, Lowell  High  School,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Chicago:  The  Municipal  Voters’  League. — 
In  189(1  there  was  thought  in  Chicago  of  at- 
tempting to  organize  a strictly  Municipal  Party 
for  action  in  municipal  politics  alone,  and  a con- 
ference of  citizens  appointed  a committee  to  deal 
with  the  scheme.  The  committee  decided  this 
project  to  be  impracticable,  but  its  deliberations 
resulted  in  the  creation  of  a Municipal  Voters’ 
League,  acting  through  a non-partisan  commit- 
tee of  nine,  whose  function  was  to  scrutinize  all 
candidacies  and  nominations  for  the  City  Com- 
mon Council,  and  afford  information  concerning 
them  to  voters  of  all  parties  who  desired  the 
election  of  honest  and  capable  men.  A perma- 
nent office  force  was  employed,  and  thorough  in- 
vestigations made  as  to  the  record  and  character 
of  every  nominee  for  the  Council.  The  results 
of  these  investigations  were  published,  with  re- 
commendations for  or  against  the  respective 
candidates.  The  league  brought  pressure  to 
bear,  in  the  first  place,  to  prevent  the  nomina- 
tion of  objectionable  candidates,  and  then  exerted 
its  influence  to  defeat  such  candidates  at  the 
polls. 

This  has  been  done  with  such  effect  in  elec- 
tion after  election  as  to  produce  a remarkable 
change  in  the  character  of  the  Council.  Similar 
agencies  have  been  brought  into  action  in  a 
number  of  cities  within  the  few  last  years, 
with  equally  good  results. 

Chicago’s  Struggles  fora  Better  Charter  — 
A body  known  as  the  “ Charter  Convention,” 
made  up  of  delegates  appointed  by  or  repre- 
senting the  Governor  of  the  State,  the  State 
Assembly,  and  the  several  branches  and  depart- 
ments of  the  City  Government,  was  organized 
in  December,  1905,  and  labored  at  the  framing 
of  a new  City  Charter  until  the  early  part  of 
1907,  when  the  product  of  its  labors  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  Legislature  of  Illinois.  Some  of 
the  main  features  of  the  charter  were  these : 
Consolidation  in  the  municipal  government  of 
Chicago  of  the  power  vested  in  the  board  of 
education,  township,  park,  and  other  local  gov- 
ernments within  the  city;  submission  of  proposi- 
tions to  popular  vote  ; aldermen  to  be  elected 
once  in  four  years  ; the  raising  of  adequate  re- 
venue by  the  issue  of  bonds  and  by  other  means; 
the  power  to  own,  maintain,  and  operate  all  pub- 
lic utilities  in  the  city,  including  intramural, 
railroads,  subways  and  tunnels,  and  telephone, 
telegraph,  gas,  electric  lighting,  heating,  refri- 
gerating and  power  plants  ; the  parks  to  be 
under  the  management  of  a city  department  of 
parks;  the  public-school  system  to  be  a depart- 
ment of  the  city  government  and  under  the  con- 
trol of  a board  of  education  of  fifteen  members 
appointed  by  the  mayor  for  terms  of  three 
years;  the  public  library  to  be  managed  by  a 
board  of  nine  directors  appointed  by  the  mayor 
for  terms  of  six  years. 

As  it  went  to  the  Legislature  this  draft  charter 
represented  much  compromising  of  divergent 
opinions,  and,  probably,  was  not  really  satisfac- 
tory to  anybody.  The  Legislature  made  it  less 
so  by  amendments,  and  when  it  went  to  the 
people  of  Chicago,  in  September,  1907,  for  their 
verdict  on  it  at  the  polls,  they  rejected  it  by 
121,935  votes  against  59,786. 


Early  in  1908  the  Charter  Convention  was  re- 
assembled and  revised  its  former  work,  cutting 
the  requisite  legislation  up  into  seven  distinct 
bills,  with  a view  to  securing  better  chances  of 
success  for  some  reforms,  if  the  whole  could  not 
be  won  ; but  the  entire  lot  was  killed  in  the 
Legislature. 

The  Galveston  or  Des  Moines  Plan.  — Its 
Features. — Extent  of  its  Present  Trial. — 

Curiously  enough,  the  present  trend  of  opinion 
on  the  question,  ‘‘  What  structure  of  municipal 
government  will  lend  itself  best  to  the  reforms 
that  it  needs?”  is  in  a direction  that  was  given 
to  it  by  accident,  about  ten  years  ago.  Perhaps 
nothing  short  of  a great  catastrophe,  like  that 
of  hurricane  and  flood,  which  wrecked  the  city 
of  Galveston,  on  the  8th  of  September,  1900, 
could  have  broken  the  conventional  pattern  on 
which  our  cities  were  constructed  so  long.  At 
all  events,  it  was  that  catastrophe  which  started 
a crack  in  the  antique  pattern  first.  In  improvis- 
ing for  the  needs  of  a desperate  emergency,  the 
wrecked  community  had  sense  and  energy 
enough  to  follow  the  plain  instincts  of  business, 
and  put  itself,  as  a municipal  corporation,  under 
the  kind  of  administration  that  any  other  corpo- 
ration would  construct.  All  the  folly  of  local- 
ized interests  in  this  and  that  part  of  the  town, 
requiring  to  be  “represented”  by  ward  aider- 
men,  went  out  of  their  heads.  Their  common 
calamity  compelled  them  to  understand  that 
particular  interests  within  the  narrow  bounds 
of  a civic  commonwealth  are  either  included  in 
or  superseded  by  the  common  interests  of  the 
whole.  They  acted  accordingly;  dismissed  their 
locally  representative  aldermen,  dropped  their 
old  corps  of  administrative  functionaries,  and 
put  the  undivided  management  of  their  affairs 
into  the  hands  of  five  commissioners,  with  a 
“ mayor-president”  at  the  head. 

It  would  not  seem  to  have  needed  much  po- 
litical wisdom  to  predict  the  success  of  this  ex- 
periment ; but  the  quick  effect  of  its  teaching 
was  more  than  there  could  be  reason  to  expect. 
Houston,  the  near  neighbor-city,  was  prompt  to 
receive  and  apply  the  lesson,  but  bettering  it 
somewhat.  For  Houston  employed  the  whole 
time  of  its  five  business  managers,  paying  them 
fair  salaries  for  the  service;  whereas  Galves- 
ton contented  itself  with  less  service  and  paid 
less. 

The  two  examples  then  presented,  of  a muni- 
cipal corporation  conducting  its  business  in  the 
plain  mode  and  by  the  plain  methods  of  the 
commercial  corporations,  drew  increasing,  atten- 
tion, in  all  parts  of  the  country,  west  and  east. 
Boston  was  soon  discussing  the  Galveston  ex- 
periment with  deep  interest,  and  at  a meeting 
of  the  highly  influential  Economic  Club  of  that 
city,  in  January,  1907,  President  Eliot,  of  Har- 
vard University,  declared  that  he  saw  in  it  the 
dawning  of  a brighter  day.  “We  have  got 
down  very  low,”  he  said,  “in  regard  to  our 
municipal  governments,  and  we  have  got  dark 
days  here  now,  but  we  can  see  a light  breaking, 
and  one  of  the  lights  broke  in  Galveston.  I 
have  personally  been  interested  in  the  enormous 
improvement  in  just  one  branch  of  municipal 
business  in  our  country  within  the  last  ten  years 
— that  is,  school  boards  and  school  administra- 
tions. There  has  heen  a real  wave  of  reform 
sweeping  over  the  country,  in  the  great  cities 
particularly,  with  regard  to  school  boards,  and 


433 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


every  bit  of  that  experience  goes  the  way  I am 
describing  it.  It  is  all  in  the  direction  of  a few 
men  not  paid,  originally  determining  the  general 
policy  of  the  schools  of  the  city  and  trusting 
entirely  to  experts  for  executive  action.  Our 
whole  experience  in  Massachusetts  with  the 
commissions  we  have  had,  tends  the  same  way. 
If  we  ask  what  have  been  the  best  performances 
of  the  governmental  functions  in  Massachusetts 
for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  we  have  but  one 
answer  to  make,  namely,  the  work  of  our  com- 
missions, water,  sewage,  railroads,  gas  and 
electric  lighting,  public  libraries  where  owned 
by  the  city,  hospitals  where  owned  by  the  city. 
You  can  think  of  numerous  instances  in  Massa- 
chusetts where  admirable  work  has  been  done 
by  commissions  acting  on  the  principles  which 
I have  described.  I say  the  day  is  dawning. 
What  it  needs,  that  the  light  may  grow  and  get 
to  full  noon,  is  that  the  people,  the  great  body 
of  the  people,  should  be  convinced  that  munici- 
pal government  means  nothing  but  good,  intel- 
ligent conduct  of  business.” 

Meantime,  in  the  West,  action  was  already  fol- 
lowing study  of  the  Galveston  plan  of  city  gov- 
ernment, and  the  four  states  of  Iowa,  Kansas, 
North  Dakota,  and  South  Dakota  passed  acts  in 
1907  to  enable  the  adoption  of  it  by  any  city  so 
desiring.  One  of  the  first  to  exercise  the  privi 
lege  was  the  city  of  Des  Moines,  Iowa,  certain 
of  whose  progressive  young  business  men  had 
been  studying  the  municipal  problem  of  late, 
and  who  had  determined  to  bring  some  system 
of  local  government  into  operation  that  would 
make  their  city  what  it  ought  to  be.  On  the 
basis  of  the  Galveston  plan  they  worked  out  the 
details  of  a charter  which  has  become  the  model 
of  its  species  most  widely  accepted,  so  that  more 
has  been  heard  latterly  of  “ the  Des  Moines  Char- 
ter” than  of  “the  Galveston  Plan.”  What  is 
called  the  Des  Moines  charter,  however,  was  no 
special  enactment  for  that  city,  but  a legislative 
frame  of  municipal  government  which  any  city 
in  Iowa  having  not  less  than  25,000  inhabitants 
may  fit  itself  into. 

It  confides  the  whole  management  of  strictly 
local  affairs  in  the  city  to  four  couucilmen  and 
a mayor,  all  elected  by  the  voters  of  the  city  at 
large.  It  divides  their  administration  into  five 
departments,  namely  : The  department  of  Pub- 
lic Affairs;  The  department  of  Accounts  and  Fi- 
nances ; The  department  of  Public  Safety.  The 
department  of  Streets  and  Public  Improve- 
ments ; The  department  of  Parks  and  Public 
Property.  The  mayor,  by  virtue  of  his  office, 
is  chairman  of  the  council.  He  is  also  superin- 
tendent of  the  department  of  public  affairs,  and 
exercises  a general  supervision  over  the  whole 
of  the  city  administration. 

The  council  thus  composed,  with  the  mayor 
at  its  head,  is  invested  with  all  executive,  legis- 
lative and  judicial  authority,  formerly  exercised 
by  perhaps  twelve  different  officers,  and  twelve 
different  boards.  It  appoints  the  city  attorney, 
the  city  treasurer,  the  city  auditor,  the  city  en- 
gineer; and,  in  fact,  every  other  appointive  offi- 
cial. It  makes  every  appropriation,  and  conducts 
the  entire  affairs  of  the  city.  “At  the  first 
meeting  of  this  council,  immediately  following 
the  election  of  its  members,  the  work  of  the  city 
is  assigned  to  its  most  appropriate  department; 
to  one.  of  these  five  departments.  Each  of  the 
members  of  the  council  is  also  named  as  super- 


intendent of  a particular  department ; the  theory 
of  the  law  being  that  the  man  who  is  best  quali- 
fied, by  reason  of  his  experience  and  training, 
will  be  placed  at  the  head  of  that  department 
where  his  training  and  experience  will  be  of 
most  value.  As  superintendent  of  this  depart- 
ment, he  is  held  strictly  accountable  for  all  mat- 
ters which  come  within  his  jurisdiction ; he  is 
also  charged  with  responsibility  for  all  that  is 
done  or  not  done  in  his  particular  department.” 
In  the  nomination  and  election  of  this  impor- 
tant council,  no  party  names  are  permitted  to  be 
connected  with  the  candidates,  in  any  manner 
whatsoever.  Each  candidate  for  the  office  be- 
comes so  by  the  filing  of  a petition  with  the  city 
clerk,  bearing  the  signatures  of  not  less  than 
twenty-five  citizens,  who  make  affidavit  to  the 
effect  that  the  man  is  of  good  moral  character, 
of  age,  and  qualified  to  fill  the  office.  “ Ten  days 
before  the  election  is  held,  the  city  clerk  takes 
the  petitions  which  have  been  filed  and  prepares 
the  ballot.  He  does  this  by  arranging  the  names 
of  candidates  in  alphabetical  order.  The  candi 
dates  for  mayor  are  arranged  under  the  heading 
‘ Mayor  ’ ; the  candidates  for  councilmen  are  also 
arranged  in  alphabetical  order  under  the  heading 
‘Councilmen.’  There  is  no  party  designation, 
and  because  of  this  alphabetical  arrangement 
there  can  be  no  favorite  position  on  the  ballot. 
The  result  is,  that  the  candidate  comes  before 
the  whole  people  of  the  city  on  his  own  merit, 
and  on  his  own  record.” 

As  a citizen  of  Des  Moines  has  described  the 
proceeding,  “after  the  primary  has  been  held 
the  general  election  is  called,  and  in  order  to  se- 
cure names  for  the  ballot  in  the  general  election, 
we  take  the  two  candidates  who  have  received 
the  highest  number  of  votes  for  mayor  at  the 
primary,  and  place  their  names  on  the  ballot. 
In  order  to  secure  the  councilmen,  we  take  the 
eight  candidates  for  councilmen  who  have  re- 
ceived the  highest  number  of  votes  at  the  pri- 
mary and  place  their  names  on  the  regular  elec- 
tion ballot.  This  gives  us  two  opportunities  to 
weed  out  undesirable  men.  In  the  first  place, 
we  have  the  choice  among  all  candidates  at  the 
primary.  At  the  election,  we  have  the  choice 
of  one  of  two  men  for  mayor,  and  the  choice  of 
four  out  of  eight  candidates  for  councilmen.” 

A most  important  provision  of  this  Iowa 
charter  for  cities  has  to  do  with  the  civil  ser- 
vice. “ At  the  first  meeting  of  the  city  council, 
after  the  election  of  these  five  commissioners  or 
five  councilmen  — they  are  not  commissioners 
— they  appoint  a civil  service  board  composed 
of  three  members,  and  this  civil  service  board, 
in  whose  charge  is  placed  the  work  of  prepar 
ing  a civil  service  examination,  is  appointed  for 
a period  of  six  years.  Thus  they  are  removed 
from  any  influence  that  might  be  exerted  by 
the  councilmen,  who  are  only  elected  for  two 
years.  This  civil  service  commission  prepares 
once  a year  an  examination  for  all  employees  of 
the  city,  with  the  exception  of  unskilled  labor 
and  the  heads  of  the  departments,  such  as  city 
attorney,  city  treasurer,  city  assessor,  etc.  (all 
of  whom  are  appointed  by  a majority  vote  of 
the  council).  Having  passed  the  examination 
successfully,  the  applicant  is  placed  in  a posi- 
tion, and  so  long  as  his  work  is  satisfactory  and 
he  remains  competent,  he  cannot  be  removed. 
He  may  be  suspended,  but  he  cannot  be  re- 
moved, and  he  is  entitled  to  a hearing  before 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


the  civil  service  board.  This  provision  at  once 
takes  away  all  chance  of  a machine  being  built 
up  through  patronage." 

This  is  a sufficient  description  of  the  official 
frame  of  government  that  has  been  instituted  at 
I)es  Moines  and  other  cities  of  Iowa  under  a 
general  law  of  that  State.  The  law  goes  far- 
ther, and  connects  with  this  frame  or  system  a 
supplementary  provision  of  methods  for  giving 
the  whole  body  of  the  people  an  immediate 
agency  in  municipal  legislation  and  a power  to 
recall  their  election  of  any  elected  official  dur- 
ing his  term.  By  the  use  of  the  Swiss  process 
of  “initiative,”  a sufficient  number  of  voters 
(25  per  cent,  of  the  whole)  can  propose  mea- 
sures which  the  Council  must  either  adopt  or 
else  submit  to  the  general  vote,  and  can  sus- 
pend measures  adopted  by  the  council  until  the 
general  body  of  citizens  has  voted  for  or  against 
them.  These  features,  of  the  initiative,  the  re- 
ferendum and  the  recall,  are  no  more  essential 
attachments  to  the  Des  Moines  or  Iowa  form  of 
municipal  organization  than  to  any  other.  To 
what  extent  the  States  and  cities  making  trial 
of  the  general  features  of  the  Galveston  scheme 
of  municipal  organization  have  followed  Iowa 
in  making  the  Swiss  additions  to  it,  informa- 
tion at  present  is  wanting.  Apparently  the 
Des  Moines  pattern  is  having  wide  acceptance. 

In  the  fall  of  1909  the  towns  in  the  United 
States  which  had  adopted  the  so-called  Des 
Moines  plan  of  government  were  reported  to 
number  12  in  Texas,  7 in  Kansas,  6 in  Iowa,  3 
in  Massachusetts,  3 in  California,  2 in  Colorado, 
2 in  Missouri,  2 in  Tennessee,  1 in  West  Vir- 
ginia, 1 in  Mississippi,  1 in  North  Dakota,  1 in 
South  Dakota,  being  42  in  all.  Movements 
looking  to  the  introduction  of  the  same  system 
were  on  foot  in  other  cities.  At  the  November 
election  a draft  of  charter  on  the  lines  of  the 
Des  Moines  plan  was  submitted  to  popular  vote 
in  the  city  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  and  approved  by 
8848  electors,  out  of  a total  of  11,346  who  ex- 
pressed themselves  on  the  subject.  The  total 
vote,  however,  was  only  about  one-sixth  of 
that  cast  for  candidates  at  the  election.  On  the 
strength  of  the  opinion  expressed,  the  Legisla- 
ture is  now  being  asked  to  enact  the  charter. 
Should  it  do  so,  the  form  of  government  will 
have  trial  in  the  largest  city  that  has  yet  intro- 
duced it. 

London,  Eng.  : Defeat  of  the  Progressives 
in  the  County  and  Borough  Elections.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  London  : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

Los  Angeles,  Cal. : Experiments  and  Ex- 
periences. — Since  1900,  Los  Angeles,  Califor- 
nia, has  been  goiDg  through  some  interesting 
experiences,  due  to  a series  of  charter  amend- 
ments. The  former  charter  of  the  city  had  been 
of  the  common  pattern,  organizing  the  muni- 
cipal government  under  a mayor  and  a board 
of  aldermen  elected  by  wards.  The  amend- 
ments of  recent  years  have  created  a Board  of 
Public  Works,  with  large  powers  in  the  man- 
agement of  municipal  work  ; have  changed  the 
Board  of  Education  from  a body  of  nine  mem- 
bers elected  by  wards  to  a membership  of  seven 
chosen  from  the  city  at  large ; have  provided  an 
elaborate  system  of  municipal  civil  service  regu- 
lation ; and  finally  have  provided  for  a complete 
system  of  popular  initiative  and  referendum  in 
municipal  legislation,  and  for  recall  of  elective 
officers.  Popular  initiative  in  legislation  is  made 


possible  upon  the  demand  by  petition  of  15  per 
cent  of  the  voters,  estimated  upon  the  total  vote 
for  mayor  at  the  preceding  municipal  election ; 
referendum  in  ordinary  legislation  is  required 
upon  a petition  of  7 per  cent  of  the  voters ; a 
recall  election  must  be  ordered  upon  the  demand 
of  25  per  cent  of  the  voters  concerned  in  the  fill- 
ing of  the  office.  The  official  whom  the  petition 
seeks  to  remove  is  made  a candidate  for  reflec- 
tion without  other  nomination,  unless  in  writing 
he  notifies  the  city  clerk  that  he  is  not  a candi- 
date. 

The  recall  methods,  provided  for  in  charter 
amendments  of  1903,  have  been  put  into  actual 
service  ; first,  in  1906,  when  a councilman  was 
replaced  by  vote  of  the  Ward,  and  again  in 
February,  1909,  when  a recall  election  was  or- 
dered for  the  office  of  mayor.  The  proceedings 
in  this  case  attracted  widespread  attention  and 
interest  throughout  the  country.  They  failed, 
however,  to  afford  a perfect  test  of  recall  meth- 
ods for  the  reason  that  after  the  election  had 
been  ordered  but  before  the  date  had  arrived  the 
mayor  in  office  resigned,  thus  surrendering  with- 
out a struggle  to  the  opponents  who  had  sought 
his  removal. 

Michigan:  Home  Rule  for  Cities.  — The 

lately  revised  Constitution  of  Michigan  author- 
izes cities  and  villages  to  frame,  adopt  and 
amend  their  charters,  and  to  pass  law's  and  ordi- 
nances in  regard  to  their  municipal  concerns. 
Under  this  improved  Constitution,  the  Michi- 
gan Legislature  of  1909  adopted  the  necessary 
legislation  for  the  formulation  of  action  and  for 
the  limitation  of  taxes  and  debts.  The  follow- 
ing, from  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  is  a sum- 
mary of  the  more  important  provisions  of  the 
Act : “ Charters  of  new  cities  will  be  framed  by 
a commission  of  nine  electors  chosen  by  popu- 
lar vote.  Revised  charters  of  existing  cities  will 
be  framed,  after  a vote  of  the  electors  in  favor 
of  revision  (submitted  by  a two-thirds  vote  of 
the  local  legislative  body  or  on  an  initiatory  pe- 
tition of  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  total  vote  cast 
for  Mayor),  by  an  elected  commission  of  one 
member  from  each  ward  and  three  electors  at 
large.  Candidates  for  charter  commissioners 
are  to  be  placed  on  the  ballot  without  party  af- 
filiations designated.  Charter  amendments  may 
be  proposed  by  a two-thirds  vote  of  the  local 
legislative  body,  or  by  an  initiatory  petition  of 
twenty  per  cent,  of  the  vote  for  Mayor. 

“Every  charter  and  charter  amendment,  be- 
fore submission  to  the  electors,  must  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  Governor  of  the  State,  but  if  dis- 
approved by  him,  and  passed  on  reconsideration 
by  a two-thirds  vote  of  the  Charter  Commission 
or  local  legislative  body,  shall  be  submitted  to 
the  electors.  Copies  of  charters  and  charter 
amendments  approved  by  the  electors  of  the 
city  shall  be  certified  to  the  secretary  of  state, 
and  shall  thereupon  become  a law. 

“The  law  names  certain  things  which  each 
city  charter  shall  provide,  and  imposes  certain 
restrictions  on  the  powers  of  cities.  There  must 
be  an  elected  Mayor  and  a body  vested  with  leg- 
islative power;  the  clerk,  treasurer,  and  asses- 
sors, and  other  officers  may  be  elected  or  ap- 
pointed. This  permits  the  establishment  of  a 
commission  system,  or  of  a Mayor  and  council 
with  distinct  powers.  Provision  must  be  made 
for  the  levy,  collection,  and  return  of  State, 
county,  aDd  school  taxes,  for  annual  appropria- 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


tions  for  municipal  purposes,  and  for  a system  of 
accounts. 

“ Provision  may  be  made  for  municipal  taxes 
and  for  borrowing  money  up  to  prescribed  limits, 
for  the  regulation  of  trades,  occupations,  and 
amusements,  for  the  purchase  of  franchises,  for 
a plan  of  streets  within  three  miles  beyond  the 
city  limits,  “fora  system  of  civil  service,”  for 
the  referendum,  and  the  following  omnibus 
clause:  for  the  exercise  of  all  municipal  powers 
in  the  management  and  control  of  municipal 
property  and  in  the  administration  of  the  mu- 
nicipal government,  whether  such  powers  be 
expressly  enumerated  or  not;  for  any  act  to  ad- 
vance the  interests  of  the  city,  the  good  govern- 
ment and  prosperity  of  the  municipality  and  its 
inhabitants,  and  through  its  regularly  consti- 
tuted authority,  to  pass  all  laws  and  ordinances 
relating  to  its  municipal  concerns,  subject  to  the 
Constitution  and  general  laws  of  the  State. 

“Limitations  include  the  following:  Existing 
limits  to  the  tax  rate  and  borrowing  powers  to 
remain  until  a change  is  authorized  by  vote  of 
the  electors,  with  a maximum  limit  of  2 per  cent, 
of  the  assessed  valuation  for  the  tax  rate  and  8 
per  cent,  for  loans;  but,  as  authorized  by  the 
Constitution,  bonds  may  be  issued  beyond  this 
limit  for  public  utilities,  when  secured  only 
upon  the  property  and  revenues  of  the  utility. 
A sinking  fund  must  be  provided  for  bonds.  A 
charter  or  charter  amendment  may  not  be  sub- 
mitted oftener  than  once  in  two  years.  The  sal- 
ary of  public  officials  may  not  be  changed  after 
election  or  appointment.  Certain  municipal 
property  may  only  be  sold  or  vacated  when  ap- 
proved by  three-fifths  of  the  electors  voting 
thereon. 

“A  separate  act  was  passed  for  villages. 
This  follows  the  main  features  of  the  law  for 
cities,  but  is  briefer.” 

New  York  City:  A.  D.  1901-1909.  — The 
Municipal  Elections  of  1901,  1903,  1905,  and 
1909.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  City. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Working  of  the 
Bureau  of  Municipal  Research.  — The  Bureau 
of  Municipal  Research,  instituted  in  New  York 
City  by  an  organization  of  citizens  in  1905,  has 
proved  to  be  as  effective  an  agency  as  has  ever 
been  employed  for  the  straightening  of  crook- 
edness and  the  correcting  of  negligence  in  the 
conduct  of  municipal  affairs.  Its  working  is 
described  fully  in  an  article  which  appeared  in 
the  Atlantic  Monthly  of  October,  1908,  by  the 
head  of  the  Bureau,  Dr.  William  H.  Allen,  under 
the  title,  “ A National  Fund  for  Efficient  Demo- 
cracy.” What  the  writer  aims  to  do,  and  does 
most  effectively,  is,  first,  to  show  how  ineffi- 
cient our  democracy  is  in  its  practical  working, 
how  demoralizing  that  inefficiency  is,  how 
feebly  education  and  religion  are  struggling 
against  its  demoralizations,  so  long  as  they  do 
not  work  to  make  government  efficient;  and 
then  he  unfolds  the  remedy  indicated  in  results 
obtained  already  from  the  public  enlightenment 
— the  citizen  education  — which  the  Bureau  of 
Municipal  Research  is  developing  in  New  York. 
His  final  purpose  is  to  plead  for  the  great  na- 
tional fund  that  would  establish  a central  found- 
ation for  the  extending  and  organizing  of  sim- 
ilar educational  work  throughout  the  country  at 
large. 

The  simple  object  of  the  New  York  Bureau 
of  Municipal  Research  has  been  to  make  and  to 


keep  the  public  acquainted  with  the  working  of 
things  in  its  government;  to  make  and  keep  it 
attentive  to  the  facts  of  efficiency  or  inefficiency 
in  that  working,  which  proves  to  be  the  kind  of 
political  education  that  bears  the  most  practical 
fruits.  The  aim  of  the  bureau,  says  Dr.  Allen, 
has  been  “educative,  not  detective.  Infinitely 
more  interested  in  pointing  out  what  is  needed 
than  what  is  wrong,  it  realizes  that  the  great 
problem  of  democracy  is  not  the  control  of  the 
officer,  but  the  education  of  the  citizen.  It  be- 
gan, not  by  laying  down  principles  of  govern- 
ment or  discussing  men,  but  by  studying  the 
needs  of  the  community  and  its  official  acts.  It 
would  educate  democracy  in  facts  about  demo- 
cracy’s acts  and  methods,  democracy’s  need,  and 
democracy’s  opportunity.”  Something  of  the 
results  achieved  is  set  forth  in  the  following 
passage : 

“Three  years,  S150,000,  and  scientific  meth- 
od, have  accomplished  results  surpassing  all 
dreams  of  those  who  outlined  its  programme. 
So  convincing  are  these  results  that  onlookers 
who  said  three  years  ago,  ‘ The  tiger  will 
never  change  its  stripes,’  are  now  saying, 
‘ You  could  hardly  do  this  in  cities  where  the 
tiger  marks  are  less  obvious.’  Although  many 
phases  of  municipal  administration  have  not 
yet  been  studied,  there  is  hardly  an  obstacle  to 
efficiency  and  honesty  that  has  not  been  encoun- 
tered and  overcome  by  light.  The  real-estate 
bureau  that  eluded  all  graft  charges  is  being 
reorganized  to  prevent  either  graft  or  one  hun- 
dred per  cent,  profits  for  land  sold  the  city  at 
private  sale.  While  its  own  staff,  consisting 
of  three  investigators  in  1907  and  40  in  the 
summer  of  1908,  can  of  itself  do  no  inconsid- 
erable educational  work,  the  bureau  gauges 
its  effectiveness,  not  by  what  its  own  staff  ac- 
complishes, but  by  what  the  city’s  staff  of 
70,000,  and  through  them  the  city’s  population 
of  4,000,000,  are  enabled  to  accomplish  because 
of  its  educational  effort. 

“Methods  that  manufacture  corruption  and 
inefficiency,  and  that  for  50  years  defied  political 
reform,  are  giving  way  to  methods  by  which 
70,000  employees  must  tell  the  truth  about 
what  they  do  when  they  do  it,  about  -what  they 
spend  when  they  spend  it,  in  clear,  legible  form. 

. . . Tammany  officials,  when  interested,  make 
excellent  collaborators.  The  commissioners  of 
accounts,  for  30  years,  through  reform  and  Tam- 
many administrations  alike,  a whitewashing 
body  that  condoned  and  glossed  over  wasteful 
and  corrupt  acts,  have  become,  as  a direct  result 
of  the  bureau’s  work,  a great  educational 
agency.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Proposed  New  Charter,  not 
acted  on  in  the  Legislature.  — A Commission 
appointed  for  the  purpose  by  Governor  Hughes, 
after  long  and  careful  study  of  the  subject  of  a 
new  charter  for  Greater  New  York,  reported  in 
March,  1909,  submitting  a recommended  draft, 
which  was  submitted  to  the  Legislature  then  in 
session,  but  obtained  no  action  from  that  body 
before  its  adjournment.  The  ruling  principle  in 
the  work  of  the  Commission  had  been  that  of  re- 
ducing the  number  of  elected  administrative  offi- 
cers, of  putting  into  separate  hands  the  power 
to  appropriate  and  the  power  to  spend  money, 
and  of  concentrating  power  and  responsibility 
in  a few.  As  originally  organized,  the  “Greater 
New  York”  City  is  divided  into  five  boroughs. 


436 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


At  the  head  of  each  borough  is  a Borough  Presi- 
dent, who  lias  charge  of  the  streets  and  the  pub- 
lic buildings  within  the  borough.  There  is  also 
a Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment,  con- 
sisting of  the  Mayor,  Comptroller,  the  President 
of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  and  the  Borough 
Presidents.  There  is  also  a Board  of  Aldermen. 
The  Commissioners  proposed  that  the  Borough 
Presidents  shall  cease  to  have  administrative 
functions  and  shall  devote  their  attention  exclu- 
sively to  the  great  financial  work  of  the  Board 
of  Estimate  and  Apportionment ; that  the  ad- 
ministrative work  be  given  to  heads  of  depart- 
ments responsible  to  the  Mayor,  and  to  bureaus, 
some  of  them  under  the  Board  of  Estimate  and 
Apportionment  and  some  under  the  various  de- 
partments ; and  that  the  Board  of  Aldermen  be 
supplanted  by  a Council  of  thirty-nine  members 
to  serve  without  pay ; to  have  enlarged  legisla- 
tive powers,  but  none  connected  with  the  grant 
franchises,  which  the  Board  of  Estimate  and 
Apportionment  should  control.  A new  Depart- 
ment of  Street  Control  was  proposed,  to  take 
over  all  street  work,  abolishing  the  Street-Clean- 
ing Department. 

Phildadelphia : A.  D.  1905.  — AT emporary 
House  Cleaning  of  the  Municipality.  — 
Mayor  Weaver’s  Conversion.  — “Philadel- 
phia has  reformed.  It  is  the  swiftest  and  most 
thorough  municipal  revolution  known  in  Ameri- 
can civic  annals.  Without  an  election  and  with- 
out primaries,  without  warning  and  without 
preparation,  the  great  deep  of  small  household- 
ers, — which  is  Philadelphia,  — moved  from  be- 
low. When  the  work  was  over,  Mayor  Weaver, 
who  led  the  revolution,  had  not  only  changed 
the  heads  of  the  two  executive  departments, 
with  ten  thousand  employees,  but  he  was  in  full 
control  of  City  Councils  ; he  was  recognized  as 
the  head  of  the  city  Republican  party  organiza- 
tion ; he  had  forced  the  city  Republican  com- 
mittee to  withdraw  the  local  ticket  already  nom- 
inated and  await  the  choice  of  another  ticket 
by  the  reform  leaders ; he  had  begun  criminal 
prosecution,  stopped  work  on  contracts  for  filtra- 
tion plants,  boulevards,  and  highways  amount- 
ing to  some  twelve  million  dollars,  beginning  a 
searching  investigation  by  a board  of  expert 
engineers,  and  had  defeated  two  grabs,  one  a 
contract  for  seventy-five  years  in  gas  and  the 
other  a street-car  grab  of  one  hundred  and  ten 
miles  of  streets,  sought  by  the  two  local  public- 
service  corporations,  the  United  Gas  Improve- 
ment Company  and  the  Philadelphia  Rapid 
Transit  Company.  Both  had  been  successfully 
passed  before  this  revolution  broke,  and  both 
were  recalled,  on  the  demand  of  the  mayor,  by 
the  same  councils  that  had  passed  them. 

“The  coherent  homogeneous  vote  of  the  myr- 
iads of  small  homes  which  make  up  Philadel- 
phia has  made  this  sweeping  victory  possible 
against  great  odds.  The  party  majority  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Philadelphia  is  the  strongest 
in  the  country.  The  city  machine  is  as  well  or- 
ganized as  Tammany  Hall.  It  holds  city,  State, 
and  federal  patronage.  For  ten  years  it  has 
without  challenge  chosen  the  executive  officers 
at  Harrisburg  and  Philadelphia  and  held  the 
Legislature  and  Councils.  The  city  ring,  in  a 
decade  of  unchecked  rule,  has  issued  §40,000,000 
of  city  bonds;  let  on  the  filtration  plant  alone 
$13,660,000  of  contracts  ; as  much  more  on  vari- 
ous public  improvements,  and  had  pending 


work  authorized,  but  not  let,  costing  about  $30,- 
000,000.  The  criminal  investigation  already 
made  indicates  that  on  the  filtration-plant  con- 
tracts alone  the  margin  of  loose  profit  is  from 
28  to  30  per  cent.  In  this  period  the  city  gas 
works  have  been  leased  for  a term  ending  in 
1927,  on  provisions  which  yield  $2,000,000  a 
year,  twice  the  expected  profit  to  the  lessee,  the 
United  Gas  Improvement  Company.  The  other 
public-service  corporation,  the  Philadelphia 
Rapid  Transit  Company,  has  had  a free  gift  of 
a subway  and  over  two  hundred  miles  of  street 
without  payment  and  without  limitation.  The 
combination,  under  an  antiquated  law  which 
threw  no  safeguards  about  the  ballot  of  a venal 
vote  controlled  by  machine  office-holders  of  the 
great  corporations,  railroad  and  public-service, 
and  of  a corrupt  combination  of  contractors  and 
politicians,  seemed  omnipotent.  By  the  adroit 
use  of  State  and  city  appropriations  for  private 
charities  and  educational  institutions,  the  re- 
spectable were  placated.  The  leaders  of  this 
organization  were  also  wise  enough  to  meet  re- 
forms non-political  halfway.  The  last  State 
legislature  passed  excellent  sanitary  legislation, 
reorganized  on  sound  lines  the  city  schools  of 
Philadelphia,  passed  efficient  child-labor  laws, 
and  at  many  points  improved  State  legislation. 
Carefully  separating  political  management  and 
elected  officers,  the  leaders  of  the  machine  chose- 
judicial  candidates  usually  unexceptionable, 
and  elected  as  governor  of  the  State  and  mayor 
of  Philadelphia  men  honest,  dull,  highly  re- 
spected, without  stain  but  pliant. 

“ In  April,  so  far  as  Philadelphia  was  con- 
cerned, self-government  seemed  to  have  disap- 
peared. Its  charter  was  amended,  in  the  teeth  of 
universal  protest,  so  as  to  rob  future  mayors  of 
all  powers.  Senator  Boies  Penrose  and  Insurance 
Commissioner  Israel  W.  Durham  made  all  nom- 
inations, State  and  city.  The  former  awaits 
investigation.  Durham  has  been  shown  to  be  a 
silent  and  secret  partner  in  a contracting  firm 
holding  $13,660,000  of  contracts,  under  city  or- 
dinances he  passed,  led  by  officers  he  chose,  and 
yielding  some  30  per  cent,  profit.  In  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Philadelphia,  the  corporation  pays  the 
machine  and  the  machine  aids  the  corporation. 
It  is  like  this  in  other  States,  but  preeminently 
in  that  founded  by  Penn.  After  a long  series 
of  like  gifts  and  franchises,  councils  voted  the 
Rapid  Transit  Company  one  hundred  and  ten 
miles  of  streets,  passed  a costly  boulevard  sys- 
tem, and  in  return  for  $25,000,000  intended  for 
more  contracts  proposed  to  lease  the  city  gas 
-works  for  seventy-five  years,  postponing  reduc- 
tion in  the  price  of  gas  for  three-quarters  of  a 
century. 

“This  ran  the  pliant  fingers  of  the  machine 
into  the  pockets  of  every  householder  who  had 
a gas  bill  to  pay,  some  two  hundred  apd  eighty 
thousand  in  number.  Suddenly  this  great  mass 
moved  from  within.  The  pulpit  of  small 
churches  knew  it  before  the  press,  the  little 
division  leaders  before  the  ward  managers,  and 
they  before  the  chiefs  of  the  organization.  In  a 
week,  the  city  seethed.  Children  of  councilmen 
came  crying  from  the  public  schools.  No  one 
would  play  with  them.  Callous,  thick-skinned 
politicians  found  their  mail,  their  telephones, 
and  their  daily  tours  one  hot  rain  of  protest  from 
their  old  neighbors.  Division  leaders  reported 
defection  by  the  avalanche.  The  small  house- 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


holder,  the  narrow  burgher,  comfortable,  con- 
tented, owning  his  house,  careless  over  ideals, 
education,  corruption,  and  venal  voter,  was 
aflame  over  a bigger  gas  bill.  It  is  the  old  story 
of  ship  money  and  stamp  taxes.  No  vote  was 
necessary.  No  primary  was  needed.  The  leaders 
of  a political  machine  are  ignorant  of  much,  but 
they  know  the  voice  of  the  voter  in  the  land. 
John  Weaver,  the  mayor,  chosen  by  the  ma- 
chine, and  its  lifelong  friend  and  supporter,  had 
been  a fair  case  lawyer  and  district  attorney. 
Honest,  narrow,  clean-lived,  of  a legal  mind, 
restive  at  the  way  he  was  treated  as  a mere  fig- 
urehead, he  recognized  the  civic  revolution  be- 
cause he  was  himself  of  the  class  that  had  risen. 
He  had,  moreover,  in  his  day  won  his  division 
and  was  a ward  leader.”  — American  Review  of 
Reviews,  July,  1905.  ' 

The  Israel  W.  Durham  referred  to  above,  who 
was  the  absolute  “boss”  of  Philadelphia  from 
1896  to  1905,  died  on  the  28th  of  June,  1909. 

See,  also,  Pennsylvania  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  old  Evil  Conditions  re- 
vived.— Defeat  of  Revolt  against  them.  — The 
old  mastery  of  the  City  Government  by  an  all- 
powerful  and  shameless  political  “machine” 
was  recovered  at  the  end  of  the  term  of  Mayor 
Weaver,  and  conditions  were  soon  as  rotten  as 
before  the  momentary  and  partial  cleansing  had 
been  performed.  In  1909  a hopeful  revolt  against 
them  was  undertaken,  under  the  lead  of  D. 
Clarence  Gibboney  a young  lawyer  who  as  sec- 
retary of  an  active  “Law  and  Order  Society,” 
had  shown  inspiring  powers  of  leadership  and 
high  qualities  of  sincerity  and  resolution.  Gib- 
boney had  been  put  forward  for  District  Attor- 
ney in  1906  on  Democratic  and  Independent 
tickets,  and  had  suffered  defeat.  Now  he  was 
brought  again  to  the  front,  for  that  office,  from 
which  the  plunderers  of  the  city  could  be  most 
advantageously  attacked.  A William  Penn  Party 
had  been  organized  in  the  interest  of  reform,  and 
his  nomination  by  this  was  endorsed  by  the 
Democratic  organization.  A great  effort  was 
made  to  rouse  the  conscience  and  the  self-respect 
of  the  city,  to  throw  off  the  thraldom  of  blind 
partisanship  under  which  it  submits  to  be  cor- 
rupted and  robbed.  But  the  effort  failed. 
Gibboney  was  rejected  by  a majority  of  about 
40,000  voters. 

Pittsburg : Achievements  of  a Reforming 
Mayor.  — George  W.  Guthrie  became  Mayor 
of  Pittsburg  in  1906.  “When  Mayor  Guthrie 
went  into  office  there  was  no  merit  system  in 
Pittsburg;  but  he  soon  established  an  effective 
one  of  his  own,  and  at  the  1907  session  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Legislature  effectively  co-operated 
with  the  Pennsylvania  Civil  Service  Reform  As- 
sociation and  similar  bodies,  with  Mayor  Dim- 
mick,  of  Scranton,  and  the  business  bodies  of 
second-class  cities,  to  secure  a law  which  would 
permanently  establish  the  merit  system  in  them. 
He  and  his  colleagues  succeeded.  A short  time 
ago  some  one  asked  the  Mayor  how  many  Dem- 
ocrats he  had  appointed  to  office.  His  immedi- 
ate reply  was,  * I have  n’t  the  least  idea.  The 
question  of  party  has  never  entered  into  the 
matter.’  . . . 

“The  tax  levied  in  February,  1906,  before 
Mayor  Guthrie  assumed  office,  was  15  mills. 
That  levied  in  February,  1907,  the  first  under 
his  administration,  was  12|  mills.  This  year, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  annexation  of  Allegheny, 


the  city  would  have  required  only  10  or  10£ 
mills.  The  Mayor’s  first  estimate  was  11  mills; 
but  the  final  figures,  as  made  up  by  the  Finance 
Committee,  showed  that  the  lower  figure  would 
have  been  sufficient.  When  the  Mayor  entered 
office,  there  was  a cash  deficit  of  $400,000, 
caused  by  the  payment  of  bills  left  over  from 
the  previous  administration.  He  closed  his  first 
year  with  a small  surplus,  and  the  second  (1907) 
with  a large  one.  The  total  tax  valuation  of 
the  old  city  of  Pittsburg  is  $599,852,923.  Its 
total  bonded  indebtedness  is  $24,956,001,  and  its 
net  indebtedness  (arrived  at  by  deducting  bonds 
in  the  saving  fund)  is  $16,532,425,  or  ,02f  per 
cent  of  the  valuation.  This  highly  desirable 
financial  result,  however,  has  not  been  reached 
by  any  false  economy.  Inadequate  salaries  have 
been  raised.  All  the  street  repairing  for  1907 
was  paid  for  out  of  the  tax  levy,  and  the  work 
on  the  filtration  plant  has  been  pushed  unceas- 
ingly. Enough  of  the  filter  beds  are  finished  to 
provide  for  present  needs,  and  as  soon  as  they 
are  ‘ripened’  and  the  pumping  machinery  re- 
arranged the  city  will  have  filtered  water.  . . . 

“For  many  years,  under  the  old  regime,  Pitts- 
burg had  been  free  from  many  of  the  evils  of 
an  open  cit}r ; but  a syndicate  of  Councilmen 
and  politicians  had  made  immense  sums  out  of 
the  business.  They  controlled  the  leases  of  the 
houses,  which  they  sublet  at  exorbitant  sums. 
They  also  controlled  the  supplies  which  were 
furnished  to  them.  The  Mayor  issued  but  one 
order  for  the  regulation  of  this  district.  He 
made  no  attempt  to  solve  the  entire  problem. 
As  the  law  was  plain  about  the  sale  of  liquor, 
he  declared  that  that  must  stop  absolutely ; and 
that  no  house  could  be  run  on  streets  on  which 
there  were  surface  cars.  This  order  proved  to 
be  the  death-blow  of  the  combination  that  had 
previously  existed.  The  politicians,  when  they 
heard  the  order,  laughed.  They  had  fooled 
every  other  Mayor,  and  they  thought  they 
could  fool  Guthrie.  He  would  need  Councils 
and  must  necessarily  ‘deal’  with  them.  But  he 
needed  no  one,  and  he  ‘ dealt  ’ with  no  one.  He 
waited  six  weeks  for  his  warning  to  be  taken, 
and  then  he  acted.  One  Saturday  night  the 
police  drew  a net  around  the  district,  and  over 
one  thousand  arrests  were  made.  Then  came 
the  final  blow  that  stopped  political  interfer- 
ence. Under  the  old  system  police  magistrates 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  holding  fines  or  delay- 
ing sentences,  which,  under  the  pressure  of  po- 
litical influence,  were  remitted  or  suspended. 
Such  money  as  was  paid  in  was  held  for  a 
month  before  being  turned  over  to  the  city  trea- 
sury. . . . Mr.  Guthrie  established  the  rule 
that  all  fines  and  jail  sentences,  once  imposed, 
would  have  to  stand  unless  revoked  by  the 
county  courts.  Not  only  have  the  revenues 
of  the  city  largely  increased  by  this  policy,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  but  one  of  the  greatest 
sources  of  political  evil  has  been  removed. 
Since  this  policy  was  inaugurated  there  has 
been  no  political  or  machine  interference  in  the 
administration  of  the  law.  Incidentally,  I may 
mention  that  one  Councilman  went  to  jail  for 
his  complicity  with  the  protection  of  the  social 
evil. 

“The  situation  in  Pittsburg  is  so  changed  and 
improved  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Civic  Voters' 
League  was  able  to  say  recently  ; ‘While  we 
have  forced  Councils  to  be  good,  elected  the  best 


438 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


Mayor  in  the  country,  put  ill  county  offices 
men  of  ability  and  honesty,  forced  the  politi- 
cians to  give  us  a good  civil  service  measure,  I 
am  convinced  that  our  most  important  victory 
has  been  to  convince  the  political  leaders  and 
bosses  that  there  is  a new  era  in  politics,  and 
that  for  the  future  none  but  the  best  men  can  be 
elected  to  public  office.’  ” — Clinton  Rogers 
Woodruff,  A Mayor  with  an  Ideal  ( The  Outlook, 
April  25,  1908). 

Defeat  of  the  Reforming  Mayor  in  1909, 
but  no  Discouragement  of  the  Reforming 
Activity  of  the  Voters’  League.  — Unparal- 
leled Success  in  convicting  Bribed  Officials 
and  their  Bribers. — Mayor  Guthrie,  nominated 
for  reflection  iu  1909,  was  defeated  by  the  nom- 
inee of  a corrupt  party  “machine  ” ; but  this  put 
no  check  on  the  efforts  of  the  Voters’  League 
behind  him  to  hunt  down  the  corrupting  influ- 
ences and  agencies  which  had  mastered  the  city 
once  more.  A fortunate  accident  gave  the 
League  a single  clue  to  the  hidden  labyrinth  of 
rascality,  and  it  sufficed  for  astounding  reve- 
lations. It  tracked  and  caught,  first,  a single 
ex-Councilman,  who  had  handled  large  sums  of 
bribe-money,  receiving  and  dividing  it  among 
his  fellow  members  of  a gang  known  as  the 
“ Big  Six.”  This  man,  John  P.  Klein,  when  he 
found  himself  helplessly  in  the  toils,  and  likely 
to  be  the  scape-goat  for  all  his  confederates 
and  their  corrupters,  made  confessions  which 
uncovered  much,  if  not  all,  of  the  bribe-giving 
and  bribe-taking  of  several  past  years.  Down 
to  the  23d  of  March,  1910,  when  the  following 
summary  was  published,  the  results  coming 
from  this  confession  had  been  as  follows  : 

In  penitentiary  — W.  W.  Ramsey,  ex-president 
of  the  German  National  Bank;  William  Brand, 
ex-president  of  the  Common  Council;  Joseph  C. 
Wasson,  ex-Councilman,  and  H.  M.  Bolder. 

Under  sentence  to  the  penitentiary  - — John  F. 
Klein,  ex-Councilman. 

Awaiting  disposition  of  their  cases  — E.  H. 
Jennings,  president  of  the  Columbia  National 
Bank,  and  F.  A.  Griffin,  cashier,  who  pleaded 
nolo  contendere. 

Under  indictment  — Forty-one  Councilmen. 

Confessors  of  bribe-sharing  — Twenty  Coun- 
cilmen, former  and  present,  Select  and  Common. 

More  confessors  awaiting  turn  — Ten  former 
and  present  Councilmen. 

As  this  goes  to  the  printers,  the  bribe-givers, 
including  some  of  the  multi-millionaires  of 
Pittsburg,  are  being  dragged  into  court. 

St.  Louis  : A.  D.  1900-1940.  — The  Un- 
earthing of  Thievery  amd  Corruption  by  Cir- 
cuit Attorney  Folk.  — Prosecutions,  Confes- 
sions, and  Convictions. — One  of  the  most 
notable  and  effective  cleansings  of  a corrupted 
municipality  that  has  occurred  in  the  United 
States  was  accomplished  in  St.  Louis  by  Joseph 
Wingate  Folk,  using  the  powers  of  the  office  of 
Circuit  Attorney  of  the  City,  to  which  he  was 
fortunately  elected  in  the  spring  of  1900.  That 
bribery  was  active  among  the  Aldermen  and 
Councilmen  of  the  two  chambers  of  the  munici- 
pal legislature,  and  that  unscrupulous  men  of 
business  were  habitually  employing  it  to  secure 
iniquitous  franchises  and  jobs,  appears  to  have 
been  a matter  of  common  belief  ; but  the  belief 
had  not  roused  feeling  enough  to  bring  about 
any  change,  until  the  opportunity  to  act  was 
given  to  Mr.  Folk. 


One  notoriously  suspicious  transaction,  which 
consolidated  the  street  railways  of  the  city,  was 
outlawed  for  all  but  a single  actor  in  it  by  the 
Missouri  statute  of  limitations,  which  bars  crim- 
inal proceedings  after  three  years ; but  the  one 
man  had  been  absent  from  the  State  during  so 
large  a part  of  those  three  years  that  he  could 
be  reached  by  the  law,  and  the  Circuit  Attorney 
turned  the  search  light  of  a grand  jury  investi- 
gation on  his  case.  This  man,  R.  M.  Snyder,  of 
Kansas  City,  was  indicted,  arrested,  and  held 
for  trial  under  bonds  of  $50,000.  From  that 
beginning  Mr.  Folk  went  on  to  the  probing  of 
a more  recent  franchise  grant,  and  unearthed 
the  fact  that  two  deposits  of  cash,  for  sums  of 
$60,000  and  $75,000  were  boxed  in  safety  de- 
posit vaults,  each  guarded  by  duplicate  keys 
held  on  one  side  by  a corporation  agent,  and  on 
the  other  side  by  agents  of  the  Council  and  the 
Aldermanic  body  respectively,  waiting  for  dis- 
tribution among  the  officials  who  had  sold  the 
public  franchise  for  those  sums.  A rival  corpo- 
ration had,  meantime,  attacked  the  legality  of 
the  grant,  held  it  up  by  an  in j unction,  and  so 
kept  these  corruption  funds  in  suspension  be- 
tween the  bribers  and  the  bribed. 

By  what  resolute  persistence,  what  shrewd- 
ness, what  bold  ventures  of  surmise,  Mr.  Folk 
uncovered  the  cunningly  secreted  facts,  terrified 
the  “ boodlers  ” and  the  bribers  into  betraying 
one  another,  and  fastened  their  crimes  upon 
them,  cannot  be  told  here.  Two  of  the  wealthy 
buyers  in  the  rascally  trade,  a Mr.  Turner  and  a 
Mr.  Stock,  became  witnesses  for  the  State  against 
the  men  whose  crime  they  had  bought.  The 
two  agents  for  Aldermen  and  Councilmen,  who 
held  the  keys  of  the  deposited  bribe,  J.  K.  Mur- 
rell and  Charles  Kratz,  fled  to  Mexico,  forfeiting 
their  bail.  Three  others  of  the  accused,  Emil 
Meysenberg,  Julius  Lehmann  and  Harry  Faulk- 
ner, were  tried,  convicted  and  sentenced  to  im- 
prisonment for  three  and  two  years.  The  escape 
of  Murrell  and  Kratz  beyond  reach  of  extradition 
embarassed  the  prosecution  of  the  remaining 
confederates,  who  seemed  likely  to  go  free  for 
lack  of  sufficient  evidence  ; but  unexpectedly, 
in  September,  1902,  Murrell  reappeared  in  St. 
Louis,  saying  that  he  could  not  endure  exile  any 
longer  and  was  ready  to  bear  the  penalty  of  his 
wrongdoing.  On  his  confessions  eleven  aider- 
men  were  arrested,  charged  with  bribery  in  two 
cases  and  with  perjury  before  the  grand  jury. 
Seven  others  made  successful  flights. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  year  another  of  the 
refugees  from  justice  returned,  supposing  his 
time  of  danger  to  have  passed.  This  was  Charles 
F.  Kelly,  who  had  been  Speaker  of  the  St.  Louis 
House  of  Delegates  and  a ready  tool  of  Edward 
Butler,  the  St.  Louis  political  “Boss”  and  legis- 
lative broker.  Butler  had  been  involved  in  the 
prosecutions,  and  Kelly  had  fled  to  avoid  giv 
ing  testimony  against  him,  being  paid,  as  he 
confessed  finally,  $50,000  for  his  retirement  into 
obscure  foreign  parts.  What  happened  to  him 
later,  and  what  confessions  he  made  were  the 
subject  of  a brief  story  in  The  Outlook  of  No- 
vember 5,  1904,  in  part  as  follows: 

“ Returning  when  it  was  believed  that  his  pa- 
tron was  secure  through  the  operation  of  the 
statute  of  limitations,  Kelly  was  arrested  and 
sentenced  to  two  years  in  the  penitentiary  for 
perjury  in  his  testimony  in  one  of  the  boodle 
cases.  He  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and 


439 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


meanwhile  was  rearrested  on  the  charge  of  ac- 
cepting a bribe  in  another  deal.  At,  this  junc- 
ture he  complained  that  Butler  had  deserted  him 
and  had  advised  him  to  plead  guilty.  ‘ It  did  n’t 
look  right,’  he  said  in  an  interview,  ‘that  we 
should  take  our  medicine  and  that  he  should  go 
free.’  Therefore  he  determined  to  relate  his 
dealings  with  Butler  in  the  bribery  cases.  In  his 
statement  he  says  that  he  has  reason  to  believe 
that  boodling  had  been  in  progress  in  the  St. 
Louis  Municipal  Assembly  for  the  last  twenty- 
five  years.  The  boodlers  did  not  fear  exposure, 
because  they  ‘ knew  that  most  of  the  politicians 
and  many  of  the  large  financiers  of  St.  Louis’ 
would  be  with  them.  One  prosecutor  who  at- 
tempted to  bring  them  to  justice  was  ‘bluffed 
off.’  When  Mr.  Folk  began  his  work,  there 
were  threats  of  assassination,  and  finally  a delib- 
erate plot  was  arranged  to  ruin  the  prosecutor’s 
influence  by  falsehoods.  ‘ Prominent  financiers  ’ 
as  well  as  the  boodlers  were  engaged  in  this 
attempt,  according  to  the  confession. 

“The  general  scheme  of  the  boodle  ‘combine’ 
is  already  fairly  well  known,  but  Mr.  Kelly  adds 
some  interesting  details.  There  were  nineteen 
members,  and  the  combine  was  ‘ not  along  party 
lines.’  ‘My  experience,’  he  remarks,  ‘has  been 
that  boodlers  line  up  according  to  their  interests, 
and  not  under  party  standards.’  The  members  of 
the  combiue  held  regular  meetings,  and  decided 
by  a majority  vote  on  the  prices  to  be  charged 
for  various  measures.  There  was  a ‘ fixed  sched- 
ule of  prices’  for  bills  in  accordance  with  the 
value  of  the  privileges  to  be  given.  The  combine 
rarely  sold  out  for  less  than  a thousand  dollars, 
though  once  ‘ some  of  the  boys  took  five  dollars 
each,  but  were  so  ashamed  of  it  they  would  not 
speak  of  it  afterwards,  because  the  price  was  so 
small.’  The  combine  was  in  the  habit  of  select- 
ing one  of  its  members  to  act  as  agent  in  the 
deals,  and  only  in  one  or  two  instances  did  the 
representative  prove  untrustworthy.  ‘ Among 
ourselves,’  says  this  frank  boodler,  ‘we  had  a 
high  code  of  morals,  and  it  was  considered  ex- 
tremely dishonest  for  a member  of  the  combine 
to  accept  bribe  money  without  dividing  it  among 
his  fellows.’  A particularly  interesting  feature 
of  the  confession  is  the  warning  which  it  gives 
to  St.  Louis  of  the  danger  of  a relapse  to  the  old 
conditions  when  Mr.  Folk’s  term  as  Circuit  At- 
torney shall  have  expired.  Kelly  asserts  that 
Butler  advised  his  indicted  friends  to  get  con- 
tinuances until  a new  Circuit  Attorney  should  be 
elected,  and  that  he  promised  them  that  the  pro- 
secutor should  be  ‘ his  man.’  ‘ What,’  asks  Kelly, 

‘ has  been  done  in  St.  Louis?  Nothing  at  all.  The 
prosecutor  has,  after  three  years’  fighting, 
whipped  us.  But  it  seems  to  me,  such  is  the  con- 
dition of  public  sentiment  in  St.  Louis,  that 
when  the  new  prosecutor,  who  of  course  will  be 
Ed  Butler’s  man,  takes  charge,  boodlers  will  be 
in  clover  again.’  In  his  opinion  the  great  trouble 
is  that  ‘ so  many  of  the  large  corporations  of  the 
city  are  mixed  up  in  boodle  one  way  or  another  ’ 
that  the  town  is  willing  to  tolerate  corruption.” 

Here,  as  in  all  exposed  cases,  the  power  to 
organize  “boodle”  or  “graft”  in  municipal 
government  is  found  to  have  been  derived  from 
the  “machines”  of  the  national  political  par- 
ties. 

The  exhibit  of  character  and  ability  made  by 
Mr.  Folk  in  his  extraordinary  enforcement  of 
law  in  St.  Louis,  to  the  overthrow  of  the  strong- 


hold of  municipal  thieves  and  corruptionists,  so 
commended  him  to  the  people  of  Missouri  that 
they  nominated  and  elected  him  Governor  of  the 
State  in  1904,  despite  the  most  desperate  en- 
deavor of  the  party  organizations  to  defeat  him. 
In  his  higher  office  he  continued  his  work  of 
reform. 

San  Francisco:  A.  D.  1901-1909.  — The 
Struggle  with  Political  Corruption.  — “Before 
the  enactment  of  the  charter  of  1899  the  mayor- 
alty in  San  Francisco  had  little  power,  and  suc- 
cessive political  bosses  had  ignored  it.  Instead  of 
this,  they  aimed  to  control  the  municipal  Board 
of  Supervisors,  which  had  the  awarding  of  con- 
tracts and  franchises.  The  charter  of  1899 
changed  all  this,  by  concentrating  vast  powers 
of  appointment  and  removal  in  the  mayoralty, 
the  office  being  filled  by  biennial  election.  The 
office  was  ably  and  honestly  administered  for 
the  first  two  years  by  Hon.  Jas.  D.  Phelan. 

“During  the  latter  portion  of  Phelan’s  term 
there  occurred  a long  and  bitter  industrial  strug- 
gle, known  as  the  ‘ Teamsters’  Strike,’  in 
which  the  sympathy  of  other  labor  organizations 
was  deeply  stirred.  At  the  request  of  the  em- 
ployers Mayor  Phelan  consented  to  placing  the 
city  police  upon  drays  and  wagons  as  guards 
for  non-union  drivers.  This  action  aroused  vio- 
lent denunciation  on  the  part  of  the  union  labor 
leaders.  It  also  served  as  a political  object  les- 
son. It  was  seen  that  to  gain  possession  of  the 
mayoralty  in  the  interest  of  union  labor  would 
be  a great  political  advantage,  especially  in  a 
recurrence  of  industrial  strife. 

“In  the  following  election  (1901)  Eugene  E. 
Schmitz,  orchestra  leader  at  the  Columbia  the- 
atre and  head  of  the  musicians’  union,  the  can- 
didate of  the  union  labor  party,  was  elected 
mayor  by  21,776  votes  as  against  30,365  votes 
somewhat  evenly  divided  between  the  Republi- 
can and  the  Democratic  candidates.  Two  years 
later  (1903)  Schmitz  wras  reflected  in  the  same 
way,  and  in  1905  he  was  again  successful,  this 
time  securing  a large  majority  over  the  fusion 
candidate  nominated  by  the  Democratic  and 
Republican  parties  combined.  Throughout  the 
whole  period  Schmitz's  chief  political  manager 
was  Abraham  Ruef,  a native  of  San  Francisco, 
well  educated,  gifted  and  ambitious,  an  adroit 
politician,  previously  affiliated  with  the  Repub- 
lican party.  In  1904  he  was  a delegate  at  large 
for  California  in  the  Republican  national  con- 
vention at  Chicago. 

“ Almost  from  the  beginning  of  the  Schmitz 
administration  it  became  recognized  throughout 
the  city  that  the  most  certain  way  of  obtaining 
favors  from  the  mayor’s  office  was  through  the 
law  office  of  Abraham  Ruef,  who  acted  as  the 
legal  and  political  adviser  of  Mayor  Schmitz. 
Ruef  steered  a different  course  from  political 
bosses  generally.  He  kept  his  office  open  for 
all  comers,  high  and  low.  He  was  thoroughly 
accessible.  He  welcomed  all  applicants  and 
dealt  out  encouraging  assurances  to  every  re- 
quest. It  soon  became  a matter  of  general  be- 
lief that  under  the  guise  of  legal  services  Ruef 
was  selling  licenses,  securing  special  privileges 
for  favored  clients  and  protecting  illegal  con- 
cerns. Ruef’s  income  increased  enormously 
during  the  Schmitz  regime,  but  to  the  end  he 
maintained  this  pretense  of  ‘attorney’s  fees,’ 
and  only  a few  months  before  he  was  indicted 
for  extortion  he  stoutly  maintained  before  a 


440 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


public  meeting  that  he  • had  never  made  a dol- 
lar out  of  politics.’ 

“In  1905  the  grand  jury  made  a thorough  in- 
vestigation of  the  municipal  administration  and 
became  convinced  of  the  existence  of  a wide- 
spread system  of  bribery  and  corruption.  In 
its  report  to  the  Superior  Court,  filed  August 
19,  1905,  it  stated  : ‘ that  wholesale  and  wide- 
spread violation  of  law  is  open,  notorious  and 
llagrant;  that  it  meets  with  the  acquiesence  of 
the  mayor;  that  it  receives  the  approval  of  the 
police  commission  ; that  it  is  aided,  abetted  and 
protected  by  police  officials.  ...  We  find  that 
vice  and  crime  have  been  organized  so  systemat- 
ically, and  fostered  with  such  vigilant  attention 
to  detail,  that  nothing  which  business  acumen 
or  political  expediency  could  suggest  has  been 
neglected  or  omitted.’  For  lack  of  legal  evi- 
dence, however,  or  the  funds  with  which  to 
carry  on  an  investigation  for  securing  it,  no  in- 
dictments in  these  matters  were  returned. 

“The  municipal  election  of  1905  gave  toRuef 
the  control  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors  as  well 
as  the  administrative  departments  of  the  city. 
The  great  upheaval  in  business  conditions  pro- 
duced by  the  earthquake  and  fire  of  April,  1906, 
brought  new  and  wealthier  clients  to  his  office. 
Evidence  made  public  in  the  later  prosecutions 
goes  to  show  that  Ruef  was  paid  to  secure  from 
the  Board  of  Supervisors  for  the  United  Rail- 
roads permission  to  use  an  overhead  trolley  sys- 
tem for  operating  its  street  cars  instead  of  the 
cable  system  in  use  before  the  fire  ; that  the 
gas  company  had  bribed  the  supervisors  to 
raise  the  price  of  gas  from  75  to  85  cents  per 
thousand  feet ; and  that  the  telephone  compa- 
nies had  used  the  same  means  to  promote  their 
interests. 

“The  work  of  securing  the  evidence  upon 
which  criminal  indictments  could  be  based  was 
performed  by  a few  determined  men.  Rudolph 
Spreckels,  a young  man  of  large  fortune,  came 
forward  with  a pledge  of  §100,000  for  the  ex- 
penses of  a searching  investigation.  District 
Attorney  William  H.  Langdon,  who  had  been 
elected  on  the  same  ticket  with  Schmitz,  an- 
nounced that  he  would  conduct  the  inquiry 
without  regard  to  party  affiliations,  and  ap- 
pointed Francis  J.  Heney,  assistant  district  at- 
torney. A man  of  courage  and  devotion  to  pub- 
lic honesty,  Heney  had  gained  distinction  by 
the  successful  prosecution  of  land  frauds  before 
the  Federal  courts  in  Oregon.  Heney  requested 
and  obtained  the  assistance  of  William  J. 
Burns,  a detective  in  the  United  States  Secret 
Service. 

“Ruef  and  Schmitz  were  soon  indicted  by  the 
grand  jury,  charged  with  extorting  money 
from  restaurant  proprietors.  During  the  pro- 
gress of  his  trial  Ruef  changed  his  plea  from 
‘Not  guilty’  to  ‘Guilty.’  Judgment  against 
him  was  delayed,  however,  by  the  prosecution 
for  the  purpose  of  gaining  evidence  against  oth- 
ers. Schmitz  was  tried  on  a similar  charge  and 
with  the  aid  of  testimony  given  by  Ruef  was 
convicted  and  [July,  1907]  sentenced  to  impris- 
onment for  five  years  in  the  state  penitentiary. 

“Meanwhile,  some  of  the  weaker  supervisors 
having  been  caught  in  a trap  set  for  them  by 
Burns,  confessions  of  bribery  were  obtained  by 
the  grand  jury  from  fifteen  out  of  eighteen 
members  of  the  Board.  In  return  for  these  con- 
fessions the  district  attorney  entered  into  immu- 


nity contracts  with  the  supervisors,  and  became 
temporarily  the  directing  power  iD  the  municipal 
government.  The  office  of  mayor  was  declared 
vacant,  and  Hon.  Edward  R.  Taylor,  a learned 
and  conscientious  man,  a professor  in  the  Has- 
tings College  of  Law  in  San  Francisco,  was 
appointed  to  the  position.  Gradually  the  whole 
Board  of  Supervisors  was  replaced  by  honest 
and  experienced  men. 

“ On  the  confessions  of  the  discredited  super- 
visors there  followed  a large  number  of  indict- 
ments against  Ruef,  Schmitz  and  the  various 
officers  and  employees  of  the  public  service 
corporations  concerned  in  corrupting  the  city 
government.  By  May  25,  1907,  the  number  of 
so-called  ‘ graft  ’ indictments  was  137,  against 
19  persons.  From  collateral  issues  the  number 
of  indictments  later  rose  to  160.  The  indict- 
ments against  a few  of  the  accused  were  subse- 
quently dismissed.  Five  of  the  original  19 
accused  persons  had  been  put  on  trial  one  or 
more  times  previous  to  January,  1910,  — the 
expiration  of  the  term  of  office  of  District  At- 
torney Langdon.  These  trials  were  carried  on 
with  the  utmost  rancor  on  the  part  of  opposing 
counsel.  The  greatest  difficulties  were  encoun- 
tered in  securing  juries  and  in  several  cases 
juries  failed  to  agree.  Throughout  the  com- 
munity and  in  the  public  prints  there  developed 
factional  division  and  bitterness.  This  factional 
hatred  culminated  in  acts  of  violence  and  ter- 
rorism. Two  houses  in  Oakland,  Alameda  Co., 
one  occupied,  the  other  owned  by  James  L.  Gal- 
lagher, former  supervisor  and  lieutenant  of 
Ruef,  later  a most  important  witness  for  the 
prosecution,  were  dynamited  and  nearly  de- 
stroyed. For  these  crimes  a culprit  was  dis- 
covered and  sent  to  the  state  prison  for  life  by 
the  courts  of  Alameda  County.  On  November 
13,  1908,  during  the  trial  of  Ruef  on  bribery 
charges,  Mr.  Heney  was  shot  from  behind 
while  at  his  post  in  the  court-room  by  a half- 
demented  sympathizer  with  the  accused.  A day 
later  the  assassin  took  his  own  life  while  in 
jail.  By  the  merest  chance  Mr.  Heney’s  wound 
proved  not  to  be  fatal,  and  after  a few  months 
he  returned  to  his  duties. 

“Even  in  the  few  cases  in  which  convictions 
were  obtained  judgment  was  arrested  by  ap- 
peals to  the  higher  courts,  which  uniformly 
resolved  all  technical  questions  in  favor  of  the 
accused.  To  the  end  of  1909,  the  record  of 
these  cases  is  as  follows: 

“Number  of  indictments  160. 

“Contracts  of  immunity  19. 

“Tried  and  acquitted  twice:  Tirey  L.  Ford, 
attorney  for  the  United  Railroads. 

“Trials  in  which  the  jury  disagreed:  Louis 
Glass,  manager  for  the  Pacific  States  Telephone 
Co.  ; Tirey  L.  Ford  ; Abraham  Ruef ; Patrick 
Calhoun,  president  of  the  United  Railroads. 

“Judgments  reversed  by  higher  court,  Eugene 
E.  Schmitz  and  Louis  Glass. 

“Plea  of  guilty  nullified  by  higher  court:  Ab- 
raham Ruef. 

“Convicted,  but  appeals  to  higher  court  in 
progress:  Abraham  Ruef  and  M.  W.  Coffey,  a 
supervisor  who  broke  his  immunity  contract. 

“Thus  it  is  evident  that  the  prosecution  has 
so  far  failed  to  punish  extortion  and  bribery  by 
criminal  procedure.  The  real  results  of  the  pro- 
secution are  to  be  found  in  the  prompt  reform 
of  the  municipal  government  of  San  Francisco 


441 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 


MYTILENE 


in  1907,  and,  in  a larger  way,  in  an  awakened 
public  conscience  and  a strengthened  sense  of 
civic  duty.  These  results  are  not  limited  to  San 
Francisco,  but  are  a part  of  the  great  work  of 
political  regeneration  in  which  the  whole  coun- 
try is  concerned. 

“The  question  of  further  efforts  to  secure 
convictions  in  these  ‘ graft  ’ cases  was  made  a 
political  issue  in  San  Francisco  by  the  candidacy 
of  Mr.  Heney  for  the  office  of  district  attorney 
in  1909.  That  a large  number  of  voters  consid- 
ered such  continued  efforts  useless  or  hopeless 
was  shown  by  his  defeat  by  a decisive  majority 
of  10,000  votes  against  him.” 

The  new  Mayor  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
City  Government  by  this  election  was  the  nomi- 
nee of  the  same  Union  Labor  Party  which  had 
seated  Schmitz  and  his  manager,  Ruef,  and  it 
was  made  plain  that  he  represented  the  opposi- 
tion to  all  that  had  been  done  and  attempted 
toward  municipal  reform. 

Spain:  A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Municipal  Re- 
forms. See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

The  Transvaal:  A.  D.  1909.  — Introduc- 
tion of  Proportional  Representation.  See 

Elective  Franchise:  Proportional  Repre- 
sentation. 

United  States  : The  “ Municipal  Program,” 
framed  by  the  National  Municipal  League. — 

“At  the  joint  invitation  of  the  City  Club  of  New 
York  and  the  Municipal  League  of  Philadelphia, 
a Conference  for  Good  City  Government  was 
held  in  Philadelphia  in  January,  1894.  Out  of 
this  conference  grew  the  National  Municipal 
League,  formally  organized  in  New  York  City 
in  May,  1894.  The  League  includes  in  its 
affiliated  membership,  the  leading  municipal 
reform  organizations  of  the  country,  and,  in  its 
associated  membership  the  leading  students  of 
municipal  government.  At  the  annual  meet- 
ing of  the  League  in  1897  held  in  Louisville,  a 
special  committee  was  appointed  ‘ to  report  on 
the  feasibility  of  a Municipal  Program  which 
will  embody  the  essential  principles  that  must 
underlie  successful  municipal  government,  and 
which  shall  also  set  forth  a working  plan  or 
system,  consistent  with  American  industrial 
and  political  conditions,  for  putting  such  prin- 
ciples into  practical  operation  ; and  the  Com- 
mittee, if  it  finds  such  Municipal  Program  to 
be  feasible,  is  instructed  to  report  the  same 
with  its  reasons  therefor,  to  the  League,  for 
consideration.’ 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT.  See, 
also,  Elective  Franchise  : United  States, 
and  Social  Betterment. 

MURRELL,  J.  K.  : Confessions.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Municipal  Government  : St. 

Louis. 

MURZSTEG  PROGRAMME,  The.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1904,  and 
1905-1908. 

MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1907-1908  (Sept.-June). 


“The  Committee  appointed  under  this  resolu- 
tion made  a preliminary  report  at  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  League  held  in  Indianapolis  in 
1898,  and  a final  one  at  the  annual  meeting  of 
the  League  held  in  Columbus  in  1899.  The  Com- 
mittee did  not  claim  that  its  report  constituted 
the  final  word  upon  the  subject  referred  to  it, 
but  its  members  were  convinced,  as  a result  of 
their  studies  and  investigations,  that  ‘ A Munici- 
pal Program  ’ which  would  embody  the  essential 
principles  that  must  underlie  successful  muni- 
cipal government  was  entirely  feasible,  and  they 
recommended  certain  Constitutional  Amend- 
ments and  a general  Municipal  Corporations  Act, 
as  setting  forth  a working  plan  or  system  con- 
sistent with  American  industrial  and  political 
conditions,  for  putting  such  principles  into  prac- 
tical operation.  The  Committee’s  recommenda- 
tions were  unanimously  adopted  by  the  League 
at  its  Columbus  meeting.”  — Horace  E.  Deming, 
The  Government  of  American  Cities,  p.  203  (G. 
P.  Putnam’s  Sons,  N.  7.). 

As  originally  published,  the  “ Municipal  Pro- 
gram ” has  gone  out  of  print,  but  Mr.  Deming, 
under  an  arrangement  with  the  League,  has  re- 
produced it  as  an  appendix  to  his  book,  with  an 
explanatory  discussion  of  it.  The  main  objects 
sought  in  it  are  “ to  clothe  the  city  government 
with  such  broad  powers  as  will  enable  it  to  per- 
form all  the  appropriate  functions  of  a local 
government  without  resort  to  the  State  Legisla- 
ture for  the  grant  of  additional  power”  ; and  to 
“prevent  the  interference  by  the  State  Legisla- 
ture with  the  free  exercise  by  the  city  of  the 
governmental  powers  granted  it.”  Beyond  this, 
the  designers  of  the  “Program”  have  worked 
out  what  seemed  to  them  the  most  effective  plan 
of  organization  in  municipal  government  for  the 
exercise  of  such  full  powers. 

Wisconsin:  Organization  of  a Municipal 
Reference  Bureau  by  the  State  University. 
— Within  the  past  year  a Municipal  Reference 
Bureau  has  been  organized  in  connection  with 
the  Extension  Department  of  the  Wisconsin 
State  University,  its  purpose  being  to  offer  the 
widest  possible  use  of  the  material  on  questions 
relative  to  municipal  government  which  the 
University  has  collected,  by  answering  inquir- 
ies. The  Bureau  is  under  the  charge  of  Mr.  Ford 
H.  MacGregor,  and  will  work  in  cooperation 
with  the  very  useful  Legislative  Reference  De- 
partment of  the  Wisconsin  Free  Library  Com- 
mission, which  was  organized  a few  years  ago 
and  is  still  conducted  by  Dr.  Charles  McCarthy. 


MUSTAFA  FAZIL  PASHA.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

MUTINY  IN  THE  RUSSIAN  NAVY. 
See  (in  this  vol. )Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.). 

MUTUAL  LIFE  INSURANCE  COM- 
PANY : Legislative  Investigation.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

MUZZAFER-ED-DIN:  Late  Shah  of 
Persia.  See  Persia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

MYTILENE,  International  Occupation  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 


442 


NABUCO 


NATURALIZATION 


N. 


NABUCO,  Dr.  Joaquin : President  of  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

N AC  ION  AL I ST  AS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 

Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907. 

NAGEL,  Charles:  Secretary  of  Com- 
merce and  Labor.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1909  (March). 

NAKAMURA,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

NANSHAN,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  A.  D.  1904- 
1905  (May-Jan.). 

NAPOLEON  I.  : Declining  Worship  of 
his  Memory  in  France.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

NASR-UL-MULK  : Prime  Minister  of 
Persia. — His  exile.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Per- 
sia : A.  D.  1907-1908  (Sept. -June),  and  1908- 
1909. 

NATAL.  See  South  Africa. 

NATHAN,  Ernesto  : Mayor  of  Rome.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Italy  : A.  D.  1909. 

NATIONAL  CIVIC  FEDERATION, 
The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Social  Betterment  : 
United  States. 

Its  notable  Conference  on  Industrial  Dis- 
putes. — Its  great  Committee  for  Intermedi- 
ation and  Conciliation.  See  Labor  Organi- 
zation : United  States:  A.  D.  1902. 

Its  Intermediation  in  Coal  Strike.  See  La- 
bor Organization:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1902-1903. 

National  Conference  at  Chicago,  1907,  on 
Trusts  and  Combinations.  See  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c.  : United  States:  A.  D. 
1907. 

Its  work  in  Promotion  of  Trades  Agree- 
ments. See  Labor  Organization  : United 
States  : A.  D.  1908. 

Its  work  for  Uniformity  in  State  Legisla- 
tion. See  Law  and  its  Courts  : United 
States. 

NATIONAL  CONSERVATION  AS- 
SOCIATION. See  (in  this  vol.)  Conserva- 
tion of  Natural  Resources:  United  States, 

NATIONAL  FARMERS’  UNION.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1902-1909. 

NATURAL  RESOURCES,  The  Conser- 
vation of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources. 

NATURALIZATION  : Convention  be- 

tween American  Republics.  — The  following 
Convention  was  adopted  and  signed  at  the  Sec- 
ond Conference  of  the  American  Republics,  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  1906.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ameri- 
can Republics. 

“Art.  I.  If  a citizen  a native  of  any  of  the 
countries  signing  the  present  Convention,  and 
naturalized  in  another,  shall  again  take  up  his 
residence  in  his  native  country  without  the  in- 
tention of  returning  to  the  country  in  which 
he  has  been  naturalized,  he  will  be  considered 
as  having  resumed  his  original  citizenship,  and 
as  having  renounced  the  citizenship  acquired 
by  the  said  naturalization.” 

“Art.  II.  The  intention  not  to  return  will  be 
presumed  to  exist  when  the  naturalized  per- 


son shall  have  resided  in  his  native  country  for 
more  than  two  years.  But  this  presumption 
may  be  destroyed  by  evidence  to  the  contrary.” 

“Art.  III.  This  Convention  will  become 
effective  in  the  countries  that  ratify  it  three 
months  from  the  dates  upon  which  said  ratifica- 
tions shall  be  communicated  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  of  Brazil ; and  if  it  should 
be  denounced  by  any  one  of  them,  it  shall  con- 
tinue in  effect  for  one  year  more,  to  count  from 
the  date  of  such  denouncement.” 

“Art.  IV.  The  denouncement  of  this  Con- 
vention by  any  one  of  the  signatory  States  shall 
be  made  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  Brazil  and  shall  take  effect  only  with 
regard  to  the  country  that  may  make  it.” 

In  the  British  Empire:  Proposed  Uniform- 
ity of  Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire: 
A.  D.  1907. 

In  the  United  States:  The  Question  of 
Treatment  of  Expatriated  Citizens  who 
visit  their  Native  Country. — The  Principle 
asserted  to  Germany.  — New  Law  of  Ameri- 
can Citizenship.  — Consequent  on  an  increas- 
ing disposition  in  Germany  to  curtail  the  revis- 
iting of  their  native  country  by  Germans  who 
had  become  naturalized  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  the  American  Ambassador  to  Berlin  dis- 
cussed the  subject  with  the  German  Foreign 
Minister,  on  the  12th  of  August,  1902,  and  re- 
ported the  substance  of  the  conversation  to 
Washington:  “Statements  were  made  on  the 
part  of  the  embassy  as  follows : No  sympathy 
whatever  is  felt  with  the  person  who  deliber- 
ately emigrates  and  avails  himself  of  the  Ameri- 
can naturalization  laws  for  the  mere  purpose  of 
escaping  military  service  in  Germany,  and  there 
is  no  wish  on  the  part  of  the  American  author- 
ities to  enable  such  persons  to  make  a conven- 
ience of  their  American  naturalization.  The 
embassy  has  also  consistently  declined  to  inter- 
vene in  behalf  of  persons  whose  wish  was  to 
make  their  permanent  residence  in  Germany.  It 
is  thought,  however,  that  where  German  emi- 
grants have  fulfilled  the  conditions  necessary  to 
entitle  them  to  ‘ be  treated  as  American  citi- 
zens ’ they  should  actually  be  so  treated,  and 
when  they  have  emigrated  in  good  faith  they 
should  be  permitted  to  sojourn  in  Germany,  for 
their  business  or  pleasure,  to  visit  at  their  former 
homes,  or  to  enjoy  the  benefits  afforded  by  Ger- 
man watering  places,  etc.,  in  accordance  with 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  with  Prussia  of  1828. 
The  sovereign  right  of  Prussia  to  expel  persons 
whose  presence  is  not  considered  desirable  is 
not  contested,  but  it  is  thought  that  the  Ameri- 
can Government  has  the  right  to  know  why  the 
presence  of  any  American  citizen  is  so  consid- 
ered. 

“ Dr.  Von  Miihlberg’s  attention  was  called  to 
a number  of  cases  now  pending,  where  natural- 
ized American  citizens  have  received  orders  to 
leave  the  country  after  a stay  of  a few  weeks. 
He  said  that  he  would  take  the  matter  up  per- 
sonally and  would  communicate  with  the  Prus- 
sian minister  of  the  interior  in  regard  to  it  at 
once.” 

In  reply  from  the  Department  of  State  at 
Washington,  the  action  of  Ambassador  White 


443 


NATURALIZATION 


NETHERLANDS,  1905-1909 


was  approved,  and  it  was  said  further:  “You 
should  lose  no  suitable  opportunity  to  press  and 
to  emphasize  the  considerations  which  you  ad- 
vanced iu  your  interview  with  Dr.  Von  Miilil- 
berg.  The  essence  of  the  right  of  expulsion 
which  the  German  States  claim  is  that  it  should 
be  reasonably  and  justly  applied  in  cases  obvi- 
ously calling  for  so  extreme  a measure.  Expul- 
sion should  not  be  invoked  indiscriminately,  so 
as  to  operate  as  a deterrent  to  the  exercise  of 
the  rights  of  expatriation  and  acquisition  of  new 
allegiance  granted  under  the  naturalization 
treaties,  or  so  as  to  neutralize,  by  indirection, 
treatment  stipulated  thereafter  regarding  the 
recognition  of  the  new  national  character.”  — 
Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the 
U.  8.,  1902,  p.  441. 

The  doctrine  of  citizenship  stated  by  Ambas- 
sador White  on  this  occasion  was  embodied  sub- 
sequently in  a new  citizenship  law,  which  came 
into  force  on  the  2d  of  March,  1907.  The  new 
law  was  based  on  a report  made  by  an  official 
commission,  one  of  the  members  of  which  has 
written  of  it  as  follows: 

“When  a future  historian  shall  write  an  ac- 
count of  the  achievements  of  this  the  most  re- 
markable administration  of  our  government  since 
the  Civil  War,  he  will  give  prominent  place  to 
the  naturalization  law  of  a year  ago  and  the 
citizenship  law  which  was  approved  last  March 
and  is  now  becoming  effective ; for  these  two 
measures  are  the  culmination  of  a hundred  years 
of  effort  for  reform,  and  affect  the  very  founda- 
tion of  our  political  structure.  . . . 

“So  far  as  the  naturalization  law  is  concerned, 
the  objections  to  it  come  chiefly  from  petty 
courts  throughout  the  country  which  are  now 
not  permitted  to  naturalize,  and  which  formerly 
derived  part  of  their  prestige  and  their  fees 
from  naturalization  business.  Dissatisfaction 
with  the  new  citizenship  law  flows  from  those 
people  who  have  been  living  abroad  in  fancied 
security  of  their  American  citizenship,  and  who 
now  find  themselves  obliged  to  take  positive 
steps  to  preserve  a status  which  they  have 
heretofore  supposed  attached  to  them  indefi- 
nitely, without  the  performance  of  any  obliga- 
tions on  their  part.  Both  of  these  laws  originated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  each  re- 
sulted from  a report  made  by  executive  officers, 
and  the  Senate  can  claim  little  agency  in  them. 
The  citizenship  law  was  based  upon  a report 
made  to  Secretary  Root  by  a board  of  officers 
of  his  Department,  the  members  being  James 
Brown  Scott,  the  Solicitor  for  the  Department 
of  State,  David  Jayne  Hill,  our  Minister  at  The 
Hague,  and  the  writer  of  this  article,  with 
Samuel  B.  Crandall,  Ph.  D. , of  the  Department 
as  Secretary.  . . . From  this  report  sprang  a 
bill,  introduced  in  the  House  by  the  Hon.  James 
Breck  Perkins  of  New  York,  which  became  a 
law  on  March  2nd. 

“The  law  does  not  change  or  even  modify 
the  American  doctrine  of  citizenship.  That  was 
already  settled  by  the  Constitution  and  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Supreme  Court.  Anybody  born 
in  the  United  States,  no  matter  what  his  race, 
unless  he  is  an  Indian  living  with  a tribe,  or 
however  ineligible  to  our  citizenship-  lie  may  be 
for  any  other  reason,  is  a citizen  of  the  United 
States.  . . . 

“Broadly  speaking,  an  individual  becomes  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States  by  birtli  or  natural- 


ization, and  these  facts  have  been  well  settled ; 
but  how  does  he  lose  American  citizenship  ? 
This  was  the  question  to  which  the  citizenship 
board  chiefly  addressed  itself,  and  which  Con- 
gress settled  a few  months  ago  by  declaring  that 
an  American  shall  be  held  to  have  expatriated 
himself  when  he  becomes  naturalized  as  a citi- 
zen of  another  country,  or  when  he  takes  an 
oath  of  allegiance  to  another  state,  or  when  he 
lives  permanently  outside  of  the  United  States 
without  intent  to  return.  . . . 

“We  have  had  a constantly  increasing  num- 
ber of  so-called  American  citizens  living  abroad 
— men  who  have  lived  in  the  United  States  for 
only  five  years  and  in  many  cases  have  fraudu- 
lently secured  naturalization  papers  after  less- 
than  five  years  of  residence  ; who  never  were 
really  domiciled  there  ; who  never  have  per- 
formed any  of  the  duties  of  American  citizen- 
ship and  who  never  intended  to  do  so.  . . . 
Until  the  new  naturalization  law  went  into 
effect,  it  was  not  actually  against  the  letter  of 
the  law  for  a man  to  commit  this  fraud ; for, 
when  he  applied  for  citizenship,  he  was  required 
merely  to  show  that  he  had  resided  in  the 
United  States  for  five  years,  and  no  inquiry  was 
made  concerning  his  future  intentions.”  — Gail- 
lard  Hunt,  The  New  Citizenship  Law  ( North 
American  Review,  July.  1907). 

NAVAL  CONFERENCE,  International, 
at  London,  1908-09.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1907  (appended 
to  account  of  Second  Peace  Conference  at  The 
Hague). 

NAVIES.  See  War,  The  Preparations 
for:  Naval. 

NAVIGATION  LAWS  : Proposed  British 
Imperial  Policy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British 
Empire  : A.  D.  1907. 

NEERGAARD,  M. : Premier  of  Denmark. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

NEGRO  PROBLEMS,  in  the  United 
States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Prorlems: 
United  States. 

NELIDOW,  M.:  President  of  the  Second 
Peace  Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

NETHERLANDS:  A.  D.  1870-1905.— 
Increase  of  Population  compared  with  other 
European  Countries.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe  : A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1902.' — Offer  of  mediation  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Boers.  See  South 
Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Laws  against  Railway 
Strikes. — Failure  of  General  Labor  Strike 
to  prevent  their  Enactment.  See  Labor  Or- 
ganization : Netherlands  : A.  D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  Settlement  of 
Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  Venezuela: 
A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Military  operations  against 
the  Atchinese.  — A Dutch  military  expedition 
against  the  long-insurgent  natives  of  the  old 
Sultanate  of  Atchin,  in  Sumatra,  which  was  said 
to  have  carried  death  to  a thousand  women  and 
children,  gave  rise  to  stormy  scenes  iu  the  Neth- 
erlands when  its  session  was  opened  in  Septem- 
ber. The  excuse  of  the  Government  was  that 
the  warriors  used  the  women  and  children  as 
shields. 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — Defeat  and  Fall  of 
the  Calvinistic  Party  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kuy- 


444 


NETHERLANDS,  1905-190!) 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1902-1905 


per. — The  Suffrage  and  Education  Ques- 
tions.— The  six  principal  Parties. — Suc- 
cess of  the  groups  of  “the  Right”  in  the 
latest  Elections.  — Elections  to  the  lower 
chamber  of  the  States-General,  held  in  June, 
overthrew  the  Conservative  majority  in  that 
body  and  gave  the  Liberals  a small  majority  of 
4.  An  important  issue  between  parties  had 
been  on  the  question  of  universal  suffrage,  but 
the  support  given  to  its  advocates  was  not 
strong  enough  to  justify  immediate  attempts 
on  their  part  to  carry  any  measure  of  law.  A 
royal  Commission  was  appointed,  however,  to 
investigate  and  report  generally  on  the  need  or 
expediency  of  a revision  of  the  Constitution. 
The  defeated  Ministry  of  Dr.  Abraham  Kuyper 
represented  an  ultra-Calvinistic  Church  element 
in  politics,  and  its  defeat  appears  to  have  been 
due  in  the  main  to  educational  laws  which  it 
had  carried  through.  According  to  the  Dutch 
review,  De  Gids,  from  which  the  following  has 
been  translated,  the  aim  of  the  new  laws  and 
the  objection  to  them  were  much  the  same  as  in 
the  English  controversy  over  the  Education  Act 
of  1902,  when  church  and  clerical  influences  car- 
ried the  day  against  the  supporters  of  secular 
schools.  “These  educational  laws,”  said  De 
Gids,  “were  unanimously  supported  by,  if  they 
did  not  wholly  originate  with,  the  clericals,  or 
the  Anti-Revolutionary  party,  as  they  call  them- 
selves, of  which  Dr.  Kuyper  is  the  astute  and 
able  leader  and  head.  They  had  the  undivided 
support  also  of  the  Catholics,  but  were  strenu- 
ously opposed  by  the  Liberals  and  all  the  anti- 
clericals, including  the  Social  Democrats.  The 
Anti-Revolutionists  and  Catholics  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Liberals  and  their  allies  on  the 
other,  form,  respectively,  the  Right  and  Left  in 
the  Chambers.” 

Since  1905  there  seems  to  have  been  little  if 
any  change  in  the  Dutch  parties.  On  the  ap- 
proach of  the  quadrennial  general  elections  of 
June,  1909,  a correspondent  of  the  London 
Times  wrote  of  “ the  complex  grouping”  of  the 
political  parties  contending  in  them:  “There 
are  six  which  may  fairly  claim  to  be  important. 
The  largest  is  probably  the  Catholic.  It  is  esti- 
mated that  a third  of  the  population  is  Catholic 
by  religion,  and  of  the  Catholics  a very  large 
proportion  belong  to  the  Catholic  political  party, 
and  vote  consistently  in  accordance  with  the 
commands  of  its  leaders.  Next  to  the  Catholics 
come  the  strict  Calvinists,  who  have  been  or- 
ganized by  Dr.  Kuyper  into  a compact  and 
most  formidable  party,  generally  called  the 
Anti-Revolutionnaire  party.  It  finds  its  chief 
supporters  among  the  rural  population  and  the 
petite  bourgeoisie,  and  owes  its  name  to  the 
doctrine,  sedulously  preached  by  Dr.  Kuyper, 
that  the  Radical  and  Liberal  parties  are  foment- 
ing an  anti-religious  revolution,  and  that  it  is 
therefore  necessary  to  choose  between  Christian- 
ity and  Heathenism.  This  doctrine  is  generally 
known  as  ‘the  antithesis,’  and,  though  its  in- 
fluence has  waned  somewhat  in  the  towns,  it 
still  has  considerable  influence  in  the  country. 
Closely  allied  to  the  Anti-Revolutionnaire  party 
is  the  Christlijk  Historisch  party,  which  is  more 
aristocratic,  but  less  energetic,  with  many  prin- 
ciples but  no  very  definite  programme.  It  not 
infrequently  speaks  against  the  Calvinist  party, 
but  as  a rule  joins  it  when  it  comes  to  voting. 

“These  three  parties,  Catholic,  Anti-Revolu- 


tionnaire, and  Christlijk  Historisch,  form  the 
Right.  The  Left  is  composed  of  the  Old  and 
United  Liberals,  the  Radicals  or  Vrijzinnige 
Democraten,  and  the  Socialists,  representing  all 
shades  of  opinion  from  what  in  England  might 
be  called  Whiggism  to  extreme  Socialism.  The 
questions  which  really  divide  these  parties,  as 
distinguished  from  the  party  cries  on  which  the 
election  is  being  fought,  are  Clericalism  and  So- 
cialism, and  a very  large  proportion  of  the  elec- 
tors are  not  quite  sure  which  enemy  they  most 
fear.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Anti-Revolu- 
tionnaire party  and  the  Catholics  represent  two 
forms  of  Clericalism,  while  the  Socialists  are 
openly  Collectivists.  The  other  parties,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Vrijzinnige  Democraten, 
can  be  better  described  as  opposed  to  the  two 
extremes  than  as  presenting  any  clearly  marked 
characteristics  of  their  own.” 

The  first  balloting  of  this  election  took  place 
on  the  11th  of  June  and  the  second  on  the  23d. 
The  Anti-Revolutionnaires  came  out  of  it  with 
23,  the  Catholics  with  25,  the  Christlijk  His- 
torisclis  with  12,  making  GO  for  the  groups  of 
“ the  Right  ” ; against  a total  of  40  in  the  groups 
of  “ the  Left.”  Of  this  minority  only  7 were  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Social  Democrats.  Dr.  Kuyper 
was  among  the  defeated  candidates. 

A.  D.  1906.  — At  the  Algeciras  Confer- 
ence on  the  Morocco  Question.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906. — The  Second  Peace  Confer- 
ence at  The  Hague  convoked  by  the  Queen. 
See  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  Den- 
mark, England,  France,  Germany,  and  Swe- 
den, for  maintenance  of  the  Status  Quo 
on  the  North  Sea.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1907- 
1908. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Trouble  with  Castro  of 
Venezuela.  See  Venezuela  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

NEW  BRUNSWICK  : A.  D.  1901-1902.— 
Census. — Reduced  representation  in  Par- 
liament. See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D. 
1901-1902. 

NEWCOMB,  Professor  Simon.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention  : Carnegie 
Institution,  and  Aeronautics. 

NEWFOUNDLAND  : A.  D.  1902.  — Brit- 
ish Colonial  Conference  at  London.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  British  Empire. 

A.  D.  1902-1905.  — Negotiation  and  Sen- 
atorial Destruction  of  the  Hay-Bond  Re- 
ciprocity Treaty  with  the  United  States. — 
In  November,  1902,  a Treaty  of  Reciprocity 
which  would  have  settled  the  long-standing 
disputes  over  American  rights  of  fishing  on  the 
Newfoundland  coast,  on  terms  of  most  equi- 
table advantage  to  both  countries,  and  espe- 
cially favorable  to  the  interests  of  the  general 
public  in  the  United  States,  was  concluded  and 
signed  at  Washington  by  Secretary  Hay  and  the 
British  Ambassador,  Sir  Michael  Herbert.  The 
Premier  of  Newfoundland,  Sir  Robert  Bond, 
had  taken  a principal  part  in  the  negotiation, 
and  the  resulting  document  was  known  conse- 
quently as  the  Hay-Bond  Treaty.  It  secured  to 
the  New  England  fishermen  the  coveted  priv- 
ilege of  buying  bait  and  other  supplies  and 
hiring  crews  in  Newfoundland  ports;  and  it 
admitted  the  greater  part  of  American  manufac- 
tures into  the  island  duty  free.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  opened  the  markets  of  the  United  States 


445 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


to  the  fish  and  fish  products,  the  coal,  oil,  and 
ores  of  Newfoundland,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
consumers  of  the  country.  The  treaty  was 
hailed  with  satisfaction  by  the  general  public  of 
the  United  States,  but  opposed  by  a few  inter- 
ests whose  gains  might  be  lessened  if  any 
breach  in  their  monopoly  of  the  sale  of  salted 
fish  and  coal  and  oil  should  be  permitted.  The 
majority  which  has  seldom  failed  of  late  to  be 
retainable  in  the  United  States  Senate  for  the 
service  of  such  private  interests,  against  the 
public  good,  was  promptly  organized  by  Sen- 
ator Lodge,  first  for  pocketing  the  Treaty 
throughout  more  than  two  years,  and  finally  for 
amending  it  to  death,  in  February,  1905.  The 
provisions  that  made  it  advantageous  to  New- 
foundland were  cut  out,  and  it  was  reduced  to 
a state  which  made  it  insulting  as  an  offer  of 
reciprocity.  It  suffered  the  fate  which,  in  late 
years,  is  quite  certain  to  befall  any  project  of 
real  statesmanship  that  has  to  go  through  the 
hands  of  the  United  States  Senate. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Convention  between  Eng- 
land and  France  touching  Fishery  Rights. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — Renewed  Disputes  over 
American  Fishing  Rights  on  the  Treaty 
Coast.  — Arrangement  of  a Modus  Vivendi.  — 
Agreement  on  Questions  to  be  submitted  to 
a Tribunal  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague. — 
Constitution  of  the  Tribunal. — The  endless 
friction  that  has  attended  the  exercise  of  treaty- 
rights  by  American  fishermen  in  the  Newfound- 
land fisheries  was  freshly  roughened  in  the  fall 
of  1905,  by  a new  enactment  of  the  provincial 
legislature,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  bait  or  outfits 
and  supplies  of  any  nature  to  foreign  fishermen, 
and  by  orders  from  the  Minister  of  Marine  and 
Fisheries  forbidding  vessels  of  American  registry 
to  fish  on  the  Treaty  Coast.  This  reopened  de- 
bate between  the  State  Department  at  Washing- 
ton and  the  Foreign  Office  at  London,  over  the 
intentions  and  meanings  of  that  first  article  in 
the  Treaty  of  1818  which  has  been  a source  of 
incessant  dispute  for  ninety-one  years.  The 
following  is  the  language  of  the  article  : 

“Article  I.  Whereas  differences  have 
arisen  respecting  the  liberty  claimed  by  the 
United  States,  for  the  inhabitants  thereof,  to  take, 
dry,  and  cure  fish,  on  certain  coasts,  bays,  har- 
bours, and  creeks  of  His  Britannick  Majesty’s 
Dominions  in  America,  it  is  agreed  between  the 
High  Contracting  Parties  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  said  United  States  shall  have,  for  ever, 
in  common  with  the  subjects  of  His  Britannick 
Majesty,  the  liberty  to  take  fish  of  every  kind, 
on  that  part  of  the  southern  coast  of  Newfound- 
land, which  extends  from  Cape  Ray  to  the  Ra- 
meau Islands,  on  the  western  and  northern  coast 
of  Newfoundland,  from  the  said  Cape  Ray  to  the 
Quirpon  Islands,  on  the  shores  of  the  Magdalen 
Islands,  and  also  on  the  coasts,  bays,  harbours, 
and  creeks,  from  Mount  Joly,  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Labrador,  to  and  through  the  Streights 
of  Belleisle,  and  thence  northwardly  indefinitely 
along  the  coast,  without  prejudice,  however,  to 
any  of  the  exclusive  rights  of  the  Hudson’s  Bay 
Company.  And  that  the  American  fishermen 
shall  also  have  liberty,  for  ever,  to  dry  and  cure 
fish  in  any  of  the  unsettled  bays,  harbours,  and 
creeks  of  the  southern  part  of  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland, here  above  described,  and  of  the 
coast  of  Labrador;  but  so  soon  as  the  same,  or 


any  portion  thereof,  shall  be  settled,  it  shall  not 
be  lawful  for  the  saicf  fishermen  to  dry  or  cure 
fish  at  such  portion  so  settled,  without  previous 
agreement  for  such  purpose,  with  the  inhabit- 
ants, proprietors,  or  possessors  of  the  ground. 
And  the  United  States  hereby  renounced,  for 
ever,  any  liberty  heretofore  enjoyed  or  claimed 
by  the  inhabitants  thereof,  to  take,  dry,  or  cure 
fish  on  or  within  three  marine  miles  of  any  of 
the  coasts,  bays,  creeks,  or  harbours  of  His 
Britannick  Majesty’s  Dominions  in  America, 
not  included  within  the  above-mentioned  limits  : 
provided,  however,  that  the  American  fisher- 
men shall  be  admitted  to  enter  such  bays  or 
harbours,  for  the  purpose  of  shelter,  and  of  re- 
pairing damages  therein,  of  purchasing  wood, 
and  of  obtaining  water,  and  for  no  other  purpose 
whatever.  But  they  shall  be  under  such  restric- 
tions as  may  he  necessary  to  prevent  their  tak- 
ing, drying,  or  curing  fish  therein,  or  in  any 
other  manner  whatever  abusing  the  privileges 
hereby  reserved  to  them.” 

With  reference  to  the  present  obstruction  to 
American  fishing  in  Newfoundland  waters,  the 
contention  of  Secretary  Root  was  set  forth  in  the 
following  propositions: 

“1.  Any  American  vessel  is  entitled  to  go 
into  the  waters  of  the  Treaty  Coast  and  take 
fish  of  any  kind. 

“She  derives  this  right  from  the  Treaty  (or 
from  the  conditions  existing  prior  to  the  Treaty 
and  recognized  by  it)  and  not  from  any  permis- 
sion or  authority  proceeding  from  the  Govern- 
ment of  Newfoundland. 

“ 2.  An  American  vessel  seeking  to  exercise 
the  Treaty  right  is  not  bound  to  obtain  a licence 
from  the  Government  of  Newfoundland,  and,  if 
she  does  not  purpose  to  trade  as  well  as  fish, 
she  is  not  bound  to  enter  at  any  Newfoundland 
custom-house. 

“3.  The  only  concern  of  the  Government  of 
Newfoundland  with  such  a vessel  is  to  call  for 
proper  evidence  that  she  is  an  American  vessel, 
and,  therefore,  entitled  to  exercise  the  Treaty 
right,  and  to  have  her  refrain  from  violating  any 
laws  of  Newfoundland  not  inconsistent  with  the 
Treaty. 

“4.  The  proper  evidence  that  a vessel  is  an 
American  vessel  and  entitled  to  exercise  the 
Treaty  right  is  the  production  of  the  ship’s 
papers  of  the  kind  generally  recognized  in  the 
maritime  world  as  evidence  of  a vessel’s  national 
character. 

“5.  When  a vessel  has  produced  papers  show- 
ing that  she  is  an  American  vessel,  the  officials  of 
Newfoundland  have  no  concern  with  the  char- 
acter or  extent  of  the  privileges  accorded  to  such 
a vessel  by  the  Goverment  of  the  United  States. 
No  question  as  between  a registry  and  licence  is 
a proper  subject  for  their  consideration.  They 
are  not  charged  with  enforcing  any  laws  or  regu- 
lations of  the  United  States.  As  to  them,  if  the 
vessel  is  American  she  has  the  Treaty  right,  and 
they  are  not  at  liberty  to  deny  it. 

“6.  If  any  such  matter  were  a proper  subject 
for  the  consideration  of  the  officials  of  New 
foundland,  the  statement  of  this  Department 
that  vessels  hearing  an  American  registry  are 
entitled  to  exercise  the  Treaty  right  should  be 
taken  by  such  officials  as  conclusive.” 

On  the  British  side,  Sir  Edward  Grey  raised 
two  principal  objections  to  these  propositions  of 
Mr.  Root:  First  — that  “the  privilege  of  fishing 


446 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


conceded  by  Article  I of  the  Convention  of  1818 
is  conceded,  not  to  American  vessels,  but  to  in- 
habitants of  the  United  States  and  to  American 
fishermen;”  second,  that  “inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  would  not  now  be  entitled  to  fish 
in  British  North  American  waters  but  for  the 
fact  that  they  were  entitled  to  do  so  when  they 
were  British  subjects.  American  fishermen 
cannot  therefore  rightly  claim  to  exercise  their 
right  of  fishery  under  the  Convention  of  1818  on 
a footing  of  greater  freedom  than  if  they  had 
never  ceased  to  be  British  subjects.  Nor  con- 
sistently witli  the  terms  of  the  Convention  can 
they  claim  to  exercise  it  on  a footing  of  greater 
freedom  than  the  British  subjects  ‘ in  common 
with’  whom  they  exercise  it  under  the  Conven- 
tion. In  other  words,  the  American  fishery 
under  the  Convention  is  not  a free  but  a regu- 
lated fishery,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  His  Majesty’s 
Government,  American  fishermen  are  bound  to 
comply  with  all  Colonial  Laws  and  Regulations, 
including  any  touching  the  conduct  of  the  fish- 
ery, so  long  as  these  are  not  in  their  nature  un- 
reasonable, and  are  applicable  to  all  fishermen 
alike.” 

To  the  first  of  these  objections  Mr.  Root  re- 
plied ; “We  may  agree  that  ships,  strictly  speak- 
ing, can  have  no  rights  or  duties,  and  that 
whenever  the  Memorandum,  or  the  letter  upon 
which  it  comments,  speaks  of  a ship’s  rights  and 
duties,  it  but  uses  a convenient  and  customary 
form  of  describing  the  owner’s  or  master’s  right 
and  duties  in  respect  of  the  ship.  . . . The  lib- 
erty assured  to  us  by  the  Treaty  plainly  includes 
the  right  to  use  all  the  means  customary  or  ap- 
propriate for  fishing  upon  the  sea,  not  only  ships 
and  nets  and  boats,  but  crews  to  handle  the 
ships  and  the  nets  and  the  boats.  ...  I am  not 
able  to  discover  that  any  suggestion  has  ever 
been  made  of  a right  to  scrutinize  the  nationality 
of  the  crews.”  As  for  the  second  objection,  the 
American  Secretary  appealed  to  history  against 
it.  “The  qualification,”  he  said,  “that  the  lib- 
erty assured  to  American  fishermen  by  the 
Treaty  of  1818  they  were  to  have  ‘ in  common 
with  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  ’ merely  nega- 
tives an  exclusive  right.  Under  the  Treaties  of 
Utrecht,  of  1763  and  1783,  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  France,  the  French  had  constantly  main- 
tained that  they  enjoyed  an  exclusive  right  of 
fishery  on  that  portion  of  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland between  Cape  St.  John  and  Cape 
Raye,  passing  around  by  the  north  of  the  island. 
The  British,  on  the  other  hand,  had  maintained 
that  British  subjects  had  a right  to  fish  along 
with  the  French,  so  long  as  they  did  not  inter- 
rupt them.  The  dissension  arising  from  these 
conflicting  views  had  been  serious  and  annoying, 
and  the  provision  that  the  liberty  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  United  States  to  take  fish  should 
be  in  common  with  the  liberty  of  the  subjects 
of  His  Britannic  Majesty  to  take  fish  was  pre- 
cisely appropriate  to  exclude  the  French  con- 
struction and  leave  no  doubt  that  the  British 
construction  of  such  a general  grant  should 
apply  under  the  new  Treaty.  The  words  used 
have  no  greater  or  other  effect.  The  provision 
is  that  the  liberty  to  take  fish  shall  be  held  in 
common,  not  that  the  exercise  of  that  liberty  by 
one  people  shall  be  the  limit  of  the  exercise  of 
that  liberty  by  the  other.” 

As  between  these  chief  disputants  in  the  mat- 
ter, the  first  result  of  their  exchange  of  argu- 


ments was  a ready  disposition  to  arrange  some 
modus  vivendi,  under  which  peace  might  be  kept 
on  the  fishing  grounds  until  fresh  undertakings 
could  be  planned  for  a lasting  interpretation  of 
the  old  enigmas  in  Article  1 of  1818.  But  the 
provincial  Government  of  Newfoundland  re- 
sented bitterly  the  imperial  interference  with  its 
measures,  charging  that  it  was  in  violation  of 
a pledge  “ given  by  the  late  Lord  Salisbury  in 
the  House  of  Lords  in  1891,  to  the  effect  that 
the  colony  had  been  given  unlimited  power  with 
respect  to  its  internal  affairs.”  They  were 
promptly  told,  however,  that  what  concerned 
action  under  a British  treaty  went  considerably 
beyond  the  internal  affairs  of  their  colony. 

Considerable  correspondence  on  the  terms  of 
the  proposed  modus  vivendi  brought  an  agree- 
ment on  the  6th  of  October,  1906,  set  forth  in 
the  following  communication  from  Ambassador 
Whitelaw  Reid  to  Sir  Edward  Grey. 

“I  am  authorized  by  my  government  to  ratify 
a modus  vivendi  in  regard  to  the  Newfoundland 
fishery  question  on  the  basis  of  the  Foreign 
Office  Memorandum,  dated  the  25th  ultimo,  in 
which  you  accept  the  arrangement  set  out  in 
my  Memorandum  of  the  12th  ultimo,  and  con- 
sent accordingly  to  the  use  of  purse  seines  by 
American  fishermen  during  the  ensuing  season, 
subject,  of  course,  to  due  regard  being  paid  in 
the  use  of  such  implements  to  other  modes  of 
fishery,  which,  as  you  state,  is  only  intended  to 
secure  that  there  shall  be  the  same  spirit  of  give 
and  take  and  of  respect  for  common  rights  be- 
tween the  users  of  purse  seines  and  the  users  of 
stationary  nets  as  would  be  expected  to  exist  if 
both  sets  of  fishermen  employed  the  same  gear. 

‘ ‘ My  Government  understand  by  this  that  the 
use  of  purse  seines  by  American  fishermen  is 
not  to  be  interfered  with,  and  the  shipment  of 
Newfoundlanders  by  American  fishermen  out- 
side the  3-mile  limit  is  not  to  be  made  the  basis 
of  interference  or  to  be  penalized;  at  the  same 
time  they  are  glad  to  assure  His  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment, should  such  shipments  be  found  neces- 
sary, that  they  will  be  made  far  enough  from 
the  exact  3-mile  limit  to  avoid  any  reasonable 
doubt. 

“ On  the  other  hand,  it  is  also  understood  that 
our  fishermen  are  to  be  advised  by  my  Govern- 
ment, and  to  agree,  not  to  fish  on  Sunday. 

“ It  is  further  understood  that  His  Majesty’s 
Government  will  not  bring  into  force  the  New- 
foundland Foreign  Fishing-Vessels  Act  of  1906, 
which  imposes  on  American  fishing-vessels  cer- 
tain restrictions  in  addition  to  those  imposed  by 
the  Act  of  1905,  and  also  that  the  provisions  of 
the  first  part  of  section  1 of  the  Act  of  1905,  as 
to  boarding  and  bringing  into  port,  and  also  the 
whole  of  section  3 of  the  same  Act,  will  not  be 
regarded  as  applying  to  American  fishing-ves- 
sels. 

“ It  also  being  understood  that  our  fishermen 
will  gladly  pay  light  dues  if  they  are  not  de- 
prived of  their  rights  to  fish,  and  that  our  fisher- 
men are  not  unwilling  to  comply  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Colonial  Customs  Law  as  to 
reporting  at  a custom-house  when  physically 
possible  to  do  so.” 

To  explain  the  stipulation  relative  to  “ purse 
seines  ” it  should  be  said  that  the  New  England 
fishermen  claimed  to  be  driven  to  the  use  of 
them,  by  the  local  regulations  which  hampered 
their  fishing  otherwise. 


447 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1905-1909 


As  formulated  in  the  note  of  Ambassador  Reid 
the  modus  viveudi  was  accepted  by  the  British 
Government  and  went  into  effect.  In  due  time 
thereafter  the  two  Governments  entered  upon  a 
discussion  of  ways  and  means  for  accomplishing 
a definite  and  final  settlement  of  the  whole  ques- 
tion of  American  rights  in  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries.  The  outcome  was  an  agreement  signed 
at  Washington  on  the  27tli  of  January,  1909,  to 
the  effect  that  the  following  questions  shall  be 
submitted  for  decision  to  a Tribunal  of  Arbi- 
tration, constituted  as  subsequent  articles  pro- 
vide:— 

“Question  1. — To  wliat  extent  are  the  fol- 
lowing contentions  or  either  of  them  justified  ? 

“ It  is  contended  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain 
that  the  exercise  of  the  liberty  to  take  fish  re- 
ferred to  in  the  said  Article,  which  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  United  States  have  for  ever  in 
common  with  the  subjects  of  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty, is  subject,  without  the  consent  of  the 
United  States,  to  reasonable  regulation  by  Great 
Britain,  Canada,  or  Newfoundland  in  the  form 
of  municipal  laws,  ordinances,  or  rules,  as,  for 
example,  to  regulations  in  respect  of  (1)  the 
hours,  days,  or  seasons  when  fish  may  be  taken 
on  the  Treaty  coasts;  (2)  the  method,  means, 
and  implements  to  be  used  in  the  taking  of  fish 
or  in  the  carrying  on  of  fishing  operations  on 
such  coasts;  (3)  any  other  matters  of  a similar 
character  relating  to  fishing ; such  regulations 
being  reasonable,  as  being,  for  instance  — 

“ (a)  Appropriate  or  necessary  for  the  protec- 
tion and  preservation  of  such  fisheries  and  the 
exercise  of  the  rights  of  British  subjects  therein 
and  of  the  liberty  which  by  the  said  Article  1 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  have  therein 
in  common  with  British  subjects  ; 

“ ( b ) Desirable  on  grounds  of  public  order  and 
morals ; 

“ (c)  Equitable  and  fair  as  between  local  fish- 
ermen and  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States 
exercising  the  said  Treaty  liberty  and  not  so 
framed  as  to  give  unfairly  an  advantage  to  the 
former  over  the  latter  class. 

“It  is  contended  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  that  the  exercise  of  such  liberty  is  not 
subject  to  limitations  or  restraints  by  Great  Brit- 
ain, Canada,  or  Newfoundland  in  the  form  of 
municipal  laws,  ordinances,  or  regulations  in  re- 
spect of  (1)  the  hours,  days,  or  seasons  when  the 
inhabitants  of  the  United  States  may  take  fish 
on  the  Treaty  coasts,  or  (2)  the  method,  means, 
and  implements  used  by  them  in  taking  fish  or 
in  carrying  on  fishing  operations  on  such  coasts, 
or  (3)  any  other  limitations  or  restraints  of  simi- 
lar character  — 

“ (a)  Unless  they  are  appropriate  and  neces- 
sary for  the  protection  and  preservation  of  the 
common  rights  in  such  fisheries  and  the  exercise 
thereof  ; and 

“(b)  Unless  they  are  reasonable  in  themselves 
and  fair  as  between  local  fishermen  and  fisher- 
men coming  from  the  United  States,  and  not  so 
framed  as  to  give  an  advantage  to  the  former 
over  the  latter  class  ; and 

“ ( c ) Unless  their  appropriateness,  necessity, 
reasonableness,  and  fairness  be  determined  by 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  by  common 
accord  and  the  United  States  concurs  in  their 
enforcement. 

“Question  2.  — Have  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States,  while  exercising  the  liberties  re- 

4 


ferred  to  in  said  Article,  a right  to  employ  as 
members  of  the  fishing  crews  of  their  vessels 
persons  not  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  ? 

“Question  3.  — Can  the  exercise  by  the  in- 
habitants of  the  United  States  of  the  liberties 
referred  to  in  the  said  Article  be  subjected, 
without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
requirements  of  entry  or  report  at  custom- 
houses or  the  payment  of  light  or  harbour  or 
other  dues,  or  to  any  other  similar  requirement 
or  condition  or  exaction  ? 

“Question  4. — Under  the  provision  of  the 
said  Article  that  the  American  fishermen  shall 
be  admitted  to  enter  certain  bays  or  harbours  for 
shelter,  repairs,  wood,  or  water,  and  for  no  other 
purpose  whatever,  but  that  they  shall  be  under 
such  restrictions  as  may  be  necessary  to  prevent 
their  taking,  drying,  or  curing  fish  therein  or  in 
any  other  manner  whatever  abusing  the  privi- 
leges thereby  reserved  to  them,  is  it  permissible 
to  impose  restrictions  making  the  exercise  of 
such  privileges  conditional  upon  the  payment 
of  light  or  harbour  or  other  dues,  or  entering  or 
reporting  at  custom-houses  or  any  similar  con- 
ditions ? 

“Question  5. — From  where  must  be  mea- 
sured the  ‘ 3 marine  miles  of  any  of  the  coasts, 
bays,  creeks  or  harbours’  referred  to  in  the  said 
Article  ? 

“Question  6. — Have  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  the  liberty  under  the  said  Article 
or  otherwise  to  take  fish  in  the  bays,  harbours, 
and  creeks  on  that  part  of  the  southern  coast  of 
Newfoundland  which  extends  from  Cape  Ray  to 
Rameau  Islands,  or  on  the  western  and  northern 
coasts  of  Newfoundland  from  Cape  Ray  toQuir- 
pon  Islands,  or  on  the  Magdalen  Islands  ? 

“Question  7. — Are  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  whose  vessels  resort  to  the  Treaty 
coasts  for  the  purpose  of  exercising  the  liberties 
referred  to  in  Article  1 of  the  Treaty  of  1818 
entitled  to  have  for  those  vessels,  when  duly 
authorized  by  the  United  States  in  that  behalf, 
the  commercial  privileges  on  the  Treaty  coasts 
accorded  by  agreement  or  otherwise  to  United 
States  trading  vessels  generally  ? ” 

Of  the  remaining  articles  of  the  Agreement, 
IV.  and  V.  provide  for  the  determination  of  fu- 
ture questions  that  may  arise,  and  for  the  com- 
position of  the  Tribunal  of  Arbitration,  which  is 
to  be  chosen  from  the  members  of  the  Perma- 
nent Court  at  The  Hague. 

The  agreement  above  was  formulated  at  a con- 
ference in  Washington  between  Secretary  Root, 
Ambassador  Bryce,  Hon.  A.  B.  Aylesworth, 
Canadian  Minister  of  Justice,  and  Attorney-Gen- 
eral Kent  of  Newfoundland.  In  March  the  fol- 
lowing were  chosen  from  the  general  member- 
ship of  the  Permanent  Court  at  The  Hague  to 
constitute  the  Tribunal  for  this  arbitration, 
namely  : Dr.  Luis  Maria  Drago,  Argentina; 
Jonkheer  de  Savornin  Lolnnan,  Netherlands ; 
Judge  George  Gray,  United  States  ; and  Sir 
Charles  Fitzpatrick,  Chief  Justice  of  Canada, 
with  Dr.  H.  Lammaseli,  of  Vienna,  to  be  um- 
pire on  points  of  disagreement. 

The  case  for  the  United  States  was  delivered 
to  the  British  Embassy  at  Washington,  and  that 
for  Great  Britain  to  the  American  Embassy  at 
London,  on  the  4th  of  October.  A little  later  it 
was  announced  that  the  modus  vivendi  of  1908 
had  been  renewed  until  the  termination  of  the 
arbitration  proceedings. 

:8 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1908-1909 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1909 


A.  D.  1907. — Imperial  Conference  at  Lon- 
don. See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire  : A.  D. 
1907. 

A.  D.  1908-1909  (November-May).  — Six 
Months  of  Political  Deadlock.  — From  No- 
vember, 1908,  until  the  following  May  an  ex- 
traordinary deadlock  resulted  from  a tie 
between  rival  parties  in  the  House  of  Assembly. 
The  situation,  as  described  by  a correspondent 
of  the  London  Times,  was  as  follows:  “ Each 
side  has  18  seats.  Neither,  therefore,  can  elect 
a Speaker,  much  less  undertake  the  control  of 
public  business,  when  Parliament  meets.  Sir 
Robert  Bond,  who  carried  32  seats  against  4 in 
1900  and  30  seats  against  6 in  1904,  returns 
with  only  half  the  House  — 18  men.  In  the 
former  contests  Sir  Edward  Morris,  who  now 
leads  the  Opposition  against  him,  had  been  a 
member  of  his  Cabinet  and  bis  ‘ right-hand 
man,’  and  the  November  results  prove  that 
Morris’s  withdrawal  was  a serious  injury  to 
Bond.  Morris  went  out  a year  or  so  previously 
owing  to  a disagreement  as  to  raising  the  rate 
of  wages  on  public  works,  and,  being  the  lead- 
ing Roman  Catholic  politician  of  the  Island, 
had  14  seats,  of  that  creed,  as  a solid  block  in 
Bond’s  party  during  all  this  period.  It  was 
therefore  felt,  when  he  resigned,  that  this 
‘ solid  14  ’ would  be  broken,  and  this  conclusion 
proved  correct,  because  Morris  carried  half  of 
them  in  spite  of  the  open  and  avowed  hostility 
of  many  of  the  priests  in  the  diocese  of  St. 
Johns.” 

Sir  Robert  Bond  retained  the  Prime  Ministry 
until  the  end  of  February,  1909,  when,  having 
failed  to  obtain  a dissolution  of  Parliament  and 
a new  election  from  the  Governor,  Sir  William 
Macgregor,  he  resigned.  Sir  Edward  Morris 
then  took  office,  and  the  continued  deadlock 
made  it  necessary,  in  a few  weeks,  to  command 
a dissolution  and  call  a new  election,  which  was 
held  on  the  8th  of  May.  It  broke  the  tie  of 
parties  effectually,  Sir  Edward  Morris  carrying 
26  seats,  against  10  filled  by  the  partisans  of  Sir 
Robert  Bond. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A Year  of  Misfortune  and 
Depression.  — Scant  earnings  from  the 
Fisheries  and  from  Whaling.  — Attitude  of 
the  people  toward  Confederation  with  Can- 
ada.— “The  Fisheries  represent  fully  eighty 
per  cent,  of  the  exports,  and  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  financial  stringency  which  has  now 
fairly  settled  down  upon  ‘ Our  Cousin  to  the 
East  ’ it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  while  the 
catch  of  fish  remains  about  the  same  from  year 
to  year,  the  price  has  been  steadily  increasing 
for  the  past  ten  years,  until  last  year  it  was 
double  what  it  was  a decade  ago.  But  this  year 
the  price  has  suddenly  fallen  to  what  it  was  at 
the  beginning  of  the  decade.  In  other  words, 
the  value  of  last  season’s  catch  will  be  just 
about  half  what  it  was  the  season  before;  and, 
instead  of  the  merchants  receiving  §7,800,000 
for  their  fish,  they  will  receive  considerably 
less  than  $4,000,000  ; and  the  individual  fisher- 
man who  at  the  former  price  was  barely  able  to 
earn  $350  will  receive  this  year  probably  less 
than  $175,  on  which  to  support  himself  and 
family  for  the  year,  and  to  provide  himself 
with  an  outfit  for  the  next  season’s  work.  Many 
of  course  will  not  receive  that  much.  . . . Al- 
though other  industries  are  springing  up  in 
Newfoundland,  the  codfishery  remains  the  great 


staple  and  dependence  of  the  population  — the 
vast  majority  of  which  are  fishermen,  born  and 
bred,  who  do  not  readily  adapt  themselves  to 
other  methods  of  earning  a living.  The  present 
depression  is  widespread  and  far-reaching,  and 
every  form  of  industry  and  trade,  business  and 
commerce  in  the  Colony  is  suffering  seriously 
thereby.  The  latest  ill  report  comes  from  Bay 
of  Islands,  to  the  effect  that  the  winter  herring 
fishery  on  the  west  coast  — the  scene  of  the 
present  controversy  with  the  United  States  — is 
a failure.  Last  spring’s  seal  fishery  was  not  up 
to  the  average,  and  owing  to  many  accidents  to 
the  fleet,  necessitating  heavy  outlay  for  repairs, 
the  promoters  have  realized  much  less  than 
they  otherwise  would  have  secured.  The  whale 
fishery,  also,  which  a few  years  ago  had  as- 
sumed enormous  proportions,  and  was  yielding 
handsome  returns,  has  now  almost  reached  the 
vanishing  point.  To  complete  the  sum  of  the 
Colony’s  misfortunes  comes  the  partial  sus- 
pension of  [iron]  mining  operations  at  Bell 
Island,  during  the  winter  months,  at  the  very 
time  when  the  men  need  employment  most, 
and  when,  as  a result  of  the  lack  of  it,  they 
will  probably  emigrate  to  other  countries. 

“ This  combination  of  misfortune  is  not  only 
causing  distress  among  all  classes  of  citizens, 
but  the  government  will  also  keenly  feel  the  loss 
of  revenue;  for  a conservative  estimate  of  the 
reduction  in  the  customs  revenue  for  the  cur- 
rent fiscal  year  puts  the  figures  at  $450,000;  in 
other  words,  that  the  revenue  will  not  exceed 
$2,000,000. 

“The  great  drawback  in  Newfoundland  insti- 
tutions is  the  disproportion  between  the  big 
machinery  of  government  and  the  small  popu- 
lation to  be  governed.  A local  politician  has 
aptly  described  it  as  ‘ the  trappings  of  an  ele- 
phant on  the  back  of  a rat.’  ” — Edwin  Smith, 
The  Land  of  Baccalhos  ( Canadian  Magazine, 
July,  1909). 

Another  writer  in  the  same  number  of  The 
Canadian  Magazine  discusses  the  opposition  in 
Newfoundland  to  union  with  the  Dominion  of 
Canada  as  follows:  “The  political  leader  who 
should  to-day  appeal  to  the  Newfoundland 
electorate  on  the  question  of  Confederation 
would  be  disastrously  defeated.  But  on  the  day 
when  the  leader  of  a party  in  the  Island  Colony 
makes  up  his  mind  to  risk  temporary  defeat  for 
the  purpose  of  accomplishing  Confederation, 
that  day  brings  union  between  Newfoundland 
and  Canada  within  the  horizon  of  the  proximate 
future.  That  leader  must  — unless  the  finan- 
cial exigencies  of  the  Island  bring  him  extrane- 
ous aid — face  an  arduous  campaign  of  educa- 
tion, but  it  will  be  a campaign  crowned  with 
victory. 

“ These  are  the  impressions  left  on  my  mind 
by  a visit  to  St.  John’s  made  with  the  object  of 
studying  the  political  deadlock  and  the  causes 
which  led  up  to  it.  . . . The  residents  of  the 
outports  — all  settlements  except  St.  John’s  are 
known  as  outports — are  opposed  to  Confedera- 
tion because  they  have  been  told  that  it  would 
mean  a heavy  increase  in  their  taxes ; that  their 
windows,  all  their  domestic  animals  and  all 
their  personal  property  would  be  taxed.  If 
this  wrong  impression  were  dispelled  by  a cam- 
paign of  education,  and  they  understood  that 
instead  of  higher  taxation  Confederation  would 
mean  the  opening  up  of  the  country,  bonuses 


NEWFOUNDLAND,  1909 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1900-1903 


for  the  fishermen,  and  new  markets  for  the  fish 
in  Canada  and  abroad  through  the  services  of 
Canadian  Commercial  agents,  instead  of  oppo- 
nents of  union  they  would  become  its  advo- 
cates.” 

A.  D.  1909.  (July-Aug.). — The  Imperial 
Defence  Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Preparations  for  : Military  and  Na- 
val. 

NEW  HEBRIDES:  Arrangement  be- 
tween England  and  France.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1904  (April). 

NEW  PROTECTION,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Remuneration  : The  New  Pro- 
tection. 

NEW  YORK  CENTRAL  RAILROAD 
CO.:  Fined  for  unlawful  Rebates.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1909. 

NEW  YORK  CITY  : A.  D.  1897.  — Lead- 
ership in  the  Administrative  Control  of  Tu- 
berculosis. See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health: 
Tuberculosis. 

A.  D.  1900-1903.  — Beginning  of  Tenement 
House  Reform.  — By  a steady  process,  acceler- 
ated in  the  last  ten  years,  the  congested  tene- 
ment districts  of  New  York  have  become  one 
great  aggregation  of  sunless  and  airless  rooms. 
Immense  buildings  have  gone  up  by  the  thou- 
sands, five,  six,  and  seven  stories  high,  in  which 
practically  no  provision  for  ventilation  has  been 
made;  and  in  which  the  occupants  are  under- 
going a slow  process  of  asphyxiation.  Nor  are 
these  disadvantages  confined  to  the  submerged 
proletariat.  The  New  York  tenement  system  is 
pervasive.  . . . Two-thirds  of  the  total  popula- 
tion of  New  York,  or  2,500,000  out  of  3,500,000, 
live  in  tenement  houses,  a proportion  which  is 
increasing  every  day.  . . . 

“It  was  not  until  Governor  Roosevelt’s  ap- 
pointment of  the  De  Forest  Tenement  House 
Commission  in  1900  that  the  necessary  remedial 
legislation  took  practical  shape.  This  act  itself 
was  the  result  of  many  years’  struggle  against 
corrupt  politicians, — Tammany  Hall,  the  self- 
appointed  guardian  of  the  poorer  classes,  has 
been  a bitter  enemy  of  tenement  reform,  — and 
against  vested  interests.  Its  long  delay  had 
greatly  exaggerated  the  problem;  for  mean- 
while the  conditions  described  had  accumulated 
in  appalling  volume.  The  commission,  how- 
ever, was  of  high  civic  character,  and  was  com- 
posed of  men,  several  of  whom  had  made  an 
exhaustive  study  of  the  tenement  problem. 
The  law  which  was  passed  as  a result  of  their 
investigation  was  the  first  sweeping  and  effect- 
ive tenement  measure  since  the  enactment  in 
1867  of  the  first  tenement  house  act.  The  newly 
elected  Low  administration  found  the  enforce- 
ment of  this  statute  one  of  its  most  important 
responsibilities.  The  law-  created  a new  branch 
of  municipal  service,  — the  tenement  house  de- 
partment; and  gave  the  tenement  commission, 
in  the  shape  of  an  elaborate  code  of  housing 
laws,  important  supervision  over  the  building 
of  new  tenements  and  the  maintenance  of  old.” 

— B.  J.  Hendrick,  A Great  Municipal  Reform 
(. Atlantic  Monthly , Nov.,  1903). 

A.  D.  1900-1909.  — Subways  and  Tunnels. 

— It  was  not  until  1900  that  the  building  of 
subways  for  city  transit  in  New  York  was  be- 
gun. The  first  line,  from  the  City  Hall  to 
Kingsbridge  and  the  Bronx  Park,  was  opened 


in  1904.  During  its  construction  plans  for  its 
extension  southerly  and  under  East  River  into 
Brooklyn  were  adopted,  and  contracts  were  let. 
The  original  work  was  executed  under  an 
arrangement  with  a company  known  as  the 
McDonald  Syndicate,  whereby  the  City  gave  its 
credit  to  secure  the  requisite  funds  and  would 
acquire  the  ownership  of  the  subway  and  road 
at  the  end  of  fifty  years.  In  1902  the  interests 
of  the  McDonald  Syndicate  were  transferred 
to  a new  corporation,  the  Interborough  Rapid 
Transit  Company,  which  ultimately  acquired  a 
general  control  of  the  city  railway  service,  and 
ran  a crooked  career  to  results  of  disaster,  so 
far  as  the  public  was  concerned.  In  1905  the 
Board  of  Rapid  Transit  Commissioners,  then 
exerdising  authority  in  this  region  of  municipal 
affairs,  under  the  New  York  State  Rapid  Transit 
Act  of  1891,  approved  plans  for  an  extensive 
additional  system,  comprehending  as  many  as 
nineteen  routes,  with  various  “spurs,”  and  the 
Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment  consented 
to  the  execution  of  the  plan. 

The  East  River  Tunnel  to  Brooklyn  was  fin- 
ished early  in  1908,  and  the  first  two  tubes  of 
four  Hudson  Tunnels,  connecting  Manhattan 
Island  with  New  Jersey  was  opened  in  the  last 
week  of  February,  the  same  year.  This  first 
pair  of  the  Hudson  Tunnels  realized  a project 
which  had  been  undertaken  as  far  back  as  1878 
and  which  had  undergone  two  financial  failures, 
in  1882  and  1892.  Iu  1902  its  remains  and  its 
charter  were  passed  on  to  a third  courageous 
company,  organized  by  Mr.  William  Gibbs 
McAdoo,  who  became  the  master-spirit  of  bold 
enterprise  at  New  York  in  this  engineering 
field.  In  1903  Mr.  McAdoo  organized  another 
company  for  the  undertaking  of  a connection  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  in  Jersey  City  with 
downtown  New  York,  and  also  for  connecting 
the  uptown  and  downtown  tunnels  by  means  of 
a north  and  south  line  along  the  New  Jersey 
water-front,  so  as  to  connect  the  Lackawanna, 
Erie,  and  Pennsylvania  Railroads  with  the  tun- 
nel system,  and  thereby  be  able  to  give  to  their 
passengers  an  uptow'n  and  downtown  railway 
delivery. 

The  second  pair  of  Hudson  River  tubes  (the 
downtown  link)  forming  this  New  York  and 
Jersey  City  Tunnel  were  opened  on  the  19th  of 
July,  1909.  Writing  of  the  event  a few  days 
before  its  occurrence,  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  summed  up  the  existing  and  prospective 
conditions  of  entrance  to  and  exit  from  the  is- 
land of  Manhattan  by  under-river  passages  as 
follows:  “Since  the  city  entered  its  rapid 

transit  boom  and  the  practicability  of  sub-river 
tunnels  was  demonstrated  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  leading  engineers  of  the  world,  fourteen  such 
tubes  have  been  under  construction  here.  Four 
of  them  are  in  operation.  The  downtown  link 
of  the  Hudson  Company’s  system  will  add  two 
more,  and  the  remaining  eight  are  to  be  opened 
in  the  course  of  the  next  two  years,  according 
to  present  plans. 

“After  the  opening  of  the  downtown  Hudson 
tunnels,  the  travelling  public  will  look  forward 
to  the  operation  of  the  other  eight  tubes,  as  fol- 
lows : Two  Pennsylvania  Railroad  tunnels  be- 
neath the  Hudson  River  and  four  under  the 
East  River,  meeting  in  Manhattan  at  the  great 
terminal  station  now  nearing  completion,  be- 
tween Thirty-first  and  Thirty-third  Streets, 


450 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1900-1909 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1905 


along  Seventh  Avenue ; the  pair  of  Steinwhy- 
Belmont  tunnels,  deriving  their  name  from  the 
originator  of  the  franchise  and  the  present  con- 
trolling influence,  running  from  Forty-second 
Street  to  Long  Island  City  and  held  practically 
by  the  same  men  who  control  the  operation  of 
the  Manhattan-Bronx  subway  (the  Interborough 
Company). 

“The  Pennsylvania  tubes  under  the  North 
(Hudson)  River  are  practically  completed,  and 
await  only  the  finishing  of  the  depot,  while  the 
East  River  tubes,  though  a little  behind  hand 
on  account  of  difficulties  met  in  the  form  of 
treacherous  rock  ledges,  are  within  possibly  a 
year  of  opening.  The  Stein  way -Belmont  tun- 
nels are  completed,  and  will  be  ready  for  oper- 
ation as  soon  as  the  company  makes  a satis- 
factory arrangement  with  the  Public  Service 
Commission.” 

An  official  party  in  a passenger  car  went 
through  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad’s  tubes  be- 
tween New  Jersey  and  Long  Island  on  the  18th 
of  November. 

Work  on  a Fourth  Avenue  Subway  in  Brook- 
lyn was  begun  Nov.  13. 

The  Hudson  Terminal  at  Cortlandt  and 
Church  Streets  is  one  of  the  most  interesting 
structures  in  the  world.  Below  the  street  is  the 
terminal  station,  where  all  the  trains  “down- 
town ” arrive  and  depart.  This  station  is  wholly 
below  tide  level.  It  is  surrounded  by  a coffer- 
dam of  reinforced  concrete  8 ft.  thick,  400  ft. 
long,  and  177  ft.  wide,  and  is  sunk  95  ft.  deep  to 
solid  rock.  Forty  feet  below  the  street  is  the 
track  floor.  Twenty  feet  below  the  street  is  the 
great  “Concourse,”  where  all  traffic  is  collected 
and  distributed  to  the  various  train  platforms 
underneath.  On  the  Concourse  the  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  Lehigh  Valley,  and  the  Erie  Railroads 
have  ticket  offices,  where  tickets  to  any  part 
of  America  may  be  bought.  This  Concourse, 
which  is  about  1£  acres  in  extent,  is  one  of  the 
show  places  of  New  York.  Above  the  street 
level  are  two  great  office  buildings,  each  22 
stories  in  height,  and  containing  approximately 
27  acres  of  rentable  area. 

A.  D.  1901-1903.  — Municipal  Elections. — 
Tammany’s  Loss  and  Recovery  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. — Tammany  Hall  suffered  defeat  in 
the  municipal  election  of  1901,  the  Hon.  Seth 
Low,  formerly  a notable  Mayor  of  Brooklyn 
and  latterly  President  of  Columbia  University, 
being  carried  into  the  Mayor’s  office  by  a roused 
movement  of  reform  which  fused  the  elements 
of  opposition  to  the  corrupting  Tammany 
power.  Unfortunately  the  Mayor’s  term  of  of- 
fice had  been  shortened  to  two  years  by  the 
charter  amendment  of  the  previous  year,  and 
the  term  was  too  brief  for  much  depth  and 
thoroughness  of  reform ; but  the  city  was 
greatly  cleansed  during  those  two  years.  When 
the  next  election  came,  in  1903,  Tammany  had 
rallied  its  hungry  forces  and  secured  a highly 
respectable  nominee  for  Mayor,  in  the  person  of 
Hon.  George  B.  McClellan,  son  of  the  famous 
General  of  the  Civil  War.  Mayor  Low,  renom- 
inated by  a second  Fusion  of  opponents  to 
Tammany,  experienced  defeat. 

A.  D.  1904  (June).  — The  Burning  of  the 
Steamer  Slocum. — A catastrophe  of  such  hor- 
ror as  to  be  historical  attended  the  burning  of 
the  excursion  steamer  General  Slocum , at  New 
York,  on  the  15th  of  June,  1904.  The  boat 


left  a New  York  dock  in  the  morning  with  a 
Sunday-school  picnic  party  aboard  numbering 
about  eleven  hundred, — nearly  all  women  and 
children.  While  passing  through  that  part  of 
the  East  River  known  as  Hell  Gate,  within  the 
New  York  City  limits,  fire  was  discovered  in 
the  forward  part  of  the  vessel.  It  was  then 
flood  tide,  and  the  eddies  and  currents  in  those 
waters  are  very  strong.  The  captain  decided 
that  it  would  be  folly  to  attempt  to  laud  on 
either  shore,  or  to  beach  his  boat.  He  therefore 
headed  the  Slocum  for  au  island  two  miles  up 
stream.  As  the  boat  went  forward  at  full 
steam,  the  fore-and-aft  draught  thus  created 
fanned  the  flames  and  hastened  her  destruction. 
On  the  discovery  of  the  fire  by  the  passengers, 
the  wildest  panic  ensued.  It  was  found  that 
the  life-preservers  with  which  the  Slocum  was 
equipped  were  worthless.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  lower  boats  or  life-rafts.  The  crew 
were  engaged  in  trying  to  cope  with  the  fire, 
but  their  efforts  were  futile.  Within  twenty 
minutes,  the  boat  went  to  her  doom,  and  of  the 
women  and  helpless  children  who  had  embarked 
so  gaily  an  hour  before,  more  than  nine  hundred 
were  drowned  or  burned  to  death.  Hundreds 
were  saved  by  the  heroic  efforts  of  policemen, 
river  men,  and  the  nurses  on  North  Brother  Is- 
land, the  seat  of  New  York’s  hospital  for  con- 
tagious diseases,  where  the  Slocum  was  finally 
beached.  Most  of  those  who  met  this  awful 
death  had  come  from  a single  densely  populated 
district  of  New  York’s  great  “East  Side.”  In 
some  cases,  whole  families  were  wiped  out. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Institution  of  the  Bureau  of 
Municipal  Research.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mu- 
nicipal Government  : New  York  City. 

A.  D.  1905.  — The  Municipal  Election. — 
Especial  excitements  were  given  to  the  munici- 
pal election  of  this  year  in  New  York  by  the  ap- 
pearance in  it  of  William  R.  Hearst,  proprietor 
of  several  newspapers  in  the  country  which  are 
foremost  representatives  of  the  recklessly  sensa- 
tional journalism  called  “ yellow.”  The  methods 
by  which  these  papers  won  a great  circulation 
include  much  that  can  hardly  be  described  other- 
wise than  as  demagoguism,  and  many  groups 
and  classes  of  people  who  are  restlessly  discon- 
tented in  life,  whether  reasonably  or  otherwise, 
had  learned  to  look  on  Mr.  Hearst  as  a champion 
of  human  rights.  This  prepared  material  from 
which  to  organize  a personal  following  that  took 
the  character,  for  a time,  of  a formidable  political 
organization,  incorporated  under  the  name  of 
the  Independence  League  ; and  the  great  wealth 
which  Mr.  Hearst  had  inherited,  and  which  his 
prosperous  newspapers  replenished,  was  spent 
lavishly  in  exploiting,  supporting,  and  control- 
ling the  organization.  His  political  ambitions 
aimed  high,  and  the  mayoralty  of  New  York 
City,  for  which  his  Independence  League  nom- 
inated him  in  1905,  was  by  no  means  the  con- 
templated end. 

The  Tammany  Democracy  gave  its  nomination 
to  George  B.  McClellan,  son  of  the  famous  Gen- 
eral, while  the  Republican  party  named  William 
M.  Ivins,  a prominent  lawyer  of  the  city.  The 
canvas  was  a heated  one,  and  as  it  progressed 
the  League  of  Mr.  Hearst  was  seen  to  be  dan- 
gerously large.  As  a consequence.  Republicans 
who  feared  its  control  of  the  City  government 
even  more  than  they  feared  that  of  Tammany, 
threw  their  votes  for  McClellan,  giving  him  a 


451 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1905 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1909 


plurality  of  about  3500  over  Hearst,  and  leav- 
ing Mr.  Ivins  far  behind.  Frauds  were  claimed 
and  the  election  contested  by  Hearst  and  his 
supporters,  who  secured,  by  order  of  a Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  a recounting  of 
the  ballots  in  four  election  districts,  with  the  re- 
sult of  a gain  of  seventeen  votes  for  Mr.  Hearst. 
Appeal  was  then  taken  to  the  Appellate  Division 
of  the  Supreme  Court  for  an  order  directing  not 
only  a recount  but  a recanvass  of  votes.  Such 
an  order  was  granted,  but  set  aside  by  the  Court 
of  Appeals,  to  which  the  question  went  then  ; 
the  court  of  last  resort  reversing,  also,  the  order 
under  which  the  four  boxes  had  been  recounted. 
The  assertion  of  fraud  was  still  maintained  with 
vehemence,  and  the  legitimacy  of  Mayor  McClel- 
lan’s title  to  the  office  he  tilled  was  denied  for 
more  than  a year.  The  Legislature  then  passed 
an  Act  directing  a recanvass  and  recount  of  the 
entire  ballots  of  the  election,  which  had  been 
preserved  under  seal.  This  was  a labor  of 
months,  performed  under  the  direction  of  Judge 
Lambert,  of  the  Supreme  Court.  It  gave  a gain 
of  1094  votes  to  Hearst  and  a gain  of  231  to 
McClellan,  leaving  a net  gain  of  863  to  Hearst, 
and  diminishing  McClellan’s  plurality  in  the  total 
vote  to  2791.  The  validity  of  his  election  was 
thereupon  declared. 

A more  successful  and  far  more  notable  inde- 
pendent candidacy  than  that  of  Mr.  Hearst,  in 
the  New  York  City  election  of  1905,  was  con- 
ducted for  the  purpose  of  retaining  Mr.  William 
Travers  Jerome  in  the  office  of  District  Attor- 
ney for  the  county  of  New  York.  He  had  been 
carried  into  the  office  on  a fusion  ticket,  four 
years  before,  and  had  performed  its  important 
duties  with  a courage,  a force,  an  independence 
and  a rectitude  that  were  beyond  praise.  The 
machines  of  the  parties  would  not  nominate 
him  for  reflection;  but  an  extraordinary  rally 
of  the  friends  of  good  government  in  all  parties 
put  him  into  the  field,  with  an  emergency  organ- 
ization that  sufficed  to  carry  him  triumphantly 
through.  He  was  elected  by  a plurality  of 
about  16,000.  So  striking  a proof  of  the  politi- 
cal popularity  which  a high  quality  of  public 
service  can  win  has  not  often  been  given. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Undertaking  of 
Works  for  a Water  Supply  from  the  Cats- 
kill  Mountains.  — In  1905  the  City  of  New 
York  procured  authority  from  the  Legislature 
to  construct  the  works  necessary  for  an  adequate 
supply  of  water,  additional  to  that  which  had 
been  drawn  for  many  years  from  the  Croton 
River  for  old  New  York  and  from  the  Ridge- 
wood system  for  Brooklyn.  The  source  deter- 
mined on  was  in  the  Catskill  Mountains,  includ- 
ing several  streams,  called  creeks,  — namely 
Esopus,  Rondout,  Schoharie,  and  Catskill,  — 
having  a total  water  shed  of  885  square  miles, 
and  estimated  to  furnish  about  770  millions  of 
gallons  daily,  even  in  dry  years.  The  plan  of 
the  project  in  its  entirety  contemplates  the  con- 
struction of  eight  great  reservoirs  for  storing 
and  controlling  the  waters  derived  from  these 
streams.  The  first  to  be  built  and  the  largest 
of  such  reservoirs  is  named  the  Asliokan,  on 
Esopus  Creek,  about  14  miles  west  of  the  Hud- 
son River  at  Kingston,  near  Brown’s  station  on 
the  Ulster  and  Delaware  Railway.  Work  on 
this  was  begun  in  1907.  It  is  being  con- 
structed in  the  form  of  two  basins,  having  a 
united  length  of  about  twelve  and  a half  miles, 


lying  between  hills  which  are  connected  by 
numerous  massive  dams.  The  dams  necessary 
to  complete  the  enclosure  of  the  water  have  a 
total  length  of  more  than  five  miles. 

In  a straight  line  the  distance  from  the  Asho- 
kan  Reservoir  to  New  York  is  86  miles;  but  the 
windings  of  the  course  that  will  have  to  be 
given  to  the  great  aqueduct  from  the  reservoir 
to  the  city  will  add  six  miles  to  its  length.  The 
aqueduct  is  to  pass  from  the  western  to  the  east- 
ern side  of  the  Hudson  at  Storm  King  Mountain, 
through  a tunnel  in  solid  rock,  far  beneath  the 
river  bed.  From  Breakneck  on  the  western 
shore  it  will  cross  a corner  of  the  Croton  water- 
shed to  a filter  site,  and  to  two  final  reservoirs, 
the  Kensico  and  the  Hill  View.  In  connection 
with  both  Ashokan  and  Kensico  reservoirs  the 
plan  of  the  system  contemplates  an  aeratiou  of 
the  water,  by  flinging  it  to  the  air  in  thousands 
of  fountain  jets. 

In  the  parts  of  the  great  concrete  aqueduct 
that  can  be  built  in  an  open  cut  its  dimensions 
are  seventeen  feet  of  height  and  seventeen  and  a 
half  feet  of  width.  Where  it  traverses  tunnels 
the  width  is  reduced  to  thirteen  feet.  Its  de- 
livery of  water  to  New  York  is  calculated  to  add 
500,000,000  of  gallons  daily  to  the  water  supply 
of  the  city.  The  undertaking  as  a whole  is 
claimed  to  be  the  greatest  that  any  city  has  yet 
engaged  in,  while  the  engineering  work  involved 
is  said  to  be  second  only  in  magnitude  to  that 
of  the  Panama  Canal.  — Alfred  D.  Flinn,  The 
World's  Greatest  Aqueduct  ( The  Century  Maga- 
zine, Sept.,  1909). 

A.  D.  1907  (April).  — Great  Peace  Con- 
gress. See  (in  this  vol.)  War  : The  Revolt 
against  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Unearthingof  Corruptions  in 
the  Custom  House.  See  United  States  : 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). 

A.  D.  1909  (June). — The  Wall  Street  In- 
vestigation, so-called.  — Report  on  the  Oper- 
ations of  the  Stock  Exchange  and  other  Ex- 
changes. See  Finance  and  Trade:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Renewed  Struggle  against 
Tammany,  with  Partial  but  Substantial  Suc- 
cess. — Although  Tammany  elected  its  candi- 
date for  Mayor  in  the  municipal  election  of  1909, 
its  domination  was  practically  overthrown  by 
the  defeat  of  its  nominees  for  all  other  offices 
of  importance  in  the  City  Government.  A coal- 
ition of  the  Republicans  with  anti-Tammany 
Democrats  and  other  organizations  had  presented 
a fusion  ticket  headed  by  a prominent  and 
much-trusted  business  man,  Mr.  Otto  T.  Ban- 
nard.  William  R.  Hearst  entered  the  field  again, 
as  an  independent  nominee,  and  Tammany 
named  Judge  William  J.  Gaynor,  who  had  been 
one  of  its  opponents,  as  a Democrat,  in  the  past. 
Judge  Gaynor  was  elected  by  a plurality  of 
73,016,  the  vote  cast  for  mayor  being  : Gaynor 
250,678;  Bannard  177,662;  Hearst  153,843.  The 
City  Comptroller,  four  of  the  five  borough  presi- 
dents, and  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Aider- 
men,  were  elected  by  the  Fusionists.  By  the 
election  of  Mr.  McAneny  to  be  President  of  the 
Borough  of  Manhattan  (the  old  New  York  City), 
a very  eminent  political  reformer  and  one  of 
great  force,  was  brought  into  the  City  Govern- 
ment. As  president  of  the  energetic  City  Club, 
which  became  a power  in  reform  politics  under 
his  lead,  and  as  secretary  of  the  National  Civil 


452 


NEW  YORK  CITY,  1909 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1899-1909 


Service  Reform  League,  Mr.  McAneny  had  given 
abundant  proof  of  his  capacity  and  his  earnest- 
ness in  work  for  good  government. 

By  controlling  twelve  of  the  sixteen  votes  in 
the  important  Board  of  Estimate,  the  opponents 
of  Tammany  stripped  that  organization  of  all 
power  over  public  “ jobs.”  As  the  fact  was  ex- 
pressed exultingly  in  one  of  the  journals  of  New 
York  on  the  day  after  election,  “after  January  1 
Charles  F.  Murphy  and  his  associates  no  longer 
will  say  who  shall  have  public  franchises;  they, 
too,  will  no  longer  fix  the  budget,  sell  the  city’s 
bonds,  and  pay  political  debts  with  salary  in- 
creases. In  other  words,  the  Tiger  has  lost  his 
grip  on  the  city’s  purse-strings,  and  this  fact, 
perhaps,  more  than  any  other,  has  turned  his 
den  into  a cavern  of  gloom.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Proposed  New  Charter,  not 
acted  on  in  the  Legislature.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government:  New  York  City. 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — The  Shirtwaist  Mak- 
ers’ Strike.  See  Labor  Organization:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1909-1910. 

NEW  YORK  LIFE  INSURANCE 
COMPANY:  Legislative  Investigation.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Insurance,  Life. 

NEW  YORK,  NEW  HAVEN  AND 
HARTFORD  R.  R.  CASE.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1901-1906. 

NEW  YORK  STATE:  A.  D.  1899-1909. 
— The  Barge  Canal  under  Construction.  — 
On  the  8th  of  March,  1899,  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
then  Governor  of  New  York,  appointed  a com- 
mittee of  private  citizens,  for  service  without 
pay,  in  studying  and  reporting  on  the  policy  to 
be  adopted  by  the  State  of  New  York  in  deal- 
ing with  its  canals.  The  appointed  chairman 
of  the  committee  was  General  Francis  Vinton 
Greene,  and  the  following  account  of  the  re- 
commendations made  by  the  committee  is  taken 
from  a paper  on  the  subject  contributed  by 
General  Greene  to  Volume  XIII.  of  the  Publi- 
cations of  the  Buffalo  Historical  Society,  pub 
lished  in  December,  1909  : 

“ The  other  members  were  Major  Thomas 
W.  Symons  of  the  Corps  of  Engineers,  United 
States  Army,  then  stationed  at  Buffalo  in  charge 
of  river  and  harbor  improvements,  Hon.  Frank 
S.  Witherbee  of  Port  Henry  in  the  Champlain 
district,  Hon.  George  E.  Green,  State  Senator 
from  Binghamton  in  the  southern  tier  of  coun- 
ties, Hon.  John  N.  Scatcherd  of  Buffalo,  and 
the  two  state  officials  most  intimately  connected 
with  the  administration  of  canals,  viz.,  Hou. 
Edward  A.  Bond,  State  Engineer,  and  Hon. 
John  N.  Partridge,  Superintendent  of  Public 
Works. 

“ The  request  of  the  Governor  was  simply 
that  we  should  study  the  canal  problem  and 
advise  him.  . . . We  devoted  the  greater  part 
of  the  year  1899  to  a study  of  the  subject,  and 
made  our  report  to  the  Governor  under  date  of 
January  15,  1900.  . . . The  Governor  promptly 
transmitted  the  report  to  the  Legislature,  adopt- 
ing the  conclusions  and  recommendations  which 
it  contained,  and  advising  that  legislation  be 
enacted  to  carry  them  into  effect.  This  was 
done  in  successive  years  . . . ; finally  the  pro- 
ject was  ratified  and  adopted  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing vote  of  the  people  in  t he  election  of  1903.  . . . 

“ As  to  our  conclusions  and  recommendations, 
the  first  question  to  be  decided  was  whether  or 


not  the  canals  should  be  entirely  abandoned.  It 
was  claimed  by  many  that  canal  transportation 
was  antiquated  and  altogether  out  of  date;  that 
‘ the  railroads,  with  their  large  capital  and  sci- 
entific management,  their  durable  roadbeds, 
powerful  locomotives,  larger  cars,  greater  train 
loads,  greater  speed,  and  more  certainty  of  de- 
livery, will  be  able  now  or  in  the  early  future 
to  reduce  the  cost  of  transportation  below  what 
is  possible  on  the  canals.’  If  it  should  seem  prob- 
able that  the  railroads  could  accomplish  this, 
then  it  would  be  manifestly  unwise  and  im- 
proper to  expend  any  more  public  money  upon 
the  canals. 

“From  a consideration  of  all  [the]  facts  we 
reached  our  first  conclusion  — which,  like  all 
the  other  portions  of  our  report,  was  unani- 
mously adopted  — to  wit,  ‘ That  the  canals  con- 
necting the  Hudson  river  with  Lakes  Erie,  On- 
tario and  Champlain  should  not  be  abandoned, 
but  should  be  maintained  and  enlarged.’ 

“The  next  point  to  be  considered  was,  to 
what  extent  should  they  be  enlarged,  what  size 
of  vessel  they  should  be  adapted  to  carry,  and 
what  would  be  the  estimated  cost  of  construc- 
tion. 

“ As  to  the  proper  size  of  the  enlarged  canal, 
widely  different  views  were  held  by  engineers 
and  by  economists.  Some  contended  that  the 
nine  foot  canal  authorized  in  1894  was  suffi- 
ciently large  ; others  brought  forward  the  sup- 
posed advantages  of  a ship  canal  large  enough 
to  carry  ocean-going  steamers  without  breaking 
bulk  from  Duluth  to  Liverpool,  or  any  other 
port ; others  contended  that  a canal  of  interme- 
diate size  would  be  found  to  be  the  most  econo- 
mical, would  cost  the  least  amount  of  money  for 
the  results  produced,  and  would,  in  fact,  pro- 
duce a lower  freight  rate  than  either  the  small 
canal  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  ship  canal  on  the 
other. 

“To  these  questions  we  gave  the  most  care- 
ful study.  The  ship  canal  had  many  glittering 
attractions,  and  there  was  a large  sentiment 
along  the  lakes  which  had  found  expression  in 
Deep  Waterways  conventions,  which  had  been 
held  in  recent  years  and  had  advocated  a water 
route  of  either  21  or  28  feet  depth  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Atlantic  ocean.  . . . But  a careful 
examination  of  the  facts  led  us  to  the  conclusion 
that  while  a ship  canal  of  21  or  28  feet  depth 
would  cost  enormously  more  than  a barge  canal 
of  say,  12  feet  depth,  it  would  not  produce  as 
low  a freight  rate.  . . . 

“ Having  rejected  the  ship  canal  project,  we 
had  then  to  consider  what  size  of  enlarged  canal 
we  should  recommend.  In  any  event,  we  were 
satisfied  that  the  route  of  the  canal  should  be 
changed  so  as  to  use  the  waterways  of  the  Sen- 
eca and  Oneida  rivers,  Oneida  lake  and  the  Mo- 
hawk river  in  place  of  the  present  route  ; but 
the  question  was  whether  the  depth  of  the  canal 
should  be  9 feet,  capable  of  carrying  a boat 
with  cargo  capacity  of  450  tons,  or  a depth  of  12 
feet,  carrying  a boat  with  a cargo  capacity  of 
about  1,000  tons.  With  such  data  as  we  could 
obtain  in  the  short  time  at  our  disposal,  and 
without  adequate  surveys,  we  estimated  the  cost 
of  the  smaller  project  at  a little  more  than 
821,000,000,  and  of  the  larger  project  at  a little 
less  than  $59,000,000. 

“Our  conclusion  was  in  these  words  : ‘ In  our 
judgment,  arrived  at  after  long  consideration, 


453 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1899-1909 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1899-1909 


and  with  some  reluctance,  the  State  should  un- 
dertake the  larger  project  on  the  ground  that 
the  smaller  one  is  at  best  a temporary  makeshift, 
and  that  the  larger  project  will  permanently  se- 
cure the  commercial  supremacy  of  New  York, 
and  that  this  can  be  assured  by  no  other 
means.’  . . . 

“We  made  a fourth  recommendation  in  the 
following  words: 

“‘That  the  money  for  these  improvements 
should  be  raised  by  the  issue  of  eighteen-year 
bonds  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  State  Con- 
stitution, and  that  the  interest  and  principal  of 
these  bonds  should  be  paid  out  of  taxes  specifi- 
cally levied,  for  benefits  received,  in  the  counties 
bordering  in  whole  or  in  part  on  the  canals,  the 
Hudson  river  and  Lake  Champlain;  such  taxes 
to  be  levied  in  proportion  to  the  assessed  val- 
uation of  the  real  and  personal  estate  in  such 
counties.  These  taxes  will  amount  to  about 
10  cents  per  $100  of  assessed  valuation  annually 
during  the  period  of  eighteen  years.’ 

“Our  object  in  making  this  recommendation 
was  to  disarm  the  opposition  of  the  non-canal 
counties.  ...  We  also  submitted  statistics  in 
tabular  and  graphic  form  showing  that  the  val- 
uation of  the  river  and  canal  counties  was  90% 
of  the  entire  valuation  of  the  State.  In  any 
event,  they  would  bear  90%  of  the  expense,  and 
it  was  thought  wise  to  suggest  that  they  bear 
the  entire  expense  so  as  to  remove  every  ground 
of  alleged  injustice  in  taxing  the  counties 
which  claimed  to  derive  no  benefit. 

“This  recommendation  was  not  adopted  by 
the  Legislature,  nor  submitted  to  the  people.  . . . 

“ At  the  election  the  non-canal  counties  voted 
against  the  project  by  large  majorities,  St. 
Lawrence  county,  for  instance,  being  12  to  1 
against  it,  and  Steuben  county,  10  to  1 against 
it ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  canal  counties 
voted  in  favor  of  it  by  almost  equally  large  ma- 
jorities, New  York  being  9 to  1 in  favor  of  it; 
Kings,  8 to  1 ; Queens,  5 to  1,  and  Erie,  nearly 
5 to  1.  For  some  unexplained  reason  Monroe 
county,  in  which  Rochester  is  situated,  and  On- 
ondaga county,  in  which  Syracuse  is  situated, 
voted  against  it.  The  overwhelming  vote,  how- 
ever, in  the  counties  at  the  two  terminals,  New 
York  and  Buffalo,  made  a majority  of  245,312 
in  the  entire  State  in  favor  of  the  project,  and  a 
total  vote  of  1,100,708. 

“ Our  fifth  and  final  recommendation  was  as 
follows  : 

“That  the  efficiency  of  the  canals  depends 
upon  their  management  quite  as  much  as  upon 
their  physical  size,  and  that  no  money  should 
be  spent  for  further  enlargement  unless  accom- 
panied by  measures  which  will  accomplish  the 
following  results : 

“ (a)  The  removal  of  all  restrictions  as  to  the 
amount  of  capital  of  companies  engaged  in 
transportation  on  the  canals,  and  the  encourage- 
ment of  large  transportation  lines  for  handling 
canal  business,  in  place  of  hampering  them,  as 
has  hitherto  been  the  case. 

• “(b)  The  use  of  mechanical  means  of  traction, 
either  steam  or  electricity,  in  place  of  draft 
animals ; and  the  use  of  mechanical  power  in 
place  of  hand  power  for  operating  the  gates  and 
valves,  and  moving  boats  in  locks. 

“(c)  The  organization  of  the  force  engaged 
on  the  public  works  of  the  State  on  a more  per- 
manent basis,  so  as  to  afford  an  attractive  career 


to  graduates  of  scientific  institutions,  with  the 
assurance  that  their  entry  into  the  service,  their 
tenure  of  office,  and  their  promotion  will  depend 
solely  on  their  fitness,  as  determined  by  proper 
and  practical  tests. 

“(d)  A revision  of  the  laws  in  regard  to  the 
letting  of  public  contracts  by  the  State,  so  as  to 
make  impossible  a repetition  of  the  unfortunate 
results  of  the  $9,000,000  appropriation. 

“Legislation  has  already  been  adopted  to 
carry  into  effect  (a)  and  (c) ; the  adopted  plans 
for  the  canal  are  in  accordance  with  (b) ; and  the 
specific  form  of  contract  which  we  recommended 
in  connection  with  (d)  was  not  adopted,  but  an- 
other form  of  contract  was  adopted  which  will 
practically  accomplish  the  same  result. 

“ It  only  remains  to  speak  of  the  cost  of  the 
project.  With  such  data  as  we  had  available 
and  with  such  surveys  as  were  possible  during 
the  year  1899,  we  estimated  the  cost  of  the  pro- 
ject we  recommended  at  $58,894,668  for  the  Erie 
Canal  and  $2,642,120  for  the  Oswego  and  Cham- 
plain canals,  making  a total  of  $61,536,788.  This 
contemplated  a canal  with  12  feet  depth  and 
suitable  locks  for  carrying  a barge  of  approxi- 
mately 1,000  tons  capacity  from  Buffalo  to  the 
Hudson  river,  but  as  to  the  Oswego  and  Cham- 
plain canals,  it  recommended  only  the  comple- 
tion of  the  work  already  undertaken  to  provide 
for  boats  of  six  feet  draft.  . . . It  was  ultimately 
determined  to  enlarge  the  Champlain  and  Os- 
wego canals  to  the  same  size  as  the  main  canal 
between  Buffalo  and  the  Hudson  river,  and  also 
to  include  the  dredging  of  a 12  foot  channel  in 
the  Hudson  river,  which  we  had  anticipated 
would  be  done  by  the  Federal  Government, 
This  enlargement  of  the  project  very  materially 
increased  the  cost,  and  in  the  interval  between 
the  time  of  our  report  and  the  completion  of  the 
detailed  report  of  the  State  Engineer,  the  prices 
of  labor  and  materials  had  very  largely  advanced. 
In  order  to  cover  all  possible  contingencies,  the 
State  Engineer  carried  his  estimate  to  $101,000,- 
000,  and  this  was  the  amount  appropriated  by 
the  Legislature  and  ratified  by  the  people  at  the 
election  of  1903.” — Francis  Yinton  Greene,  The 
Inception  of  the  Barge  Canal  Project  ( Buffalo 
Historical  Society  Publications,  v.  13). 

The  first  six  contracts  for  the  construction  of 
the  Barge  Canal  were  let  in  April,  1905.  The 
state  of  the  work  at  the  end  of  the  year  1909  was 
announced  by  Governor  Hughes  in  his  Message  to 
the  next  Legislature  as  follows:  “The  contracts 
in  force  for  the  Barge  Canal  improvement  amount 
in  total  price  to  $48,229,467,  and  the  contract 
value  of  the  work  performed  to  December  1, 
1909,  was  $15,821,275.  It  is  estimated  by  the 
State  engineer  and  surveyor  that  during  1910 
work  will  be  completed  amounting  to  $16,000,- 
000,  and  it  is  expected  that  the  work  for  the 
entire  length  of  the  Barge  Canal  system  will  be 
under  contract  by  April  1,  1910.  At  the  present 
rate  of  progress,  it  is  said  that  it  is  not  unreason- 
able to  expect  that  the  Barge  Canal  system  will 
be  completed  by  the  end  of  the  year  1914.  It  is 
further  stated  that  the  work  is  being  carried  on 
within  the  original  estimates.  This  enterprise 
should  be  pushed  to  completion  as  speedily,  as 
economically,  and  efficiently  as  possible.” 

A.  D.  1901-1909. — Legislation  developing 
the  Parole  System  of  dealing  with  Convicts. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Chime  and  Ckiminology:  In- 

DETEIIMINATE  SENTENCES. 


454 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1906-1910 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1900-1910 


A.  D.  1905-1906. — Legislative  Investiga- 
tion of  Life  Insurance  Companies  and  the 
State  Superintendency  of  them.  — Startling 
Disclosures.  — Remedial  Legislation.  See 

Insurance,  Life. 

A.  D.  1906-1910.  — The  Epoch  of  Governor 
Hughes.  — The  Special  Significance  of  his 
Administration.  — His  Exemplary  Fidelity 
to  Fundamental  Political  Principles.  — His 
Public  Support  against  Hostile  Party-Man- 
agers.— The  election  of  1906  is  likely  to  be 
marked  iu  the  political  history  of  New  York  as 
the  introduction  of  an  epoch,  — the  Epoch  of 
Governor  Hughes.  The  State  has  had  a number 
of  very  notable  Governors,  in  both  early  and  late 
times, — Governors  who  left  a deep  and  lasting 
impression  of  themselves  on  its  history,  and  who 
have  been  large  contributors  to  its  prestige  and 
influence  as  the  Empire  State  of  the  American 
Union;  but  Governor  Hughes  is  of  a type  so 
different  from  any  of  his  predecessors,  and  his 
conduct  of  the  Governor’s  high  office  has  been 
so  distinctive  in  principle  and  method,  that  his 
administration  can  hardly  fail,  in  the  retrospect, 
to  take  on  a special  significance  of  its  own. 

As  counsel  to  the  Legislative  Committee 
which  investigated  the  scandals  of  life-insurance 
management  in  1905-6  (see,  in  this  volume,  In- 
surance, Life),  the  conduct  of  the  investiga- 
tion by  Mr.  Charles  Evans  Hughes  drew  public 
attention,  and  made  him  known  so  favorably 
that  when  in  the  autumn  of  1906  the  Repub- 
lican Party  of  the  State  had  special  need  of  a 
personally  attractive  candidate  for  Governor, 
an  unmistakable  expression  of  popular  opinion 
directed  the  choice  to  him.  The  Independence 
League  which  Mr.  William  R.  Hearst  had  rallied 
and  organized,  and  which  had  served  him  the 
previous  year  in  his  candidacy  for  the  mayor- 
alty of  New  York  (see,  above,  New  York  City: 
A.  D.  1905),  had  been  recruited  so  successfully 
throughout  the  State,  and  had  absorbed  so  much 
of  some  elements  of  the  Democratic  Party,  that 
the  latter  made  terms  of  combination  with  it, 
and  adopted  Mr.  Hearst  as  its  gubernatorial 
nominee.  The  combination  was  one  which  the 
ordinary  forces  acting  for  the  Republican  Party 
could  hardly  hope  to  overcome  ; but  the  recent 
prestige  of  Mr.  Hughes  might  call  out  reinforce- 
ments that  would  save  the  day.  It  was  not  will- 
ingly that  the  professional  managers  of  the  party 
consented  to  his  nomination,  and  it  was  not 
willingly  that  he  accepted  it.  He  was  heartily 
a Republican  in  politics,  but  never  active  in 
its  affairs,  being  devoted  to  his  profession  and 
plainly  reluctant  to  be  turned  aside  at  all  from 
the  career  it  had  just  fairly  opened  before  him. 
But  he  yielded,  as  the  party  managers  did,  to  a 
call  from  the  public  of  the  party,  and  the  result 
of  the  election  afforded  proof  of  the  reality  and 
sincerity  of  the  call.  Hughes  alone  on  the  State 
ticket  of  the  Republicans  was  elected  ; Hearst 
alone  on  the  ticket  of  the  Democratic-Independ- 
ence-League combination  was  defeated.  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  was  thus  placed,  on  the  1st  of 
January,  1907,  at  the  head  of  an  administration 
in  which  every  other  elective  office  was  filled 
by  his  political  opponents. 

This  political  aloneness  of  Governor  Hughes 
in  his  office  would  have  mattered  very  little, 
however,  if  his  own  party-surroundings  in  it 
had  been  friendly  and  sympathetic  ; but  very 
quickly  it  was  seen  that  he  had  conceptions  of 


official  duty  which  those  who  controlled  the 
machine-like  “organization”  of  the  party,  with 
consequent  powers  of  influence  over  its  repre- 
sentatives iu  the  legislature  and  in  other  official 
places,  could  in  no  wise  comprehend.  With 
a degree  of  precision  and  decision  hardly 
matched  by  another  executive,  this  Governor 
had  studied,  constitutionally  and  ethically,  and 
had  defined  to  himself,  the  obligations  and 
limitations  of  his  office,  and  had  resolved  them 
into  principles  of  action  from  which  he  never 
swerved.  In  one  particular,  especially,  this  held 
him  to  a course  which  some  former  governors 
had  adherred  to  in  the  main,  but  none,  perhaps, 
with  a consistency  as  firm.  In  the  use  of  two 
powers  confided  to  the  Governor,  that  of  the 
veto  in  legislation  and  that  of  appointment  to 
many  State  offices,  there  had  always  been  more 
or  less  of  giving  and  taking  between  the  Exec- 
utive, on  one  side,  and  the  Legislature  and  the 
controlling  leaders  of  party  organization  on  the 
other.  A Governor  actuated  by  personal  mo- 
tives, of  ambition  or  other  self-interest,  would 
use  these  powers  freely,  in  bargaining  for  or 
enforcing  his  desires ; and  a Governor  who 
cared  for  public  interests  alone  would  some- 
times feel  driven  to  secure  measures  needful  to 
that  end  at  some  price  of  concession  in  appoint- 
ments and  in  the  approval  of  bills,  or  some 
coercive  use  of  the  veto  whip.  Governor 
Hughes  would  do  neither,  and  his  attitude  in 
this  matter  stands  out  so  conspicuously  as  to 
mark  in  itself  an  epoch  of  great  example  in  the 
right  exercise  of  executive  power. 

No  Governor  has  ever  interested  himself  more 
earnestly  iu  the  work  of  the  Legislature,  with 
a watchful  eye  to  the  needs,  interests,  and 
rights  of  the  public  and  to  the  demands  of  good 
government  on  every  side.  No  Governor  has 
ever  taken  a more  active  and  effective  part  in 
the  production  of  important  legislation,  and 
none  has  ever  put  his  stamp  on  more  of  such 
legislation  within  the  same  time.  But  all  that 
he  has  done  in  that  line  of  executive  duty  has 
been  strictly  by  recommendation  and  by  argu- 
ment, addressed  first  to  the  Legislature  and 
then  to  the  public  behind  it;  never  by  any 
other  means.  Legislatures  have  been  coerced 
irresistibly  into  compliance  with  his  recom- 
mendations, by  public  opinion,  wakened  by  the 
Governor’s  voice;  never  directly  by  him. 
There  has  been  no  departure  from  the  principle 
of  action  which  he  stated  once  in  these  words: 
“ I have  not  attempted,  through  the  use  of 
political  patronage  or  political  machinery  to 
coerce  anybody,  and  I don’t  propose  to  do  so. 
But  under  the  constitution,  it  is  my  privilege 
and  my  duty  to  recommend  legislation.  If  I 
mean  what  I say  wheii  I recommend,  I ought 
to  be  able  to  tell  why  it  is  recommended,  and 
my  constituency  is  not  the  Legislature,  and  not 
any  particular  part  of  the  people,  but  my  con- 
stituency is  the  people  of  the  State,  and  I pro- 
pose, therefore,  whenever  I make  a recom- 
mendation, and  there  is  any  question  about  it, 
to  tell  as  forcibly,  as  fully  and  as  frankly  as 
possible  why  I stand  for  it.  If  it  is  wrong,  you 
will  know  it  all  the  sooner ; if  it  is  right,  you 
will  give  it  the  support  it  deserves.  I call  that 
American  government,  and  if  we  had  a little 
less  trading,  a little  less  wirepulling  and  bull- 
dozing, we  would  prosper  to  a far  greater 
degree.” 


455 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1906-1910 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1907 


The  Legislature  of  New  York  has  been  hon- 
ored by  this  liighmindcd  and  respectful  treat- 
ment of  it,  which  the  highmiuded  among  its 
members  have  appreciated ; but  these  have 
been  at  most  times  a minority.  The  majority, 
obedient  to  resentful  party  “bosses,”  have 
acted  sullenly  with  him  when  the  lash  of  pub- 
lic opinion  has  driven  them  to  his  side,  and 
defiantly  against  him  when  they  dared.  His 
obstinate  antagonists  have  found  a reflection 
hard  to  obtain. 

The  most  signal  showing  of  the  attitude  of 
the  public  toward  antagonists  of  Governor 
Hughes  in  the  Legislature  occurred  in  connec- 
tion with  a bill,  recommended  by  the  Governor 
in  1907,  for  the  amendment  of  a disgraceful 
existing  law  relative  to  race-track  gambling. 
The  State  Constitution,  as  revised  in  1894,  pro- 
hibits all  forms  of  gambling,  and  declares  that 
“the  Legislature  shall  pass  appropriate  laws 
to  prevent  offenses  against  any  of  the  pro- 
visions of  this  section.”  In  1895  an  Act  (known 
as  the  Percy-Gray  Law)  was  got  through  the 
Legislature,  professedly  in  obedience  to  this 
mandate  of  the  Constitution,  which  verbally 
prohibited  betting  on  races,  but  penalized  it 
only  by  providing  that  the  loser  of  a race-track 
bet  might  sue  the  winner  and  recover  twice  the 
amount  of  his  bet,  while  betting  and  gambling 
in  other  places  were  punished  heavily  by  im- 
prisonment and  fine.  This  scandalous  favor  to 
the  race-track  interests  carried  a bribe  at  the 
same  time  to  the  farmers  of  the  State,  in  Ihe 
form  of  a cunning  provision  of  the  Act,  which 
appropriated  five  per  cent,  of  the  gross  receipts 
of  racing  associations  to  the  benefit  of  agricul- 
tural societies.  Repeated  attempts  to  correct  so 
contemptuous  a violation  of  the  Constitution 
had  failed;  but  Governor  Hughes  renewed  the 
attempt,  with  a feeling  of  reverence  for  Law 
and  for  the  honor  of  the  State  which  could  not 
tolerate  defeat.  When  the  amending  Bill  that 
he  recommended  was  put  in  suspense  by  a tie 
vote  in  the  Senate,  the  Governor  called  a 
special  session  of  the  Legislature,  and  brought 
the  question  before  the  people  in  speeches 
which  made  a mighty  stir.  The  racing  interests 
in  the  State  were  so  powerful  that  they  almost 
defied  defeat,  and  all  their  influence  came  into 
play.  Meantime  a special  election  to  fill  a va- 
cancy in  the  Senate  was  pending  in  Western 
New  York,  and  the  issue  on  the  race-track 
gambling  bill  was  fought  out  there,  with  the 
Governor  in  the  field,  contending  for  an  honest 
enforcement  of  the  constitutional  law  of  the 
State.  The  result,  of  the  election  gave  support 
to  that  contention,  and  when,  at  the  special 
session,  the  Bill  in  question  was  again  called  up 
in  the  Senate,  as  it  could  be,  it  was  passed  by  a 
majority  of  one.  The  Republican  senators  who 
voted  against  it  were  most  of  them  retired  to 
private  life  by  their  constituents  at  the  sen- 
atorial elections  of  the  ensuing  fall. 

Almost  everything  of  importance  in  New 
York  legislation  since  Governor  Hughes  entered 
office  has  had  its  origin  in  his  recommendations, 
and  has  been  carried  by  the  weight  of  public 
backing  which  belief  in  him  calls  out,  against 
resisting  influences  that  would  ordinarily  have 
prevailed.  This  was  notably  the  fact  in  the 
case  of  the  Public  Service  Commissions  Act  of 
1907  (see  Public  Utilities),  which  established 
an  effective  supervision  and  regulation  of  cor- 


porations engaged  in  public  services,  by  plac- 
ing over  them  two  commissions,  appointed  by 
the  Governor,  one  with  jurisdiction  in  New 
York  City,  the  other  in  the  remainder  of  the 
State,  both  armed  with  large  powers.  The  ser- 
vices covered  are  those  of  railways,  gas  and 
electric  light  and  power  companies,  and  the  au- 
thority established  over  them  extends  not  only 
to  their  rates,  but  to  their  capitalization,  their 
issues  of  stock  and  bonds,  their  franchises,  the 
labor  conditions  under  them,  their  equipment, 
and  the  sufficiency  and  quality  of  the  service 
they  render.  The  excellence  of  the  Act  has 
been  proved  by  its  working,  in  the  hands  of  the 
commissions  appointed  by  Governor  Hughes. 

In  the  checking  of  improper  legislation  by 
his  vetoes,  especially  against  encroachments  on 
local  rights  of  self-government,  and  against 
special  enactments  that  intrude  on  general  laws, 
Governor  Hughes  has  been  a teacher  of  political 
principles,  as  importantly  as  in  the  legislative 
advice  which  it  is  part  of  his  constitutional 
duty  to  render.  He  taught  a great  lesson  to 
every  legislative  body  and  every  executive  in 
the  Union,  when  he  disapproved  a highly  popu- 
lar bill  which  prescribed  a fixed  rate  of  railway 
passenger  fares  at  two  cents  per  mile,  on  the 
ground  that  it  •was  not  a matter  to  be  dealt 
with  summarily, — without  careful  investiga- 
tion and  determination  of  the  facts  involved. 
So  consistent,  so  forceful,  so  effective  a teacher, 
in  fact,  by  precept  and  high  example,  of  the 
fundamentals  of  principle  in  political  action, 
has  rarely  appeared  in  any  country. 

That  Governor  Hughes  was  renominated  and 
reelected  in  1908  for  a second  term  was  again 
by  reason  of  a public  insistence  which  neither 
he  nor  the  hostile  manipulators  of  caucus-work 
in  his  party  could  resist.  If  the  election  had 
not  been  coincident  in  time  with  a presidential 
election  the  “bosses”  of  the  party  would  have 
refused  the  nomination  to  him  at  any  cost. 
They  were  able  to  secure  a convention  of  dele- 
gates that  would  eagerly  have  made  that  re- 
fusal ; but  when  the  Governor  was  persuaded 
to  say  that  he  would  accept  renomination,  they 
dared  not  imperil  the  national  interests  of  the 
party  by  flouting  demands  which  came  from 
every  quarter  of  the  land.  He  had  become  so 
national  a figure  that  interest  in  his  reelection 
was  nation-wide. 

On  the  powerful  movement  in  New  York  to 
break  down  the  practical  exclusion  of  the  people 
from  the  choosing  of  candidates  for  office,  which 
Governor  Hughes  inspired,  see  (in  this  vol.) 
Elective  Franchise:  United  States:  Direct 
Primary  Nominations. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Work  of  Reforestation. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural 
Resources  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1907.  —The  Gift  of  Letchworth  Park. 
— A noble  gift  to  the  State  was  made  in  Jan- 
uary, 1907,  by  the  Hon.  William  Pryor  Lctch- 
worth,  a gentleman  of  distinction  in  benevolent 
work,  officially  as  president  for  many  years  of 
the  State  Board  of  Charities,  and  privately,  at 
the  same  time,  as  a profound  student  of  and 
writer  on,  some  of  the  gravest  of  the  problems 
of  philanthropy,  especially  that  of  the  treatment 
of  the  insane.  The  home  of  Mr.  Letchworth  for 
many  years  has  been  on  a great  estate  which 
embraces  the  finest  and  most  famous  scenery  of 
the  Upper  Genesee  River,  lying  on  both  sides 


456 


NEW  YORK  STATE,  1909 


NEW  ZEALAND,  1905 


of  the  eafion  down  which  the  river  plunges  in 
three  successive  falls.  The  thousand  acres  of 
the  estate  enclose  all  three  of  the  falls.  This 
magnificent  domain,  preserved  in  all  its  natural 
beauty  and  improved  with  careful  taste  by  half 
a century  of  Mr.  Letchwortli’s  care,  has  been 
conveyed  in  trust  to  the  State,  under  the  future 
custody  of  The  American  Scenic  and  Historic 
Preservation  Society,  to  be  forever,  after  the 
death  of  Mr.  Letchworth,  a Public  Park.  A 
generous  citizen  has  thus  saved  from  destruct- 
ive uses  a piece  of  scenery  which  has  hardly  its 
equal  for  picturesque  and  varied  beauty  in  an- 
other part  of  the  State. 

A.  D.  1907. — Enactment  of  the  Public 
Utilities  Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Utili- 
ties. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — Creation  of  the  Proba- 
tion System.  See  Crime  and  Criminology: 
Probation. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Gas  Company’s  Refund.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Public  Utilities. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Historical  Commemora- 
tions.— The  Champlain  and  the  Hudson- 
Fulton.  — Three  notable  events  of  the  far  past 
were  notably  commemorated  in  New  York  dur- 
iug  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1909.  The 
tercentenary  year  of  Champlain’s  discovery,  in 
July,  1609,  of  the  Lake  which  bears  his  name, 
was  signalized  by  a week  of  historical  pageants, 
fetes,  and  gatherings  for  speech  and  ceremony, 
on  and  around  the  lake,  beginning  on  the  4th  of 
July.  France,  England,  Canada,  and  the  United 
States  were  represented  in  the  addresses  and 
exercises  of  the  occasion,  by  the  British  and 
French  Ambassadors,  the  Postmaster-General  of 
the  Dominion,  President  Taft  and  ex-Secretary 
Root,  Governor  Hughes  of  New  YTork  and  Gov- 
ernor Prouty  of  Vermont.  A large  number  of 
Indians  took  part  in  the  pageants,  occupying  a 
floating  island  constructed  for  the  occasion  on 
the  lake,  and  representing  scenes  of  Indian  life 
and  warfare,  the  story  of  Hiawatha,  and  other 
reminders  of  the  time  when  men  of  their  race 
were  the  lords  of  the  region  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain. The  occasion  was  made  one  of  great 
interest. 

Still  more  of  interest  was  given  to  the  double 
commemoration,  in  September,  of  Hendrick 
Hudson’s  exploration  of  Hudson  River  and  of 
Robert  Fulton’s  first  practically  successful  un- 
dertaking of  steamboating,  on  that  river.  The 
celebration  of  the  event  first  named  was  timed 
appropriately  on  its  third  centennial  anniver- 
sary. That  of  the  second  was  belated  by  two 
years  ; but  the  two  were  most  fitly  connected. 
The  people  of  Holland  joined  heartily  in  the 
Hudson  commemoration,  building  and  sending 
over  to  New  York  an  exact  replica  of  Hudson’s 
little  ship,  the  Halve  Maen,  or  Half  Moon , in 
which  his  voyage  was  made.  Fulton’s  steam- 
boat, the  Clermont,  was  also  reproduced  for  the 
occasion,  and  the  two  small,  quaint  vessels, 
strikingly  in  contrast  with  the  monster  battle 
ships  and  ocean  liners  that  surrounded  them, 
lent  a singular  interest  to  the  affair.  Great 
Britain,  France,  Germany,  Italy,  the  Nether- 
lands, Mexico,  Cuba,  and  the  Argentine  Repub- 
lic accepted  invitations  to  take  part  in  the  naval 
parades  which  formed  a grand  feature  of  the 
celebration,  and  an  imposing  assembly  of  great 
ships  of  war  was  shown.  Eight  days,  from 
Saturday,  September  25th,  until  the  following 


Saturday,  were  filled  with  church  services, 
school  exercises,  historical  exhibitions  and  pro- 
cessions, military  and  naval  parades,  aquatic 
sports,  carnival  doings,  aeroplane  flights,  ban- 
quets to  foreign  guests,  etc.,  at  New  York  City, 
after  which  the  Half  Moon  and  the  Clermont 
proceeded  up  the  river  and  the  celebration  was 
continued  in  various  towns. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Defeat  of  the  Direct  Pri- 
mary Bill.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Fran- 
chise : United  States  : Direct  Primary 
Nomination. 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — Munificent  Gifts  of 
Land  on  the  Hudson  for  Park  Purposes 
offered.  — In  his  annual  Message  to  the  Legisla- 
ture, January  5,  1910,  Governor  Hughes  an- 
nounced the  details  of  a munificent  project  of 
gifts  proffered  to  the  State  for  the  purpose  of 
creating  a noble  State  Park  on  and  near  the 
Hudson  River.  Mrs.  Mary  W.  Harriman,  widow 
of  the  late  E.  II.  Harriman,  offered  to  convey  to 
the  State  a tract  of  about  ten  thousand  acres  of 
land  in  Orange  and  Rockland  counties,  to  be 
held  in  perpetuity  as  a State  park ; offering  fur- 
ther to  give  the  State  §1,000,000  in  trust,  to  be 
used  for  the  purchase  of  land  lying  between  the 
tract  mentioned  and  the  Hudson  River,  so  that 
the  park  may  have  the  advantage  of  a river 
frontage.  Other  gifts  for  similar  purposes 
amounting  to  §1,625,000  were  announced  as  a 
result  of  the  activity  of  the  Palisades  Park 
Commission,  from  residents  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  Philadelphia.  John  D.  Rockefeller 
and  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  each  subscribed  $500,- 
000;  Margaret  Olivia  Sage,  William  K.  Vander- 
bilt, George  F.  Baker,  James  Stillman,  John  D. 
Archbold,  Frank  A.  Munsey,  Henry  Phipps, 
E.  T.  Stotesbury,  E.  II.  Gary,  and  George  W. 
Perkins  gave  $50,000  each : Helen  M.  Gould 
and  V.  Everit  Macy  contributed  $25,000  each, 
and  Ellen  F.  James  and  Arthur  C.  James  jointly 
gave  a similar  amount.  These  subscriptions 
were  secured  upon  conditions  stipulating, 
among  other  things,  that  New  York  State  shall 
appropriate  $2,500,000  for  the  acquiring  of  land 
and  the  building  of  roads  and  general  park  pur- 
poses; that  the  State  of  New  Jersey  shall  con- 
tribute a fair  share,  and  that  the  State  discon- 
tinue work  on  the  new  State  prison  at  Great 
Bear  Mountain  in  Rockland  County,  where  pre- 
liminary work  on  the  site  for  a new  $2,000,000 
structure  has  been  under  way  for  several 
months. 

NEW  ZEALAND:  A.  D.  1886-1893.— 
Extension  of  the  Suffrage  to  Women.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise:  Woman 
Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1896-1908.  — Twelve  Years  of  Local 
Option. — The  working  of  the  Law. — Warn- 
ing to  the  Liquor  Trade.  — The  Vote  of 
Women.  See  Alcohol  Problem:  New 

Zealand. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Colonial  Conference  at  Lon- 
don. See  British  Empire. 

A.  D.  1903.  — The  Maori  King  a Colonial 
Minister. — The  old  fierce  conflict  of  the  Mao- 
ris with  the  English  colonists  in  New  Zealand 
would  seem  to  have  been  effectually  ended, 
since  the  Maori  King  accepted  a seat  in  the  co- 
lonial Cabinet,  as  a responsible  Minister,  in  1903. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Government  Ownership  and 
Long-leasing  of  Land.  — Its  working.  — 
Government  Loans  to  Farmers.  — The  land 


457 


NEW  ZEALAND,  1905 


NEW  ZEALAND,  1906-1909 


system  of  New  Zealand,  as  it  was  in  1895,  is 
described  in  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work  (see  New 
Zealand).  It  lias  since  been  carried  farther  on 
social-paternalistic  lines,  by  extensive  expropri- 
ations or  compulsory  sales  of  large  estates  to 
the  Government,  and  by  the  institution  of  pub- 
lic loans  of  capital  to  farmers  at  a moderate 
rate  of  interest.  The  operation  and  result  are 
thus  described  in  a recent  work: 

“ So  far  the  government  has  lent  to  the  farm- 
ers about  $20,000,000,  but  it  has  saved  them 
$20,000,000  in  interest,  because  as  soon  as  it 
came  into  the  field  with  its  cheap  loans,  interest 
rates  dropped  everywhere.  You  see  Shy  lock 
has  fled  from  these  shores  and  will  not  return. 
The  government  has  never  lost  a cent  in  these 
loans.  Reform  proceeded  next,  with  a land  tax 
graduated  to  an  ascending  scale,  to  discourage 
land-grabbing,  and  land  speculation  ; so  that  the 
more  land  a man  owns  the  higher  is  the  tax-rate 
upon  it.  Thus  for  farms  of  ordinary  size  the 
rate  is  two  cents  in  every  $5  of  assessed  valu- 
ation ; but  on  estates  of  more  than  $25,000  the 
rate  increases  in  regular  ratio  to  the  maximum 
of  six  cents  for  every  $5,  except  for  absentee 
owners.  They  must  pay  fifty  per  cent,  more 
than  residents.  You  can  see  that  in  New  Zea- 
land the  chance  for  fine  old  families  and  landed 
gentry  is  slim.  No  doubt  the  theory  of  these 
things  is  extremely  reprehensible,  but  the  prac- 
tice is  excellent.  What  with  seizing  the  big 
estates,  and  what  with  the  graduated  land  tax, 
the  size  of  holdings  has  been  so  reduced  that  of 
115,713  landowners  in  1905  only  22,778  came 
under  the  operations  of  the  augmented  land  tax. 
The  others,  having  small  properties,  paid  the 
smallest  rate.  Under  the  laud  purchase  act  the 
government  has  seized  691,594  acres,  mostly 
hunting  fields  and  uncultivated  family  inherit- 
ances. These  have  been  partitioned  into  small 
farms  and  are  occupied  by  actual  settlers. 
Under  the  operation  of  all  the  new  land  laws 
together,  the  produce  of  New  Zealand  has 
trebled,  and  the  New  Zealand  farmer  has  be- 
come the  most  prosperous  in  the  world.”  — 
Charles  E.  Russell,  The  Uprising  of  the  Many , 
ch.  29  ( copyright , 1907,  by  Doubleday,  Page  & 
Co.,  N.  P,  1907). 

A.  D.  1906.- — The  Democratizing  of  Com- 
petition.— Labor  Group  Cooperation.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Remuneration. 

A.  D.  1906-1909. — The  Liberal  Party  and 
the  Liberal  Ministry.  — Their  years  of  Great 
Power.  — Their  Strength  shaken  in  the 
latest  Election. — Its  Method  and  Result. — 
The  new  Ministry  of  Sir  Joseph  Ward.  — In 
June,  1906,  the  Liberal  Party  in  New  Zealand 
experienced  a great  loss,  in  the  death  of  Mr. 
Richard  J.  Seddon,  its  strong  leader,  and  the 
Prime  Minister  of  Government  for  some  time 
past.  His  place  was  taken  temporarily  by  Mr. 
Ilall-Jones, until  Sir  Joseph  Ward,  then  absent 
from  the  country,  returned  and  received  the 
chief  ministerial  seat.  Since  1893  the  Liberal 
Party  had  derived  large  majorities  in  Parliament 
from  each  triennial  election.  The  Liberal  Ad- 
ministration had  advanced  accordingly,  says  a 
recent  letter  to  the  London  Times,  “under  the 
banner  of  labour  legislation,  new  land  laws, 
and  State  Socialism,  and  was  strengthened  in 
its  position  by  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
country  and  the  expenditure  of  large  sums  of 
borrowed  money  upoD  public  works.  At  the 


end  of  last  Session,  it  was  still  at  the  head  of 
affairs  with  a majority  (including  the  four 
Maori  members)  of  no  fewer  than  46. 

“In  the  meantime,  however,  the  guiding  hand 
of  Mr.  Seddon,  the  great  apostle  of  New  Zea- 
land democracy,  had  been  removed  from  the 
scene,  the  harsh  working  of  the  Compulsory 
Arbitration  Act  had  begun  to  alienate  the  sym- 
pathies of  both  employers  and  workers ; the 
anti-freehold  tendencies  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration were  effecting  a change  of  feeling  in  the 
country  constituencies,  and  the  drop  in  the 
prices  of  some  of  our  staple  products,  combined 
with  the  stringency  in  the  local  money  market, 
began  to  act  as  a check  on  our  commercial  pros- 
perity. Finally,  the  Government  made  some 
tactical  blunders.”  Hence  the  Opposition,  at 
the  Parliamentary  election  of  November,  1908, 
was  greatly  strengthened,  though  the  ascend- 
ancy of  the  Liberals  was  still  maintained.  The 
conduct  of  the  election  and  its  result  are  de- 
scribed by  the  correspondent  already  quoted,  as 
follows:  “An  election  in  New  Zealand  is  con- 
ducted in  a most  orderly  manner.  The  distri- 
bution of  literature,  the  wearing  of  badges,  and 
any  touting  for  votes  from  electors  on  their  way 
to  the  polls  or  in  front  of  the  polling  booths  are 
strictly  prohibited  by  law.  A half-holiday  has 
to  be  observed  in  shops  and  offices,  and  fac- 
tory owners  must  allow  their  employes  time  off 
to  vote.  The  publichouses  remain  closed  from 
noon  until  the  polls  are  closed,  the  closing  hour 
being  in  the  country  6 p.  m.,  and  in  the  cities 
7 p.  M.  Time  was,  in  the  very  early  days,  when 
the  polling  booths  were  in  some  cases  located 
between  two  drinking  saloons  that  did  a roaring 
trade,  and  the  result  was  much  loud  disputa- 
tion, bad  language,  and  fighting.  Nowadays  all 
that  is  changed,  and  women  can  walk  into  the 
polling  booths  with  complete  unconcern.  For 
the  76  seats  213  candidates  had  been  nominated. 
Of  these  114  claimed  to  be  Ministerialists  and 
52  Oppositionists,  while  46  were  Independents, 
among  whom  were  a few  Socialists  and  Inde- 
pendent Labourites.  The  result  of  the  first  ballot 
was  that  34  Government  supporters,  16  Opposi- 
tion candidates,  and  three  Independents  were 
elected  by  absolute  majorities.  In  23  constitu- 
encies the  candidates  at  the  head  of  the  poll 
failed  to  secure  absolute  majorities  of  the  total 
votes  polled,  and  it  became  necessary  to  hold 
second  ballots,  the  number  of  these  being  practi- 
cally double  what  was  estimated  by  the  Prime 
Minister.  . . . Twenty-two  of  these  were  held 
a week  later,  and  resulted  in  a further  strength- 
ening of  the  Opposition  party.  One  — in  a 
widely  scattered  country  constituency  — 1ms  yet 
to  be  held.  The  Government  secured  12  of  the 
seats,  the  Opposition  nine,  and  Independent  La- 
bour one.  . . . 

“The  result  of  the  elections,  as  a whole,  is 
greatly  to  strengthen  the  Opposition,  and  corre- 
spondingly to  weaken  the  Government.  The 
next  most  noticeable  feature  about  it  is  the  unus- 
ual change  it  has  made  in  the  personnel  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  While  not  a single 
Opposition  member  of  the  last  Parliament  who 
stood  has  lost  his  seat,  no  fewer  than  17  follow- 
ers of  the  Ministry  have  been  relegated  to  pri- 
vate life;  while  the  new  Parliament  will  contain 
27  new  members  out  of  76.  The  position  of 
parties,  with  one  second  ballot  yet  to  be  decided, 
is — Government,  45;  Opposition,  25;  Independ- 


458 


NEW  ZEALAND,  1906-1909 


NOBEL  PRIZES 


ent,  4 ; Independent  Labour,  1.  At  the  end  of 
last  Session  (excluding  Maori  members)  the  Gov- 
ernment were  59  strong,  while  the  Opposition, 
including  one  Independent,  numbered  only  17. 
Thus,  whereas  in  the  last  Parliament  the  Gov- 
ernment could  reckon  on  a majority  of  42,  they 
cannot  now  be  absolutely  sure  of  a majority  of 
more  than  15  of  the  European  members  on  cer- 
tain issues.  There  are  four  Maori  members  still 
to  be  elected,  and  as  these  generally  vote  with 
the  party  in  power  the  assured  Ministerial  ma- 
jority will  be  19.  This  should  be  amply  suffi- 
cient to  enable  Sir  Joseph  Ward  to  continue  in 
power  for  the  full  term  of  the  Parliament  — 
three  years.” 

Early  in  January,  1909,  the  Ministry  was  re- 
constructed, the  Premier,  Sir  Joseph  Ward,  bur- 
dening himself  with  the  portfolios  of  Finance, 
Defence,  Lands,  Agriculture,  and  the  Post  Office. 
This  was  said  to  be  made  necessary  by  the  inex- 
perience in  office  of  the  newT  Ministers  whom  he 
called  to  his  side. 

A.  D.  1907  (April-May).  — Imperial  Confer- 
ence at  London.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Bkitish 
Empire:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Working  of  the  Com- 
pulsory Arbitration  Law.  See  Labor  Or- 
ganization: New  Zealand. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Population.  — The  population 
of  the  Dominion  of  New  Zealand  on  December 
31,  1908,  was  estimated  as  follows:  Europeans 
9G0,000;  Maoris,  49,000;  Cook  Islanders,  12,000. 
There  was  an  increase  of  Europeans  during  the 
year  of  31,000,  being  at  the  rate  of  3.36  percent. 
The  excess  of  immigration  over  departures  was 
14,000  — a record  ; while  the  natural  increase 
was  17,000.  The  death-rate  was  9.57  per  thou- 
sand, as  compared  with  10.95  in  1907;  and  the 
birth-rate  was  27.45  per  thousand,  as  compared 
with  27.30. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Labor  Strike  caused 
by  Legislation  making  “ Miners’  Disease  ” 
a ground  of  Compensation  from  Employers. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Protection:  Em- 
ployers’ Liability. 

A.  D.  1909. — Announcement  of  Railway- 
Building  Policy.  See  Railways  : New  Zea- 
land. 

A.  D.  1909. — Act  establishing  compulsory 
Military  Training.  See  War,  The  Prepara- 
tions for:  Military:  New  Zealand. 

A.  D.  1909. — The  Prime  Minister’s  tes- 
timony to  the  good  working  of  Woman  Suf- 
frage. See  Elective  Franchise:  Woman 
Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1909  (July-Aug.).  — Imperial  De- 
fence Conference. — Offer  of  a “Dread- 
nought ” to  the  Imperial  Navy.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for:  Military 
and  Naval. 

NIAGARA  FALLS:  Preservation  of  their 
“Scenic  Grandeur.”  — An  Act  of  Congress, 
designed  “to  preserve  the  scenic  grandeur”  of 
Niagara  Falls,  approved  in  June,  1906,  author- 
ized the  Secretary  of  War  to  grant  permits  for 
the  diversion  of  water  for  the  creation  of  power 
to  an  aggregate  amount  not  exceeding  15,600 
cubic  feet  a second,  and  to  grant  permits  for  the 
transmission  of  power  from  Canada  to  an  ag- 
gregate quantity  not  exceeding  160,000  horse- 
power. The  then  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Taft, 
since  elected  President  of  the  United  States, 
after  careful  investigations  and  hearings, 


granted  permits  for  the  diversion  of  the  maxi- 
mum amount  of  water  under  the  act  and  for  the 
admission  of  the  maximum  quantity  of  power. 
In  reporting  his  decision  Mr.  Taft  explained 
why  he  believed  that  the  diversion  authorized 
could  be  made  without  harm  to  the  Falls:  “I 
have  reached,”  he  said,  “the  conclusion  that 
with  the  diversion  of  15,600  cubic  feet  on  the 
American  side  and  the  transmission  of  160,000 
horse  power  from  the  Canadian  side,  the  scenic 
grandeur  of  the  Falls  will  not  be  affected  sub- 
stantially or  perceptibly  to  the  eye.  With  re- 
spect to  the  American  falls  this  is  an  increase  of 
only  2,500  cubic  feet  a second  over  what  is  now 
being  diverted  and  has  been  diverted  for  many 
years,  and  has  not  affected  the  Falls  as  a scenic 
wonder.  With  respect  to  the  Canadian  side, 
the  water  is  drawn  from  the  river  in  such  a 
way  as  not  to  affect  the  American  falls  at  all, 
because  the  point  from  which  it  is  drawn  is 
considerably  below  the  level  of  the  water,  at 
the  point  where  the  waters  separate  above  Goat 
Island,  and  the  Waterways  Commission  and 
Dr.  Clark  agree  that  the  taking  of  13,000  cubic 
feet  from  the  Canadian  side  will  not  in  any  way 
affect  or  reduce  the  water  going  over  the  Amer- 
ican falls.  The  water  going  over  the  Falls  on 
the  Canadian  side  of  Goat  Island  is  about  five 
times  the  volume  of  that  which  goes  over  the 
American  falls.  ...  If  the  amount  withdrawn 
on  the  Canada  side  for  Canadian  use  w^ere  5,000 
cubic  feet  a second,  which  it  is  not  likely  to  be 
during  the  three  years’  life  of  these  permits,  the 
total  to  be  withdrawn  would  not  exceed  ten  per 
cent,  of  the  volume  of  the  stream,  and,  consid- 
ering the  immense  quantity  which  goes  over 
the  Horseshoe  Falls,  the  diminution  w’ould  not 
be  perceptible  to  the  eye.” 

See,  also,  provisions  of  “ Waterways  Treaty,” 
in  this  vol.,  under  Canada:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

NIAGARA  MOVEMENT,  The.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Race  Problems  : United  States. 

NICARAGUA.  See  Central  America. 

NICHOLAS  II.,  Tsar  of  Russia.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Russia. 

NICHOLS,  Ernest  Fox  : President  of 

Dartmouth  University.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ed- 
ucation : United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

NICOLSON,  Sir  Arthur:  British  Ambas- 
sador at  St.  Petersburg.  — Convention  with 
Russia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1907 
(Aug.). 

NIEL,  M.:  The  head  of  the  Confederation 
Generate  du  Travail  in  France.  See  (in  this 
vol. ) Labor  Organization  : France  : A.  D. 
1884-1909. 

NIGERIA.  See  Africa:  French  Central. 

NIGHT  RIDERS,  of  the  Tobacco  Farm- 
ers’ Union.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Kentucky:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

NILE  BARRAGE.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Egypt  : A.  D.  1902  (Dec.). 

NOBEL  PRIZES.  — By  the  will  of  Alfred 
Bernard  Nobel,  the  distinguished  Swedish  en- 
gineer and  chemist,  pupil  of  John  Ericsson  and 
inventor  of  dynamite  and  other  explosives,  five 
great  prizes,  averaging  nearly  $40,000  each  in 
value,  were  instituted,  for  annual  reward  to  per- 
sons who  shall  severally  have  made  the  most 
important  discovery  or  invention  in  the  domain 
of  physics,  chemistry  and  physiology  or  med- 
icine ; to  the  writer  who  has  produced  in  litera- 
ture the  most  distinguished  work  of  an  idealistic 


NOBEL  PRIZES 


NORD  ALEXIS 


tendency,  and  to  the  person  who  has  most  or 
best  promoted  the  fraternity  of  nations,  the  abo- 
lition or  reduction  of  standing  armies  and  the 
formation  and  increase  of  peace  congresses. 
The  award  of  the  two  prizes  first  named  to  be 
made  by  the  Royal  Academy  of  Science  in 
Stockholm ; the  third  by  the  Caroline  Medical- 
Gliirurgical  Institute  in  Stockholm ; the  fourth 
by  the  Swedish  Academy  in  the  same  city  ; the 
fifth  by  the  Storthing  or  Parliament  of  Norway. 

The  presentation  of  prizes  on  the  first  award 
was  made  with  impressive  ceremonies  on  the 
10th  of  December,  1901,  that  being  the  fifth 
anniversary  of  Mr.  Nobel’s  death.  Each  year 
since,  the  awards  have  been  made  on  that  anni- 
versary day . The  recipients  have  been  as  fol- 
lows : 

Physics.  1901 —William  Conrad  Roentgen, 
professor  of  physics  at  the  University  of  Mu- 
nich. 

1902  — Divided  equally  between  Henrik 
Anton  Lorentz,  professor  of  physics  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leyden,  and  Peter  Zeeman,  professor 
of  physics  at  the  University  of  Amsterdam. 

1903 — Half  to  Antoine  Henri  Becquerel,  pro- 
fessor of  physics  at  the  flcole  Polytechnique 
and  at  the  Museum  d’Histoire  Naturelle,  Paris, 
France,  member  Institut  Fran^aise,  and  half  to 
Pierre  Curie,  professor  of  physics  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris  (Sorbonne)  and  teacher  in  physics 
at  the  Paris  Municipal  School  of  Industrial 
Physics  and  Chemistry,  and  his  wife,  Marie 
Sklodovska  Curie,  preceptress  at  the  Higher 
Normal  School  for  Young  Girls  at  Sevres. 

1904  — Lord  Rayleigh,  professor  of  natural 
philosophy,  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain, 
London. 

1905  — Philippe  Lenard,  professor  of  physics 
at  the  physical  Institute  of  Kiel. 

1906  — J.  J.  Thomson,  professor  of  experi- 
mental physics  at  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

1907  — Albert  A.  Michelsen,  professor  of 
physics  at  the  University  of  Chicago. 

i908 — Prof.  Gabriel  Lippman  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris. 

1909  — G.  Marconi,  Italy,  and  Prof.  Ferdinand 
Braun  of  Strassburg. 

Medicine.  1901 — Emil  Adolf  von  Behring, 
professor  of  hygiene  and  medical  history  at  the 
University  of  Marburg,  Prussia. 

1902  — Ronald  Ross,  professor  of  tropical 
medicine  at  the  University  college  of  Liverpool. 

1903 — -Niels  Ryberg  Finsen,  professor  of 
medicine,  Copenhagen,  Denmark. 

1904  — Ivan  Petrovic  Pawlow,  professor  of 
physiology  in  the  Military  Academy  of  Medi- 
cine, St.  Petersburg. 

1905  — Robert  Koch,  member  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Science,  Berlin. 

1906 — Profs.  Ramon  y Cajal  and  Camillo 
Golgi  of  the  Pavia  university,  Italy. 

1907  — Charles  L.  A.  Laveran  of  the  Pasteur 
Institute  in  Paris. 

1908  — Dr.  Paul  Ehrlich  of  Berlin  and  Prof. 
Elie  Metchnikoff  of  the  Pasteur  Institute,  Paris. 

1909  — Prof.  E.  T.  Kocher,  Switzerland. 

Chemistry.  1901  — Jakob  Hendrik  van’t 

Hoff,  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  University  of 
Berlin. 

1902 — Emil  Fischer,  professor  of  chemistry 
in  the  University  of  Berlin. 

1903  — Svante  August  Arrhenius,  professor  at 
the  University  of  Stockholm. 


1904  — Sir  William  Ramsay,  professor  of 
chemistry  in  the  University  college,  London. 

1905 —  Adolf  von  Baeyer,  prolessor  of  chem- 
istry at  Munich. 

1906  — H.  Moissan,  professor  of  chemistry  at 
the  Sorbonne,  Paris. 

1907  — Eduard  Buchner,  professor  of  chem- 
istry in  the  agricultural  high  school  of  Ber- 
lin. 

1908  — Prof.  Ernest  Rutherford  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Manchester,  England. 

1909  — Prof.  W.  Ostwald  of  Leipsic. 

Literature.  1901  — Rene  Francois  Armand 

Sully-Prudhomme,  member  of  the  French  Acad- 
emy. 

1902  — Theodor  Mommsen,  professor  of  his- 
tory at  the  University  of  Berlin. 

1903  — Bjornstjerne  Bjornson,  author,  Nor- 
way. 

1904 — Half  to  Frederic  Mistral  of  France  and 
half  to  Jose  Echegaray  of  Spain. 

1905  — Henryk  Sienkiewicz,  the  author  of 
“ Quo  Vadis  ?” 

1906  — Prof.  Giosue  Carducci  of  Bologna, 
Italy. 

1907  — Rudyard  Kipling  of  England. 

1908  — Prof.  Rudolf  Euckenof  the  University 
of  Java. 

1909  — Selma  Lagerlof,  Sweden. 

Peace.  1901  — Divided  equally  between 
Henri  Dunant,  founder  of  the  International  Red 
Cross  Society  of  Geneva,  and  Frederic  Passay, 
founder  of  the  first  French  peace  association,  the 
“ Societe  Fran^aise  pour  1’ Arbitrage  Entre  Na- 
tions.” 

1902  — Divided  equally  between  Elie  Ducom- 
mum,  secretary  of  the  international  peace  bu- 
reau at  Bern,  and  Albert  Gobat,  chief  of  the 
interparliamentary  peace  bureau  at  Bern. 

1903 — William  Randal  Cremer,  M.  P.,  secre- 
tary of  the  International  Arbitration  league, 
London. 

1904  — The  Institute  of  International  Right,  a 
scientific  association  founded  in  1873  in  Ghent, 
Belgium. 

1905  — Baroness  Bertha  von  Suttner  for  her 
literary  work  written  in  the  interest  of  the 
world’s  peace  movement. 

1906 —  Theodore  Roosevelt,  president  of  the 
United  States,  for  the  part  he  took  in  bringing 
the  Russo-Japanese  war  to  an  end.  Money  set 
apart  by  the  president  for  the  establishment  of  a 
permanent  industrial  peace  commission. 

1907  — Divided  equally  between  Ernesto  T. 
Moneta,  president  of  the  Lombardy  Peace  union, 
and  Louis  Renault,  professor  of  international 
law  at  the  University  of  Paris. 

1908  — K.  P.  Arnoldsen  of  Sweden  and  M.  F. 
Bajer  of  Denmark. 

1909 — Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant, 
Paris,  and  M.  Beernaert,  Holland,  ex-Premier. 

NODZU,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

NOGI,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  1904-1905  (May- 
Jan.). 

NOMINATIONS,  Political:  By  Direct 
Primary  Vote.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective 
Franchise  : United  States. 

NOMINAVIT  NOVIS  CONTROVERSY. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

NORD  ALEXIS,  General.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Haiti  : A.  D.  1902  and  1908. 


460 


NORDENSKJOLD 


NORWAY,  1902-1905 


NORDENSKJOLD,  Dr.  Otto:  Command- 
ing Swedish  Antarctic  Expedition.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  POLAR  EXPLORATION. 

NORDEZ,  Bishop  Le.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France  : A.  D.  1905-1900. 

NORTHCOTE,  Lord  : On  the  Australian 
Land  and  Immigration  Questions.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Immigration  and  Emigbation  : Aus- 
tralia. 

NORTHERN SECURITIES  COMPANY 
CASE,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways  : 
United  States  : A.  D.  1901-1905. 

NORTH  SEA  AND  BALTIC  AGREE- 
MENTS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1907-1908. 

NORTHWEST  TERRITORIES,  Cana- 
dian: A.  D.  1896-1909. — Their  Rapid  Settle- 
ment.— The  “American  Invasion.”  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1896-1909. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Census.  — Increased 
Representation  in  Parliament.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada:  1901-1902. 

NORWAY:  A.  D.  1902-1905. — Result  of 
the  Consular  Question.  — Secession  from  the 
Union  of  Crowns  with  Sweden. — Accept- 
ance by  King  Oscar  of  his  virtual  Deposi- 
tion.— Election  of  Prince  Charles  of  Den- 
mark to  the  Throne.  — The  discontent  of  Nor- 
way in  its  union  with  Sweden,  especially  because 
it  could  have  nodis'tinct  national  representation, 
consular  or  diplomatic,  in  foreign  countries,  is 
described  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work  (see  Swe- 
den and  Norway,  in  that  volume).  In  1902  a 
Swedisli-Norwegian  Consular  Commission  was 
appointed  to  investigate  the  practicability  of 
separate  consuls  for  each  of  the  united  king- 
doms, with  joint  diplomatic  representation.  The 
Commission  produced  a report  very  favorable 
to  the  proposition.  Prolonged  negotiations  fol- 
lowed, between  representatives  of  the  two  gov- 
ernments, and  the  outlines  of  a system  under 
which  Norway  should  acquire  a separate  consu- 
lar service  were  definitely  settled  and  accepted 
formally  by  the  King,  on  the  21st  of  December, 
1903.  When  it  came,  however,  to  the  definite 
framing  of  laws  for  carrying  the  plan  into  effect, 
irreconcilable  disagreements  arose.  Several  de- 
tails of  the  arrangement  which  Sweden  insisted 
on  implied  a precedence  and  superiority  of  stand- 
ing for  that  kingdom  in  the  union  of  crowns 
which  offended  Norwegian  pride.  The  Norwe- 
gian Government  objected  to  having  its  selection 
of  consuls  made  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
Foreign  Minister  of  the  dual  monarchy.  It  ob- 
jected to  having  the  King,  in  his  commission  to 
them,  entitled  “ King  of  Sweden  and  Norway”  ; 
and  it  rejected  the  Swedish  proposals  on  other 
points.  When  the  Government  of  Sweden  re- 
plied that,  while  it  might  be  willing  to  consider 
some  modifications  of  its  proposals,  it  must 
maintain  the  important  parts  of  them,  the  Nor- 
wegian Government  announced  that  it  had  no 
further  statements  to  make,  indicating  that  ne- 
gotiation in  the  matter  was  at  an  end.  There- 
upon, on  the  7th  of  February,  1905,  the  King 
made  public  the  following  statement : “ Under 
the  present  circumstances  I do  not  see  that  I 
can  resolve  otherwise  than  to  approve  of  what 
the  Foreign  Minister  has  proposed;  but  I cannot 
refrain  from  expressing  to  both  my  peoples  my 
hearty  desire  that  the  two  kingdoms,  which 
have  now  been  united  for  nearly  a century,  will 
never  let  any  difference  of  opinion  be  hurtful  to 


the  Union  itself.  This  Union  is  in  truth  the  safest 
guarantee  for  the  independence,  the  security  and 
the  happiness  of  both  my  peoples.” 

Feeble  health  now  compelled  King  Oscar  to 
yield  the  functions  of  royalty  to  his  son,  and  the 
Crown  Prince  visited  Christiania,  as  Regent,  to 
confer  personally  with  the  leaders  in  Norwegian 
affairs.  The  outcome  of  his  visit  was  the  resig- 
nation of  the  Ministry  of  M.  Hagerup  on  the  1st 
of  March,  the  formation  of  a new  Cabinet,  under 
M.  Michelsen,  and  the  announcement  by  the 
latter  that  the  Government  would  steadfastly 
maintain  the  sovereignty  of  Norway,  as  an  in- 
dependent kingdom,  according  to  the  words  of 
its  constitution,  the  realization  of  which  must 
depend  on  the  strength  and  will  of  the  Norwe- 
gian people.  All  attempts  in  the  next  three 
months  to  overcome  or  much  modify  the  atti- 
tude of  Norway  were  unsuccessful.  In  May, 
the  Storthing  passed  an  independent  Consular 
Bill  and  laid  it  before  King  Oscar,  who  had  re- 
sumed his  duties,  and  the  King  refused  to  sanc- 
tion it,  saying:  “ The  Crown  Prince,  as  Regent, 
in  Joint  Council  of  State  of  April  5,  has  already 
shown  the  only  way  in  which  this  important 
question  can  be  advanced  and  all  difficulties 
most  likely  removed,  viz.,  through  negotiation. 
I entirely  agree  with  this  view,  and  do  not  for 
the  time  being  find  it  expedient  to  sanction  this 
law,  which  means  an  alteration  of  the  existing 
joint  consular  service  which  cannot  be  severed 
except  by  mutual  arrangement.  . . . When  I 
now  refuse  to  sanction  this  law  I do  so  in 
accordance  with  the  right  conferred  upon  the 
King  [see  Section  30,  Title  3,  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  Norway,  in  Volume  I.  of  this  work]. 
...  It  is  my  equally  great  love  to  both  na- 
tions which  makes  it  my  duty  to  exercise  this 
right;” 

On  the  7th  of  June,  M.  Michelsen,  the  Prime 
Minister,  and  his  colleagues,  gave  their  resigna- 
tions to  the  Storthing,  whereupon  that  body, 
by  unanimous  vote,  adopted  the  following  reso- 
lution: “As  all  the  members  of  the  Council  of 
State  have  resigned  their  offices;  as  his  Majesty 
the  King  has  declared  himself  unable  to  give  the 
country  a new  Government;  and  as  the  con- 
stitutional kingdom  has  thus  ceased  to  func- 
tion, the  Storthing  authorizes  the  members  of 
the  Ministry,  to-day  resigned,  to  exercise  in  the 
meantime,  as  the  Government  of  Norway,  the 
authority  vested  in  the  King,  in  accordance 
with  Norway’s  constitution  and  existing  laws, 
with  the  alterations  necessitated  by  the  fact  that 
the  Union  with  Sweden  under  one  King  has 
ceased  on  account  of  the  king  having  ceased  to 
act  as  Norwegian  King.”  This  action  was  pro- 
claimed to  the  people  on  the  same  day.  On  the 
9th  the  Union  flag  was  lowered  from  Norwegian 
forts  and  war  ships  and  the  Norwegian  flag 
raised  in  its  place.  On  the  28th  of  July  with 
King  Oscar’s  consent,  the  Swedish  Riksdag 
adopted  a resolution  assenting  to  the  severance 
of  the  Union,  on  condition  that  it  be  approved 
by  a vote  of  the  people  of  Norway.  Accordingly 
the  question  was  submitted  to  the  people  on  the 
13th  of  August,  and  all  but  184  out  of  368,392 
votes  were  given  in  favor  of  the  separation.  A 
conference  at  Karlstadt  in  September  arranged 
the  future  relations  of  the  two  kingdoms  with 
success,  and  the  dissolution  was  complete.  It 
was  formally  acknowledged  by  King  Oscar  on 
October  26tli.  As  he  made  it  known  that  he  did 


461 


NORWAY,  1902-1905 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


not  wish  any  member  of  his  family  to  accept  the 
crown  of  Norway  if  offered,  the  Storthing  author- 
ized the  Government  to  open  negotiations  with 
Prince  Charles  of  Denmark,  with  a view  to  its 
acceptance  by  him,  if  its  proffer  should  be  sanc- 
tioned by  a popular  vote.  Again  a plebiscite 
was  polled  and  a large  majority  given  in  favor 
of  the  proffer  of  the  crown  to  Prince  Charles. 
The  Prince  accepted,  with  the  permission  of  his 
grandfather,  the  Danish  King,  and  proposed  to 
take  the  name  of  Haakon  VII.  The  name  was 
well  chosen  for  its  significance,  Haakon  VI. 
having  been  the  last  of  the  old  royal  line  of  Nor- 
way, which  became  extinct  at  his  death  in  1387. 
The  King-elect  and  his  wife  entered  Christiania 
on  the  25th  of  November  and  took  the  oath  of 
fidelity  to  the  Norwegian  Constitution  on  the 
27th.  In  the  following  June  King  Haakon 
was  anointed  and  crowned  with  solemn  cere- 
monies, in  the  ancient  cathedral  of  Trondhjem, 
the  capital  of  the  first  King  who  reigned  over 
the  whole  Norse  realm. 


A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  Settlement  of 
Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1907. — Treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
France,  Germany,  and  Russia  guaranteeing 
the  Integrity  of  the  Kingdom.  See  Europe  : 
A.  D.  1907-1908,  and  1908. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Parliamentary  Suffrage  ex- 
tended to  Women.  See  Elective  Franchise: 
Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). — Arbitration  of  the 
Frontier  Dispute  with  Sweden.  — The  mari- 
time frontier  dispute  between  Norway  and 
Sweden,  consequent  on  their  separation,  was  re- 
ferred to  The  Hague  Tribunal,  and  decided  in 
October,  more  favorably  to  Sweden  than  to  Nor- 
way, but  the  decision  was  loyally  accepted  by 

flip  In ttpr 

NOVA  SCOTIA  : A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Cen- 
sus. — Reduced  Representation  in  Parlia- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1901- 
1902. 


0. 


OBOLENSKI,  Prince  John.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Finland:  A.  D.  1905. 

O’CONOR,  Sir  N.  : British  Ambassador  to 
Turkey.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1903-1904,  and  1905-1908. 

OCTOBRISTS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia: 
A.  D.  1904-1905.  and  1907. 

ODESSA,  Disturbances  in.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

OGDEN,  Robert  C.:  Promoter  of  the  An- 
nual Conference  for  Education  in  the  South. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : United  States: 
A.  D.  1898-1909. 

OIL,  PETROLEUM  : The  Supply  and  the 
Waste  in  the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

OKLAHOMA:  A.  D.  1904. — Marvelous 
Growth  of  Fifteen  Years.  — “ Oklahoma  is  the 
Minerva  of  the  States.  With  her  there  was  no 
period  of  slow  settlement.  On  the  day  that  her 
borders  were  opened  to  the  settler  she  sprang 
full-fledged,  a vigorous  young  commonwealth, 
into  the  Union.  And  on  the  day  that  Congress 
admits  her  to  Statehood  she  will  take  rank  with 
the  foremost  of  the  Western  States.  Her  popu- 
lation of  a million  and  three  hundred  thousand 
— which  is  the  combined  population  of  Okla- 
homa and  Indian  Territory,  according  to  the  an- 
nual report  of  Governor  Ferguson  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1904,  it  is  probably  somewhat 
more  than  that  now  [1905]  — will  place  her  in 
advance  of  at  least  twenty-one  of  her  sister 
States,  several  of  them  among  the  original  thir- 
teen. Not  counting  Texas,  only  two  States  west 
of  the  Missouri  will  be  her  equal  in  number  of 
people  — Kansas  and  California.  In  old  New 
England,  three  States  — New  Hampshire,  Ver- 
mont, and  Rhode  Island — could  be  combined 
and  still  not  contain  as  great  a population  as 
this  new  commonwealth  in  the  West  will  have 
on  the  first  day  of  its  Statehood. 

“ No  other  State  ever  had  such  a remarkable 
growth  and  prosperity  as  Oklahoma.  Sixteen 
years  ago  last  March  the  prairie  winds  blew  over 
wide  expanses  of  plains  with  no  signs  of  human 
habitation  on  them  for  miles  at  a stretch.  A 
month  later,  on  April  22,  1889,  upward  of  one 


hundred  thousand  persons  engaged  in  the  most 
spectacular  race  in  history — a race  for  homes 
[see,  in  Vol.  V.  of  this  work,  United  States: 
A.  D.  1889-1890].  That  was  the  day  when  the 
first  Oklahoma  counties  were  opened  for  settle- 
ment. ...  At  nightfall  of  that  first  day  of  its 
history  Oklahoma  had  a larger  population  than 
the  State  of  Nevada.  Towns  were  surveyed,  and 
sprung  up  in  a night,  and  in  a week  a new 
empire  had  been  created  in  the  Southwest.  A 
year  later  the  Iowa,  Pottawatomie,  and  Sac  and 
Fox  reservations  were  opened  for  settlement.” 

— Clarence  H.  Matson,  Oklahoma  (American  Re- 
view of  Reviews , Sept. , 1905). 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Joined  in  Statehood 
with  Indian  Territory  and  admitted  to  the 
Union.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States: 
A.  D.  1906.  See,  also,  Constitution  of  Okla- 
homa. 

OKU,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

OLD  AGE  HOMES,  in  Vienna.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Poverty,  TnE  Puoblems  of. 

OLD  AGE  PENSIONS.  See  Poverty, 
The  Problems  of. 

“ OLD  BELIEVERS,”  Russian.  Sec  (in 
this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1905  (ArRiL-Auo.). 

OLDENBURG:  A.  D.  1906. — Committed 
to  Universal  Suffrage.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Elective  Franchise  : Germany  : A.  D.  1906. 

OMAR  JAN.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Afghanis- 
tan: A.  D.  1901-1904. 

ONTARIO  : A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Census. — 
Reduced  Representation  in  Parliament.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Political  Experiments. 

— The  Salaried  Leader  of  Opposition,  etc. 
See  Canada  : A.  D.  1906-1907. 

“ OPEN  DOOR,”  The  Coming  of  the 
Epoch  of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  World  Move- 
ments. 

OPIUM  PROBLEM:  China  : A.  D.  1900- 
1906.  — Progressive  Tariff  and  Internal  Tax- 
ation measures  to  check  the  Consumption  of 
the  Drug.  — The  following  is  from  a report  on 
opium  production  and  taxation  in  China  pre- 
pared by  Mr.  Williams,  Chinese  secretary  of  the 


462 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


United  States  Legation  at  Peking,  and  sent  to 
the  State  Department  at  Washington,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1906  : 

“ Previous  to  1900  native  opium  passing 
through  the  maritime  customs  at  Ichang  had 
been  paying  a total  charge  of  taels,*  60  per  picul* 
exclusive  of  taxes  at  the  place  of  production. 
In  July,  1900,  the  viceroy,  Chang  Chih-tung, 
with  a view  to  cheeking  the  consumption  of 
opium  in  the  territory  under  his  jurisdiction, 
increased  this  charge  to  taels  72  per  picul,  and 
near  the  close  of  1901  increased  it  again,  making 
it  taels  80  per  picid.  This,  with  the  likin  charged 
in  Szeclmen,  made  a total  on  the  product  com- 
ing from  that  province  of  taels  84.76.  Opium 
designed  for  local  consumption  was  still  more 
heavily  taxed,  being  required  to  pay  taels  90 
besides  the  likin  of  Szeclmen,  or  a total  of  94.76 
taels  per  picul.  The  immediate  result  of  this  ac- 
tion was  to  greatly  increase  smuggling  and  to 
drive  legitimate  traffic  to  the  use  of  native  junks 
or  roundabout  land  routes  controlled  by  the  na- 
tive customs  or  likin  offices,  and  thus  to  reduce 
the  receipts  of  the  maritime  customs.  Another 
significant  result  was  the  importation  of  a small 
amount  of  foreign  opium  to  a district  where  it 
had  been  unknown  for  many  years.  In  view  of 
these  facts,  in  1903  the  authorities  reduced  the 
tax  to  a total  of  76.75  taels  per  picul,  including 
the  Szechuen  likin. 

“ In  February,  1904,  the  same  tax  was  imposed 
in  the  province  of  Hunan,  also  in  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Viceroy  Chang  Chih-tung,  and  in  the 
summer  of  the  same  year  an  agreement  was 
made  with  the  provincial  authorities  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  Kiangse  and  Anhui  that  one  consoli- 
dated tax,  to  include  both  likin  and  customs 
duties,  should  be  levied  at  a uniform  rate  in  the 
four  provinces,  and  to  prevent  discrimination  by 
the  native  customs  as  against  the  maritime  ser- 
vice it  was  agreed  that  the  collection  of  this  con- 
solidated tax  should  be  intrusted  to  the  imperial 
maritime  customs  at  Ichang  and  to  branch  of- 
fices under  its  control.  The  port  of  Ichang  was 
chosen  because  it  is  at  the  head  of  steam  navi- 
gation on  the  Yangtze,  for  which  reason  most  of 
the  opium  from  Yunnan  and  Szechuen  was  sent 
thither  for  distribution.  In  1905  this  arrange- 
ment was  extended  to  four  other  provinces,  Ki- 
angse, Fukien,  Kuangtung,  and  Kuangsi,  and 
the  tax  increased  to  taels  134.79  per  picul  for 
opium  destined  to  the  four  inner  provinces  and 
taels  104  for  that  going  to  those  on  the  seaboard. 
Previous  to  this  latter  arrangement,  however, 
after  the  experience  of  1902,  it  was  seen  that  un- 
less the  tax  on  foreign  opium  should  also  be  in- 
creased the  effort  to  stamp  out  the  vice  by  heavy 
taxation  would  fail,  and  therefore  in  1903  repre- 
sentations were  made  to  the  British  Government 
by  the  Chinese  minister  in  London  looking 
toward  the  increase  of  the  duty  upon  Indian 
opium.  The  reply  of  the  British  Government,  as 
quoted  in  the  Peking  Gazette,  was  that  the  tax 
on  the  native  drug  ought  to  be  increased  by  the 
same  amount  as  any  addition  made  to  the  duty 
on  the  foreign  article.  Upon  this  a memorial 
was  submitted  to  the  Imperial  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, asking  that  the  customs  duty  and  likin 
on  foreign  and  native  opium  be  increased  by  an 
equal  amount,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to 
the  proper  boards  for  consideration  and  report. 

* The  tael  was  said  to  be  worth  73  cents  in  gold  in 
1905.  The  weight  of  the  picul  is  133J  pounds. 


No  further  report  has  as  yet  appeared  relating 
to  the  negotiations  respecting  foreign  opium. 
As  to  the  native  drug,  the  steps  to  increase  the 
taxes  upon  it  in  eight  of  the  provinces  have  been 
related  above.  The  success  of  this  arrange- 
ment has  been  so  pronounced  that  on  the  7th  of 
May  this  year  (1906)  an  imperial  edict  appeared 
directing  that  the  system  adopted  in  the  eight 
provinces  mentioned  above  should  be  at  once 
extended  to  all  the  provinces  of  China  proper 
and  at  a later  date,  to  be  hereafter  determined, 
to  Turkestan  and  Manchuria.” 

A.  D.  1906. — Imperial  Edict  against  the 
use  of  Opium. — Undertaking  to  suppress  it 
in  Ten  Years.  — By  a formal  edict  from  the 
throne,  published  in  September,  1906,  the  im- 
perial Government  of  China  undertook  to  erad- 
icate the  use  of  opium  in  that  empire,  and  to 
do  so  by  heroic  measures  within  ten  years.  A 
register  was  ordered  to  be  made  of  every  con- 
sumer of  the  drug  (estimated  at  40  per  cent,  of 
the  vast  population  of  the  empire)  and  of  the 
quantity  that  he  consumes.  Those  who  are 
under  60  years  of  age  must  thereafter  diminish 
their  consumption  by  not  less  than  twenty  per 
cent,  each  year,  till  they  are  free  of  the  habit 
and  the  use  is  stopped.  Meantime  there  would 
be  a public  provision  of  medicines  to  assist  the 
cure.  To  those  beyond  60  years  in  age,  and  to 
the  princes,  nobles,  and  magnates  of  the  empire, 
a certain  relaxation  of  these  rules  would  be 
allowed.  But  all  minor  officials  under  60  years 
must  drop  opium  entirely,  at  once,  and  there 
would  be  no  toleration  of  an  acquirement  of  the 
opium  habit  thereafter.  No  further  cultivation 
of  the  poppy  would  be  allowed,  and,  of  course, 
the  importation  would  be  controlled. 

Tang  Shao  Yi,  the  special  Chinese  envoy 
who  visited  the  United  States  and  England 
early  in  1909,  had  much  to  do  with  this  mea- 
sure on  the  part  of  his  Government,  and,  in 
addressing  a deputation  which  called  on  him  in 
London,  had  this  to  say  of  the  circumstances 
connected  with  it:  “He  had  always  taken  a 
deep  interest  in  the  anti-opium  movement  ever 
since  he  was  a student  in  America  in  the  early 
seventies.  He  had  never  realized,  however,  that 
they  could  attempt  to  make  such  a movement 
in  China  till  he  was  sent  by  his  Government  to 
India  in  1905  in  connexion  with  the  Lhasa  Con- 
vention. While  there  he  had  opportunities  of 
studying  the  opium  question,  and  he  wrns  for- 
tunate enough  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  the 
finance  secretary,  Dir.  Baker.  From  him  he 
learnt  that  the  Government  of  India  could  dis- 
pense with  the  revenue  derived  from  opium. 
Nothing  was  more  surprising  to  him  and  no- 
thing gave  him  greater  joy  than  to  hear  that. 
In  that  year  the  question  was  brought  up  in 
England,  and  when  he  returned  to  China  in 
the  winter  of  1905  he  informed  his  Government 
that  the  British  public  was  very  ‘anti-opium’ 
and  also  that  the  Indian  Government  was  not 
at  all  anxious  for  the  revenue  derived  from 
opium.  Therefore,  he  told  his  Government  that 
it  was  for  the  Chinese  themselves  to  put  a stop 
to  the  opium  trade,  and  that  they  must  not  rely 
upon  others.  He  had  already  got  regulations 
in  his  head  and  the  Government  asked  him  to 
draw  up  certain  rules  to  put  a stop  to  the 
opium  curse.  In  order  not  to  be  too  radical,  he 
suggested  that  three  years  should  be  allowed 
for  putting  an  end  to  it,  but  the  Cabinet  said 


463 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


that  was  too  radical,  and,  although  he  sug- 
gested six  years,  the  final  decision  of  the  Gov- 
ernment was  to  make  it  ten  years.  He  said  that 
unless  they  put  a stop  to  it  in  two  or  three 
years  they  might  as  well  let  this  generation  die 
out.  They  fully  appreciated  the  co-operation  of 
gentlemen  in  England,  and  he  begged  that  they 
would  keep  up  the  agitation  not  only  for  their 
own  sakes  but  for  the  sake  of  the  Chinese  peo- 
ple. The  Chinese  people  wanted  to  be  reminded 
that  they  were  opium  smokers  and  that  they 
must  give  up  the  practice.  Some  scepticism 
had  been  expressed  as  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
movement  in  China,  but  he  was  sure  that  the 
people  there  were  in  earnest,  and  he  trusted 
that  his  Government  and  people  would  not  dis- 
appoint Great  Britain.’' 

A.  D.  1909.  — Progress  in  the  Opium  Re- 
form. — An  official  report  on  the  progress  of 
the  opium  reform  in  China,  by  Mr.  Max  Muller, 
Councillor  of  the  British  Legation  at  Peking,  was 
published  as  a Parliamentary  Paper  (Cd.  4967), 
early  in  January,  1910.  In  communicating  the 
report  to  the  Foreign  Office,  Sir  N.  Jordan  wrote  : 
‘ ‘ This  report  shows  that  considerable  progress 
continues  to  be  made  in  the  task  which  the  Chi- 
nese Government  undertook  three  years  ago. 
There  has  undoubtedly  been  a very  sensible  dim- 
inution in  the  consumption  and  cultivation  of 
opium,  and  a public  opinion  has  been  formed 
which  will  greatly  strengthen  the  hands  of  the 
Government  and  the  provincial  authorities  in 
the  drastic  measures  which  they  contemplate 
taking  in  the  near  future.  . . . That  the  end, 
however,  is  so  near  as  many  of  the  official  pro- 
nouncements would  seem  to  indicate  is,  I ven- 
ture to  think,  very  doubtful.  We  have  full  and 
reliable  information  about  only  two  of  the  pro- 
vinces— Shansi  and  Yunnan — and  the  annexes 
to  Mr.  Max  Muller’s  report  furnish  eloquent  tes- 
timony of  the  good  work  that  has  been  done  in 
both.  At  the  opposite  extreme  stand  Shensi, 
Kansu,  Hupei,  and  Szechuan,  in  all  of  which 
comparatively  little  has  been  accomplished  to 
check  either  the  consumption  or  cultivation  of 
the  drug.  The  last-named  province,  which  is 
by  far  the  largest  producing  area  in  the  Em- 
pire, will  furnish  the  supreme  test  of  the  success 
or  failure  of  the  programme  of  total  prohibi- 
tion, and  as  the  order  has  gone  forth  that  no 
poppy  is  to  be  sown  this  autumn  the  issue  on 
which  so  much  depends  is  doubtless  being 
fought  out  as  this  report  is  being  written.” 
International  Opium  Commission,  in  Ses- 
sion at  Shanghai,  February,  1909.  — On  the 
suggestion  of  Bishop  Brent,  of  the  Philippines, 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  took  the 
initiative  in  bringing  about  the  appointment 
of  an  International  Commission  to  investigate 
matters  connected  with  the  use  of  and  traffic 
in  opium.  The  Commission,  composed  of  dele- 
gates from  China,  Japan,  Great  Britain,  France, 
Germany,  Holland,  Turkey,  and  the  United 
States,  met  at  Shanghai  on  the  1st  of  February, 
1909,  and  was  in  session  until  the  26th  of  that 
month,  under  the  presidency  of  Bishop  Brent. 
Its  study  of  the  subject  appears  to  have  been 
made  difficult  and  definite  conclusions  prevented 
by  the  lack  of  trustworthy  Chinese  statistics  of 
the  production  of  opium  in  the  Empire  itself, 
and  of  other  important  facts.  The  results  of 
four  weeks  of  investigation  and  discussion  were 
embodied  in  nine  resolutions,  the  first  of  which 


recognized  the  sincerity  of  the  endeavor  of  the 
Chinese  Government  to  eradicate  the  great  evil 
from  its  dominion,  in  these  words:  “The  Com 
mission  recognizes  the  unswerving  sincerity  of 
the  Government  of  China  in  its  efforts  to  eradi- 
cate the  production  and  consumption  of  opium 
throughout  the  Empire,  the  increasing  body  of 
public  opinion  among  the  Chinese  by  whom 
these  efforts  are  supported,  and  the  real,  though 
unequal,  progress  already  made  in  a task  of 
the  greatest  magnitude.” 

Of  the  further  resolutions,  one  urged  upon  all 
governments  the  importance  of  drastic  measures 
to  control  the  manufacture,  sale,  and  distribu- 
tion of  morphia  and  other  noxious  derivatives 
of  opium ; another  recommended  scientific  in- 
vestigation of  so-called  opium  remedies  ; a third 
said  all  countries  should  adopt  reasonable  mea- 
sures to  prevent  the  shipment  of  opium  or  its 
derivatives  to  any  country  which  prohibits  their 
entry.  By  the  terms  of  the  remaining  reso- 
lutions the  delegates  were  urged  to  influence 
as  far  as  possible  their  own  governments  to 
take  steps  for  the  gradual  suppression  of  opium 
smoking  in  their  own  territories  respectively; 
to  further  examine  into  their  systems  for  the 
regulation  of  the  traffic,  in  the  light  of  the  ex- 
perience of  other  countries  ; to  enter  into  ne- 
gotiations with  China  to  insure  the  adoption 
of  effective  and  prompt  measures  to  prohibit 
opium  traffic  in  those  concessions  and  settle- 
ments. Finally,  the  conference  recommended 
that  each  government  apply  its  pharmacy  laws 
to  its  subjects  in  consular  districts,  concessions, 
and  settlements  in  China. 

In  some  quarters  the  outcome  of  the  meeting 
was  sharply  criticised  as  being  empty  of  any 
practical  fruit,  and  England  was  accused  of 
having  rendered  it  so,  under  the  influence  of  the 
Indian  opium  trade.  But  the  State  Department 
at  Washington  gave  expression  to  a very  differ- 
ent view.  There  it  was  pointed  out  that  the 
Commission  had  been  one  of  inquiry,  only  ; that 
its  instructions  had  been  “ to  study  the  opium 
problem  and  report  as  to  the  best  and  most  fea- 
sible means  of  solving  it,”  and  that  this  pro- 
gramme was  executed  “to  the  entire  satisfac- 
tion of  the  Governments  concerned.”  Bishop 
Brent,  who  presided  over  the  Shanghai  meeting, 
declared  in  his  inaugural  address  : “ It  de- 

volves upon  me  to  pronounce  with  emphasis 
that  this  is  a commission,  and  as  those  who  are 
informed  — as  all  of  you  must  be  in  matters 
that  pertain  to  international  affairs  of  this  kind 
— a commission  is  not  a conference.  The  idea  of 
a conference  was  suggested,  but  it  seemed  wise 
to  choose  this  particular  form  of  action  rather 
than  a conference,  because,  for  the  present  at 
any  rate,  we  are  not  sufficiently  well  informed 
and  sufficiently  unanimous  in  our  attitude  to 
have  a conference  with  any  great  hope  of  im- 
mediate success.” 

As  between  China  and  Great  Britain  there  is 
an  opium  problem  which  does  not  affect  other 
parties.  An  important  part  of  British  Indian 
revenue  is  derived  from  the  opium  trade,  and 
the  Government  of  India  can  hardly  be  ex- 
pected to  throw  it  carelessly  away,  not  knowing 
with  certainty  that  it  will  not  be  picked  up  as 
gain  for  somebody  else.  In  1906,  when  China 
opened  her  campaign  against  opium,  she  en- 
tered into  an  agreement  with  England  that  her 
own  production  of  opium  should  be  reduced  to 


464 


OPIUM  PROBLEM 


PANAMA 


extinction  within  ten  years,  and  that  the  impor- 
tation from  India  (under  former  commercial 
treaties),  then  amounting  to  51,000  chests  annu- 
ally, should  be  reduced  at  the  rate  of  5100  chests 
per  year.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  lack  of 
definite  evidence  as  to  the  effective  fulfilment  of 
this  agreement  which  made  the  British  attitude 
at  Shanghai  a halting  one. 

The  United  States  Government  has  not  suf- 
fered the  movement  against  opium  to  rest  where 
it  was  left  by  the  Shanghai  Commission,  but 
has  asked  the  governments  represented  in  that 
Commission  to  send  delegates  to  a formal  Inter- 
national Conference  at  The  Hague. 

The  Philippine  Islands,  taking  Instruc- 
tion from  the  Japanese  in  Formosa.  — A 
committee  appointed  by  the  Philippine  Com- 
mission, to  investigate  methods  of  dealing  with 
the  sale  and  use  of  opium,  included  an  Ameri- 
can army  officer,  Major  Carter,  a Filipino  phy- 
sician, Dr.  Albert,  and  the  missionary  bishop  of 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  Bishop  Brent. 
The  following  is  from  a summary  of  the  com- 
mittee’s report,  published  in  The  Outlook  of 
March  4,  1905  : 

“ Although  the  Committee  visited  and  studied 
Java,  Cochin  China,  the  Straits  Settlements, 
and  various  places  in  China,  including  Hong- 
kong, it  really  found  the  solution  of  the  ques- 
tion in  the  Japanese  administration  of  For- 
mosa. . . . 

“ It  is  not  surprising  that  the  Committee  re- 
commend what  is  practically  an  adaptation  of 
the  Formosan  system  for  the  Philippines.  For 
the  maintenance  of  this  system  it  is  indispensable 
that  the  ‘ opium  and  the  traffic  therein  be  made 
a strict  Government  monopoly  immediately.’ 
That  is  the  first  provision.  ‘ Second,  prohibition, 
except  for  medicinal  purposes,  after  three  years. 
Third,  only  licensees,  who  shall  be  males  and 
over  twenty-one  years  of  age,  shall  be  allowed 
to  use  opium  until  prohibition  goes  into  effect. 
Fourth,  all  venders  or  dispensers  of  opium,  ex- 
cept for  medical  purposes,  shall  be  salaried 
officials  of  the  Government.  Fifth,  every  effort 
shall  be  made  (a)  to  deter  the  young  from  con- 
tracting the  habit  by  pointing  out  its  evil  effects 
and  by  legislation,  (b)  to  aid  in  caring  for  and 
curing  those  who  manifest  a desire  to  give  up 
the  habit,  and  (c)  to  punish  and,  if  necessary, 
to  remove  from  the  islands  incorrigible  offend- 
ers.’ ” 

United  States:  A.  D.  1909.  — Act  to  Pro- 
hibit the  Importation  and  Smoking  of  Opium. 

— A stringent  Act  prohibitory  of  the  importa- 
tion and  use  of  opium  for  any  other  than  medi- 


cinal purposes  passed  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  on  the  2d  of  February,  1909,  having  al- 
ready been  adopted  by  the  other  House.  Smok- 
ing opium  is  positively  forbidden  ; no  one  can 
bring  it  into  the  country  without  facing  a fine 
of  from  fifty  to  five  thousand  dollars  and  im- 
prisonment for  two  years  ; the  mere  possession 
of  opium,  a preparation  of,  or  derivative  there- 
from, is  to  be  deemed  sufficient  evidence  to 
authorize  conviction.  For  medicinal  purposes, 
opium  may  be  brought  in  under  regulations 
prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

OPSONINS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and 
Invention,  Recent:  Opsonins. 

ORANGE  FREE  STATE:  End  of  the 
Republic.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa  : 
A.  D.  1901-1902. 

ORDER  OF  RAILWAY  CONDUC- 
TORS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : United  States. 

ORGANIC  STATUTES,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

ORMANIAN : Armenian  Patriarch.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

OSAKA,  The  Burning  of.  — A large  part  of 
the  city  of  Osaka,  in  Japan,  was  destroyed  by 
fire  in  August,  1909.  “Had  it  not  been  for  the 
canals  the  region  of  destruction  would  have  been 
even  more  extensive.  Citizens  by  the  thousand 
fled  into  the  surrounding  country,  leaving  the 
city  to  its  fate.  By  the  time  the  flames  had 
spent  their  force  more  than  12,000  houses  had 
gone  up  in  smoke,  leaving  more  than  100,000 
people  homeless.  Most  of  the  municipal,  gov- 
ernment, and  other  important  buildings  of  the 
city  were  destroyed.  Great  numbers  of  people 
are  ruined,  as  the  Japanese  carry  no  insurance, 
as  a rule.  The  amount  of  insurance  involved, 
however,  is  about  5,000,000  yen.  Fortunately, 
the  number  of  casualties  was  not  great.  About 
a dozen  were  killed  by  falling  timbers,  and  sev- 
eral were  more  or  less  injured.” 

OSCAR  II.,  King  of  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way: Surrender  of  the  Crown  of  Norway. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Norway:  A.  D.  1902-1905. 

OSMENA,  Sergio:  President  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Assembly.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Philip- 
pine Islands  : A.  D.  1907. 

OSTWALD,  W.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Priz  rs 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY:  Rhodes 

Scholarships.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : 
Rhodes  Scholarships. 

Tutorial  Classes  organized  for  Working 
People.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  Eng- 
land : A.  D.  1908-1909. 


P. 


PACKING-HOUSE  INVESTIGATION. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health:  Pure  Food 
Laws:  United  States. 

PALMA,  Tomas  Estrada:  President  of 
Cuba.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D.  1901-1902 
and  1902. 

Resignation  of  the  Presidency  of  Cuba. 

See  Cuba  : A.  D.  1906  (Aug. -Oct.). 

PAN-AMERICAN  SCIENTIFIC  CON- 
GRESS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention : International  Congresses. 

PAN-ANGLICAN  CONGRESS, 1909.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Socialism:  England:  A.  D.  1909. 


PANAMA,  Republic  of:  A.  D.  1903.  Se- 
cession from  Colombia.  — Recognized  Inde- 
pendence.— Treaty  with  the  United  States 
for  the  Building  of  the  Panama  Canal.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Panama  Canal. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Constitution  of  the  Republic. 
— First  Election.  — The  Constitution  of  the 
new  Republic  was  promulgated  on  the  16th  of 
February,  1904,  and  the  election  of  President 
and  three  Vice-Presidents  took  place,  resulting 
in  the  choice  of  the  following  : President,  Dr. 
Manuel  Amador ; first  vice-president,  Dr.  Pablo 
Arosemena ; second  vice-president,  Don  Domin- 


PANAMA 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1901-1902 


go  de  Obaldia  ; third  vice-president,  Dr.  Carlos 
Mendoza. 

The  third  article  of  the  Constitution  declares: 
“ The  territory  of  the  Republic  is  composed  of 
all  the  territory  from  which  the  State  of  Pan- 
ama was  formed  by  the  amendment  to  the  Gran- 
ada constitution  of  1853,  on  February  27,  1855, 
and  which  was  transformed  in  1886  into  the  De- 
partment of  Panama,  together  with  its  islands, 
and  of  the  continental  and  insular  territory, 
which  was  adjudged  to  the  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia in  the  award  made  by  the  President  of  the 
French  Republic  on  September  11,  1900.  The 
territory  of  the  Republic  remains  subject  to  the 
jurisdictional  limitations  stipulated  or  which 
may  be  stipulated  in  public  treaties  concluded 
with  the  United  States  of  North  America  for  the 
construction,  maintenance,  or  sanitation  of  any 
means  of  interoceanic  transit. 

“ The  boundaries  with  the  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia shall  be  determined  by  public  treaties.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Visit  of  President  Roose- 
velt.— “For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States,”  said  President  Roosevelt,  when 
he  landed  at  Colon,  November  14,  1906,  prelim- 
inary to  a visit  and  inspection  of  the  Panama 
Canal,  “it  has  become  advisable  for  a President 
of  the  United  States  to  step  on  territory  not 
beneath  the  flag  of  the  United  States.”  He  re- 
ceived a most  hospitable  welcome  and  enter- 
tainment in  the  young  republic. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Participation  in  Third  In- 
ternational Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Pending  Tripartite  Treaty 
with  Colombia  and  the  United  States.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Colombia  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

PANAMA  CANAL:  A.  D.  1901-1902. — 
The  Second  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
— Its  Ratification.  — After  the  rejection  by 
the  British  Government  of  the  Amendments 
made  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Interoceanic  Canal  Treaty  negotiated  in  Febru- 
ary, 1900,  by  Mr.  John  Hay,  United  States  Sec- 
retary of  State,  with  the  British  Ambassador  at 
Washington,  Lord  Pauncefote  (see,  in  Volume 
VI.  of  this  work,  Canal,  Interoceanic  : A.  D. 
1900  — December),  negotiations  on  the  subject 
were  renewed,  with  results  of  success  in  remov- 
ing objections  on  both  sides.  The  new  Treaty 
was  signed  by  Mr.  Hay  and  Lord  Pauncefote 
at  Washington  on  the  18th  of  November,  1901, 
and  ratifications  were  exchanged  on  the  21st  of 
February,  1902.  In  the  preamble  of  the  Treaty 
its  purpose  is  declared  to  be  “to  facilitate  the 
construction  of  a ship-canal  to  connect  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  Oceans,  by  whatever  route 
may  be  considered  expedient,  and  to  that  end 
to  remove  any  objection  which  may  arise  out  of 
the  Convention  of  the  19th  April,  1850,  com- 
monly called  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  to  the 
construction  of  such  canal  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  with- 
out impairing  the  ‘ general  principle  ’ of  neu- 
tralization established  in  Article  VIII  of  that 
Convention.”  The  agreements  and  stipulations 
to  this  end  are  as  follows: 

“ Article  I.  The  High  Contracting  Parties 
agree  that  the  present  Treaty  shall  supersede  the 
afore  mentioned  Convention  of  the  19th  April, 
1850. 

“Article  II.  It  is  agreed  that  the  canal 


may  be  constructed  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  either  directly 
at  its  own  cost,  or  by  gift  or  loan  of  money  to 
individuals  or  Corporations,  or  through  subscrip- 
tion to  or  purchase  of  stock  or  shares,  and  that, 
subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  present  Treaty, 
the  said  Government  shall  have  and  enjoy  all 
the  rights  incident  to  such  construction,  as  well 
as  the  exclusive  right  of  providing  for  the  regu- 
lation and  management  of  the  canal. 

“ Article  III.  The  United  States  adopts,  as 
the  basis  of  the  neutralization  of  such  ship 
canal,  the  following  Rules,  substantially  as  em- 
bodied in  the  Convention  of  Constantinople, 
signed  the  28th  October,  1888,  for  the  free  navi- 
gation of  the  Suez  Canal,  that  is  to  say: 

“1.  The  canal  shall  be  free  and  open  to  the 
vessels  of  commerce  and  of  war  of  all  nations 
observing  these  Rules,  on  terms  of  entire  equal- 
ity, so  that  there  shall  be  no  discrimination 
against  any  such  nation,  or  its  citizens  or  sub- 
jects, in  respect  of  the  conditions  or  charges 
of  traffic,  or  otherwise.  Such  conditions  and 
charges  of  traffic  shall  be  just  and  equitable. 

“ 2.  The  canal  shall  never  be  blockaded,  nor 
shall  any  right  of  war  be  exercised  nor  any  act 
of  hostility  be  committed  within  it.  The  United 
States,  however,  shall  be  at  liberty  to  maintain 
such  military  police  along  the  canal  as  may  be 
necessary  to  protect  it  against  lawlessness  and 
disorder. 

“3.  Vessels  of  war  of  a belligerent  shall  not 
revictual  nor  take  any  stores  in  the  canal  ex- 
cept so  far  as  may  be  strictly  necessary  ; and 
the  transit  of  such  vessels  through  the  canal 
shall  be  effected  with  the  least  possible  delay  in 
accordance  with  the  Regulations  in  force,  and 
with  only  such  intermission  as  may  result  from 
the  necessities  of  the  service.  Prizes  shall  be 
in  all  respects  subject  to  the  same  Rules  as  ves- 
sels of  war  of  the  belligerents. 

“ 4.  No  belligerent  shall  embark  or  disembark 
troops,  munitions  of  war,  or  warlike  materials 
in  the  canal,  except  in  case  of  accidental  hin- 
drance of  the  transit,  and  in  such  case  the  tran- 
sit shall  be  resumed  with  all  possible  dispatch. 

“ 5.  The  provisions  of  this  Article  shall  apply 
to  waters  adjacent  to  the  canal,  within  3 marine 
miles  of  either  end.  Vessels  of  war  of  a belli- 
gerent shall  not  remain  in  such  waters  longer 
than  twenty -four  hours  at  any  one  time,  except 
in  case  of  distress,  and  in  such  case  shall  depart 
as  soon  as  possible  ; but  a vessel  of  war  of  one 
belligerent  shall  not  depart  within  twenty -four 
hours  from  the  departure  of  a vessel  of  war  of 
the  other  belligerent. 

“6.  The  plant,  establishments,  buildings,  and 
all  works  necessary  to  the  construction,  main- 
tenance, and  operation  of  the  canal  shall  be 
deemed  to  be  part  thereof,  for  the  purposes  of 
this  Treaty,  and  in  time  of  war,  as  in  time  of 
peace,  shall  enjoy  complete  immunity  from 
attack  or  injury  by  belligerents,  and  from  acts 
calculated  to  impair  their  usefulness  as  part  of 
the  canal. 

“ Article  IV.  It  is  agreed  that  no  change  of 
territorial  sovereignty  or  of  the  international  re- 
lations of  the  country  or  countries  traversed  by 
the  before  mentioned  canal  shall  affect  the  gen- 
eral princple  of  neutralization  or  the  obligation 
of  the  High  Contracting  Parties  under  the  pre- 
sent Treaty. 

“Article  V.  The  present  Treaty  shall  be 


46G 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
hy  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate thereof,  and  hy  His  Britannic  Majesty  : and 
t he  ratifications  shall  he  exchanged  at  Wash- 
ington or  at  London  at  the  earliest  possible  time 
within  six  mouths  from  the  date  hereof.”  — 
Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the 
United  States,  transmitted  to  Congress,  Dec., 
1902. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Undertaking  of  the  United 
States  endorsed  by  the  Second  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Amer- 
ican Republics. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Purchase  of  the  Franchises 
and  Property  of  the  Bankrupt  French  Com- 
pany. — T reaty  with  Colombia  for  the  Build- 
ing of  the  Canal  rejected  by  the  Colombian 
Senate.  — Secession  of  Panama.  — Recog- 
nition of  the  Independence  of  Panama. — - 
Treaty  with  the  new  Republic  for  the 
Building  and  Control  of  the  Canal.  — Presi- 
dent Roosevelt’s  narrative  of  events.  — The 
transactions  that  were  preliminary  to  the  under- 
taking of  the  construction  of  an  interoceanic 
canal  through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  are  narrated 
down  to  March,  1901,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work  (see  Canal,  Interoceanic).  At  that  time 
the  proposed  Nicaragua  route  was  principally 
contemplated,  for  the  reason  that  the  rights  in 
Panama  held  by  the  bankrupt  French  Company 
of  Lesseps  (see,  in  Volume  IV.,  Panama  Canal) 
seemed  unobtainable,  on  any  terms  which  the 
American  Government  could  accept.  A com- 
mission appointed  by  President  McKinley  to  in- 
vestigate the  situation  had  reported  to  that  effect 
in  November,  1900,  and  had  recommended  the 
building  of  a canal  on  the  Nicaragua  route.  The 
effect  of  this  report,  and  of  the  manifest  dispo- 
sition of  the  American  Congress  to  authorize  the 
building  of  a Nicaragua  ship  canal,  xvas  to  draw 
from  the  French  company  an  offer  of  its  Panama 
franchises  and  entire  property  for  the  sum  of 
$40,000,000.  After  long  debate  this  offer  was 
accepted,  and  negotiations  were  opened  with  the 
Republic  of  Colombia  for  the  necessary  treaty 
rights.  Meantime  the  Hav-Pauncefote  treaty 
witL  Great  Britain,  which  the  American  Senate 
had  amended  in  a manner  objectionable  to  the 
British  Government,  was  modified  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  latter,  and  the  enterprise  was 
cleared  of  questions  except  those  between  Co- 
lombia and  the  United  States.  The  next  ensuing 
events  can  be  told  in  the  words  of  President 
Roosevelt’s  report  of  them  to  Congress,  in  his 
Message  at  the  opening  of  the  session  convened 
on  the  7th  of  December,  1903: 

‘‘By  the  act  of  June  28,  1902,”  wrote  the 
President,  “the  Congress  authorized  the  Presi- 
dent to  enter  into  treaty  with  Colombia  for  the 
building  of  the  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Pan- 
ama ; it  being  provided  that  in  the  event  of  fail- 
ure to  secure  such  treaty,  after  the  lapse  of  a 
reasonable  time,  recourse  should  be  had  to  the 
building  of  a canal  through  Nicaragua.  It  has 
not  been  necessary  to  consider  this  alternative, 
as  I am  enabled  to  lay  before  the  Senate  a treaty 
providing  for  the  building  of  the  canal  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  This  was  the  route 
which  commended  itself  to  the  deliberate  judg- 
ment of  the  Congress,  and  we  can  now  acquire 
by  Treaty  the  right  to  construct  the  canal  over 
this  route.  The  question  now,  therefore,  is  not 


by  which  route  the  isthmian  canal  shall  be 
built,  for  that  question  has  been  definitely  and 
irrevocably  decided.  The  question  is  simply 
whether  or  not  we  shall  have  an  isthmian  canal. 

“When  the  Congress  directed  that  we  should 
take  the  Panama  route  under  treaty  with  Co- 
lombia, the  essence  of  the  condition,  of  course, 
referred  not  to  the  Government  which  controlled 
that  route,  but  to  the  route  itself ; to  the  terri- 
tory across  which  the  route  lay,  not  to  the  name 
which  for  the  moment  the  territory  bore  on  the 
map.  The  purpose  of  the  law  was  to  authorize 
the  President  to  make  a treaty  with  the  power 
in  actual  control  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 
This  purpose  has  been  fulfilled. 

“In  the  year  1846  this  Government  entered 
into  a treaty  with  New  Granada,  the  predecessor 
upon  the  Isthmus  of  the  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia and  of  the  present  Republic  of  Panama,  by 
which  treaty  it  was  provided  that  the  Govern- 
ment and  citizens  of  the  United  States  should 
always  have  free  and  open  right  of  way  or 
transit  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  by  any 
modes  of  communication  that  might  be  con- 
structed, while  in  return  our  Government  guar- 
anteed the  perfect  neutrality  of  the  above-men- 
tioned Isthmus  with  the  view  that  the  free 
transit  from  the  one  to  the  other  sea  might  not 
be  interrupted  or  embarrassed.  The  treaty 
vested  in  the  United  States  a substantial  pro- 
perty right  carved  out  of  the  rights  of  sover- 
eignty and  property  which  New  Granada  then 
had  and  possessed  over  the  said  territory.  The 
name  of  New  Granada  has  passed  away  and  its 
territory  has  been  divided.  Its  successor,  the 
Government  of  Colombia,  has  ceased  to  own 
any  property  in  the  Isthmus.  A new  Republic, 
that  of  Panama,  which  was  at  one  time  a sover- 
• eign  state,  and  at  another  time  a mere  depart- 
ment of  the  successive  confederations  known  as 
New  Granada  and  Colombia,  has  now  succeeded 
to  the  rights  which  first  one  and  then  the  other 
formerly  exercised  over  the  Isthmus.  But  as 
long  as  the  Isthmus  endures,  the  mere  geogra- 
phical fact  of  its  existence,  and  the  peculiar  in- 
terest therein  which  is  required  by  our  position, 
perpetuate  the  solemn  contract  which  binds  the 
holders  of  the  territory  to  respect  our  right  to 
freedom  of  transit  across  it,  and  binds  11s  in 
return  to  safeguard  for  the  Isthmus  and  the 
world  the  exercise  of  that  inestimable  privilege. 
The  true  interpretation  of  the  obligations  upon 
which  the  United  States  entered  in  this  treaty 
of  1846  has  been  given  repeatedly  in  the  utter- 
ances of  Presidents  and  Secretaries  of  State.  . . . 

“ Attorney- General  Speed,  under  date  of 
November  7,  1865,  advised  Secretary  Seward  as 
follows  : ‘ From  this  treaty  it  can  not  be  sup- 
posed that  New  Granada  invited  the  United 
States  to  become  a party  to  the  intestine  troubles 
of  that  Government,  nor  did  the  United  States 
become  bound  to  take  sides  in  the  domestic 
broils  of  New  Granada.  The  United  States  did 
guarantee  New  Granada  in  the  sovereignty  and 
property  over  the  territory.  This  was  as 
against  other  and  foreign  governments.’ 

“For  four  hundred  years,  ever  since  shortly 
after  the  discovery  of  this  hemisphere,  the 
canal  across  the  Isthmus  has  been  planned.  For 
two  score  years  it  has  been  worked  at.  When 
made  it  is  to  last  for  the  ages.  It  is  to  alter  the 
geography  of  a continent  and  the  trade  routes 
of  the  world.  We  have  shown  by  every  treaty 


467 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


we  have  negotiated  or  attempted  to  negotiate 
with  the  peoples  in  control  of  the  Isthmus  and 
with  foreign  nations  in  reference  thereto  our 
consistent  good  faith  in  observing  our  obliga- 
tions ; on  the  one  hand  to  the  peoples  of  the 
Isthmus,  and  on  the  other  hand  to  the  civilized 
world  whose  commercial  rights  we  are  safe- 
guarding and  guaranteeing  by  our  action.  We 
have  done  our  duty  to  others  in  letter  and  in 
spirit,  and  we  have  shown  the  utmost  forbear- 
ance in  exacting  our  own  rights. 

“ Last  spring,  under  the  act  above  referred  to, 
a treaty  concluded  between  the  representatives 
of  the  Republic  of  Colombia  and  of  our  Govern- 
ment was  ratified  by  the  Senate.  This  treaty 
was  entered  into  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the 
people  of  Colombia  and  after  a body  of  experts 
appointed  by  our  Government  especially  to  go 
into  the  matter  of  the  routes  across  the  Isthmus 
had  pronounced  unanimously  in  favor  of  the 
Panama  route.  In  drawing  up  this  treaty  every 
concession  was  made  to  the  people  and  to  the 
Government  of  Colombia.  We  were  more  than 
just  in  dealing  with  them.  Our  generosity  was 
such  as  to  make  it  a serious  question  whether 
we  had  not  gone  too  far  in  their  interest  at  the 
expense  of  our  own ; for  in  our  scrupulous  de- 
sire to  pay  all  possible  heed,  not  merely  to  the 
real  but  even  to  the  fancied  rights  of  our  weaker 
neighbor,  who  already  owed  so  much  to  our  pro- 
tection and  forbearance,  we  yielded  in  all  possi- 
ble ways  to  her  desires  in  drawing  up  the  treaty. 
Nevertheless  the  Government  of  Colombia  not 
merely  repudiated  the  treaty,  but  repudiated  it 
in  such  a manner  as  to  make  it  evident  by  the 
time  the  Colombian  Congress  adjourned  that 
not  the  scantiest  hope  remained  of  ever  getting 
a satisfactory  treaty  from  them.  The  Govern- 
ment of  Colombia  made  the  treaty,  and  yet 
when  the  Colombian  Congress  was  called  to  rat- 
ify it  the  vote  against  ratification  was  unani- 
mous. It  does  not  appear  that  the  Government 
made  any  real  effort  to  secure  ratification. 

“Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Congress  a revolution  broke  out  in  Panama.  The 
people  of  Panama  had  long  been  discontented 
with  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  and  they  had 
been  kept  'quiet  only  by  the  prospect  of  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty,  which  was  to  them  a mat- 
ter of  vital  concern.  When  it  became  evident 
that  the  treaty  was  hopelessly  lost,  the  people 
of  Panama  rose  literally  as  one  man.  Not  a shot 
was  fired  by  a single  man  on  the  Isthmus  in  the 
interest  of  the  Colombian  Government.  Not  a 
life  was  lost  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  revolu- 
tion. The  Colombian  troops  stationed  on  the 
Isthmus,  who  had  long  been  unpaid,  made  com- 
mon cause  with  the  people  of  Panama,  and  with 
astonishing  unanimity  the  new  Republic  was 
started.  The  duty  of  the  United  States  in  the 
premises  was  clear.  In  strict  accordance  with 
the  principles  laid  down  by  Secretaries  Cass  and 
Seward  . . . the  United  States  gave  notice  that 
it  would  permit  the  landing  of  no  expeditionary 
force,  the  arrival  of  which  would  mean  chaos 
and  destruction  along  the  line  of  the  railroad 
and  of  the  proposed  canal,  and  an  interruption 
of  transit  as  an  inevitable  consequence.  The  de 
facto  Government  of  Panama  was  recognized 
in  the  following  telegram  to  Mr.  Ehrman  : 

“ ‘The  people  of  Panama  have,  by  apparently 
unanimous  movement,  dissolved  their  political 
connection  with  the  Republic  of  Colombia  and 


resumed  their  independence.  When  you  are  sat- 
isfied that  a de  facto  government,  republican  in 
form  and  without  substantial  opposition  from  its 
own  people,  has  been  established  in  the  State 
of  Panama,  you  will  enter  into  relations  with  it 
as  the  responsible  government  of  the  territory 
and  look  to  it  for  all  due  action  to  protect  the 
persons  and  property  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  to  keep  open  the  isthmian  transit,  in 
accordance  with  the  obligations  of  existing 
treaties  governing  the  relations  of  the  United 
States  to  that  territory.’ 

“ The  Government  of  Colombia  was  notified 
of  our  action  by  the  following  telegram  to  Mr. 
Beaupre: 

“ ‘ The  people  of  Panama  having,  by  an  appar- 
ently unanimous  movement,  dissolved  their  po- 
litical connection  with  the  Republic  of  Colombia 
and  resumed  their  independence,  and  having 
adopted  a Government  of  their  own,  republican 
in  form,  with  which  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  America  has  entered  into  rela- 
tions, the  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
accordance  with  the  ties  of  friendship  which 
have  so  long  and  so  happily  existed  between  the 
respective  nations,  most  earnestly  commends  to 
the  Governments  of  Colombia  and  of  Panama  the 
peaceful  and  equitable  settlement  of  all  ques- 
tions at  issue  between  them.  He  holds  that  he  is 
bound  not  merely  by  treaty  obligations,  but  by 
the  interests  of  civilization,  to  see  that  the  peace- 
ful traffic  of  the  world  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama  shall  not  longer  be  disturbed  by  a con- 
stant succession  of  unnecessary  and  wasteful 
civil  wars.’ 

“When  these  events  happened,  fifty-seven 
years  had  elapsed  since  the  United  States  had 
entered  into  its  treaty  with  New  Granada.  Dur- 
ing that  time  the  Governments  of  New  Granada 
and  of  its  successor,  Colombia,  have  been  in  a 
constant  state  of  flux. 

[The  President  then  gives  a list,  by  date,  of 
53  more  or  less  serious  disturbances  of  the  pub- 
lic peace  on  the  Isthmus  which  United  States 
consuls  had  reported  to  the  Government  at 
Washington  between  May,  1850,  and  July, 
1902.  From  this  he  proceeds  :] 

“The  above  is  only  a partial  list  of  the  revo- 
lutions, rebellions,  insurrections,  riots,  and 
other  outbreaks  that  have  occurred  during  the 
period  in  question  ; yet  they  number  53  for  the 
57  years.  It  will  be  noted  that  one  of  them 
lasted  for  nearly  three  years  before  it  was 
quelled  ; another  for  nearly  a year.  In  short, 
the  experience  of  over  half  a century  has  shown 
Colombia  to  be  utterly  incapable  of  keeping 
order  on  the  Isthmus.  Only  the  active  interfer- 
ence of  the  United  States  has  enabled  her  to  pre- 
serve so  much  as  a semblance  of  sovereignty. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  exercise  by  the  United 
States  of  the  police  power  in  her  interest,  her 
connection  with  the  Isthmus  would  have  been 
sundered  long  ago.  In  1856,  in  1860,  in  1873, 
in  1885,  in  1901,  and  again  in  1902,  sailors  and 
marines  from  United  States  war-ships  were 
forced  to  land  in  order  to  patrol  the  Isthmus,  to 
protect  life  and  property,  and  to  see  that  the 
transit  across  the  Isthmus  was  kept  open.  In 
1861,  in  1862,  in  1885,  and  in  1900,  the  Colom- 
bian Government  asked  that  the  United  States 
Government  would  land  troops  to  protect  its 
interests  and  maintain  order  on  the  Isthmus. . . . 

“The  control,  in  the  interest  of  the  commerce 


468 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


and  traffic  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  of  the 
means  of  undisturbed  transit  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama  has  become  of  transcendent  impor- 
tance to  the  United  States.  We  have  repeatedly 
exercised  this  control  by  intervening  in  the 
course  of  domestic  dissension,  and  by  protecting 
the  territory  from  foreign  invasion.  In  1853 
Mr.  Everett  assured  the  Peruvian  minister  that 
we  should  not  hesitate  to  maintain  the  neutrality 
of  the  Isthmus  in  the  case  of  war  between  Peru 
and  Colombia.  In  1864  Colombia,  which  has 
always  been  vigilant  to  avail  itself  of  its  privi- 
leges conferred  by  the  treaty,  expressed  its  ex- 
pectation that  in  the  event  of  war  between  Peru 
and  Spain  the  United  States  would  carry  into 
effect  the  guaranty  of  neutrality.  There  have 
been  few  administrations  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment in  which  this  treaty  has  not,  either  by  the 
one  side  or  the  other,  been  used  as  a basis  of 
more  or  less  important  demands.  It  was  said 
by  Mr.  Fish  in  1871  that  the  Department  of 
State  had  reason  to  believe  that  an  attack  upon 
Colombian  sovereignty  on  the  Isthmus  had,  on 
several  occasions,  been  averted  by  warning  from 
this  Government.  In  1886,  when  Colombia  was 
under  the  menace  of  hostilities  from  Italy  in 
the  Cerruti  case,  Mr.  Bayard  expressed  the  se- 
rious concern  that  the  United  States  could  not 
but  feel,  that  a European  power  should  resort 
to  force  against  a sister  republic  of  this  hemi- 
sphere, as  to  the  sovereign  and  uninterrupted 
use  of  a part  of  whose  territory  we  are  guaran- 
tors under  the  solemn  faith  of  a treaty. 

“The  above  recital  of  facts  establishes  be- 
yond question  : First,  that  the  United  States  has 
for  over  half  a century  patiently  and  in  good 
faith  carried  out  its  obligations  under  the  treaty 
of  1846  ; second,  that  when  for  the  first  time  it 
became  possible  for  Colombia  to  do  anything  in 
requital  of  the  services  thus  repeatedly  rendered 
to  it  for  fifty-seven  years  by  the  United  States, 
the  Colombian  Government  peremptorily  and 
offensively  refused  thus  to  do  its  part,  even 
though  to  do  so  would  have  been  to  its  advan- 
tage and  immeasurably  to  the  advantage  of  the 
State  of  Panama,  at  that  time  under  its  jurisdic- 
tion; third,  that  throughout  this  period  revolu- 
tions, riots,  and  factional  disturbances  of  every 
kind  have  occurred  one  after  the  other  in  almost 
uninterrupted  succession,  some  of  them  lasting 
for  months  and  even  for  years,  while  the  central 
government  was  unable  to  put  them  down  or  to 
make  peace  with  the  rebels  ; fourth,  that  these 
disturbances  instead  of  showing  any  sign  of 
abating  have  tended  to  grow  more  numerous 
and  more  serious  in  the  immediate  past;  fifth, 
that  the  control  of  Colombia  over  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama  could  not  be  maintained  without  the 
armed  intervention  and  assistance  of  the  United 
States.  In  other  words,  the  Government  of  Co- 
lombia, though  wholly  unable  to  maintain  order 
on  the  Isthmus,  has  nevertheless  declined  to 
ratify  a treaty  the  conclusion  of  which  opened 
the  only  chance  to  secure  its  own  stability  and 
to  guarantee  permanent  peace  on,  and  the  con- 
struction of  a canal  across,  the  Isthmus. 

“Under  such  circumstances  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  would  have  been  guilty  of 
folly  and  weakness,  amounting  in  their  sum  to  a 
crime  against  the  Nation,  had  it  acted  otherwise 
than  it  did  when  the  revolution  of  November  3 
last  took  place  in  Panama.  This  great  enter- 
prise of  building  the  interoceanic  canal  can  not 


be  held  up  to  gratify  the  whims,  or  out  of  re- 
spect to  the  governmental  impotence,  or  to  the 
even  more  siuister  and  evil  political  peculiari- 
ties, of  people  who,  though  they  dwell  afar  off, 
yet,  against  the  wish  of  the  actual  dwellers  on 
the  Isthmus,  assert  an  unreal  supremacy  over 
the  territory.  The  possession  of  a territory 
fraught  with  such  peculiar  capacities  as  the 
Isthmus  in  question  carries  with  it  obligations 
to  maukind.  The  course  of  events  has  shown 
that  this  canal  can  not  be  built  by  private  enter- 
prise, or  by  any  other  nation  than  our  own ; 
therefore  it  must  be  built  by  the  United  States. 

“ Every  effort  has  been  made  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  persuade  Colombia 
to  follow  a course  which  was  essentially  not 
only  to  our  interests  and  to  the  interests  of  the 
world,  but  to  the  interests  of  Colombia  itself. 
These  efforts  have  failed  ; and  Colombia,  by  her 
persistence  in  repulsing  the  advances  that  have 
been  made,  has  forced  us,  for  the  sake  of  our 
own  honor,  and  of  the  interest  and  well-being, 
not  merely  of  our  own  people,  but  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  the  people 
of  the  civilized  countries  of  the  world,  to  take 
decisive  steps  to  bring  to  an  end  a condition 
of  affairs  which  had  become  intolerable.  The 
new  Republic  of  Panama  immediately  offered 
to  negotiate  a treaty  with  us.  This  treaty  I 
herewith  submit.  By  it  our  interests  are  better 
safeguarded  than  in  the  treaty  with  Colombia 
which  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  at  its  last  ses- 
sion. It  is  better  in  its  terms  than  the  treaties 
offered  to  us  by  the  Republics  of  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica.  At  last  the  right  to  begin  this  great 
undertaking  is  made  available.  Panama  has 
done  her  part.  All  that  remains  is  for  the 
American  Congress  to  do  its  part  and  forth- 
with this  Republic  will  enter  upon  the  execution 
of  a project  colossal  in  its  size  and  of  well-nigh 
incalculable  possibilities  for  the  good  of  this 
country  and  the  nations  of  mankind. 

“By  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  the  United 
States  guarantees  and  will  maintain  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Republic  of  Panama.  There 
is  granted  to  the  United  States  in  perpetuity 
the  use,  occupation,  and  control  of  a strip  ten 
miles  wide  and  extending  three  nautical  miles 
into  the  sea  at  either  terminal,  with  all  lands 
lying  outside  of  the  zone  necessary  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  canal  or  for  its  auxiliary  works, 
and  with  the  islands  in  the  Bay  of  Panama. 
The  cities  of  Panama  and  Colon  are  not  em- 
braced in  the  canal  zone,  but  the  United  States 
assumes  their  sanitation  and,  in  case  of  need, 
the  maintenance  of  order  therein ; the  United 
States  enjoys  within  the  granted  limits  all  the 
rights,  power,  and  authority  which  it  would 
possess  were  it  the  sovereign  of  the  territory  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  exercise  of  sovereign  rights 
by  the  Republic.  All  railway  and  canal  pro- 
perty rights  belonging  to  Panama  and  needed 
for  the  canal  pass  to  the  United  States,  includ- 
ing any  property  of  the  respective  companies  in 
the  cities  of  Panama  and  Colon  ; the  works,  pro- 
perty, and  personnel  of  the  canal  and  railways 
are  exempted  from  taxation  as  well  in  the  cities 
of  Panama  and  Colon  as  in  the  canal  zone  and 
its  dependencies.  Free  immigration  of  the  per- 
sonnel and  importation  of  supplies  for  the  con- 
struction and  operation  of  the  canal  are  granted. 
Provision  is  made  for  the  use  of  military  force 
and  the  building  of  fortifications  by  the  United 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1903 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1905-1909 


States  for  the  protection  of  the  transit.  In 
other  details,  particularly  as  to  the  acquisition 
of  the  interests  of  the  New  Panama  Canal  Com- 
pany and  the  Panama  Railway  by  the  United 
States  and  the  condemnation  of  private  pro- 
perty for  the  uses  of  the  canal,  the  stipulations 
of  the  Hay-Herran  treaty  are  closely  followed, 
while  the  compensation  to  be  given  for  these 
enlarged  grants  remains  the  same,  being  ten 
millions  of  dollars  payable  on  exchange  of  rati- 
fications; and,  beginning  nine  years  from  that 
date,  an  annual  payment  of  $250,000  during  the 
life  of  the  convention.”  — President's  Message, 
Dec.  7,  1903. 

The  text  of  the  Treaty  with  Panama  may  be 
found  in  the  volume  of  “ Papers  relating  to  the 
Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States”  for 
1904,  pp.  543-551. 

In  the  view  of  a good  many  critics  who  are  not 
of  a captious  disposition,  the  conduct  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  these  trans- 
actions was  not  as  unquestionable  as  it  appeared 
to  President  Roosevelt.  Professor  Coolidge,  of 
Harvard  University,  in  his  candid  and  broadly 
studied  work  on  “The  United  States  as  a World 
Power”  (prepared  originally  in  the  form  of 
lectures  delivered  at  the  Sorbonne,  in  Paris),  re- 
marks that  “ to  forbid  the  landing  of  Colombian 
troops  was  to  stretch  the  meaning  of  the  old 
American  right  to  maintain  order  along  the  line 
of  the  railway  to  an  extent  hardly  justifiable  in 
dealing  with  a friendly  nation,  and  the  haste 
with  which  the  administration  at  Washington 
recognized  the  independence  of  the  new  repub- 
lic aud  concluded  a treaty  with  it  appeared  to 
many  people  indecent.  The  truth  w'as  the 
Americans  did  not  feel  that  they  were  dealing 
with  a friendly  nation.” 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Beginning  and  Organi- 
zation of  the  Work  of  Construction.  — “ The 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Re- 
public of  Panama,  under  which  the  construc- 
tion of  the  Panama  Canal  was  made  possible, 
went  into  effect  with  its  ratification  by  the 
United  States  Senate  on  February  23,  1904.  The 
canal  properties  of  the  French  Canal  Company 
were  transferred  to  the  United  States  on  April 
23,  1904,  on  payment  of  $40,000,000  to  that 
company.  On  April  1,  1905,  the  Commission 
was  reorganized,  and  it  now  consists  of  Theo- 
dore P.  Shonts,  chairman,  Charles  E.  Magoon, 
Benjamin  M.  Harrod,  Rear-Admiral  Mordecai 
T.  Endicott,  Brig.  Gen.  Peter  C.  Ilains,  and 
Col.  Oswald  H.  Ernst.  John  F.  Stevens  was 
appointed  chief  engineer  on  July  1 last.  Active 
work  in  canal  construction,  mainly  preparatory, 
has  been  in  progress  for  less  than  a year  and  a 
half.  During  that  period  two  points  about  the 
canal  have  ceased  to  be  open  to  debate.  First, 
the  question  of  route;  the  canal  will  be  built  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Second,  the  question 
of  feasibility  ; there  are  no  physical  obstacles  on 
this  route  that  American  engineering  skill  will 
not  be  able  to  overcome  without  serious  diffi- 
culty, or  that  will  prevent  the  completion  of  the 
canal  within  a reasonable  time  and  at  a reason- 
able cost.  This  is  virtually  the  unanimous  testi- 
mony of  the  engineers  who  have  investigated 
the  matter  for  the  Government.  The  point 
which  remains  unsettled  is  the  question  of  type, 
whether  the  canal  shall  be  one  of  several  locks 
above  sea  level,  or  at  sea  level  with  a single 
tide  lock.  On  this  point  I hope  to  lay  before 


the  Congress  at  an  early  day  the  findings  of  the 
Advisory  Board  of  American  and  European 
Engineers,  that  at  my  invitation  have  been  con- 
sidering the  subject,  together  with  the  report  of 
the  Commission  thereon  ; and  such  comments 
thereon  or  recommendations  in  reference  thereto 
as  may  seem  necessary. 

“ The  American  people  is  pledged  to  the 
speediest  possible  construction  of  a canal,  ade- 
quate to  meet  the  demands  which  the  commerce 
of  the  world  will  make  upon  it,  and  I appeal 
most  earnestly  to  the  Congress  to  aid  in  the  ful- 
fillment of  the  pledge.  Gratifying  progress  has 
been  made  during  the  past  year  and  especially 
during  the  past  four  months.  The  greater  part 
of  the  necessary  preliminary  work  has  been 
done.  Actual  work  of  excavation  could  be  be- 
gun only  on  a limited  scale  till  the  Canal  Zone 
was  made  a healthful  place  to  live  in  and  to 
work  in.  The  isthmus  had  to  be  sanitated 
first  [see  Public  Health  : Panama  Canal], 
This  task  has  been  so  thoroughly  accomplished 
that  yellow  fever  has  been  virtually  extirpated 
from  the  Isthmus  and  general  health  conditions 
vastly  improved.  The  same  methods  which 
converted  the  island  of  Cuba  from  a pest  hole, 
which  menaced  the  health  of  the  world,  into  a 
healthful  place  of  abode,  have  been  applied  on 
the  Isthmus  with  satisfactory  results.  There  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  when  the  plans  for 
water  supply,  paving,  and  sewerage  of  Panama 
and  Colon  and  the  large  labor  camps  have  been 
fully  carried  out,  the  Isthmus  will  be,  for  the 
Tropics,  an  unusually  healthy  place  of  abode. 
The  work  is  so  far  advanced  now  that  the 
health  of  all  those  employed  in  canal  work  is  as 
well  guarded  as  it  is  on  similar  work  in  this 
country  and  elsewhere. 

“ In  addition  to  sanitating  the  Isthmus,  satis- 
factory quarters  are  being  provided  for  em- 
ployees and  an  adequate  system  of  supplying 
them  with  wholesome  food  at  reasonable  prices 
has  been  created.  Hospitals  have  been  estab- 
lished and  equipped  that  are  without  superiors 
of  their  kind  anywhere.  The  country  has  thus 
been  made  fit  to  work  in,  and  provision  has 
been  made  for  the  welfare  and  comfort  of  those 
who  are  to  do  the  work.  During  the  past  year 
a large  portion  of  the  plant  with  which  the 
work  is  to  be  done  has  beeu  ordered.  It  is  con- 
fidently believed  that  by  the  middle  of  the 
approaching  year  a sufficient  proportion  of  this 
plant  will  have  been  installed  to  enable  us  to 
resume  the  work  of  excavation  on  a large  scale.” 
— President's  Message  to  Congress,  Dec.  5,  1905. 

A.  D.  1905-1909. — Prosecution  and  pro- 
gress of  the  work.  — Mr.  John  L.  Stevens  wa9 
in  charge  of  the  work  on  the  Canal,  as  Chief 
Engineer,  until  April  1, 1907.  when  he  resigned, 
and  it  was  then  determined  by  the  Government 
to  place  it  under  the  direction  of  an  army  engi- 
neer. The  officer  chosen  for  the  service  was 
Lieut. -Colonel  George  W.  Goethals,  of  the  Engi- 
neer Corps,  with  Major  Gaillard  and  Major  Sie- 
bert  as  assistant  engineers,  and  this  arrangement 
has  been  justified  amply  by  results.  At  the 
same  time  a final  determination  was  arrived  at, 
against  the  placing  of  any  part  of  the  work  uuder 
contract;  and  this,  too,  has  been  approved  by 
experience  in  the  undertaking  since.  Shortly 
before  the  occurrence  of  these  changes  Mr. 
Shonts  had  resigned  the  chairmanship  of  the 
Canal  Commission,  to  take  the  presidency  of 


470 


PANAMA  CANAL,  1905-1909 


PAN-LUN-SIIAN  REDOUBT 


the  Interborougli  Co.  of  New  York,  and  Colonel 
Goethals  became  Chairman  of  the  Commission 
as  well  as  Chief  Engineer. 

In  June,  1900,  the  original  design  of  asea-levcl 
canal  throughout,  with  no  locks,  was  dropped, 
after  much  consideration  and  under  weighty  en- 
gineering advice.  As  described  very  tersely  and 
clearly  by  an  English  writer  on  the  subject,  the 
new  plan  for  locks  is  worked  out  as  follows: 
“ Beginning  at  deep  water  in  Limou  Bay,  on  the 
Caribbean  coast,  there  will  be  a tide-water  chan- 
nel 500ft.  wide  and  6.70  miles  long  to  Gatun. 
At  Gatun  there  will  be  the  vast  dam,  the  ascent 
of  which  will  be  effected  by  means  of  two  flights 
of  locks.  In  each  flight  there  will  be  three 
locks,  each  1,000  ft.  long,  110ft.  wide,  and  41.3ft. 
dGep  on  the  sills.  These  will  give  access  to  a 
lake  formed  by  the  impounded  waters  of  the 
Chagres  river,  with  a surface  level  85ft.  above 
mean  tide  level.  Through  this  lake  will  extend 
a channel  from  500ft.  to  1,000ft.  wide  for  23.59 
miles  to  Bas  Obispo,  the  entrance  to  the  Cule- 
bra  cut.  Thence  through  that  cut  there  will  be 
a channel  300ft.  wide  for  8.11  miles  to  Pedro 
Miguel,  the  surface  level  being  the  same  as 
that  of  the  lake.  At  Pedro  Miguel  there  will 
be  a dam  with  twin  locks,  side  by  side,  by 
which  descent  of  30ft.  will  be  made  to  a smaller 
lake  55ft.  above  tide-water.  This  lake,  only 
0.97  of  a mile  long,  will  be  traversed  by  a chan- 
nel 500ft.  wide  to  Miraflores,  where  there  will 
be  another  dam,  with  twin  flights  of  locks,  two 
locks  in  each  flight,  bringing  the  canal  down  to 
tide  level ; and  from  Miraflores  a channel  500ft. 
wide  will  extend  8.31  miles  to  deep  water  in 
the  Bay  of  Panama.  The  channel  will  nowhere, 
save  on  the  lock  sills,  be  less  than  45ft.  deep, 
and  the  locks  at  Pedro  Miguel  and  Miraflores 
will  be  of  the  same  dimensions  as  those  at 
Gatun.” 

This  altered  plan  received  much  persistent 
criticism, — so  persistent  that,  in  January,  1909, 
after  the  election  of  Mr.  Taft  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States,  but  before  his  assumption 
of  the  office,  the  President-elect,  who,  as  Sec- 
retary of  War,  had  been  the  responsible  admin- 
istrator of  the  undertaking,  went  to  the  Isth- 
mus with  a selected  committee  of  engineers, 
who  were  asked  to  examine  and  report  on  the 
plans  and  methods  of  the  work.  Their  reports, 
made  in  February,  endorsed  both.  In  com- 
municating them  to  Congress  the  President 
characterized  them  as  showing  that  “the  only 
criticism  that  can  be  made  of  the  work  on  the 
isthmus  is  that  there  has  sometimes  been  almost 
an  excess  of  caution  in  providing  against  pos- 
sible trouble.  As  to  the  Gatun  dam  itself,  they 
show  that  not  only  is  the  dam  safe,  but  on  the 
whole  the  plan  already  adopted  would  make  it 
needlessly  high  and  strong,  and  accordingly 
they  recommend  that  the  height  be  reduced  by 
twenty  feet,  which  change  in  the  plans  I have 
accordingly  directed.”  Of  the  engineers  who 
made  the  report  he  remarked  that  they  “are 
of  all  the  men  in  their  profession,  within  or 
without  the  United  States,  the  men  who  are  on 
the  whole  best  qualified  to  pass  on  these  very 
questions  which  they  examined.”  The  mem- 
bership of  the  committee  or  board  was  as  fol- 
lows : Frederic  P.  Stearns,  James  D.  Schuyler, 
Arthur  P.  Davis,  Isham  Randolph,  Henry  D. 
Allen,  John  R.  Freeman,  and  Allen  Hazen. 

The  engineers  reported  that  “as  the  Gatun 


earth  dam  was  the  central  point  of  discussion, 
they  gave  it  under  instructions  from  Mr.  Taft 
first  consideration  in  the  light  of  all  new  evi- 
dences,” and  they  added  “ that  the  type  of  dam 
under  consideration  is  one  which  meets  with 
our  unanimous  approval.”  Dams  and  locks, 
lock  gates  and  all  other  engineering  structures 
involved  in  the  lock-canal  project,  are  “feasible 
and  safe,”  according  to  the  engineers,  “and  can 
be  depended  upon  to  perform  with  certainty 
their  respective  functions.” 

Considering  the  cost  and  time  of  construction 
of  a sea-level  canal  as  compared  with  the  lock 
type,  they  held  that  “most of  the  factors  which 
have  operated  to  increase  the  cost  of  the  lock 
canal  would  operate  with  similar  effect  to  in- 
crease the  cost  of  the  sea-level  canal,  and  at  the 
present  time  there  are  additional  factors  of  even 
greater  importance  to  be  considered  as  affecting 
the  time  of  completion  and  cost  of  a sea-level 
canal.”  One  of  these  they  found  in  the  Gamboa 
dam.  If  work  on  this  were  to  be  started  as 
soon  as  possible,  they  asserted  it  “ could  not  be 
completed  until  after  the  time  required  for  the 
completion  of  the  lock-canal.”  Further  than 
this,  they  said  that  “ a change  in  the  type 
would  result  in  abandoning  work  which  repre- 
sents large  expenditure.”  They  claimed  that 
by  the  change  the  river  Chagres  and  the  rivers 
on  the  Isthmus  tributary  thereto,  “instead  of 
being  allies,  would  be  enemies  of  the  canal,  and 
floods  in  them  would  greatly  interfere  with  the 
work.  ” 

Replying  to  the  criticism  that  “ the  canal  re- 
gion is  liable  to  earthquake  shocks,  and  that  a 
sea-level  canal  would  be  less  subject  to  injury 
by  earthquakes  than  a lock  canal,”  they  asserted 
that  “dams  and  locks  are  structures  of  great 
stability  and  little  subject  to  damage  by  earth- 
quake shocks,”  but  that  even  if  they  could 
regard  earthquakes  as  a source  of  serious  dam- 
age to  any  type  of  canal  on  the  Isthmus,  “ their 
effect  upon  the  dams,  locks  and  regulating 
works  proposed  for  the  sea-leval  canal  would  be 
much  the  same  as  upon  similar  structures  of  the 
lock  canal.” 

Finally,  they  said  : “ We  see  no  reason  why 
the  canal  should  not  be  completed,  as  estimated 
by  the  chief  engineer,  by  January  1,  1915;  in 
fact,  it  seems  that  a somewhat  earlier  date  is 
probable,  if  all  goes  well.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Prohibition  in  the  Canal 
Zone.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem  : 
Casual  Occurrences  of  Saloon  Suppression. 

PAN-AMERICAN  EXPOSITION.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Buffalo  : A.  D.  1901. 

PAN-AMERICAN  RAILWAY:  Resolu- 
tion of  Third  International  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Amer- 
ican Republics. 

PANICS,  Monetary,  of  1903  and  1907.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D.  1901- 
1909. 

PAN  ISLAMISM.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Se- 
nussia  ; also  Egypt:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

PANKHURST,  Mrs.  Emeline.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise:  Woman  Suf- 
frage. 

PANLUNG,  The  Capture  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

PAN-LUN-SHAN  REDOUBT,  Capture 
of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905 


(May-Jan.). 


471 


PAPACY,  1903 


PAPACY,  1906 


PAPACY : A.  D.  1902.  — Secession  of  the 
Independent  Filipino  Church.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1903  (July-Aug.).  ■ — • Death  of  Pope 
Leo  XIII.  — Election  of  Pius  X.  — The 

Papal  seat  became  vacant  by  the  death  of  Pope 
Leo  XIII.  on  the  20th  of  July,  1903.  The  Con- 
clave of  Cardinals  for  the  election  of  his  succes- 
sor assembled  on  the  31st  of  the  mouth,  and  its 
choice  of  Cardinal  Sarto,  Patriarch  of  Venice, 
was  made  known  on  August  3d.  The  new  Pope 
assumed  the  name  of  Pius  X. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Papal  Prohibition  of  Civil 
Interference  with  the  Election  of  the  Ro- 
man Pontiff.  — The  Civil  Veto,  in  all  forms, 
denounced.  — In  the  first  year  of  his  pontifi- 
cate, on  the  20th  of  January,  1904,  Pope  Pius  X. 
pronounced  the  following  denunciation  and  pro- 
hibition of  every  kind  of  intrusion  of  civil  au- 
thority or  influence  in  the  election  of  a Roman 
pontiff:  “When  first,  all  unworthy  as  we  are, 
we  ascended  this  chair  of  Peter,  we  deemed  it  a 
most  urgent  duty  of  our  apostolic  office  to  pro- 
vide that  the  life  of  the  Church  should  manifest 
itself  with  absolute  freedom,  by  the  removal 
of  all  extraneous  interference,  as  her  divine 
Founder  willed  that  it  should  manifest  itself, 
and  as  her  lofty  mission  imperatively  requires. 

“Now  if  there  is  one  function  above  all  others 
in  the  life  of  the  Church  which  demands  this 
liberty  it  is  certainly  that  which  is  concerned 
with  the  election  of  the  Roman  pontiff ; for  when 
the  head  is  in  question,  the  health  not  of  one 
member  alone  but  of  the  whole  body  is  involved 
(Greg.  XV.  Constit.  Aeterni  Patris  in  proem). 

“To  this  full  liberty  in  the  election  of  the  Su- 
preme Pastor  is  opposed  first  of  all  that  civil 
Veto  which  has  been  more  than  once  brought 
forward  by  the  rulers  of  some  states,  and  by 
which  it  is  sought  to  exclude  somebody  from 
the  supreme  pontificate.  If  this  has  happened 
sometimes,  it  has  never  been  approved  by  the 
apostolic  see.  On  the  contrary  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs, in  their  enactments  on  the  conclave,  have 
been  in  nothing  perhaps  more  emphatic  or 
more  earnest  than  in  their  efforts  to  exclude 
the  interference  of  all  extraneous  powers  from 
the  sacred  senate  of  the  Cardinals  summoned  to 
elect  the  pontiff.  . . . 

“ But,  and  experience  has  shown  it,  the  mea- 
sures hitherto  taken  for  preventing  the  civil 
Veto,  or  Exclusive,  have  not  served  their  pur- 
pose, and  on  account  of  the  changed  circum- 
stances of  the  times  the  intrusion  of  the  civil 
power  in  our  day  is  more  clearly  than  ever 
before  destitute  of  all  foundation  in  reason  or 
equity,  therefore  we,  by  virtue  of  the  apostolic 
charge  entrusted  to  us,  and  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  our  predecessors,  after  having  ma- 
turely deliberated,  with  certain  knowledge  and 
by  our  own  motion,  do  absolutely  condemn  the 
civil  Veto,  or  Exclusive  as  it  is  also  called,  even 
when  expressed  under  the  form  of  a mere  desire, 
and  all  interventions  and  intercessions  whatso- 
ever, decreeing  that  it  is  not  lawful  for  anybody, 
not  even  the  supreme  rulers  of  states,  under  any 
pretext,  to  interpose  or  interfere  in  the  grave 
matter  of  the  election  of  the  Roman  pontiff. 

“Wherefore,  in  virtue  of  holy  obedience, 
under  threat  of  divine  judgment  and  pain  of 
excommunication  la,tae  sententiae  reserved  in  a 
special  manner  to  the  future  pontiff,  we  prohibit 
all  and  single  the  Cardinals  of  holy  Roman 


Church,  and  likewise  the  secretary  of  the  Sacred 
College  of  Cardinals  and  all  others  who  take 
part  in  the  conclave  to  receive,  even  under  the 
form  of  a simple  desire,  the  office  of  proposing 
the  Veto  or  Exclusive,  or  to  make  known  this 
Veto  in  whatever  manner  it  may  have  come  to 
their  knowledge,  to  the  Sacred  College  of  Cardi- 
nals either  taken  as  a whole  or  to  the  individual 
fathers  Cardinals,  either  by  writing,  by  word 
of  mouth,  whether  directly  and  proximately, 
or  indirectly  and  through  others.  And  it  is 
our  will  that  this  prohibition  be  extended  to  all 
the  interventions  above  mentioned,  and  to  all 
other  intercessions  whatsoever,  by  which  the  lay 
powers,  of  whatsoever  grade  and  order,  en- 
deavor to  intrude  themselves  in  the  election  of 
the  pontiff. 

“Finally  we  vehemently  exhort,  in  the  same 
words  as  those  used  by  our  predecessors,  that 
in  the  election  of  the  pontiff,  they  pay  no  atten- 
tion whatever  to  the  appeals  of  secular  princes  or 
other  worldly  considerations  . . . but  solely  with 
the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  the  Church 
before  their  eyes,  give  their  votes  to  him  whom 
they  judge  in  the  Lord  better  fitted  than  the 
others  to  rule  the  Universal  Church  fruitfully 
and  usefully.  It  is  our  will  also  that  these  our 
letters,  together  with  the  other  constitutions  of 
the  same  kind,  be  read  in  the  presence  of  all  in 
the  first  of  the  congregations  wont  to  be  held 
after  the  death  of  the  pontiff;  again  after  en- 
trance into  the  conclave;  also  when  anybody 
is  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the  purple,  with  the 
addition  of  an  oath  binding  to  the  religious 
observance  of  what  is  decreed  in  the  present 
constitution.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Amenities  between  the  Vati- 
can and  the  Quirinal.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy: 
A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Increased  Participation  of 
Catholics  in  the  Italian  Elections.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Italy:  A.  D.  1904  (Oct.-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1905.  — Relaxation  of  the  With- 
drawal of  Italian  Catholics  from  Political 
Action.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy:  A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  Separation  of 
Church  and  State  in  France.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Anti-Clerical  Movement  in 
Spain.  — Proposed  Associations  Law.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (Feb.).  — Encyclical  “ Vehemen- 
ter  Nos,”  to  the  Prelates,  Clergy,  and  People 
of  France,  concerning  the  Separation  Law.  — 
The  following  are  passages  from  the  Encycli- 
cal known,  from  its  opening  words  in  the  Latin 
text  as  “ Vehemeuter  Nos,”  which  Pope  Pius  X. 
addressed  to  the  French  nation  on  the  19th  of 
February,  1906,  after  the  adoption  of  the  Law 
separating  the  Church  from  the  State  : 

“ To  the  Archbishops,  Bishops,  Clergy  and 
People  of  France.  . . . Venerable  Brethren, 
Well-Beloved  Sons,  Health  and  Apostolic  Bene- 
diction. 

“ Our  soul  is  full  of  sorrowful  solicitude  and 
our  heart  overflows  with  grief  when  our  thoughts 
dwell  upon  you.  How,  indeed,  could  it  be 
otherwise,  immediately  after  the  promulgation 
of  that  law  which,  by  sundering  violently  the 
old  ties  that  linked  your  nation  with  the  Apos- 
tolic See,  creates  for  the  Catholic  Church  in 
France  a situation  unworthy  of  her  and  ever  to 


472 


PAPACY,  1906 


PAPACY,  1906 


be  lamented  ? That  is,  beyond  question,  an 
event  of  the  gravest  import,  and  one  that  must 
be  deplored  by  all  right-minded  men,  for  it  is  as 
disastrous  to  society  as  it  is  to  religion  ; but  it 
is  an  event  which  can  have  surprised  nobody 
who  has  paid  any  attention  to  -the  religious  pol- 
icy followed  in  France  of  late  years.  For  you, 
Venerable  Brethren,  it  will  certainly  have  been 
nothing  new  or  strange,  witnesses  as  you  have 
been  of  the  many  dreadful  blows  aimed  from 
time  to  time  at  religion  by  the  public  authority. 
You  have  seen  the  sanctity  and  inviolability  of 
Christian  marriage  outraged  by  legislative  acts 
in  formal  contradiction  with  them;  the  schools 
and  hospitals  laicised  ; clerics  torn  from  their 
studies  and  from  ecclesiastical  discipline  to  be 
subjected  to  military  service  ; the  religious  con- 
gregations dispersed  and  despoiled,  and  their 
members  for  the  most  part  reduced  to  the  last 
stage  of  destitution.  Other  legal  measures  which 
you  all  know  have  followed — the  law  ordaining 
public  prayers  at  the  beginning  of  each  Parlia- 
mentary session  and  of  the  assizes  has  been  abol- 
ished ; the  signs  of  mourning  traditionally 
observed  on  board  the  ships  on  Good  Friday 
suppressed ; the  religious  character  effaced  from 
the  judicial  oath  ; all  actions  and  emblems  serv- 
ing in  any  way  to  recall  the  idea  of  religion  ban- 
ished from  the  courts,  the  schools,  the  army,  the 
navy,  and,  iu  a word,  from  all  public  establish- 
ments. These  measures  and  others  still  which, 
one  after  another,  really  separated  the  Church 
from  the  State,  were  but  so  many  steps  design- 
edly made  to  arrive  at  complete  and  official  sep- 
aration, as  the  authors  of  them  have  publicly 
and  frequently  admitted. 

“ On  the  other  hand,  the  Holy  See  has  spared 
absolutely  no  means  to  avert  this  great  calamity. 
While  it  was  untiring  in  warning  those  who 
were  at  the  head  of  affairs  in  France,  and  in  con- 
juring them  over  and  over  again  to  weigh  well 
the  immensity  of  the  evils  that  would  infallibly 
result  from  their  separatist  policy,  it  at  the  same 
time  lavished  upon  France  the  most  striking 
proofs  of  indulgent  affection.  It  had  then  reason 
to  hope  that  gratitude  would  have  stayed  those 
politicians  on  their  downward  path,  and  brought 
them  at  last  to  relinquish  their  designs.  But  all 
has  been  in  vain  — the  attentions,  good  offices 
and  efforts  of  our  predecessor  and  ourself.  The 
enemies  of  religion  have  succeeded  at  last  in  ef- 
fecting by  violence  what  they  have  long  desired, 
in  defiance  of  your  rights  as  a Catholic  nation 
and  of  the  wishes  of  all  who  think  rightly.  . . . 

"That  the  State  must  be  separated  from  the 
Church  is  a thesis  absolutely  false,  a most  perni- 
cious error.  Based,  as  it  is,  on  the  principle  that 
the  State  must  not  recognize  any  religious  cult, 
it  is  in  the  first  place  guilty  of  a great  injus- 
tice to  God  ; for  the  Creator  of  man  is  also  the 
founder  of  human  societies,  and  preserves  their 
existence  as  He  preserves  our  own.  We  owe 
Him,  therefore,  not  only  a private  cult,  but  a 
public  and  social  worship  to  honor  Him.  Be- 
sides, it  is  an  obvious  negation  of  the  supernat- 
ural order.  It  limits  the  action  of  the  State  to 
the  pursuit  of  public  prosperity  during  this 
life  only,  which  is  but  the  proximate  object  of 
political  societies;  and  it  occupies  itself  in  no 
fashion  (on  the  plea  that  this  is  foreign  to  it) 
with  their  ultimate  object,  which  is  man’s  eter- 
nal happiness  after  this  short  life  shall  have  run 
its  course.  . . . 


" When  the  State  broke  the  bonds  of  the  Con- 
cordat and  separated  itself  from  the  Church  it 
ought,  as  a natural  consequence,  to  have  left 
her  her  independence  and  allowed  her  to  enjoy 
peacefully  that  liberty  granted  by  the  common 
law  which  it  pretended  to  assign  to  her.  Nothing 
of  the  kind  has  been  done.  We  recognize  in  the 
law  many  exceptional  and  odiously  restrictive 
provisions,  the  effect  of  which  is  to  place  the 
Church  under  the  domination  of  the  civil 
power.  . . . 

“ With  the  existence  of  the  association  of  wor- 
ship, the  Law  of  Separation  hinders  the  pastors 
from  exercising  the  plenitude  of  their  authority 
and  of  their  office  over  the  faithful,  when  it  at- 
tributes to  the  Council  of  State  supreme  juris- 
diction over  these  associations  and  submits  them 
to  a whole  series  of  prescriptions  not  contained 
in  common  law,  rendering  their  formation  diffi- 
cult and  their  continued  existence  more  diffi- 
cult still;  when,  after  proclaiming  the  liberty  of 
public  worship,  it  proceeds  to  restrict  its  exer- 
cise by  numerous  exceptions  ; when  it  despoils 
the  Church  of  the  internal  regulation  of  the 
churches  in  order  to  invest  the  State  with  this 
function;  when  it  thwarts  the  preaching  of 
Catholic  faith  and  morals  and  sets  up  a severe 
and  exceptional  penal  code  for  clerics  — when 
it  sanctions  all  these  provisions  and  many  others 
of  the  same  kind  in  which  wide  scope  is  left  to 
arbitrary  ruling,  does  it  not  place  the  Church  in 
a position  of  humiliating  subjection  and,  under 
the  pretext  of  protecting  public  order,  deprive 
peaceable  citizens,  who  still  constitute  the  vast 
majority  in  France,  of  the  sacred  right  of  prac- 
tising their  religion  ? . . . 

“In  addition  to  the  wrongs  and  injuries  to 
which  we  have  so  far  referred,  the  Law  of  Sepa- 
ration also  violates  and  tramples  under  foot  the 
rights  of  property  of  the  Church.  In  defiance 
of  all  justice,  it  despoils  the  Church  of  a great 
portion  of  a patrimony  which  belongs  to  her  by 
titles  as  numerous  as  they  are  sacred ; it  sup- 
presses and  annuls  all  the  pious  foundations 
consecrated,  with  perfect  legality,  to  divine 
worship  and  to  suffrages  for  the  dead.  The  re- 
sources furnished  by  Catholic  liberality  for  the 
maintenance  of  Catholic  schools,  and  the  work- 
ing of  various  charitable  associations  connected 
with  religion,  have  been  transferred  to  lay  asso- 
ciations in  which  it  would  be  idle  to  seel^  for  a 
vestige  of  religion.  In  this  it  violates  not  only 
the  rights  of  the  Church,  but  the  formal  and  ex- 
plicit purpose  of  the  donors  and  testators.  It  is 
also  a subject  of  keen  grief  to  us  that  the  law, 
in  contempt  of  all  right,  proclaims  as  property 
of  the  State,  departments  or  communes,  the 
ecclesiastical  edifices  dating  from  before  the 
Concordat.  True,  the  law  concedes  the  gratui- 
tous use  of  them  for  an  indefinite  period,  to  the 
associations  of  worship,  but  it  surrounds  the 
concession  with  so  many  and  so  serious  reserves 
that  in  reality  it  leaves  to  the  public  powers  the 
full  disposition  of  them.  Moreover,  we  enter- 
tain the  gravest  fears  for  the  sanctity  of  those 
temples,  the  august  refuges  of  the  Divine  Ma- 
jesty and  endeared  by  a thousand  memories  to 
the  piety  of  the  French  people.  . . . 

" Hence,  mindful  of  our  Apostolic  charge  and 
conscious  of  the  imperious  duty  incumbent 
upon  us  of  defending  and  preserving  against  all 
assaults  the  full  and  absolute  integrity  of  the 
sacred  and  inviolable  rights  of  the  Church,  we 


473 


PAPACY,  1906 


PAPACY,  1907 


do,  by  virtue  of  the  supreme  authority  which 
God  has  confided  to  us,  arid  on  the  grounds 
above  set  forth,  reprove  and  condemn  the  law 
voted  in  France  for  the  separation  of  Church 
and  State  as  deeply  unjust  to  God,  whom  it  de- 
nies, and  as  laying  down  the  principle  that  the 
Republic  recognizes  no  cult.  We  reprove  and 
condemn  it  as  violating  the  natural  law,  the  law 
of  nations,  and  fidelity  to  treaties ; as  contrary 
to  the  Divine  constitution  of  the  Church,  to  her 
essential  rights  and  to  her  liberty;  as  destroy- 
ing justice  and  trampling  under  foot  the  rights 
of  property  which  the  Church  has  acquired  by 
many  titles,  and,  in  addition,  by  virtue  of  the 
Concordat.  We  reprove  and  condemn  it  as 
gravely  offensive  to  the  dignity  of  this  Apos- 
tolic See,  to  our  own  person,  to  the  Episcopacy 
and  to  the  clergy  and  all  the  Catholics  of  France. 
Therefore,  we  protest  solemnly  and  with  all  our 
strength  against  the  introduction,  the  voting 
and  the  promulgation  of  this  law,  declaring 
that  it  can  never  be  alleged  against  the  impre- 
scriptible rights  of  the  Church.”  — Pope  PiusX., 
Encyclical  Letter  ( American  Catholic  Quarterly 
Review,  April,  1906). 

A.  D.  1906.  — Commands  forbidding 
French  Catholics  to  conform  to  the  Sepa- 
ration Law  or  the  Associations  Law.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Pacific  Relations  between 
State  and  Church  in  Mexico.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Mexico  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (March).  — Declaration  of  the 
new  French  Ministry  on  the  Church  Separa- 
tion Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D. 
1906  (Jan.-Marcu). 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — The  Separation  of 
Church  and  State  in  France.  — Further 
Measures  and  Proceedings.  — The  Encycli- 
cal Gravissimo.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France: 
A.  D.  1906-1907. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Effects  of  the  Separation 
Law  in  France. — The  Catholics  lose  all 
Legal  Organization.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907  (Sept.).  — Mandates  of  the 
Encyclical  on  Modernism.  — The  following 

passages  contain  the  essential  mandates  of  the 
Encyclical  on  Modernism,  issued  on  the  8th  of 
September,  1907:  “The  office  divinely  com- 
mitted to  us  of  feeding  the  Lord’s  flock  has 
especially  this  duty  assigned  to  it  by  Christ, 
namely,  to  guard  with  the  greatest  vigilance 
the  deposit  of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  saints, 
rejecting  the  profane  novelties  of  words  and 
oppositions  of  knowledge  falsely  so  called. 
There  lias  never  been  a time  when  this  watch- 
fulness of  the  supreme  pastor  was  not  necessary 
to  the  Catholic  body ; for,  owing  to  the  efforts 
of  the  enemy  of  the  human  race,  there  have 
never  been  lacking  ‘ men  speaking  perverse 
things’  (Acts  xx.,  30),  ‘vain  talkers  and  se- 
ducers’ (Tit.  i.,  10),  ‘erring  and  driving  into 
error’  (II.  Tim.  iii. , 13).  Still,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  the  number  of  the  enemies  of  the 
cross  of  Christ  has  in  these  last  days  increased 
exceedingly,  who  are  striving,  by  arts  entirely 
new  and  full  of  subtlety,  to  destroy  the  vital 
energy  of  the  Church,  and,  if  they  can,  to  over- 
throw utterly  Christ’s  kingdom  itself.  Where- 
fore we  may  no  longer  be  silent,  lest  we  should 
seem  to  fail  in  our  most  sacred  duty,  and  lest 
the  kindness  that,  in  the  hope  of  wiser  coun- 


sels, we  have  hitherto  shown  them  should  be 
attributed  to  forgetfulness  of  our  office. 

“ That  we  may  make  no  delay  in  this  matter 
is  rendered  necessary  especially  by  the  fact  that 
the  partisans  of  error  are  to  be  sought  not  only 
among  the  Church’s  open  enemies;  they  lie 
hid,  a thing  to  be  deeply  deplored  and  feared, 
in  her  very  bosom  and  heart,  and  are  the  more 
mischievous  the  less  conspicuously  they  ap- 
pear. We  allude,  venerable  brethren,  to  many 
who  belong  to  the  Catholic  laity,  nay,  and  this 
is  far  more  lamentable,  to  the  ranks  of  the 
priesthood  itself,  who,  feigning  a love  for  the 
Church,  lacking  the  firm  protection  of  philo- 
sophy and  theology,  nay,  more,  thoroughly  im- 
bued with  the  poisonous  doctrines  taught  by 
the  enemies  of  the  Church,  and  lost  to  all  sense 
of  modesty,  vaunt  themselves  as  reformers, 

. . . not  sparing  even  the  person  of  the  Divine 
Redeemer,  whom,  with  sacrilegious  daring, 
they  reduce  to  a simple,  mere  man. 

“Though  they  express  astonishment  them- 
selves, no  one  can  justly  be  surprised  that  we 
number  such  men  among  the  enemies  of  the 
Church,  if,  leaving  out  of  consideration  the  in- 
ternal disposition  of  soul,  of  which  God  alone  is 
the  judge,  he  is  acquainted  with  their  tenets, 
their  manner  of  speech,  their  conduct.  Nor, 
indeed,  will  He  err  in  accounting  them  the 
most  pernicious  of  all  the  adversaries  of  the 
Church.  For,  as  we  have  said,  they  put  their 
designs  for  her  ruin  into  operation  not  from 
without,  but  from  within;  hence  the  danger  is 
present  almost  in  the  very  veins  and  heart  of 
the  Church,  whose  injury  is  the  more  certain, 
the  more  intimate  is  their  knowledge  of  her. 
Moreover,  they  lay  the  axe  not  to  the  branches 
and  shoots,  but  to  the  very  root;  that  is,  to  the 
faith  and  its  deepest  fibres.  And  having  struck 
at  this  root  of  immortality,  they  proceed  to  dis- 
seminate poison  through  the  whole  tree,  so  that 
there  is  no  part  of  Catholic  truth  from  which 
they  hold  their  hand,  none  that  they  do  not 
strive  to  corrupt.  Further,  none  is  more  skil- 
ful, none  more  astute  than  they  in  the  em- 
ployment of  a thousand  noxious  arts;  for  they 
double  the  parts  of  rationalist  and  Catholic, 
and  this  so  craftily  that  they  easily  lead  the 
unwary  into  error;  and  since  audacity  is  their 
chief  characteristic,  there  is  no  conclusion  of 
any  kind  from  which  they  shrink  or  which  they 
do  not  thrust  forward  with  pertinacity  and  as- 
surance. To  this  must  be  added  the  fact,  which 
indeed  is  well  calculated  to  deceive  souls,  that 
they  lead  a life  of  the  greatest  activity  of  as- 
siduous and  ardent  application  to  every  branch 
of  learning,  and  that  they  possess,  as  a rule,  a 
reputation  for  the  strictest  morality.  Finally, 
and  this  almost  destroys  all  hope  of  cure,  their 
very  doctrines  have  given  such  a bent  to  their 
minds  that  they  disdain  all  authority  and  brook 
no  restraint ; and,  relying  upon  a false  con- 
science, they  attempt  to  ascribe  to  a love  of 
truth  that  which  is  in  reality  the  result  of  pride 
and  obstinacy. 

“Once,  indeed,  we  had  hopes  of  recalling 
them  to  a better  sense,  and  to  this  end  we  first 
of  all  showed  them  kindness  as  our  children, 
then  we  treated  them  with  severity,  and  at  last 
we  have  had  recourse,  though  with  great  reluc- 
tance, to  public  reproof.  But,  you  know,  ven- 
erable brethren,  how  fruitless  has  been  our 
action.  They  bowed  their  head  for  a moment, 


474 


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PAPACY,  1907 


but  it  was  soon  uplifted  more  arrogantly  than 
ever.  If  it  were  a matter  which  concerned 
them  alone,  we  might  perhaps  have  overlooked 
it ; but  the  security  of  the  Catholic  name  is 
at  stake.  Wherefore,  as  to  maintain  it  longer 
would  be  a crime,  we  must  now  break  silence, 
in  order  to  expose  before  the  whole  Church  in 
their  true  colors  those  men  who  have  assumed 
this  bad  disguise. 

“ But  since  the  modernists  (as  they  are  com- 
monly and  rightly  called)  employ  a very  clever 
artifice,  namely,  to  present  their  doctrines  with- 
out order  and  systematic  arrangement  into  one 
whole,  scattered  and  disjointed  one  from  an- 
other, so  as  to  appear  to  be  in  doubt  and  un- 
certainty, while  they  are  in  reality  firm  and 
steadfast,  it  will  be  of  advantage,  venerable 
brethren,  to  bring  their  teachings  together  here 
into  one  group,  and  to  point  out  the  connection 
between  them,  and  thus  to  pass  to  an  examina- 
tion of  the  sources  of  the  errors  and  to  prescribe 
remedies  for  averting  the  evil.  . . . 

“Against  this  host  of  grave  errors,  and  its 
secret  and  open  advance,  our  predecessor,  Leo 
XIII.,  of  happy  memory,  worked  strenuously, 
especially  as  regards  the  Bible,  both  in  his 
words  and  his  acts.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
modernists  are  not  easily  deterred  by  such 
weapons;  with  an  affectation  of  submission  and 
respect  they  proceeded  to  twist  the  words  of  the 
Pontiff  to  their  own  sense,  and  his  acts  they 
described  as  directed  against  others  than  them- 
selves. And  the  evil  has  gone  on  increasing 
from  day  to  day.  We  therefore,  venerable 
brethren,  have  determined  to  adopt  at  once  the 
most  efficacious  measure  in  our  power,  and  we 
beg  and  conjure  you  to  see  to  it  that  in  this 
most  grave  matter  nobody  will  ever  be  able  to 
say  that  you  have  been  in  the  slightest  degree 
wanting  in  vigilance,  zeal  or  firmness.  And 
what  we  ask  of  you  and  expect  of  you  we  ask 
and  expect  also  of  all  other  pastors  of  souls, 
of  all  educators  and  professors  of  clerics,  and  in 
a very  special  way  of  the  superiors  of  religious 
institutions. 

“I.  In  the  first  place,  with  regard  to  studies, 
we  will  and  ordain  that  scholastic  philosophy 
be  made  the  basis  of  the  sacred  sciences,  it 
goes  without  saying  that  if  anything  is  met 
with  among  the  scholastic  doctors  which  may 
be  regarded  as  an  excess  of  subtlety,  or  which 
is  altogether  destitute  of  probability,  we  have 
no  desire  whatever  to  propose  it  for  the  imita- 
tion of  present  generations  (Leo  XIII.  Enc. 

‘ Aeterni  Patris’).  And  let  it  be  clearly  under- 
stood above  all  things  that  the  scholastic  philo- 
sophy we  prescribe  is  that  which  the  Angelic 
Doctor  has  bequeathed  to  us,  and  we,  therefore, 
declare  that  all  the  ordinances  of  our  predeces- 
sor on  this  subject  continue  fully  in  force,  and, 
as  far  as  may  be  necessary,  we  do  decree  anew 
and  confirm  and  ordain  that  they  be  by  all 
strictly  observed.  In  seminaries  where  they 
may  have  been  neglected  let  the  Bishops  impose 
them  and  require  their  observance,  and  let  this 
apply  also  to  the  superiors  of  religious  institu- 
tions. Further,  let  professors  remember  that 
they  cannot  set  St.  Thomas  aside,  especially  in 
metaphysical  questions,  without  grave  detri- 
ment. 

“On  this  philosophical  foundation  the  theo- 
logical edifice  is  to  be  solidly  raised.  Promote 
the  study  of  theology,  venerable  brethren,  by 


all  means  in  your  power,  so  that  your  clerics  on 
leaving  the  seminaries  may  admire  and  love  it, 
and  always  find  their  delight  in  it.  For  in  the 
vast  and  varied  abundance  of  studies  opening 
before  the  mind  desirous  of  truth  everybody 
knows  how  the  old  maxim  describes  theology 
as  so  far  in  front  of  all  others  that  every  science 
and  art  should  serve  it  and  be  to  it  as  hand- 
maidens. . . . 

“ With  regard  to  profane  studies,  suffice  it  to 
recall  here  what  our  predecessor  has  admirably 
said  : ‘ Apply  yourselves  energetically  to  the 
study  of  natural  sciences:  the  brilliant  discov- 
eries and  the  bold  and  useful  applications  of 
them  made  in  our  times,  which  have  won  such 
applause  by  our  contemporaries,  will  be  an  ob- 
ject of  perpetual  praise  for  those  that  come  after 
us’  (Leo  XIII.  Alloc.,  March  7,  1880).  But  this 
do  without  interference  with  sacred  studies,  as 
our  predecessor  in  these  most  grave  words  pre- 
scribed : ‘ If  you  carefully  search  for  the  cause 
of  these  errors,  you  will  find  that  it  lies  in  the 
fact  that  in  these  days,  when  the  natural  sci- 
ences absorb  so  much  study,  the  more  severe 
and  lofty  studies  have  been  proportionately  neg- 
lected; some  of  them  have  almost  passed  into 
oblivion,  some  of  them  are  pursued  in  a half- 
hearted or  superficial  way,  and,  sad  to  say,  now 
that  they  are  fallen  from  their  old  estate,  they 
have  been  disfigured  by  perverse  doctrines  and 
monstrous  errors  ( loco  cit.).  We  ordain,  there- 
fore, that  the  study  of  natural  science  in  the 
seminaries  be  carried  on  under  this  law.’ 

“II.  All  these  prescriptions  and  those  of  our 
predecessor  are  to  be  borne  in  mind  whenever 
there  is  question  of  choosing  directors  and  pro- 
fessors for  seminaries  and  Catholic  Universities. 
Anybody  who  in  any  way  is  found  to  be  im- 
bued with  modernism  is  to  be  excluded  without 
compunction  from  these  offices,  and  those  who 
already  occupy  them  are  to  be  withdrawn.  The 
same  policy  is  to  be  adopted  towards  those  who 
favor  modernism,  either  by  extolling  the  mod- 
ernists, or  excusing  their  culpable  conduct,  by 
criticizing  scholasticism,  the  Holy  Father,  or  by 
refusing  obedience  to  ecclesiastical  authority  in 
any  of  its  depositories;  and  towards  those  who 
show  a love  of  novelty  in  history,  archaeology, 
Biblical  exegesis,  and  finally  towards  those  who 
neglect  the  sacred  sciences  or  appear  to  prefer 
them  to  the  profane.  In  all  this  question  of 
studies,  venerable  brethren,  you  cannot  be  too 
watchful  or  too  constant,  but  most  of  all  in  the 
choice  of  professors,  for  as  a rule  the  students 
are  modeled  after  the  pattern  of  their  masters. 
Strong  in  the  consciousness  of  your  duty,  act 
always  prudently,  but  vigorously. 

“Equal  diligence  and  severity  are  to  be  used 
in  examining  and  selecting  candidates  for  holy 
orders.  Far,  far  from  the  clergy  be  the  love  of 
novelty.  God  hates  the  proud  and  the  obstinate. 
For  the  future  the  doctorate  of  theology  and 
canon  law  must  never  be  conferred  on  anybody 
who  has  not  made  the  regular  course  of  scholas- 
tic philosophy , if  conferred,  it  shall  be  held  as 
null  and  void.  The  rules  laid  down  in  1896  by 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Bishops  and  Regu- 
lars for  the  clerics,  both  secular  and  regular,  of 
Italy,  concerning  the  frequenting  of  the  univer- 
sities, we  now  decree  to  be  extended  to  all  na- 
tions. Clerics  and  priests  inscribed  in  a Catho- 
lic institute  or  university  must  not  in  the  future 
follow  in  civil  universities  those  courses  for 


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PAPACY,  1907 


PAPACY,  1908 


■which  there  are  chairs  in  the  Catholic  institutes 
to  which  they  belong.  If  this  has  been  per- 
mitted anywhere  in  the  past,  we  ordain  that  it 
be  not  allowed  for  the  future.  Let  the  Bishops 
who  form  the  governing  board  of  such  Catholic 
institutes  or  universities  watch  with  all  care 
that  these  our  commands  be  constantly  observed. 

“III.  It  is  also  the  duty  of  the  Bishops  to 
prevent  writings  infected  with  modernism  or 
favorable  to  it  from  being  read  when  they  have 
been  published,  and  to  hinder  their  publication 
when  they  have  not.  No  book  or  paper  or  peri- 
odical of  this  kind  must  ever  be  permitted  to 
seminarists  or  university  students.  The  injury 
to  them  would  be  equal  to  that  caused  by  im- 
moral reading  — nay,  it  would  be  greater,  for 
such  writings  poison  Christian  life  at  its  very 
fount.  The  same  decision  is  to  be  taken  concern- 
ing the  writings  of  some  Catholics,  who,  though 
not  badly  disposed  themselves,  but  ill  instructed 
in  theological  studies  and  imbued  with  modern 
philosophy,  strive  to  make  this  harmonize  with 
the  faith,  and,  as  they  say,  to  turn  it  to  the 
account  of  the  faith.  The  name  and  reputation 
of  these  authors  cause  them  to  be  read  without 
suspicion,  and  they  are,  therefore,  all  the  more 
dangerous  in  preparing  the  way  for  modernism. 

“ To  give  you  some  more  general  directions, 
venerable  brethren,  in  a matter  of  such  moment, 
we  bid  you  do  everything  in  your  power  to 
drive  out  of  your  dioceses,  even  by  solemn 
interdict,  any  pernicious  books  that  may  be  in 
circulation  there.  . . . 

“ IV.  But  it  is  not  enough  to  hinder  the  read- 
ing and  the  sale  of  bad  books:  it  is  also  necessary 
to  prevent  them  from  being  printed.  Ilence, 
let  the  Bishops  use  the  utmost  severity  in  grant- 
ing permission  to  print.  Under  the  rules  of  the 
Constitution  ‘ Officiorum,’  many  publications 
require  the  authorization  of  the  ordinary,  and  in 
some  dioceses  it  has  been  made  the  custom  to 
have  a suitable  number  of  official  censors  for 
the  examination  of  writings.  We  have  the  high- 
est praise  for  this  institution,  and  we  not  only 
exhort,  but  we  order  that  it  be  extended  to  all 
dioceses.”  — Pope  Pius  X. , The  Doctrines  of  the 
Modernists  ( American  Catholic  Quarterly  Re- 
view, Oct.,  1907).  See,  also,  Tyrrel,  Father 
George. 

A.  D.  1907  - 1909.  — Revision  of  St. 
Jerome’s  Latin  Translation  of  the  Bible, 
known  as  “ the  Vulgate.” — “In  May,  1907, 
an  announcement  was  made  of  the  Pope's  in- 
tention to  revise  the  Latin  Bible,  and  the  work 
has  already  made  such  progress  that  the  time 
has  come  to  record  not  only  the  main  lines  upon 
which  the  revision  is  being  carried  out  but  also 
the  actual  completion  of  its  preliminary  pre- 
parations. . . . Pius  X.  . . . offered  the  hon- 
ourable though  costly  and  arduous  task  to  the 
learned  Order  of  the  Benedictines,  by  whom  it 
was  accepted.  A commission  of  revision  was 
appointed,  with  Abbot  Gasquet,  the  President 
of  the  English  Benedictines,  as  its  head,  and 
the  International  College  of  the  Order  at  San 
Anselmo  in  Rome  was  chosen  as  the  headquar- 
ters of  their  work.  It  is  here  that  Abbot  Gas- 
quet and  his  fellow-workers  have  already  made 
a good  start  upon  the  vast  labour  which  their 
Order  has  undertaken. 

“The  object  of  the  Commission,  according  to 
the  Pope’s  definite  instructions,  is  to  determine 
and  restore  as  far  as  possible  the  original  text 


of  St.  Jerome’s  Latin  translation  made  in  the 
fourth  century.  How  far  St.  Jerome’s  transla- 
tion represents  the  Hebrew  or  Greek  is  another 
question  which  may  be  the  subject  some  day 
for  future  criticism  and  another  commission. 
. . . Pius  X.  has  made  it  clear  to  the  Com- 
mission that  he  desires  their  work  of  revision 
to  be  conducted  on  the  most  modern  and  scien- 
tific lines,  and  that  neither  money  nor  labour 
should  be  spared  to  make  it  as  thorough  as 
possible.  An  exhaustive  search  will  be  made 
through  all  the  libraries  of  Europe  in  the  hope 
of  finding  hitherto  unrecognized  manuscripts 
of  the  Vulgate.  Already  there  are  15  collabo- 
rators at  work  in  different  centres,  collating  the 
best-known  and  most  important  manuscripts 
with  the  Clementine  text,  while  another  com- 
mission, with  its  assistants,  is  making  a 
thorough  examination  of  the  libraries  and  ca- 
thedral archives  of  Spain  in  search  of  fresh 
material.  . . . 

“ The  method  of  work  is  as  follows.  For  the 
purpose  of  collation  copies  of  the  Clementine 
text  have  been  printed;  each  page  being  left 
blank  for  two-tliirds  of  its  surface,  the  text 
being  printed  on  the  remaining  third  with  no 
capital  letters,  no  stops,  no  word  divided,  so  as 
to  resemble  manuscript  as  far  as  possible. 
When  a reviser  wishes  to  collate  any  manu- 
script he  has  only  to  correct  this  print  like  an 
ordinary  proof-sheet  and  so  reproduce  every 
difference  of  the  manuscript  before  him. 

“The  printing  of  these  copies  of  the  Vul- 
gate, which  are  to  form  the  basis  of  the  colla- 
tions, with  the  preparation  of  the  texts  and  cor- 
rection of  proofs  — no  light  matter  — has  been 
the  work  of  the  first  year.  Three  hundred  and 
sixty  copies  have  been  printed  in  all,  one  hun- 
dred upon  the  best  hand-made  paper,  two  hun- 
dred upon  ordinary  book  paper,  and  sixty  upon 
thin  paper  for  the  purpose  of  postage  abroad. 
The  Pope  himself  has  defrayed  the  rather 
heavy  cost  of  this  production.  Besides  the 
printing  of  this  Bible  considerable  progress  has 
been  made  during  the  past  year  with  the  pre- 
paration of  a hand  list  of  all  the  Latin  Biblical 
MSS.  in  the  libraries  of  Europe,  which,  when 
completed,  will  be  of  great  use  to  the  revisers. 
As  the  collators  finish  their  work  in  the  various 
libraries  or  archives  where  Biblical  manuscripts 
are  found,  they  send  their  annotated  copies  to 
San  Anselmo,  where  they  are  bound  up  and 
added  to  a collection  which,  when  complete, 
will  form  a vast  library  of  all  the  different  ver- 
sions of  the  Bible.  Seven  important  collations 
have  already  been  made,  and  at  the  present  rate 
of  work  the  number  of  these  volumes  will  in- 
crease very  rapidly.”  — Rome  Correspondence  of 
the  London  Times,  July  21,  1909. 

A.  D.  1908. — The  new  Apostolic  Consti- 
tution of  the  Curia. — A change  of  far-reach- 
ing and  great  importance  in  the  ecclesiastical 
constitution  of  the  Roman  Church  was  decreed 
by  Pope  Pius  X.  this  year,  by  the  promulga- 
tion of  a new  Apostolic  Constitution  of  the 
Curia.  It  reorganized  the  numerous  Congrega- 
tions or  departments  of  the  Vatican  Govern- 
ment which  had  exercised  the  judicial  functions 
of  the  Curia  for  some  generations  past.  The 
Pope  now  restores  these  functions  to  an  ancient 
ecclesiastical  court,  the  Rota,  which  had  fallen 
out  of  use.  The  Rota  is  constituted  as  an  inter- 
national court,  before  which  questions  between 


476 


PAPACY,  1909 


PARAGUAY,  1904 


priest  and  bishop,  bishop  aud  diocese,  and  the 
like,  will  have  their  hearing,  and  from  which 
there  is  appeal  to  a tribunal  of  last  resort,  the 
Segnatura,  composed  of  Cardinals  alone. 

The  reorganization  of  the  Congregation  of 
the  Propaganda  by  this  new  Constitution  re- 
moves from  that  body  the  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction it  has  exercised  heretofore  over  the 
Church  in  Great  Britain,  Holland,  the  United 
States,  Canada,  and  some  other  countries,  thus 
taking  them  out  of  the  Roman  category  of  mis- 
sionary lands. 

A.  D.  1908.  — The  situation  of  the  Church 
in  France.  — No  Organization  that  can  hold 
Property.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D. 
1908. 

A.  D.  1909. — Increased  Participation  by 
Catholics  in  the  Italian  Elections.  — Their 
Gain  of  Seats  in  Parliament.  See  Italy: 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

A.  D.  1909. — Church  Movement  of  Agri- 
cultural Labor  Organization.  See  Labor 
Organization:  Italy. 

A.  D.  1909. — Demonstration  against  the 
Religious  Orders  in  Portugal.  See  Portu- 
gal : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — The  Beatification  of 
Joan  of  Arc.  — The  ceremony  of  the  Beatifica- 
tion of  Joan  of  Arc  was  performed  at  St.  Peter’s, 
in  Rome,  on  the  18th  of  April,  1909.  Proceed- 
ings which  began  about  ten  years  before  were 
brought  by  this  ceremony  to  the  end  of  their 
first  stage,  beyond  which  they  must  still  be 
continued  for  possibly  many  years,  before  the 
Canonization  of  “the  Maid”  as  a Saint  becomes 
complete.  The  question  of  the  Beatification 
had  been  under  consideration  in  the  Congrega- 
tion of  Rites  for  several  years.  The  grounds 
on  which  that  question  is  decided,  iu  every 
case,  were  explained  by  The  Catholic  Union 
and  Times,  in  connection  with  its  account  of 
the  ceremony  now  referred  to,  as  follows : The 
Congregation  of  Rites  “may  decide  that  the 
life  of  the  person  was  a very  worthy  and  very 
holy  one,  but  they  require  much  more  than 
that.  Tt  must  be  proved  to  their  satisfaction 
that  ‘miracles’  have  been  performed.  The 
Congregation  of  Rites  requires  evidence  of  not 
fewer  than  three  miracles.  In  the  case  of  ‘mi- 
raculous cures’  it  must  be  shown  that  doctors 
have  pronounced  the  cases  hopeless,  or  that  dis- 
eases have  been  cured  which  doctors  call  incur- 
able. Usually  the  report  contains  particulars 
of  a number  of  ‘miracles,’  from  which  the  Con- 
gregation of  Rites  may  make  a selection.  The 
three  chosen  among  those  attributed  to  Joan  of 
Arc  relate  to  the  curing  of  nuns  belonging  to 
different  communities,  who  are  said  to  have  ob- 
tained relief  from  their  diseases  by  her  interces- 
sion. One  of  these  nuns  had  suffered  for  years 
from  cancer  and  was  on  the  point  of  death 
when,  it  was  claimed,  she  was  instantly  cured 
by  a prayer  of  Joan  of  Arc.  When  the  Con- 
gregation of  Rites  has  been  satisfied  as  to  the 
authenticity  of  three  miracles  they  prepare  their 
report,  which  is  submitted  to  the  Pope,  who 
considers  it.  There  is  then  a gathering  at  the 
Vatican,  to  which  the  public  is  admitted.  Car- 
dinals and  bishops  are  present,  and  a lawyer  of 
the  papal  court  reads  out  the  decision.  After 
this,  the  ceremony  of  beatification  generally 
takes  place  within  a few  months.” 

In  January,  1910,  it  was  announced  in  Paris 


that  the  ecclesiastical  process  for  the  Canoniza- 
tion would  begin  on  February  9. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Vote  in  British  House 
of  Commons  for  removal  of  remaining  Cath- 
olic Disabilities.  See  (iu  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  I).  1909  (May). 

PAPER  TRUST.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Com- 
binations, Industrial:  United  States:  A. 
D.  1901-1906,  and  1909. 

PARAGUAY:  A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Partici- 
pation in  Second  and  Third  International 
Conferences  of  American  Republics.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1902.  — A nearly  bloodless  Revolu- 
tion. — Deposition  of  President  Aceval.  — 
Elevation  of  the  Vice-President.  — The  fol- 
lowing, translated  from  the  Montevideo  (Uru- 
guay) Dia,  of  January  10,  1902,  appears  in  the 
annual  report  of  “Papers  relating  to  the  For- 
eign Relations  of  the  United  States,”  1902,  as 
transmitted  by  the  United  States  Minister  to 
Uruguay,  and  is  probably  an  authentic  account 
of  the  revolution  described  : 

“ Yesterday,  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a 
revolutionary  movement  occurred  in  Asuncion 
del  Paraguay,  without  bloodshed,  without  noise 
of  arms,  which  immediately  resulted  in  the  im- 
prisonment of  the  President  of  the  Republic, 
Dr.  Emilio  Aceval,  in  the  artillery  barracks.  A 
strange  case  — the  chief  magistrate  of  Paraguay 
has  fallen,  at  least  for  the  moment,  on  account  of 
a revolution,  inspired  and  carried  into  practice 
by  two  of  his  own  ministers,  Col.  Juan  Antonio 
Escurra  and  Senor  Fulgencio  Moreno,  who,  al- 
though belonging  to  the  same  Colorado  party  as 
the  President,  differ  in  opinion  at  present,  the 
former  considering  that  a radical  policy  should 
be  adopted  against  the  liberals  or  civic  accord - 
ists,  Dr.  Aceval  not  sharing  this  opinion,  but 
being  in  favor  of  concilatory  measures,  although 
this  did  not  win  for  him  the  help  of  his  tradi- 
tional adversaries,  who  looked  unfavorably  on 
him,  as  is  usually  the  way  with  those  belonging 
to  an  opposite  party.” 

In  his  note  transmitting  Montevideo  news- 
paper reports,  Minister  Finch  wrote  of  the  oc- 
currence: “ It  was,  as  will  be  seen,  a bloodless 
affair;  but  out  of  it  grew  a discussion  in  the 
Paraguay  Congress  which  was  followed  by 
shooting,  one  person  being  killed  aud  several 
wounded.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Successful  Revolution.  — 

The  beginning  of  a successful  revolution  was  re- 
ported to  Washington  by  the  American  Consul 
at  Asuncion,  in  a despatch  dated  August  11, 
1904,  as  follows:  “I  beg  to  confirm  my  tele- 
gram of  to  day,  stating  that  a revolution  has 
broken  out  in  this  republic.  . . . Revolutionary 
forces  ou  the  river  and  those  of  the  Government 
have  fought.  . . . The  Government  forces  were 
defeated,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  who  led 
the  forces,  being  taken  prisoner.  The  state  of 
siege  as  declared  . . . places  the  entire  country 
under  military  laws,  and  the  Government,  is 
amassing  a large  number  of  troops  to  suppress 
the  revolution.  It  is  impossible  at  present  to 
say  whether  it  will  be  of  long  or  short  duration. 
The  revolutionary  forces  are  proceeding  up  the 
river  in  boats,  and  the  Government  has  placed 
or  erected  defenses  along  the  river  near  the  cap- 
ital. 

“ Upon  inquiries  as  to  the  cause  of  this  revo- 
lution I am  informed  that  the  opposition  to  the 


PARAGUAY,  1904 


PARTIES 


Government  is  that  the  party  in  power  is  endeav- 
oring to  exclude  entirely  the  liberal  element 
from  participation  in  the  administration  of  af- 
fairs, assigning  that  said  party,  which  is  in 
power,  which  is  denominated  ‘ Colorados,’  have 
not  sufficient  persons  prepared  for  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Government.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  ‘ Colorados  ’ assign  that  the  revolution  is  due 
to  ambitious  persons  who  form  an  opposition 
and  are  classed  under  the  name  ‘Azul,’  colora- 
dos meaning  ‘ reds’  and  azul  ‘ blues.’  ’’ 

It  was  not  until  four  months  later  that  the 
Consul  could  announce  the  return  of  peace,  se- 
cured by  the  triumph  of  the  revolution.  The 
president,  Colonel  Ezcurra,  was  compelled  to 
resign,  and  Seiior  Juan  Gauna  was  elected  in  his 
place  ; the  army  was  reorganized ; a general  am- 
nesty was  proclaimed. 

PARDO,  President  Jose.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Peru. 

PARKER,  Alton  B.:  Nominated  for  Pre- 
sident of  the  U.  S.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.). 

PARKER,  Edward  Wheeler:  On  the  An- 
thracite Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commis- 
sion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
United  States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

PAROLE  SYSTEM.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Crime  and  Criminology. 

PARSONS,  Charles  A.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : Turbine 
Engine. 

PARTIES  : Agrarian  Socialists.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Finland  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

Anti-Revolutionnaire.  See  Netherlands: 
A.  D.  1905-1909. 

Azul.  See  Paraguay  : A.  D.  1904. 

Blues  (Conservatives).  See  Colombia:  A. 
D.  1898-1902. 

Boshin  Club.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1909. 

Cadets.  See  Russia  : A.  D.  1905-1907. 

Catholic  Peoples’  Party.  See  Austria-Hun- 
gary : A.  D.  1904. 

Center,  or  Centrum.  See  Germany:  A.  D. 
1906-1907. 

Centro  Catolico.  See  Philippine  Islands: 
A.  D.  1907. 

Christian  Workmen.  See  Finland:  A.  D. 
1908-1909. 

Christlijk.  See  Netherlands:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

Civilistas.  See  Peru. 

Clerical.  See  France:  A.  D.  1903,  and  1906; 
Belgium:  A.  D.  1904;  Germany:  A.  D.  1906, 
and  1908-1909. 

Colorados.  See  Paraguay  : A.  D.  1902,  and 
1904. 

Confederates.  See  Turkey  : A.  D.  1909 
(Jan. -May). 

Conservatives.  See  Germany:  A.  D.  1906, 
and  1908-1909. 

Conservative-Unionist.  See  England:  A.  D. 
1905-1906,  1909  (April-Dec.),  and  1910. 

Continental.  See  United  States  : A.  D. 
1904  (MAiicn-Nov.),  and  1908  (Marcii-No v.). 

Constitutional  Democrats.  See  Russia: 
A.  D.  1905-1907. 

Daido  Club.  See  Japan:  A.  D.  1909. 

Democratas.  See  Peru. 

Democratic.  See  United  States  ; A.  D. 
1904  (May-Nov.),  and  1908  (April-Nov.). 

Democristiana.  See  Labor  Organization  : 
Italy. 


Democratique  and  Gauche  Democratique. 

See  France:  A.  D.  1906. 

Doshi-shukai.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1903 

(June). 

Fabian  Society.  See  Socialism:  England: 
A.  D.  1909. 

Fedakiarans.  See  Turkey  : A.  D.  1909 

(Jan  -May). 

Federal  Party,  Filipino.  See  Philippine 
Islands  : A.  D.  1901,  and  1907. 

Free  Traders.  See  Australia  : A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

Independents.  See  Philippine  Islands  : A. 
D.  1907. 

Independent  Labor.  See  England  : A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

Independistas.  See  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

Inmediatistas.  See  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

Intransigentes.  See  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1907. 

Kossuth  Party,  or  Independence  Party. 

See  Austria  Hungary:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

Labor  Party.  See  Australia  : A.  D.  1903- 
1904,  and  after;  England:  A.  D.  1903,  and  1905- 
1906;  also  Socialism:  England. 

League  of  Liberation.  See  Russia  : A.  D. 
1905-1907. 

Liberal-Conservative  Separatist.  See  Aus- 
tria-Hungary : A.  I).  1904. 

Liberals.  See  Cuba  : A.  D.  1906,  and  after; 
England:  A.  D.  1905-1906, 1909  (Apiiil-Dec.), 
and  1910;  and  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.- 
May). 

Miguelistas.  See  Cuba:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 
Moderates.  See  London:  A.  D.  1909 

(March);  Denmark:  A.  D.  1901,  and  Cuba: 
A.  D.  1906,  and  after. 

Moderate  Republicans.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1909  (Jan.). 

Nacionalistas.  See  Philippine  Islands: 
A.  D.  1907. 

National  Liberty.  See  United  States  : A. 
D.  1904  (March-Nov.  ). 

Nationalists.  See  France  : A.  D.  1906. 
Octobrists.  See  Russia  : A.  I).  1904-1905. 
Old  Finns.  See  Finland  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 
Peoples,  or  Populist.  See  United  States  : 
A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.),  and  1908  (Aprii.- 
Nov.). 

Progresistas.  See  Philippine  Islands  : 
A.  D.  1907,  and  Portugal:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 
Progressists.  See  France  : A.  D.  1906. 
Progressists.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1909. 
Progressives.  See  London:  A.  D.  1909 
(March);  SouTn  Africa:  A.  I).  1902-1904. 

Prohibition.  See  United  States  : A.  D. 
1904  (Marcii-Nov.),  and  1908  (April-Nov.). 

Protectionists.  See  Australia:  A.D.  1903- 
1904,  and  after. 

Radicals  and  Radical  Socialists.  See 
France  : A.  D.  1906. 

Rallies.  See  Rallies. 

Regeneradors.  See  Portugal  : A.  D.  1906— 
1909. 

Republican.  See  United  States:  A.  D. 
1904  (May-Nov.),  and  1908  (April-Nov.). 

Rikken  Seiyu-kai,  or  Seiyu-kai.  See 
Japan:  A.  I).  1902  (Auo.) ; 1903  (June),  and 
1909;  also,  in  Vol.  VI.,  Japan:  A.  I).  1900. 

Sinn  Fein.  See  Ireland  : A.  D 1905. 

Social  Democrats.  See  Russia  A.  D.  1905— 


478 


PARTIES 


PAYNE 


1907;  Germany  : A.  D.  1903  ; Denmark  : A.  D. 
1906;  and  Socialism:  Germany,  France,  and 
England. 

Social  Revolutionists.  See  (Russia:  A.  D. 
1905-1907. 

Socialist,  and  Socialist  Labor.  See  United 
States  : A.  D.  1904  (Marcii-Nov.),  and  1908 
(April-Nov.). 

Socialists,  Radical,  — Socialists,  Inde- 
pendent,— Socialists  Unified.  See  France  : 
A.  IX  1906. 

Sons  of  Liberal  Ottomans.  See  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

Union  Republicaine.  See  France:  A.  D. 
1906. 

Yellows  (Liberals).  See  Colombia:  A.  D. 
1898-1902. 

Young  Egypt.  See  Egypt:  A.  D.  1909 
(Sept.). 

Young  Finns.  See  Finland:  A.  D.  1908- 
1909. 

Young  Turks.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908 
(July-Dec.). 

Yushin-kai.  See  Japan:  A.  D.  1909. 

Zayistas.  See  Cuba:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

PARTY  REFORMS,  Political.  See  (in 
this  yoI.)  Elective  Franchise  : United 

States. 

PASSAY,  Frederic.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 

PASSIONISTS:  Forbidden  to  Teach  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1903. 

“PASSIVE  RESISTANCE,”  of  English 
Nonconformists  to  the  Education  Act  of 
1902.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  England  : 
A.  D.  1902,  and  1909  (May). 

PASTEUR,  Louis:  Pronounced  by  Popu- 
lar Vote  to  be  the  Greatest  Frenchman  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

PATENTS  OF  INVENTION:  Great 

Britain:  A.  D.  1907.  — Patents  and  Designs 
Act.  — A requirement  of  the  manufacture  of 
patented  articles  in  the  United  Kingdom,  intro- 
duced in  an  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  passed 
and  approved  in  August,  1907,  which  came  into 
force  August  28,  1908,  seriously  changed  the 
operation  of  patents  issued  to  foreigners.  It  is 
contained  in  the  following  sections  : 

“27.  — (1)  At  any  time  not  less  than  four 
years  after  the  date  of  a patent  and  not  less  than 
one  year  after  the  passing  of  this  Act,  any  person 
may  apply  to  the  comptroller  for  the  revocation 
of  the  patent  on  the  ground  that  the  patented 
article  or  process  is  manufactured  or  carried  on 
exclusively  or  mainly  outside  the  United  King- 
dom. 

“ (2)  The  comptroller  shall  consider  the  appli- 
cation, and,  if  after  enquiry  he  is  satisfied  that 
the  allegations  contained  therein  are  correct, 
then,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  section, 
and  unless  the  patentee  proves  that  the  patented 
article  or  process  is  manufactured  or  carried  on 
to  an  adequate  extent  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
or  gives  satisfactory  reasons  why  the  article  or 
process  is  not  so  manufactured  or  carried  on,  the 
comptroller  may  make  an  order  revoking  the 
patent  either  — (a)  forthwith  ; or  ( b ) after  such 
reasonable  interval  as  may  be  specified  in  the 
order,  unless  in  the  meantime  it  is  shown  to  his 
satisfaction  that  the  patented  article  or  process 
is  manufactured  or  carried  on  within  the  United 
Kingdom  to  an  adequate  extent:  Provided  that 


no  such  order  shall  be  made  which  is  at  variance 
with  any  treaty,  convention,  arrangement,  or 
engagement  with  any  foreign  country  or  British 
possession. 

“(3)  If  within  the  time  limited  in  the  order 
the  patented  article  or  process  is  not  manufac- 
tured or  carried  on  within  the  United  Kingdom 
to  an  adequate  extent,  but  the  patentee  gives 
satisfactory  reasons  why  it  is  not  so  manufac- 
tured or  carried  on,  the  comptroller  may  extend 
the  period  mentioned  in  the  previous  order  for 
such  period  not  exceeding  twelve  months  as 
may  be  specified  in  the  subsequent  order. 

“ (4)  Any  decision  of  the  comptroller  under 
this  section  shall  be  subject  to  appeal  to  the 
court,  and  on  any  such  appeal  the  law  officer 
or  such  other  counsel  as  he  may  appoint  shall 
be  entitled  to  appear  and  be  heard.” 

Twelve  months  after  the  Act  became  effect- 
ive the  London  Times  gave  the  following  ac- 
count of  its  working:  “ During  the  year  which 
has  elapsed  since  Section  27  came  into  force,  69 
applications  for  revocation  of  foreign  patents 
have  been  made  to  the  Comptroller-General. 
In  10  cases  only  were  patents  revoked  by  that 
official.  In  four  of  these  cases  the  patentees 
appealed  to  the  High  Court,  and  in  two  cases 
relating  to  improvements  in  electric  arc  lamps, 
the  decision  of  the  Comptroller-General  was  re- 
versed, evidence  having  been  adduced  which 
was  not  placed  before  the  Comptroller-General, 
the  effect  of  which  was  to  show  that  the  pat- 
ented process  was  being  adequately  carried  on 
in  this  country.  The  two  other  appeals  to  the 
High  Court  were  unsuccessful,  so  that  the 
number  of  patents  finally  revoked  was  eight. 
Those  revoked  related  to  the  following  articles 
or  processes: —Artificial  stone  slabs  and  tiles 
(two  patents),  sewing-machines,  umbrellas,  ad- 
hesive stays  or  fastening  straps  used  in  box- 
making, the  lubrication  of  gig-mills,  a steam 
motor-car,  and  locks.  In  another  case,  that  of  a 
patent  connected  with  the  manufacture  of  china 
clay,  the  Comptroller-General  made  a condi- 
tional order  of  revocation. 

“It  is  too  early,  as  yet,  to  say  whether  this 
new  power  of  revocation  conferred  by  the  Act 
of  1907  is  likely  to  have  any  appreciable  effect 
in  reducing  the  number  of  foreign  patents  taken 
out  in  this  country.  In  the  first  seven  months 
of  this  year  there  were  17,869  such  patents  ap- 
plied for — an  increase  of  1566  as  compared  with 
the  corresponding  period  of  1908,  though  only 
an  increase  of  319  upon  the  larger  figures  for 
the  first  seven  months  of  1907.  Sixteen  fewer 
patents  were  taken  out  in  1909  by  American 
subjects  than  in  1908,  and  331  fewer  than  in 
1907.  The  decrease  in  German  patents  has  been 
consistent  — 2000  in  1907,  1822  in  1908,  and 
1735  in  1909,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  Aus- 
trian patents  — 253,  234,  and  192  respectively. 
French  patents,  which  were  620  in  1907  and  670 
in  1908,  decreased  to  560  in  1909. 

PATENTS:  Pan-American  Convention. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics 

PAULHAN,  M.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention,  Recent  : Aeronautics. 

PAUPERISM.  See  Poverty. 

PAWLOW,  Ivan  Petrovie.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

PAYNE,  Henry  C.:  Postmaster-General. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901— 
1905. 


479 


PAYNE-ALDRICH  TARIFF 


PEONAGE 


PAYNE-ALDRICH  TARIFF.  See  (in 

thisvol.)  Tariffs:  United  States. 

PEACE.  See  War,  The  Revolt  against. 

PEACE,  International : Awards  for  the 
Promotion  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  THE 
HAGUE,  The  Second  International.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against:  A.  D. 
1907. 

PEACE  TREATY,  Boer-British.  See  (in 

thisvol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

PEACE  TREATY  OF  PORTSMOUTH. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June- 
Oct.). 

PEARY,  Robert  E.:  Exploration  and  Dis- 
covery of  the  North  Pole.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Polar  Exploration  : Arctic. 

PEASANT  INSURRECTION  IN  THE 
BALTIC  PROVINCES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.). 

PEASANTRY,  Condition  of  Russian.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904,  1902, 
1904-1905,  1905,  and  1906. 

PECANHA,  Nilo:  President  of  Brazil. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Brazil  : A.  D.  1909  (June). 

PEKING:  A.  D.  1902.  — Return  of  the  Im- 
perial Court.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1902. 

PEKING-KALGAN  RAILWAY.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Railways:  China. 

PELLAGRA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public 
Health  : Pellagra. 

PENNA,  Dr.  Alfonso  Moreira : President 
of  Brazil.  See  (in  this  vol. ) Brazil:  A.  D.  1906. 

Sudden  death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Brazil: 
A.  D.  1909  (June). 

PENNSYLVANIA:  A.  D.  1906.  — Reform 
Legislation.  — The  popular  revolt  of  1905  in 
Philadelphia  against  the  intolerable  rottenness 
of  municipal  government  under  the  dominant 
party  “ machine ” (see,  in  this  vol.,  Municipal 
Government)  had  prompt  effects  in  the  State. 

“When  the  election,  last  November,  and  still 
more  the  reports  made  by  working  politicians 
in  the  best  organized  and  informed  machine  in 
the  land,  showed  that  these  classes  wanted  a 
change,  the  machine  and  its  leaders  changed 
instantly.  A pliant  governor  was  as  prompt  to 
call  the  Legislature  in  extra  session  as  he  had 
been  to  find  reasons  for  the  vilest  excess  of  the 
political  plunderers  of  the  State.  The  same 
Legislature  as  before  met,  and  in  a brief  session 
passed  every  measure  for  which  reformers  had 
been  asking  in  vain  for  twenty-five  years, — 
two  of  them  in  more  drastic  form  than  any  one 
had  yet  proposed.  Save  that  the  Corrupt  Prac- 
tices Act  is  more  precise  and  severe  than  any 
yet  passed,  except  in  Connecticut,  and  the  sepa- 
ration and  protection  of  the  civil  service  of  Phil- 
adelphia more  complete  than  has  yet  been  en- 
acted for  an  American  city,  the  new  legislation 
follows  the  general  trend  of  such  measures  in 
other  States.’’ — Review  of  Reviews,  April,  1906. 

A.  D.  1906-1908. — Frauds  in  the  Construc- 
tion of  the  new  State  Capitol.  — On  the  4th  of 
October,  1906,  the  new  State  House  at  Harris- 
burg was  dedicated  with  imposing  ceremonies, 
honored  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
as  the  principal  speaker  of  the  occasion.  The 
State  of  Pennsylvania  was  then  indulging  more 
pride  in  the  supposed  honesty  and  economy 
with  which  it  had  been  built  than  in  the 
splendor  it  displayed ; for  announcement  was 


made  that  the  Commission  charged  with  the 
work  had  saved  about  10  per  cent  of  the  §4,000,- 
000  appropriated  for  it.  Very  quickly,  however, 
there  came  an  humiliation  of  that  honorable 
pride.  Complete  accountings  showed  that, 
while  the  naked  structure  of  the  building  had 
cost  but  §3,600,000,  a monstrous  expenditure 
of  more  than  §9,000,000  for  alleged  decoration 
and  furnishing  had  been  added  to  that  sum,  by 
the  most  audacious  “ graft,”  perhaps,  that  is 
recorded,  even  in  the  national  history  which  in- 
cluded the  exploits  of  the  Tweed  Ring.  The 
arts  of  sculpture  and  painting  in  the  decoration 
were  dealt  with  most  frugally  ; but  royal  emol- 
uments went  to  gas-fitters  and  cabinet  makers 
and  their  kind, — $2,000,000  for  example,  for 
the  equipment  of  the  building  with  chandeliers. 
For  woodwork  in  one  suite  of  rooms,  which 
cost  the  contractor  §16,089  the  State  had  paid 
§94,208.  For  another,  he  had  received  $62,486, 
on  an  expenditure  by  himself  of  but  $6,145. 

The  investigation  of  these  monstrous  frauds, 
in  the  fruits  of  which  many  people  must  have 
shared,  resulted  in  the  arrest  of  fourteen  men. 
The  arrests  were  made  in  September,  1907,  and 
the  accused  were  released  on  bail.  In  the  fol- 
lowing March  four  were  convicted  of  defraud- 
ing the  State,  namely  J.  H.  Sanderson,  a con- 
tractor, W.  P.  Snyder,  former  Auditor-General 
of  the  State,  W.  L.  Mathues,  former  State 
Treasurer,  and  J.  31.  Shumaker,  former  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Grounds  and  Buildings.  The 
execution  of  the  sentence  was  suspended  pend- 
ing an  appeal. 

Sanderson  and  Mathues  died  (of  nervous 
breakdown,  it  was  said),  while  the  appeal  was 
pending.  The  conviction  of  Snyder  and  Shu- 
maker was  confirmed  finally  on  the  7th  of 
March.  1910,  and  their  sentence  to  two  years  of 
imprisonment  went  into  effect.  At  the  same 
time  suits  were  instituted  by  the  State  against 
all  parties  connected  with  the  frauds,  to  re- 
cover some  $5,000,000,  estimated  to  be  the 
amount  of  plunder  taken.  Meantime,  seven  in 
all  of  the  alleged  participants  in  the  conspiracy 
of  fraud  had  died. 

PENOLOGY.  See  Crime. 

PENSIONS,  for  Old  Age  and  Infirmity. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of. 

Military.  See  Germany  : A.  D.  1902. 

United  States:  For  Teachers.  See  Educa- 
tion: United  States  : A.  D.  1905-1908. 

For  Railway  Employees.  See  Labor  Re- 
muneration : Pensions. 

PEONAGE:  In  the  United  States.— The 
following  extracts  are  from  three  reports  of  an 
official  investigation  of  practices  of  peonage, 
conducted  by  the  Assistant  Attorney- General  of 
the  United  States,  Mr.  Charles  W.  Russell,  in 
1906-7: 

“ Under  the  criminal  law  ns  now  in  force  the 
offense  of  peonage  may  be  defined  as  causing 
compulsory  service  to  be  rendered  by  one  man 
to  another  on  the  pretext  of  having  him  work 
out  the  amount  of  a debt,  real  or  claimed.  That 
is  Mexican  peonage  proper,  as  defined  by  our 
highest  court  in  the  Clyatt  case  (197  U.  S.,  p. 
207).  But,  as  fully  explained  in  my  report  of 
October,  1907,  and  January,  1908,  where  there 
is  no  indebtedness  either  real  or  claimed,  a con- 
spiracy to  cause  compulsory  service  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  is  punishable  ; and  so,  also, 
according  to  the  only  court  that  has  directly 


PEONAGE 


PERSIA,  1905-1907 


passed  upon  the  question,  is  the  carrying  or  en- 
ticing any  person  from  one  place  to  another  in 
order  that  he  may  be  held  in  compulsory  ser- 
vice. 

“I  use  the  words  ‘compulsory  service’  as 
equivalent  to  the  constitutional  phrase  ‘ invol- 
untary servitude  ’ because  the  Supreme  Court 
so  treats  them  in  the  Clyatt  case,  and  I say  that 
a mere  claim  of  debt  is  sufficient  because  several 
inferior  courts  have  so  decided,  and  because  in 
the  Clyatt  case  the  indictment,  to  which  no  ob- 
jection seems  to  have  been  made,  alleged  a mere 
claim  of  indebtedness.” 

For  an  illustration  of  peonage,  Mr.  Russell 
cites  the  following  from  evidence  produced  at 
the  trial  of  a case  occurring  in  Alabama  which 
he  took  part  in : 

“It  was  proven  that  Harlan,  the  manager, 
had  headquarters  at  Lockhart,  where  the  mill 
was  ; that  in  his  back  yard  were  kept  what  were 
called  bloodhounds  — man-trailing  dogs;  that 
the  object  of  keeping  these  was  to  send  after 
escaping  men  ; that  they  were  so  used,  and  men 
chased  and  brought  back,  one  of  them  tied  on 
the  hind  part  of  a buggy  ; that  one  of  the  men, 
the  Bulgarian  Jordmans,  was  unmercifully' 
kicked  and  beaten  by  Gallagher  for  wandering 
off  a few  yards,  his  sore  shins  being  exhibited 
to  the  jury  as  part  of  the  evidence;  that  by 
means  of  telegraph,  railroad,  and  telephone,  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  a deputy  sheriff,  the 
force  of  men  were  hemmed  in  so  that  escape  was 
almost  impossible  ; that  the  foremen  constantly 
carried  pistols  and  often  made  threats;  that  a 
rope  was  placed  around  the  neck  of  one  for- 
eigner and  thrown  over  a beam  as  an  object- 
lesson  to  others  and  to  frighten  him,  and  that 
all  this  went  on  systematically'.  . . . 

“I  have  no  doubt,  from  my  investigations  and 
experiences,  that  the  chief  support  of  peonage 
is  the  peculiar  system  of  State  laws  prevailing 
in  the  South,  intended  evidently  to  compel  ser- 
vice on  the  part  of  the  workingman. 

“ It  is  hoped  that  an  enlightened  self-interest 
and  the  demand  for  labor  made  necessary  by  the 
expansion  of  old  industries  and  the  introduction 
of  new  will  lead  to  the  amendment  or  repeal 
of  the  State  laws  which  are  the  chief  support  of 
peonage  practices. 

“ These  State  laws  take  various  forms  and  are 


used  in  various  ways  to  uphold  peonage  and 
other  kinds  of  involuntary  servitude.  Some  of 
them  are  vagrancy  laws,  some  contract  labor  or 
employment  laws,  some  fraudulent  pretense  or 
false  promise  laws,  and  there  are  divers  others. 
Some  few  of  those  in  question,  such  as  abscond- 
ing debtor  laws,  labor  enticing,  and  board -bill 
laws,  were  not  originally  passed  to  enslave  work- 
men ; but  in  view  of  the  use  to  which  they  are 
put,  need  amendment  in  order  that  they  cannot 
be  so  abused. 

“ These  laws  are  used  to  threaten  workmen 
who,  having  been  defrauded  into  going  to  an 
employer  by'  false  reports  as  to  the  conditions  of 
employment  and  the  surroundings,  naturally  be- 
come dissatisfied  as  soon  as  they  find  how  they' 
have  been  defrauded.  They  are  used  before  ju- 
ries and  the  local  public  to  hold  the  peons  up 
as  law-breakers  and  dishonest  persons  seeking 
to  avoid  their  ‘ just  obligations  ’ and  to  convince 
patriotic  juries  that  the  defendants  accused  of 
peonage  should  not  be  convicted  for  enforcing, 
still  less  for  threatening  to  enforce,  the  laws  of 
their  State. 

“Until  we  began  our  work  in  October,  1906, 
the  chief  supply  of  peons  came  from  the  slums 
— i.  e. , foreign  quarters  of  New  York,  and  from 
Ellis  Island,  through  the  operations  of  licensed 
labor  agents  of  New  York.  These  were  reaping 
a rich  harvest  from  the  price  per  head  for  labor- 
ers supplied  to  employers  at  a distance,  and  the 
temptations  to  fill  all  orders  and  outdo  rival 
agents  by  a total  disregard  of  truth  and  honesty 
in  dealing  with  both  laborer  and  employer  was 
too  great  for  a number  of  these  brokers.” 

PEPPER,  Charles  M. : Delegate  to  Sec- 
ond International  Conference  of  American 
Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Re- 
publics. 

PERDICARIS,  Ion : Ransomed  from  a 
Moorish  Brigand.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco: 
A.  D.  1904-1909. 

PEREIRA,  Jose  Hygino  Duarte:  Vice- 
President  of  Second  International  Conference 
of  American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics. 

PERRY,  Commodore  Matthew  Calbraith: 
Monument  in  Japan  to  commemorate  his  Ad- 
vent there  in  1853.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1901  (July). 


PERSIA. 


A.  D.  1905-1907.  — Beginnings  of  the  Re- 
volutionary Movement,  in  the  Life  of  Shah 
Muzaffer-ed-Din.  — The  Taking  of  “Bast,” 
and  its  effect.  — The  Extortion  of  a Consti- 
tution and  Election  of  a Representative  As- 
sembly.— Death  of  the  Shah.  — The  follow- 
ing account  of  conditions  and  events  which 
opened,  attended  and  followed  the  late  constitu- 
tional revolution  in  Persia  have  been  derived, 
partly  from  official  correspondence  of  the  pe- 
riod, between  the  British  Legation  at  Teheran 
(or  Tehran)  and  the  Foreign  Office  at  London, 
as  published  in  Blue  Book  Cd.  4581,  1909,  and 
partly  from  letters  and  despatches  to  the  lead- 
ing journals  of  London  and  New  York. 

The  Shah,  Muzaffer-ed-Din,  who  came  to  the 
throne  in  1896,  on  the  assassination  of  his  father, 
Nasr-ed-Din  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work, 


Persia),  was  credited  with  a desire  to  reform 
the  government  of  his  kingdom,  and  made  con- 
siderable effort  to  that  end  in  the  early'  years  of 
his  reign ; but  the  adverse  forces  controlling 
his  court  were  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  seems 
to  have  yielded  to  them  completely  at  last. 
He  was  surrounded  by  a corrupt  ring  which 
lived  on  the  spoils  of  government,  and  piled 
debt  upon  debt.  Under  the  last  of  the  Grand 
Viziers  (Atabegs,  or  Atabeks)  who  ruled  Persia 
in  his  name  before  the  outbreak  of  revolution, 
“ governments  were  put  up  for  sale,  grain  was 
hoarded  and  sold  at  extortionate  prices,  the 
Government  domains  were  stolen  or  sold  for  the 
benefit  of  the  conspirators,  rich  men  were  sum- 
moned to  Teheran  (or  Tehran)  and  forced  to 
disgorge  large  sums  of  money,  oppression  of 
every  sort  was  countenanced  for  a considera- 


481 


PERSIA,  1905-1907 


PERSIA,  1905-1907 


tion  ; the  property,  and  even  the  lives,  of  all 
Persian  subjects  were  at  their  mercy.  Finally, 
there  was  every  reason  to  believe  that  a con- 
spiracy was  on  foot  to  dethrone  the  foolish  and 
impotent  Shah  and  to  oust  the  Valiahd  [heir  to 
the  throne] . In  their  place  was  to  be  put  the 
Shooa-es-Sultaneh,  the  Shah’s  younger  son,  who 
was  a by-word  even  in  Persia  for  extortion  and 
injustice.  The  policy  of  the  Atabeg  and  his 
friends  had  thus  aroused  the  opposition  of  all 
classes  in  Persia  : of  the  few  more  or  less  pa- 
triotic statesmen,  who  knew  to  what  a goal  the 
country  was  being  led ; of  the  priests,  who  felt 
that  their  old  power  and  independence  would 
perish  with  that  of  their  country ; and  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  population  and  the  mercantile 
classes,  who  were  the  daily  victims  of  the  tyr- 
anny of  their  oppressors.  In  December  [1905] 
the  storm  broke.  The  Governor  of  Tehran, 
without  any  just  cause,  ordered  an  aged  Seyed 
to  be  cruelly  beaten.  A large  number  of  the 
prominent  Mu j teheds  took  ‘ bast  ’ [refuge]  in 
the  shrine  of  Shah  Abdul  Azim,  near  the  capi- 
tal.” 

The  “taking  of  ‘bast,’”  or  refuge,  in  some 
sanctuary  or  other  place  of  protection,  is  an  old 
Persian  mode  of  political  protest  or  demonstra- 
tion, to  command  attention  to  public  discon- 
tents. In  1848  the  chief  persons  of  the  Empire 
had  taken  refuge  with  the  English  and  Russian 
Legations  in  order  to  obtain  the  exile  of  a tyran- 
nical Minister,  Mirza  Aghassi,  and  since  then  it 
had  been  the  custom  of  persons  who  had  griev- 
ances against  their  own  Government  to  take 
refuge  under  the  shelter  of  a foreign  Legation. 
The  “ Mujteheds  ” mentioned  in  the  above  quo- 
tation as  having  resorted  to  this  expedient  in 
December,  are  the  higher  and  more  influential 
of  the  Mohammedan  priests  in  Persia,  distin- 
guished from  the  Mullahs  or  common  priests, 
whose  ranks  are  open  to  any  believer  who  can 
read  the  Koran  and  who  assumes  to  interpret  its 
laws. 

The  Government  used  vain  endeavors  of  brib- 
ery and  intimidation  to  break  up  the  “bast” 
at  the  shrine  of  Shah  Abdul  Azim.  The  refu- 
gees had  stirred  up  the  whole  country  by  a pub- 
lished statement  of  grievances,  appealing  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  people,  and  the  Shah  surren- 
dered to  the  effect  produced.  He  made  pro- 
mises of  a grant  of  popular  representation,  and  of 
administrative  reforms.  By  the  end  of  January 
a promising  state  of  affairs  seemed  to  have  been 
brought  about.  “The  refugees  were  brought 
back  to  Tehran  in  the  Shah’s  own  carriages, 
escorted  by  an  enthusiastic  crowd.”  But  dissen- 
sions between  the  popular  leaders  and  the  Muj- 
teheds soon  arose.  “ No  definite  step  was  taken 
to  give  effect  to  the  Shah’s  promises,  except  a 
vague  letter  promising  Courts  of  Justice  and  a 
new  Code,  and  the  appointment  of  a Council  to 
consider  the  whole  question  of  reforms.  In  this 
Council  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  Govern- 
ment could  control  the  leaders  of  the  reform 
movement,  and  that  the  sympathies  of  the  great 
Mujteheds  were  not  heartily  with  the  popular 
movement.  All  was  outwardly  quiet  in  Tehran, 
but  in  the  provinces  the  people  of  Shiraz  and 
Resht  had  taken  violent  measures  to  prevent  the 
reappointment  of  the  Shah’s  sons  as  their  Gov- 
ernors, and  the  movement  in  both  eases  was 
successful.  In  the  capital  itself  the  streets  and 
the  bazaars  were  quiet,  but  every  day  sermons 


were  preached  in  the  mosques,  in  which,  as  one 
of  the  popular  party  said,  ‘ What  we  hardly 
dared  to  think  a year  ago  was  openly  spoken.’ 
The  best-known  preacher  of  Tehran,  a Prince 
of  the  Imperial  house,  preached  every  Friday 
against  the  tyrannies  and  corruption  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. An  order  for  his  expulsion  was  issued. 
The  chief  Mujteheds,  incited  by  the  people, 
pressed  the  Government  to  withdraw  the  mea- 
sure, and  the  Government  had  to  yield.” 

In  the  middle  of  May  the  Shah  had  a para- 
lytic stroke  and  was  removed  to  the  country. 
For  some  weeks  there  was  a lull  in  the  popular 
agitation.  Then,  early  in  July,  the  principal 
Mujteheds  were  roused  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Grand  Vizier  to  a fresh  preaching  of  revolt. 
On  the  11th  the  Vizier  ordered  the  arrest  of  one 
of  the  preachers  ; a crowd  of  people  attempted 
to  rescue  him,  and  was  fired  on  by  the  troops. 
General  rioting  in  the  capital  ensued,  with  vic- 
tory, for  a time,  on  the  side  of  the  people ; but 
in  the  end  the  Government  appeared  to  have 
won  the  day.  “The  town  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  troops.  The  popular  leaders  had  fled.  The 
Shah  was  in  the  hands  of  their  opponents.  For 
the  popular  party  the  outlook  was  a grave  one.” 

In  these  circumstances  the  leaders  had  re- 
course again  to  the  “bast,”  and  this  time  in  a 
Foreign  Legation. 

“ On  the  evening  of  the  9th  fifty  Mullahs  and 
merchants  appeared  at  the  Legation  and  took 
up  their  quarters  for  the  night.  Their  numbers 
soon  increased,  and  on  the  2nd  September 
there  were  about  14,000  persons  in  the  Lega- 
tion garden.  Their  conduct  was  most  orderly. 
The  crowd  of  refugees  was  organized  by  the 
heads  of  the  guilds,  who  took  measures  to  pre- 
vent any  unauthorized  person  from  entering  the 
Legation  grounds.  Tents  were  put  up  and 
regular  feeding  places  and  times  of  feeding 
were  provided  for.  The  expense  was  borne  by 
the  principal  merchants.  No  damage  of  a wil- 
ful character  was  done  to  the  garden,  although, 
of  course,  every  semblance  of  a bed  was  trampled 
out  of  existence,  and  the  trees  still  bear  pious 
inscriptions  cut  in  the  bark.  Colonel  Douglas, 
the  Military  Attache,  kept  wTatch  over  the  Le- 
gation buildings,  but  no  watch  was  needed. 
Discipline  and  order  were  maintained  by  the 
refugees  themselves. 

“The  Government  sent  answers  to  the  popu- 
lar demands,  which  they  requested  Mr.  Grant 
Duff  to  read  to  the  people.  The  Government 
communications  were  received  with  derision. 
At  last  there  appeared  to  be  no  other  resource 
than  a personal  appeal  to  the  Shah.  The  peo- 
ple stated  firmly  that  unless  their  demands 
were  granted  they  would  remain  in  the  Lega- 
tion, as  it  was  their  only  place  of  safety,  and 
they  maintained  that  until  the  Shah  knew  what 
was  the  real  situation  their  requests  would 
never  receive  due  consideration.  Mr.  Grant 
Duff  obtained  the  consent  of  His  Majesty’s 
Government,  and  announced  to  the  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  that  he  demanded  an  audience. 
An  audience  was  fixed  for  the  30tli  July.  The 
audience,  however,  never  took  place.  The  Com- 
mander of  several  of  the  Tehran  regiments,  on 
whom  the  Minister  of  the  Court  and  the  Grand 
Vizier  chiefly  depended,  made  the  fatal  an- 
nouncement that  his  troops  would  not  serve 
against  the  people,  and  that  they  were  on  the 
point  of  themselves  taking  refuge  in  the  British 


PERSIA,  1905-1907 


PERSIA,  1907 


Legation.  The  Court  party  yielded.  The  Sadr 
Azam  [Grand  Vizier]  resigned,  and  the  Azad-ul- 
Mulk,  head  of  the  Kajar  tribe  [the  tribe  of  the 
imperial  dynasty],  proceeded  to  Sum  in  order 
to  inform  the  refugee  Mullahs  that  the  Shah 
had  granted  their  demands  for  a National  As- 
sembly and  for  Courts  of  Justice. 

“The  chief  difficulty  which  then  confronted 
Mr.  Grant  Dull  was  that  the  people  had  entirely 
lost  confidence  in  their  own  Government,  and 
declined  to  treat  with  them  except  through  the 
British  Representative.  When  the  Government 
made  the  announcement  of  the  projected  re- 
forms, the  people  answered  that  they  would  not 
accept  the  promise  of  the  Government  unless  it 
was  confirmed  and  guaranteed  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  King  of  England.  This  was  natu- 
rally impossible.  Acting  under  instructions, 
Mr.  Grant  Duff  informed  the  refugees  that  he 
could  do  no  more  for  them,  and  entirely  declined 
to  guarantee  the  execution  of  the  Shah’s  De- 
crees. The  Government  then  attempted  to 
come  to  an  arrangement  direct.  It  failed.  The 
popular  leaders  rejected  the  Shah’s  Decrees  as 
vague  or  inadequate,  and  where  posted  up  in 
the  city  they  were  torn  down  and  trampled  on. 
In  this  extremity  the  Government  again  ap- 
pealed to  Mr.  Grant  Duff  and  begged  him  for 
his  assistance.  At  his  suggestion  a meeting 
took  place  at  the  residence  of  the  new  Grand 
Vizier,  the  late  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  be- 
tween the  Government  and  the  popular  leaders. 
After  a long  discussion,  at  which  Mr.  Grant 
Duff  took  no  part  except  when  questioned,  an 
agreement  was  arrived  at,  and  an  amended  Re- 
script published  which  definitely  promised  a 
National  Representative  assembly  [in  the  Per- 
sian language  a Mejlis  or  Medjliss]  with  legis- 
lative powers.  The  Rescript  was  read  out  in 
the  British  Legation  to  the  assembled  refugees 
and  was  received  with  enthusiasm.  . . . On  the 
night  of  the  16th  the  Mujteheds  returned  amid 
popular  plaudits,  and  on  the  18tli  a grand  meet- 
ing was  held  in  the  Palace  precincts  as  a sort 
of  earnest  of  the  National  Assembly.” 

The  Court  party,  however,  had  only  suffered 
an  appearance  of  defeat.  It  spent  the  next 
week  “in  gradually  paring  down  all  the  Shah’s 
promises,  and  in  the  production  of  a Rescript 
in  which  the  original  project  of  the  Constitu- 
tion was  hardly  recognizable.  The  late  Grand 
Vizier,  who  had  lingered  in  the  neighborhood, 
suddenly  returned  to  his  country  seat  near  the 
Shah’s  residence,  and  the  Shah  absolutely  re- 
fused to  sign  the  Regulations  for  the  Assembly. 
The  popular  excitement  was  intense.  Notice 
was  served  on  Mr.  Grant  Duff  that  the  people 
would  again  take  refuge  in  the  Legation,  if  nec- 
essary, by  force.  About  twenty-five  of  the 
leaders  actually  did  take  up  their  quarters  there. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  disturbances  were  about  to 
break  out  anew.”  But  now  the  Russian  Minis- 
ter came  into  cooperation  with  Mr.  Grant  Duff, 
in  representations  to  the  Shah  that  overcame  the 
evil  influences  by  which  he  was  swayed.  Regu- 
lations for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  As- 
sembly were  now  signed  ; but  fresh  difficulties 
arose  from  the  refusal  of  provincial  governors 
to  carry  them  out.  These  in  turn  were  over- 
come and  the  elections  were  held.  “Meanwhile 
it  had  been  decided,  in  order  to  avoid  delay, 
that  the  Tehran  Members  of  the  Council  should 
meet  at  once,  without  ■waiting  for  the  provin- 


cial Delegates,  and  the  first  session  of  the  new 
Assembly  was  opened  [October  7,  1906]  by  the 
Shah  himself,  in  the  presence  of  the  priests,  the 
Court,  and  the  foreign  representatives.  . . . 
The  provincial  Members  arrived  one  by  one  as 
they  were  elected,  and  as  yet  there  are  many 
vacant  places,  the  provinces  not  showing  much 
alacrity  in  electing  their  Members.  The  As- 
sembly soon  showed  its  power.  It  refused 
absolutely  to  consent  to  the  Anglo-Russian  ad- 
vance [of  a preferred  loan]  on  the  ground  that 
the  public  revenues  ought  not  to  be  pledged  to 
foreigners.  It  announced  its  intention  of  insti- 
tuting reforms,  especially  in  the  finances  of  the 
country,  and  of  providing  itself  the  necessary 
funds  for  carrying  on  the  Government  by  found- 
ing and  endowing  a National  Bank.  But,  be- 
fore taking  any  steps  of  this  nature,  it  insisted 
on  having  a signed  Constitution.  A Commit- 
tee was  nominated  to  consider  the  terms  of 
the  Constitution,  and,  in  consultation  with  a 
Committee  named  by  the  Government,  a Con- 
stitution was  drawn  up  and  submitted  to  the 
Chamber.”  It  did  not  satisfy  the  popular  de- 
mand and  scenes  of  confusion  followed  ; but  in 
the  end  it  was  amended  and  approved,  and,  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1907,  the  important  instru- 
ment, ratified  by  the  Shah  and  by  the  Valialid  — 
the  heir  to  the  crown— was  delivered  to  the  As- 
sembly and  received  with  joy.  One  week  later, 
on  the  8th  of  January,  the  Shah  died. 

The  text  of  the  Constitution,  as  translated  for 
communication  to  the  British  Government,  is 
given  in  this  volume  under  the  heading  — Con- 
stitution of  Persia. 

A.  D.  1907  (Jan. -Sept.). — The  new  Shah, 
Mohammed  Ali. — His  evil  surroundings. — 
Hostility  between  him  and  the  Assembly.  — 
Prime  Ministry  of  Atabeg-i-Azam.  — The 
Government  without  money. — Inaction  of  the 
Assembly.  — Discouragement  of  the  Atabeg. 
— His  assassination.  — The  new  Shah,  who 
assumed  the  crown  under  the  name  or  title  of 
Mohammed  Ali  Shah,  professed  acquiescence  in 
the  constitutional  change  which  the  nation  had 
forced  his  father  to  accept ; but  those  who  knew 
him  appear  to  have  expected  that  he  would  act 
a perfidious  part.  That  improved  conditions  in 
the  country  were  far  from  settled  became  ap- 
parent very  soon.  As  early  as  the  30th  of  Janu- 
ary, Sir  C.  Spring-Rice,  who  had  succeeded  Mr. 
Grant  Duff  as  the  diplomatic  representative  of 
Great  Britain,  wrote  to  his  Government:  “I  re- 
gret to  state  that  the  prospects  of  a good  under- 
standing between  the  Shah  and  the  popular 
party  are  still  remote.  The  entourage  of  the 
Shah,  especially  his  father-in-law,  the  Naib-es- 
Sultaneh,  is  personally  interested  in  the  continu- 
ance of  the  existing  abuses  ; and  their  influence 
has  certainly  made  itself  felt  to  a regrettable  ex- 
tent, and  has  led  to  increasing  agitation  against 
the  Shah  himself.  On  the  other  hand  the  action 
of  the  popular  Assembly  has  not  been  such  as 
to  lead  to  conciliation.” 

The  precariousness  of  the  situation  in  the 
country,  the  paralysis  of  government  and  the 
prevalence  of  disorder  during  a number  of 
months  following,  may  be  indicated  sufficiently 
by  a few  passages  from  the  despatches  of  Sir 
C.  Spring-Rice  and  Mr.  Charles  M.  Marling, 
Charge  d’Affaires  to  the  British  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  Sir  Edward  Grey  : 

February  27,  1907.  — “It  is  clear  that  a na- 


483 


PERSIA,  1907 


PERSIA,  1907 


tional  movement  of  a semi-political  and  semi- 
religious character  does  exist  and  is  spreading. 
The  great  Mujteheds  of  Kerbela  are  now  enter- 
ing on  the  scene,  and  delegates  are  being  sent 
out  from  the  capital  to  the  provinces  to  preach 
the  principles  of  liberty.  Patriotism,  of  a distinc- 
tive Persian  type,  has  always  been  the  charac- 
teristic of  the  Shiite  believers.  The  present  Shah 
of  Persia  has  no  religious  status,  and,  in  the 
view  of  the  religious  leaders,  no  fundamental 
right  to  the  allegiance  of  the  Persians,  whose  real 
chief  is  no  living  King,  but  the  twelfth  Imam, 
the  coming  Messiah,  even  now  present  on  the 
earth,  though  unseen.  The  patriotism  of  the 
Shiite  does  not  therefore  centre  in  the  person  of 
the  Kaliph,  but  is,  or  can  be,  of  a highly  revolu- 
tionary character.”  • 

May  23.  — An  “important  question  has  arisen 
in  relation  to  an  addition  to  the  Constitution, 
guaranteeing  equal  treatment  for  all  Persian 
subjects,  irrespective  of  their  creed.  The  mul- 
lahs protested.  Of  the  three  great  Mujteheds, 
only  one  — Seyid  Mohamed  — declared  in 
favour  of  it.  The  others,  supported  by  a large 
body  of  the  clergy,  maintain  that  Mussulman 
law  must  be  enforced  in  a Mussulman  country. 
The  clerical  world  is  divided  on  the  subject.  A 
large  number  of  the  priests,  headed  by  Seyid 
Mohamed  and  the  popular  preacher  Sheikh 
Jamal-ed-Din,  declare  openly  that  the  law  of 
Mahommed  is  a law  of  liberty  and  equality,  and 
that  those  who  say  otherwise  are  traitors  to  their 
country  and  unworthy  of  their  religion.  The 
representative  of  the  Parsees  informs  me  that 
he  has  great  hopes  that  a decision  will  be  taken 
favourable  to  toleration  ; but  the  matter  is  still 
in  suspense.” 

“ The  Atabeg-i-Azam  [about  whom  something 
wall  be  told  below]  arrived  at  Tehran  the  26tli 
April,  and  was  formally  appointed  President 
of  the  Council  of  Ministers  and  Minister  of  the 
Interior  on  the  2nd  May.  He  proceeded  to  the 
National  Assembly  on  the  4th  May,  accompanied 
by  his  whole  Cabinet,  and  made  a statement  of 
policy.” 

“ The  tone  of  the  local  press  is  getting  more 
and  more  democratic,  and  new  papers  are  con- 
stantly appearing.  There  are  at  present  nearly 
thirty  papers  published  in  Tehran  alone,  includ 
ing  several  dailies.  Papers  are  also  published 
in  nearly  all  the  provinces,  and  a Persian  paper 
of  a very  anti-dynastic  tone  is  published  at 
Baku  and  widely  circulated  in  Persia.  Anony- 
mous pamphlets  are  also  widely  spread  in  Teh- 
ran as  before.  A number  of  them  are  printed 
at  Baku,  and  are  remarkable  for  their  inflam- 
matory character.  The  Tehran  pamphlets  are 
chiefly  directed  against  the  Atabeg-i-Azam  and 
the  Government.” 

June  18.  — “The  financial  condition  of  the 
Government  is,  if  possible,  worse  than  ever. 
The  police  of  the  capital  are  on  strike ; it  has 
been  found  almost  impossible  to  scrape  together 
money  enough  to  induce  the  Tehran  troops  to 
leave  for  the  scene  of  the  rebellion.” 

“The  Government  would,  if  it  dared,  borrow 
abroad  to  meet  its  present  liabilities.  But,  in 
view  of  the  popular  sentiment,  it  does  not  resort 
to  a foreign  loan.  It  appeals  to  the  Assembly 
for  help,  in  the  form  of  subscriptions  to  the  pro- 
posed National  Bank.  The  answer  it  receives 
is  that  the  people  will  subscribe  as  soon  as  the 
rich  nobles,  who  are  known  to  have  large  sums 


of  money,  show  the  way.  This  the  rich  refuse 
to  do.  As  to  raising  money  by  taxation,  the 
Assembly  appears  to  be  convinced  that  as  soon 
as  the  Government  has  any  money  in  hand  it 
will  use  it  for  the  destruction  of  the  Medjliss. 
Any  effective  control  of  expenditure  is  regarded 
as  quite  out  of  the  question.  The  exasperation 
against  the  Shah  is  rapidly  increasing.” 

“There  is  a considerable  difference  between 
the  north  and  the  south.  In  the  south  the  popu- 
lar movement  has  an  almost  farcical  character; 
it  turns  on  personal  or  pecuniary  questions.  In 
the  north  there  appears  to  be  a more  or  less 
definite  political  aim  and  a keen  sense  of  patriot- 
ism. So  far  there  is  no  sign  of  an  anti-foreign 
outbreak.” 

July  19.  — “The  general  condition  of  the 
whole  country  is  undoubtedly  bad,  and  is  prob- 
ably slightly  worse  than  last  month.  The  dis- 
turbances at  Tehran  have  been  chiefly  brought 
about  by  artificial  means  to  serve  the  purposes 
of  the  reactionaries.  There  seems,  however,  no 
reason  to  regard  it  as  dangerous,  though  the 
Government  has  every  appearance  of  being 
bankrupt,  and  artificial  demonstrations  are  of 
daily  occurrence.  There  is  so  far  no  reason  to 
fear  an  outbreak  and  consequent  danger  to  for- 
eign lives  or  property.” 

August  15.  — “The  Assembly  still  continues 
to  sit,  and  it  celebrated  the  anniversary  of  the 
grant  of  the  Constitution  amid  great  scenes  of 
popular  enthusiasm.  But  it  has  done,  and  is 
doing,  nothing  of  practical  value.  Its  proceed- 
ings are  disorderly,  and  it  comes  to  no  deci- 
sion. The  covert  opposition  of  the  Shah  and 
his  friends  is  conducted  with  considerable  skill 
through  a section  of  the  priestly  party,  who 
are  heavily  subsidized.  They  have  obtained 
some  measure  of  success,  and  the  reactionary 
forces  show  a considerable  amount  of  vigour. 
But  the  popular  leaders  are  not  seriously  afraid 
of  these  enemies,  and  confidently  maintain  that 
the  restoration  of  autocracy  in  Persia  is  now  im- 
possible. The  chief  enemies  of  the  Assembly 
are  its  own  members.” 

“ The  Atabeg  is  in  a state  of  great  depression, 
is  afraid  for  his  life,  distrustful  of  the  Shah, 
and  professes  that  he  is  anxious  to  resign.  He 
is  useful  as  a man  holding  a middle  position 
between  Shah  and  people,  and  possessing  great 
experience  and  knowledge  of  the  country,  but 
he  is  quite  incapable  of  organizing  or  adminis- 
tering a Government  or  of  carrying  out  any 
thorough-going  reform.” 

September  13.  — “ On  the  evening  of  the  30th 
ultimo  the  Atabeg  called  on  me  and  talked  at 
length  on  the  political  situation.  The  general 
tenor  of  his  observations  was  that  the  Shah 
would  withdraw  his  opposition,  the  Medjliss 
would  work  with  the  Government,  and  that 
very  shortly  the  Government  would  be  able  to 
put  an  eud’lo  the  disorder  which  reigned  in  the 
country.  I never  saw  him  in  better  spirits. 

“ The  next  day  [August  31]  the  Atabeg  and 
the  Ministers  repaired  to  the  Palace  and  re- 
quested the  Shah  to  accept  their  resignations 
unless  he  would  solemnly  pledge  himself  to  co 
operate  with  the  Government  and  the  Medjliss, 
They  obtained  the  promise  in  writing,  and  re- 
paired in  a body  to  the  Assembly.  The  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Assembly  on  that  day  were  on 
the  whole  harmonious  and  satisfactory.  The 
Atabeg  read  the  Shah’s  statement,  and  explained 


PERSIA,  1907 


PERSIA,  1907-1908 


that  the  Government  and  the  Assembly  would 
now  be  able  to  proceed  to  the  serious  work 
of  reform.  There  was  some  opposition,  but  it 
was  overruled.  The  majority  of  the  Members 
showed  their  sympathy  with  the  Government. 

“The  Atabeg  left  the  Assembly  accompa- 
nied by  the  principal  Mujtehed,  Seyed  Abdul- 
lah. They  reached  the  outer  door  of  the  Palace 
inclosure,  and  had  just  parted  when  the  Atabeg 
was  shot  and  killed.  One  of  his  assailants  was 
captured,  but  wounded  his  captor  and  escaped; 
another,  finding  himself  surrounded,  shot  him- 
self. . . . 

“For  some  time  lately  rumours  have  been 
spread  abroad  through  the  local  press  and  by 
word  of  mouth  to  the  effect  that  the  Atabeg  was 
in  secret  collusion  with  the  Shah,  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  Assembly  and  the  sale  of  the  coun- 
try to  Russia.  Statements  to  this  effect  reached 
me  from  Members  of  the  Assembly.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  and  intensity 
of  the  feeling  against  the  Atabeg.  A French 
doctor,  who  attended  one  of  the  assassins  some 
time  before  the  murder,  assured  Mr.  Churchill 
that  he  and  his  friends  were  quiet  and  respect- 
able persons  of  the  middle  class,  imbued  with 
the  strongest  feeling  of  patriotism,  and  ready 
to  devote  their  lives  to  the  service  of  their 
country.  The  attacks  on  the  Atabeg  had  lately 
gained  in  virulence,  and  had  attracted  universal 
attention.  . . . Popular  sentiment  approved 
the  murder,  and  the  assassins  were  regarded  as 
saviours  of  their  country.  The  streets  of  Ta- 
breez  were  illuminated.  The  result  of  the 
Atabeg’s  murder  is  for  the  time  to  disorganize 
the  whole  system  of  government.” 

In  a recent  book  on  Persia,  by  W.  P.  Cresson, 
the  writer,  an  American,  who  had  visited  the 
country  during  the  final  Ministry  of  the  Atabeg 
Azam,  and  had  talked  with  him,  describes  him 
with  admiration,  having  been  especially  im- 
pressed with  his  liberality  of  views  and  his 
knowledge  of  European  and  American  affairs. 
In  his  periods  of  exile  from  Persia  (which  oc- 
curred several  times  in  the  course  of  his  public 
life)  he  had  visited  both  Europe  and  America 
and  studied  them  well. 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). — • Convention  between 
Great  Britain  and  Russia  relative  to  Persia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1907-1908  (Sept. -June).  — A series  of 
Political  Overturnings.  — The  Shah  deserted. 

— Temporary  Supremacy  of  the  Assembly. 

— Nasr-ul-Mulk  Premier.  — Addition  to  the 
Constitution.  — The  Shah’s  attempted  Coup 
d’fetat  and  failure.  — Attempted  Assassina- 
tion of^the  Shah.  — His  successful  second 
Coupd’Etat. — The  Assembly  dispersed  and 
its  dissolution  proclaimed. — New  Elections 
promised.  — The  assassination  of  the  Atabeg 
Azam  was  followed  soon  by  a strange  series  of 
overturnings  in  the  political  situation,  outlined, 
and  but  slightly  explained  in  the  following  ex- 
cerpts from  despatches  of  the  British  Legation 
at  Tehran : 

September  13,  1907.  — “A  deputation  recently 
called  on  the  Mushir-ed-Dowleh  [former  Grand 
Vizier]  and  asked  him  to  take  office.  He 
refused  unless  he  was  provided  with  money. 
He  said  that  he  would  not  take  the  dangerous 
responsibility  of  accepting  a foreign  loan,  and 
that  unless  the  Persian  people  supplied  the 
funds  necessary  to  carry  on  the  Government,  or 


consented  to  the  Government  finding  funds  else- 
where, all  government  would  be  shortly  im- 
possible.” 

October  2.  — “Shah  has  been  solemnly  informed 
by  a Committee  composed  of  Princes,  high  mil- 
itary and  civil  officials,  and  great  landlords,  and 
including  all  the  reactionaries  of  prominence, 
that,  unless  he  ^maintains  the  Constitution  and 
works  with  the  Medjliss  their  support  will  be 
withdrawn  from  the  throne.  The  usual  reas- 
suring answer  was  returned  by  His  Majesty. 
The  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  whose  posi- 
tion is  very  precarious  owing  to  the  strike  in 
his  own  Department,  is  opposed  to  them,  but 
the  head  of  the  new  Government  has  promised 
them  support.  The  members  of  the  Committee 
yesterday  took  a solemn  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
Constitution  in  the  Assembly,  where  they  had 
repaired  for  the  purpose.  Excepting  support 
of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  the  Shah  is 
now  practically  isolated,  though  he  is  supposed 
still  to  entertain  reactionary  views.” 

October  3.  — “ Saad-ed-Dowleh  has  been  dis- 
missed from  post  of  Minister  for  Foreign  Af- 
fairs.” 

October  10.  — “The  Mushir-ed-Dowleh  died 
very  suddenly  on  the  evening  of  the  13th  Sep- 
tember. 

“On  the  27th  September  the  Princes  and 
civil  and  military  officials  of  note,  who  had  up 
till  then  formed  the  reactionary  party,  pre- 
sented an  ultimatum  to  the  Shah  declaring  their 
adhesion  to  the  Constitution  and  the  National 
Assembly,  and  threatening  to  sever  all  connec- 
tion with  the  throne  should  His  Majesty  not  co- 
operate with  the  National  party.  . . . There 
was  little  on  the  surface  to  indicate  the  sudden 
volte-face  of  the  reactionaries.  The  chief  cause 
must  undoubtedly  be  reckoned  to  be  fear.  The 
murder  of  the  Atabeg  . . . and  the  suspicion 
that  the  sudden  death  of  Mushir-ed-Dowleh 
was  not  due  to  natural  causes,  had  unquestion- 
ably produced  a very  deep  effect.  . . . 

“The  result  of  the  first  year’s  work  of  the 
Assembly  has  been  on  the  whole  rather  nega- 
tive, but  at  least  it  has  succeeded  in  asserting 
its  will  against  the  influence  of  the  Shah  and 
clergy,  and  has  now  a reasonable  prospect  of 
being  able  to  start  on  the  path  of  reconstruc- 
tion.” 

October  25. — “New  Ministry  has  been 
formed  under  presidency  of  Nasr-ul-Mulk,  re- 
appointed Minister  of  Finance.  Most  impor- 
tant members  are  Mushir-ed-Dowleh,  son  of  the 
late  Mushir-ed-Dowleh,  Foreign  Affairs  ; Sani- 
ed-Dowleh,  Interior ; Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, 
Justice.” 

November  VI.  — “I  have  the  honor  to  trans- 
mit to  you  herewith  a full  translation  of  the 
text  of  the  Constitutional  Law  as  passed  by  the 
National  Assembly  and  signed  by  the  Shah  on 
the  8th  of  October.  [This  addition  of  articles 
to  the  Constitution  signed  by  the  Shah  on  the 
30th  of  December,  1906,  will  be  found,  in  this 
volume,  appended  to  that  instrument,  under 
Constitution  of  Persia.]  The  Law  reduces 
the  Sovereign  to  practical  impotence,  but  by 
far  its  most  important  part  is  that  defining  the 
powers  of  the  Tribunals.  Articles  71  and  the 
succeeding  Articles,  though  ambiguously  word- 
ed, intentionally  so,  will,  if  carried  into  execu- 
tion, deal  a deadly  blow  at  the  judicial  powers 
of  the  Mollahs.” 


485 


PERSIA,  1907-1908 


PERSIA,  1907-1908 


December  15.  — “ Disorders  are  threatening 
here.  Violent  speeches,  denouncing  the  Shah 
and  demanding  the  exile  of  the  Shah’s  Chief 
Adviser  and  Agent,  Saad-ed-Dowleh  and  Amir 
Bahadur  Jang,  were  made  yesterday  at  a popu- 
lar meeting  at  the  principal  mosque.  The 
Ministry  has  resigned,  but  the  Shah  refuses  to 
accept  resignation.  This  morning  an  excited 
crowd  gathered  outside  the  Assembly,  but  was 
dispersed  by  armed  men  sent  by  the  Shah.” 

December  15.  — “ Ala-ed-Dowleh,  who  was 
sent  to  the  Palace  by  the  Assembly  with  a mes- 
sage, and  another  brother  of  President  of  As- 
sembly were  arrested  by  the  Shah  at  3 o’clock 
this  afternoon.  Shah  sent  for  Prime  Minister  at 
5 p.  m.,  put  chains  on  him,  and  threatened  to 
kill  him  five  hours  after  sunset.  I have  sent  to 
demand  assurances  for  Nasr-ul-Mulk’s  safety 
from  the  Palace,  and  am  requesting  co-operation 
of  Russian  Minister.” 

December  16.  — “Nasr-ul-Mulk  is  exiled,  and 
leaves  for  Resht  to-day.  As  he  fears  Shah  will 
attempt  his  life  on  the  way,  he  begged  me  to 
send  a member  of  the  Legation  with  him,  as  was 
done  when  the  late  Atabeg  was  sent  to  Kum  in 
1897.  This,  I said,  I was  for  the  moment  unable 
to  do.  I am,  however,  sending  two  gholams. 
On  his  arrest  the  Assembly  dispersed,  and  the 
Anjumans,  on  which  its  real  power  rested,  re- 
mained inactive.  The  other  Ministers  have  all 
resigned.  They  were  summoned  to  the  Palace 
and  were  practically  under  arrest  there  till  they 
also  left  the  Palace  when  Nasr-ul-Mulk  was  re- 
leased by  my  demand  on  his  behalf.  . . . Armed 
partisans  of  Shah  have  occupied  principal 
square  since  midday  yesterday.  For  the  pre- 
sent his  coup  d’etat  seems  to  be  successful.  The 
Committees  are  collecting  armed  round  the  As- 
sembly this  morning.  There  is  no  sign  of  dan- 
ger to  Europeans,  and  there  has  been  as  yet  no 
fighting.” 

December  17.  — “More  armed  ruffians  are  being 
brought  into  the  town  and  are  congregating  in 
Cannon  Square,  supported  by  troops  and  guns. 

. . . Round  the  Medjliss  building  the  Anjumans 
[popular  associations]  are  again  assembling 
armed.” 

December  18.  — “No  Government  has  been 
formed.  The  popular  party  is  acting  strictly  on 
the  defensive,  and  the  Committees  are  still 
guarding  the  Assembly.  The  Shah  last  night 
conceded  the  Assembly’s  demands,  which  are 
moderate.” 

December  22.  — “ Russian  Minister  and  I have 
just  come  back  from  the  Palace.  He  laid  the 
situation  before  the  Shah  with  the  utmost 
frankness,  and  the  strongest  assurances  that 
he  would  respect  and  uphold  the  Constitution 
were  given  us  by  His  Majesty.  Steps  are  now 
being  taken  by  us  to  let  the  Constitutionalists 
understand  that  it  is  incumbent  upon  the  two 
Legations  to  see  that  the  Shah  observes  the 
pledges  he  has  given  us.” 

December  31.  — “Meantime  [after  the  inter- 
view, above  reported,  with  the  Shah],  the 
general  situation  had  become  more  threatening. 
The  Tabreez  Anjuman  [local  assembly  or  Com- 
mittee] had  succeeded  in  circulating  throughout 
Persia  the  threat  of  deposing  the  Shah,  and  the 
larger  cities,  where  the  idea  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment has  taken  root,  appeared  to  be  greatly 
excited.  Telegrams  promising  armed  support 
against  the  Shah  had  been  received  from  Shiraz, 


Ispahan,  Resht,  Kazviu,  Kerman,  and  Meshed, 
and  signs  of  sympathy  had  come  in  from  other 
quarters.  In  Tehran  itself,  despite  unmistakable 
signs  that  the  Shah  must  yield,  as  he  did  late  in 
the  afternoon,  the  excitement  against  His  Ma- 
jesty was,  if  anything,  more  marked.” 

“ It  has  been  difficult  to  find  a method  of  con- 
veying the  Shah’s  guarantee  in  a manner  agree- 
able to  the  susceptibilities  of  the  Assembly. 
However,  on  Friday  Mushir-ed-Dowleh  furnished 
M.  de  Ilartwig  with  a rough  draft  of  a declara- 
tion which  we  might  each  communicate  to  the 
President  of  the  Assembly,  and  taking  this  as 
the  basis  we  prepared  a letter  in  French.” 

January  2,  1908. — “Although  Tehran  is  now 
relatively  quiet,  and  the  provinces  have  been 
much  less  affected  than  might  reasonably  have 
been  apprehended  by  the  knowledge  of  what 
was  happening  at  the  capital,  I fear  that  relief 
is  only  temporary,  and  that  Persia  is  drifting 
nearer  and  nearer  to  complete  anarchy.  The 
struggle  between  the  Shah  and  his  people  has 
resulted  in  a complete  victory  for  the  latter,  but 
I am  not  sanguine  that  the  prospects  of  the  es- 
tablishment of  constitutional  government  on  a 
durable  basis  have  been  much  improved  thereby. 
For  the  moment,  indeed,  the  Shah  has  been  com- 
pletely cowed,  and  is  now  retired  into  the  Ande- 
room’' 

January  29. — “In  the  early  days  of  the 
month,  though  externally  the  town  was  quiet 
enough,  it  seemed  as  though  another  crisis 
might  occur.  The  Shah,  after  a few  days’  com- 
parative inactivity,  recommenced  his  campaign 
against  the  Assembly.” 

February  28.  — “The  Shah,  who  had  not  been 
out  of  the  Palace  since  he  paid  his  state  visit  to 
the  National  Assembly  on  the  12th  November, 
1907,  was  proceeding  at  3 p.  m.  to  his  country 
seat  at  Dochantapeh  when  a determined  at- 
tempt was  made  on  his  life.  The  procession 
was  formed  of  a motor-car  in  front  and  a car- 
riage behind,  with  the  usual  escort  of  horsemen 
and  running  footmen.  A little  way  past  the 
house  of  the  Manager  of  the  Imperial  Bank, 
and  before  reaching  that  of  the  Zil-es-Sultan.  a 
fusillade  was  opened  on  the  motor-car,  in  which 
it  was  supposed  the  Shah  rode,  by  some  persons 
from  the  adjoining  roofs,  who  evidently  could 
not  see  into  the  vehicles  from  their  elevated 
position.  Two  bombs  were  then  thrown  at  the 
motor-car  completely  shattering  it,  and  killing 
two  persons  and  wounding  about  seven  others. 
The  Shah,  who  was  seated  ;in  the  carriage  be- 
hind the  motor-car,  immediately  emerged  and 
took  refuge  in  a neighboring  house.” 

April  24.  — “ While  . . . the  general  condition 
of  Persia  has  been  more  tranquil,  at  the  capital 
all  the  indications  show  but  too  clearly  that  the 
struggle  between  the  Shah  and  the  Enjumens 
[Committees  or  Associations]  has  lost  none  of  its 
bitterness.  I say  advisedly  the  Enjumens,  for 
in  the  last  trial  of  strength,  in  which  the  Shah 
was  again  worsted,  the  Assembly  played  a very 
small  part  indeed.” 

May  21.  — “The  condition  of  the  country  is 
going  from  bad  to  worse,  and  the  feeble  Gov- 
ernment is  absolutely  unable  to  do  anything  to 
restore  a decent  degree  of  order,  and  even  if 
money  were  forthcoming,  it  is  in  the  last  degree 
improbable  that  without  foreign  assistance  any 
serious  measure  of  reform  can  be  undertaken.” 

June  8. — “On  Saturday  morning,  the  6th 


PERSIA,  1907-1908 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


Jane,  an  apparent  reconciliation  between  the 
Shah  and  the  popular  party  took  place,  but  the 
next  morning  it  was  reported  to  His  Majesty 
that  a telegram  had  been  sent  to  Zil-es-Sultan 
[one  of  the  royal  princes,  and  an  aspirant  to  the 
throne]  at  Shiraz  by  the  Eujumens  asking  him 
to  come  to  Tehran  and  assume  the  Regency. 
The  same  evening  the  Zil’s  eldest  son,  also  Ser- 
dar  Mansur,  Ala-ed-Dowleh,  and  Azad-ul- 
Mulk,  the  Head  of  the  Kajar  tribe  [the  imperial 
tribe]  who  took  part  in  the  agitation  last  week, 
were  arrested  by  the  Shah.” 

June  23.  — “About  6 o’clock  this  morning 
twenty  Cossacks  were  sent  by  the  Shah  to  ar- 
rest eight  persons  who  were  in  the  mosque 
adjoining  the  Assembly  House.  The  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  these  persons  met  with  a 
refusal,  and  a shot  was  tired  from  the  mosque. 
Fighting  then  started,  and  is  still  continuing. 
The  number  of  people  killed  is  said  to  be  large. 
Guns  are  being  used  by  the  Shah’s  troops.” 

June  23.  — “ The  Assembly  building  and  the 
mosque  have  been  cleared  by  the  Shah’s  forces, 
and  the  meeting-place  of  the  Azerbaijan  Enju- 
men  has  been  destroyed.  The  Shah  has  ar- 
rested the  Chief  Mujtehed,  Seyyid  Abdullah, 
the  Sheikh-ul-Reis,  and  some  ten  other  alleged 
leaders  of  popular  party.  The  Cossack  Brigade 
has  lost  forty  men.  The  loss  on  the  other  side 
is  said  to  be  very  small,  but  the  exact  number  is 
unknown.  A state  of  siege  has  been  proclaimed 
and  the  Enjumens  have  dispersed.  Some  shops 
and  houses,  including  that  of  the  Zil-es-Sultan, 
and  the  Assembly  building,  have  been  pil- 
laged.” 

June  25.  — “The  first  shot  was  undoubtedly 
fired  by  the  people  in  the  mosque  and  As- 
sembly, among  whom  some  Deputies  were  in- 
cluded. I believe  that  every  preparation  had 
been  made  to  clear  the  mosque  by  force  if  this 
proved  necessary.  In  any  case,  the  Shah  had 
reasonable  ground  for  taking  strong  measures, 
as  the  attack  was  made  by  the  popular  party  on 
the  troops.  . . . 

“Efforts  are  being  made  to  catch  Deputies, 
and  several,  including  the  President  of  the  As- 
sembly, have  already  been  arrested.  The  En- 
jumens seem  to  be  cowed ; their  supporters  are 
falling  away,  and  the  Shah  has  complete  mas- 
tery. Yesterday  morning  two  prisoners  were 
strangled  at  the  Shah’s  camp,  and  there  are 
about  thirty  persons,  other  than  Deputies, 
under  arrest.  There  are  now  in  the  Legation 
fifty  refugees. 

“ There  has  been  fighting  in  Tabreez  between 
the  popular  party  and  the  Shah’s  partisans. 
There  is  no  sign  from  the  other  provinces,  and 
the  Zil-es-Sultan  is  trying  to  dissociate  himself 
from  the  agitation.” 

June  26.  — “A  Proclamation  stating  that  the 
present  Assembly  is  dissolved  has  been  issued 
by  the  Shah.  Proclamation  announces  that 
new  elections  will  be  held  in  three  months,  and 
a Senate  will  be  formed.” 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Final  Hostilities  be- 
tween the  Shah  and  the  Supporters  of  the 
Constitution.  — Tabriz  the  Center  of  a Re- 
volutionary Movement. — Entrance  of  the 
Bakhtiari  into  the  Struggle. — -Siege  of  Ta- 
briz and  its  Reliefby  the  Russians.  — Capture 
of  Teheran  by  the  Nationalists  and  Bakh- 
tiari.— Deposition  of  the  Shah. — A child 
enthroned.  — The  occurrences  of  June,  nar- 


rated above,  were  at  the  beginning  of  the  final 
outbreak  of  hostilities  between  the  partisans  of 
the  Shah  and  the  supporters  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  soon  ran  into  actual  civil  war. 

When  the  Shah  had  established  his  authority 
at  Teheran,  Tabriz  became  the  center  of  popular 
opinion  on  the  side  of  the  Constitutionalists,  or 
Nationalists,  and  the  main  seat  of  their  strength. 
Fighting  began  there  on  the  23d  of  June,  si- 
multaneously with  the  conflict  at  Teheran, 
aud  continued  intermittently  and  indecisively 
throughout  July  and  August,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  the  Nationalists  were  said  to  be 
10,000  strong.  On  the  24th  of  September  the 
Royalists  began  a bombardment  of  the  town, 
with  five  guns,  to  which  the  Nationalists  re- 
sponded vigorously  with  four.  October  10th  the 
Nationalists  assumed  the  offensive,  attacking 
the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  routing  their  cavalry, 
and  securing  possession  of  a desirable  bridge. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  under  pressure 
from  the  representatives  of  Great  Britain  and 
Russia,  the  Shah  decreed  that  a Mejlis  (National 
Assembly)  “composed  of  religious  and  proper 
persons,  will,  by  the  help  of  God  and  the  favor 
of  the  12th  Imam,  be  convoked  by  us  for  the 
19tli  Shavval  ” — that  is,  November  14  — and 
that  a law  of  elections  should  be  made  known 
by  October  27.  The  latter  date  passed  without 
producing  the  promised  election  law  and  no 
elections  followed  in  November ; but  on  the  8th 
of  the  latter  month  the  Shah’s  partisans  organ- 
ized a “demonstration”  at  Teheran  against  the 
Constitution,  on  the  strength  of  which  the  men- 
dacious sovereign  replied  to  British  and  Rus- 
sian remonstrances  against  his  faithlessness  by 
saying  that  “a  large  section  of  the  population 
regarded  a constitutional  regime  as  contrary  to 
their  religion.”  Presently,  on  the  22d  of  No- 
vember, he  issued  a rescript  proclaiming  that 
the  Ulema  had  declared  such  an  institution  as 
a Parliament  to  be  contrary  to  Islam  and  there- 
fore he  would  not  convoke  it. 

Early  in  1909  the  revolt  first  organized  at 
Tabriz  became  rife  in  many  parts  of  the  nomi- 
nal Empire  of  the  Shah,  both  north  and  south. 
On  the  25th  of  January  The  Times  of  India, 
published  at  Bombay,  where  commercial  and 
political  interests  in  Persian  affairs  are  equally 
keen,  described  the  situation  then  existing  as 
follows:  The  “news  from  Persia  is  extremely 
grave,  because  it  indicates  the  collapse  of  the 
Shah’s  authority  from  north  to  south.  The 
Anjumans  [Enjumens  — a term  which  seems 
to  be  applied  to  local  assemblies  and  to  all  politi- 
cal associations  alike]  of  Astrabad  and  Lahid- 
jan  have  repudiated  the  present  regime.  This 
means  that  the  Caspian  littoral  is  being  lost  to 
the  Shah.  What  is  of  even  greater  consequence 
is  that  the  spread  of  the  revolt  to  Lahidjan  may 
mean  the  cutting  off  of  the  trade  with  Teheran 
via  Resht.  which  is  now  the  principal  route 
open  to  traffic.  Then  in  the  far  south,  almost 
on  the  Gulf  littoral,  the  Nationalists  of  Laristan 
have  thrown  off  all  semblance  of  the  Shah’s 
authority.  Recently  it  was  stated  that  the 
Bakhtiaris  had  risen  in  revolt,  and  had  looted 
Isfahan.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the 
Lars,  of  which  the  Bakhtiaris  are  an  offshoot 
and  who  enjoy  a modified  independence,  would 
remain  quiescent  under  these  conditions.  Reu- 
ter is  however  in  error  in  stating  that  these 
tribal  fights  ‘ are  interrupting  ’ communications 


487 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


between  Bushire  and  Shiraz.  These  have  been 
interrupted  for  many  months,  and  as  we  stated 
on  Friday,  the  muleteers  who  usually  ply  be- 
tween Bushire  and  Shiraz  some  time  ago  re- 
moved their  animals  to  the  Resht-Teheran  road. 
The  insecurity  of  this  route  is  illustrated  by  the 
fact  that  the  Derya  Begi,  the  fount  of  Persian 
dignity  at  Bushire,  was  held  up  and  robbed  on 
his  way  from  Teheran  to  his  charge  on  the 
coast.  All  these  straws  point  to  the  rapidity 
with  which  anarchy  is  spreading.” 

The  Baklitiari  referred  to  in  this  account  of 
affairs,  and  who  now  began  to  bear  an  important 
part  in  the  Persian  revolutionary  conflict,  are  a 
semi-independent  and  nomadic  tribe,  occupying 
the  region  of  the  mountains  which  bear  the  same 
name,  in  western  Persia,  within  the  provinces  of 
Luristan  and  Kliuzistan.  They  claim,  it  is  said, 
by  descent  from  the  Bactrians  of  remote  antiq- 
uity, to  represent  the  purest  blood  of  ancient 
Iran.  In  connection  with  recent  disturbances, 
they  began  to  be  mentioned  in  June,  1907.  The 
head  of  one  faction  among  them,  Semsam-es- 
Sultaneli,  had  then  been  removed  by  the  Persian 
provincial  governor  from  the  post  of  Ilkhani  (a 
title  surviving  from  the  Mongol  conquest  of  the 
13th  century,  — see  Persia  : A.  D.  1258-1393,  in 
Volume  IV.  of  this  work),  and  his  supporters 
were  reported  to  be  “out  in  every  direction  at- 
tacking caravans.”  The  only  mention  of  them 
in  the  following  months  was  as  pestilent  ban- 
dits in  the  Ispahan  quarter,  holding  the  roads 
and  breaking  up  commerce  and  travel  ; but 
they  came  at  last  into  Persian  history  as  allies 
of  the  Nationalists  in  the  struggle  for  Consti- 
tutional Government. 

Press  reports  from  Tabriz  in  February  were 
to  the  effect  that  the  Shah’s  forces,  estimated 
at  12,000  in  number,  had  closely  invested  the 
town  ; that  the  besieged  Nationalists  were  pro- 
visioned for  two  months,  and  were  making  sor- 
ties daily.  Also  that  Resht  was  full  of  armed 
Caucasian  revolutionaries.  At  the  middle  of 
March  a correspondent  of  the  London  Times 
made  his  way  from  Teheran  to  Resht,  and  found 
that  the  revolutionary  movement  there  was  en- 
tirely “exotic.”  “If  the  Caucasian  element 
was  removed,”  he  wrote,  “nothing  would  re- 
main. One  can  estimate  fairly  accurately  that 
there  are  about  600  men  under  arms  in  the  town 
and  on  the  road.  It  is  said  that  5 per  cent,  of 
these  are  Persians.  This  morning  I watched  the 
departure  of  a contingent  of  men  for  the  front. 
Greeks,  Kurds,  Armenians,  Tartars,  Russians  — 
all  the  Caucasian  peoples  were  represented,  but 
not  a single  man  of  the  race  for  the  advancement 
of  whose  cause  these  men  have  taken  arms.” 

This  correspondent  was  led  to  suspect,  as 
others  have  done,  that  the  religious  movement 
in  Persia  known  as  “Babism”  (see,  in  Volume 
I.  of  this  work,  under  Bab)  had  much  to  do,  in 
a secret  way,  with  the  existing  revolutionary 
undertaking.  “ Those  who  are  in  a position  to 
judge.”  he  said,  “estimate  the  present  propor- 
tion of  Babis  in  the  population  of  Persia  at  from 
10  to  30  per  cent.  I have,  indeed,  heard  the 
Persians  estimate  it  as  high  as  50  per  cent.” 

Before  the  end  of  March  the  Nationalists  were 
in  control  of  the  ports  of  Bender  Abbas  and  Bu- 
shire on  the  Persian  Gulf.  On  the  30t,h  of  March 
the  following  went  to  the  London  Times  from 
Teheran  : “ In  spite  of  numerous  defections  to 
the  Nationalist  side  during  the  last  fortnight,  the 


situation  at  Teheran  remains  practically  unal- 
tered. The  Cossack  Brigade  is  still  the  premier 
factor,  and  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  either 
its  allegiance  to  the  Shah  or  its  ability  to  deal 
with  any  element  of  disturbance  likely  to  arise 
in  the  capital.  The  bazaars  remain  partially 
closed,  but  the  business  of  the  town  proceeds 
without  interruption. 

“ From  outside  there  is  nothing  to  apprehend 
for  the  present.  The  Bakhtiari  have  made  no 
sign,  though  their  position  has  been  rendered 
materially  more  secure  by  the  recent  espousal  of 
Nationalism  by  the  most  notable  family  at  Shi- 
raz. From  Resht  the  revolutionaries  continue 
to  launch  remonstrance,  warning,  and  anathema 
at  the  Shah,  but  they  are  too  wise  to  march  on 
the  capital  without  a lead  from  elsewhere. 

“ To-day’s  news  from  Tabriz  indicates  that 
the  situation  of  the  town  is  extremely  grave.  A 
section  of  the  Nationalists  advocate  negotiating 
with  the  besiegers,  but  Satar  Khan  has  decided 
to  continue  his  resistance.  The  stores  of  food 
are  to  be  appropriated  for  the  fighting  men,  and 
when  the  stock  remaining  is  exhausted  the  in- 
habitants will  have  no  alternative  but  to  leave 
the  town  and  run  the  gauntlet  of  the  Shah’s 
lambs.” 

The  Cossack  Brigade  referred  to  in  the  de- 
spatch above  was  a body  of  Persian  Cossacks 
which  had  been  for  some  time  past  in  the  service 
of  the  Shah,  under  the  command  of  a Russian 
officer,  Colonel  Liaklioff.  In  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, on  the  24th  of  March,  the  British  Secre- 
tary for  Foreign  Affairs  was  sharply  questioned 
as  to  this  employment  of  a Russian  officer,  and 
the  alleged  emploj^ment  of  others, -in  the  Shah’s 
service,  and  asked  whether  they  were  serving 
the  Shah  or  the  Tsar.  In  reply  he  said:  “It 
may  be  that  in  the  events  of  the  summer  — what 
is  called  the  coup  d’Etat  — Colonel  Liakhoff, 
the  Russian  officer  in  command  of  the  Persian 
Cossacks,  who  had  been  lent  to  the  Shah  for  the 
purpose,  I understand,  of  disciplining  that  body 
of  Persian  Cossacks,  to  provide  a bodyguard  for 
the  Shah,  and  in  case  of  need  to  preserve  order 
in  Teheran — it  may  be  that  he  exceeded  the 
limit  of  those  purposes.  If  he  did  so  I am  con- 
vinced that  it  was  not  by  the  instructions,  on 
the  authority,  or  with  the  approval  of  the  Rus- 
sian Government  ; and  since  the  coup  d’Etat 
there  has  been  no  question,  according  to  reports 
which  we  have  received,  that  the  Russian  offi- 
cers who  remained  in  the  service  of  the  Shah 
have  kept  within  the  limits  of  the  purposes  for 
which  they  were  lent  to  the  service  of  the  Shah, 
and  have  not  taken  part  in  anything  that  could 
be  called  political  encounters  in  Persia.  If  Colo- 
nel Liakhoff  exceeded  the  limits  in  Teheran,  he 
acted  directly  under  the  Government  of  the  Shah, 
and  the  question  whether  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment approve  or  disapprove  his  action  is  one  be- 
tween himself  and  them,  and  is  not  a matter  on 
which  we  are  called  upon  to  express  an  opin- 
ion.” 

On  the  5th  of  April  it  was  reported  that  the 
sufferings  of  Tabriz  “are  increasing  daily,  and 
it  is  undoubted  that  a great  tragedy  is  approach- 
ing. If  Tabriz  holds  out,  thousands  must  die 
of  starvation,  while,  if  it  falls,  probably  tens 
of  thousands  will  be  massacred.”  A fortnight 
later,  on  the  20th.  the  Shah  yielded  to  the  insist- 
ence of  the  British  and  Russian  Legations  that  he 
should  allow  an  armistice  at  Tabriz  of  six  days 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


and  the  importation  into  the  town  of  sufficient 
food  for  that  period.  Meantime  a detachment  of 
Russian  Cossacks,  under  General  Snarsky,  had 
crossed  the  frontier  into  Persia,  and  was  march- 
ing to  Tabriz  with  supplies.  This  Russian  re- 
lief expedition,  approved  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, reached  the  beleaguered  city  without 
resistance  on  the  30th,  and  its  presence  brought 
the  conflict  at  that  point  to  an  end.  A corre- 
spondent of  The  Times,  who  had  been  in  Tabriz 
throughout  the  siege,  taking  some  leadership  in 
the  defence  (in  company  with  a teacher  attached 
to  the  American  Mission’s  high  school,  Mr.  Bas- 
kerville,  who  met  death  in  the  fighting)  and  who 
gave,  two  months  later,  a graphic  narrative  of 
the  experience,  said  in  concluding  it : “ Tabriz 
was  ultimately  saved  by  the  coming  of  the  Rus- 
sians. Their  entry  into  the  town  was  the  direct 
cause  of  the  opening  of  the  roads,  the  dispersal 
of  the  disappointed  armies  of  the  Shah,  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Constitution,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  a Constitutionalist  Ministry.  It  saved 
Tabriz  from  a surrender  which  could  not  other- 
wise have  been  delayed  for  three  days  longer, 
and  thereby  it  averted  the  complete  collapse  of 
the  Constitutional  movement.” 

With  victory  at  Tabriz  snatched  from  him, 
the  Shah  ostensibly  threw  up  his  hands.  On 
the  5th  of  May  it  was  announced  that  he  had 
‘‘signed  an  Imperial  rescript  acknowledging 
that  the  disorderly  condition  of  the  country  im- 
posed the  necessity  of  taking  measures  to  reor- 
ganize the  administration.  The  rescript  recog- 
nizes that  this  can  only  be  secured  through  the 
constitutional  principle,  and  his  Majesty  fixes 
July  19  for  the  election  of  a representative  As- 
sembly, for  the  formation  of  which  electoral 
laws  will  soon  be  promulgated.” 

This  revival  of  promises  failed,  however,  to 
arrest  the  revolutionary  movement.  On  the 
7th  of  May  the  Nationalists  expelled  a royal 
force  from  Kazvin  — less  than  a hundred  miles 
from  Teheran  — and  declared  their  intention  to 
march  on  Teheran.  “ They  are  well-armed  and 
well-mounted,”  said  a correspondent  who  came 
from  Kazvin,  “and  possessed  of  plenty  of 
money.  Their  commander,  a Sipahdar,  and  his 
second  in  command,  an  Afghan,  are  now  at 
Kazvin,  and  everything  points  to  the  possibil- 
ity of  early  action.  The  Bakhtiari,  who  have 
assembled  at  Ispahan  and  number  3,000,  also 
declare  their  intention  of  marching  on  Tehe- 
ran. ” 

Of  the  Sipahdar,  who  now  becomes  the  fight- 
ing leader  of  the  Nationalists,  a writer  in  the 
New  York  Evening  Post  relates  that  “when  a 
merchant  in  Tabriz,  he  offered  the  government 
his  services  in  wiping  out  the  brigands  who 
scoured  the  provinces,  and,  selecting  a picked 
band,  went  out  to  fight  fire  with  fire,  by  the 
same  methods  of  terrorizing  that  the  robbers 
had  employed.  As  a result,  he  made  the  pro- 
vinces safe,  at  least.” 

Pressed  by  the  Russian  Legation  to  withdraw 
from  Kazvin,  pending  the  fulfilment  of  the 
Shah’s  promises,  the  Sipahdar,  commanding 
there,  declared  that  he  could  not  control  his 
men.  The  situation  was  complicated  by  the 
presence  of  the  Russians  at  Tabriz.  As  The 
Times  correspondent  wrote:  “The  perfectly 
unambiguous  declaration  by  Russia  that  her 
troops  will  be  withdrawn  from  Tabriz  the  mo- 
ment order  is  restored  and  danger  to  Europeans 


is  past  is  valueless  in  the  eyes  of  Persians  while 
the  troops  are  there.” 

The  framing  of  a new  electoral  law,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  an  electoral  committee  of  the  Na- 
tionalists, was  finished  on  the  6th  of  June,  and 
the  Shah’s  signature  to  it  was  expected  in  a few 
days.  High  hopes  were  placed  on  the  coming 
of  Nasr-ul-Mulk,  the  exiled  statesman  at  Paris, 
who  had  been  solicited  to  accept  the  Prime 
Ministry,  and  who  seemed  slow  to  take  the 
proffered  honor.  But  the  wrecked  structure  of 
constitutional  government  could  not  so  easily 
be  set  in  motion.  The  revolutionaries  at  Kaz- 
vin became  threatening  again,  and  were  in  mo- 
tion toward  Teheran  before  the  end  of  June, 
while  the  Bakhtiari  began  a simultaneous  ad- 
vance. On  the  29th  of  J une  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment issued  orders  “to  assemble  a consider- 
able force  at  Baku,  to  be  held  in  readiness  in 
case  of  a coup  de  main  against  the  Persian  capi- 
tal.” Meantime  the  new  electoral  law  had  been 
signed,  but  not  promulgated,  “owing  to  the 
prevailing  excitement,”  it  was  said. 

On  the  3d  of  July  the  Russian  Government 
addressed  a Circular  Note  on  the  situation  in 
Persia  to  the  Governments  of  foreign  Powers, 
saying,  in  part: 

“The  Imperial  Government,  on  consideration 
of  the  position  of  affairs,  has  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  principle  of  absolute  non-inter- 
ference in  the  internal  affairs  of  Persia  and  in 
the  conflict  between  the  Shah  and  the  Persian 
people  must  remain,  now  as  formerly,  the  basis 
of  its  policy  in  Persia.  In  this  connexion  we 
could  not  leave  out  of  sight  the  fact  that  in  the 
event  of  the  Bakhtiari  and  revolutionaries  en- 
tering Teheran  the  Russian  and  other  European 
Legations  and  European  institutions  and  sub- 
jects, as  well  as  our  road  from  Enzeli  (on  the 
Caspian  Sea)  to  Teheran,  might  find  themselves 
in  an  extremely  dangerous  position,  and  the 
more  so  because,  according  to  information 
which  has  reached  us,  the  only  Regular  troops 
at  the  Shah’s  disposal  consist  of  the  Persian 
Cossack  Brigade,  wffiich  is  at  present  so  weak- 
ened that  it  is  scarcely  in  a condition  to  main- 
tain order  in  Teheran. 

“This  circumstance  imposes  upon  the  Im- 
perial Government  the  moral  obligation  to  take 
all  measures  in  order  that,  in  case  of  necessity, 
it  may  be  possible  to  render  effective  aid  to  the 
above-mentioned  (European)  establishments  and 
subjects  and  to  ensure  unrestricted  traffic  be- 
tween Teheran  and  Enzeli  in  all  circumstances. 
It  has,  therefore,  been  decided  to  send  a force 
from  Baku  to  Enzeli  consisting  of  one  regiment 
of  Cossacks,  one  battalion  of  Russian  infantry, 
and  one  battery  of  artillery.  The  force  will  not 
advance  beyond  Kazvin  (86  miles  from  Tehe- 
ran), and  will  ensure  communication  between 
Kazvin  and  the  Caspian  Sea. 

“The  further  advance  of  a portion  of  the 
force  depends  upon  the  course  of  events.  It 
can  only  ensue  upon  the  demand  of  the  Im- 
perial Legation  in  Teheran  in  the  event  of  the 
dangerous  situation  aforesaid  arising.” 

The  Russian  and  British  Legations  attempted 
mediation  between  the  Sipahdar  and  the  Shah, 
to  check  the  former’s  advance,  but  his  demands 
made  their  intervention  hopeless.  The  Shah’s 
forces  pushed  out  to  intercept  the  on-coming 
revolutionaries,  encounted  them  on  the  11th,  18 
miles  west  of  Teheran,  and  fighing  went  on  at  a 


489 


PERSIA,  1908-1909 


PERU,  1899-1908 


distance  from  the  city  for  two  days  ; but  forces 
which  slipped  between  the  defensive  lines  made 
their  way  into  the  capital  on  the  morning  of  July 
13th,  and  there  was  fighting  in  the  streets  until 
the  Kith.  The  Shah  then  sought  refuge  at  the 
Russian  Legation,  and  the  Russian  officers  of 
the  Persian  Cossacks,  besieged  in  their  barracks, 
made  terms  with  the  Nationalist  leaders. 

Four  days  later  the  Persian  situation  was  stated 
to  the  British  House  of  Commons  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  as  follows:  “The  Shah,  after  taking  re- 
fuge in  the  Russian  legation,  abdicated,  and  his 
son,  Sultan  Ahmed  Mirza  [a  young  child]  has 
been  proclaimed  Shah  by  the  Nationalist  Com- 
mittee under  the  regency  of  Azad-ul-Mulk,  head 
of  the  Kajar  tribe,  pending  the  convocation  of 
Parliament.  The  commanders  of  the  Fedai  and 
Bakhtiari,  as  temporary  chiefs  of  the  Persian 
Government,  have  accepted  the  services  of  the 
Persian  Cossack  brigade  under  their  Russian  of- 
ficers, on  condition  that  the  latter  are  completely 
under  the  orders  of  the  Minister  of  War.  This 
arrangement  was  ratified  at  a meeting  between 
the  commanders  and  Colonel  Liakhoff.  Teheran 
is  quiet,  and  the  Persian  Cossacks  are  already 
fraternizing  with  the  Fedai.  The  Sipahdar  has 
been  appointed  Minister  of  War,  and  the  Sirdar 
Assad  Minister  of  the  Interior.”  Being  asked  if 
he  would  represent  to  the  Russian  Government 
the  undesirability  of  advancing  Russian  troops 
to  Teheran,  Sir  Edward  added  : “ In  view  of  the 
declarations  already  made  by  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment as  to  the  circumstances  under  which 
alone  Russian  troops  would  be  sent  to  Teheran 
and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  no  troops  have  been 
sent  to  Teheran  during  the  recent  troubles,  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  at  one  time  some  apprehen- 
sion, which  happily  proved  to  be  unfounded, 
was  expressed  for  the  safety  'of  Russian  sub- 
jects, such  representations  would  be  most  un- 
called for.” 

On  the  17th  the  Provisional  Government  gave 
notice  to  the  Anglo-Russian  legations  of  the  se- 
lection of  the  new  Shah,  and  asked  that  he  should 
be  delivered  to  their  keeping ; whereupon,  wrote 
the  Times  correspondent,  “ M.  Sablin  announced 
the  request  to  the  Shah,  who  replied  that  he 
thought  his  mother  would  not  consent.  The 
Shah  then  took  M.  Sablin  to  his  mother  and  an 
affecting  scene  ensued.  Both  the  mother  and 
father  broke  down  at  the  thought  of  parting 
with  their  favourite  son  and  offered  their  second 
son  in  his  place.  M.  Sablin  replied  that  the 
selection  had  been  made  by  the  people  and  that 
he  had  no  voice  in  the  matter.  The  boy  wept 
bitterly  in  sympathy  with  his  parents  and  de- 
clined to  leave  his  mother.  Finally  their  Majes- 
ties were  persuaded  to  agree.  On  receiving  the 
Shah’s  assent,  the  necessary  proclamation  was 
immediately  promulgated  and  it  was  arranged 
that  the  Regent  and  a Nationalist  deputation 
would  receive  the  little  Shah. 


“ An  interested  crowd  witnessed  his  depart- 
ure this  morning  from  the  custody  of  his  natural 
guardiaus.  During  the  morning  Sultan  Ahmed 
wept  bitterly  at  the  prospect  of  becoming  a 
King,  and  it  required  a stern  message  to  the 
effect  that  crying  was  not  allowed  in  the  Russian 
Legation  before  he  dried  his  eyes.  Then  the 
little  man  came  out  bravely,  entered  a large 
carriage,  and  drove  off  alone,  escorted  by  Cos- 
sacks, Sowars,  and  Persian  Cossacks  and  fol- 
lowed by  along  string  of  carriages.  At  Sul- 
tanatabad  he  was  met  by  the  Regent  and  the 
deputation  and  ceremoniously  notified  of  his 
high  position  and  of  the  hope  entertained  by  the 
nation  that  he  would  prove  to  be  a good  ruler. 

‘ Insliallah,  I will,’  replied  the  lad.  Arrange- 
ments for  the  Coronation  will  be  made  here- 
after. In  the  meanwhile  the  little  Shah,  who  is 
guarded  by  a Bakhtiari,  remains  with  his  tutors 
at  Sultanatabad,  where  his  mother  is  free  to  visit 
him.” 

At  Teheran,  affairs  settled  quickly  into  quiet, 
but  disorders  were  prolonged  in  various  parts 
of  the  provinces,  being  especially  serious  at 
Shiraz.  The  deposed  Shah  remained  for  weeks 
at  the  Russian  Legation,  while  negotiations 
with  him  for  a pension  or  allowance  in  return 
for  his  surrender  of  jewels  and  money  to  the 
State  went  on,  and  the  unhappy  child  who  oc- 
cupied his  palace  had  more  sorrow  than  he. 

Early  in  August  Colonel  Liakhoff  returned  to 
Russia  and  was  appointed  to  a regimental  com- 
mand. On  the  1st  of  September  a general  am- 
nesty, with  a few  exceptions,  was  proclaimed  by 
the  new  government  at  Teheran.  On  the  9th  of 
September  the  deposed  Shah  left  the  shelter 
of  the  Russian  Legation  and  journeyed,  with 
his  queen,  four  younger  children  and  several 
friends,  under  Russian  escort,  to  a residence  in 
Russia,  at  Odessa,  which  was  his  choice.  Persia 
was  still  waiting  for  the  able  and  much  trusted 
constitutionalist  statesman,  Nasr-ul-Mulk,  to  re- 
turn from  his  exile  at  Paris  and  accept  the 
offered  premiership  in  the  government ; but  on 
the  21st  of  September  the  report  went  out  that 
he  had  definitely  declined  the  post.  He  returned 
to  Persia,  however,  in  October.  On  the  11th 
of  October  the  Russian  Government  made  known 
that  it  had  decided  to  withdraw  the  greater  part 
of  the  troops  it  had  been  keeping  at  Tabriz.  A 
new  Mejliss,  for  which  the  Regent  had  ordered 
elections,  was  assembled  on  the  15th  of  Novem- 
ber. On  the  7th  of  December  the  Mejliss  unani- 
mously approved  the  proposals  of  the  Govern- 
ment with  regard  to  borrowing  abroad  and  the 
employment  of  Europeans  in  executive  capaci- 
ties for  the  reorganization  of  the  Finance  De- 
partment. This,  no  doubt,  will  improve  the 
situation  very  greatly. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — Destructive  Earth- 
quake in  Luristan.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Earth- 
quakes: Persia. 


PERU:  A.  D.  1899-1908.  — Outline  of 
History.  — The  leading  events  of  Peruvian  his- 
tory are  recorded  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work 
down  to  the  election  of  President  Eduardo  de 
Romana,  in  1899.  “Romaiia  was  a member  of 
a prominent  family  of  Arequipa,  and  had  been 
educated  in  England,  at  Stonyhurst.  He  fur- 
ther had  studied  for,  and  taken  a degree  as,  an 
engineer  at  King’s  College,  London ; and  whilst 


he  had  not  acquired  much  experience  in  poli- 
tics, he  nevertheless  successfully  filled  the 
Presidential  Chair  throughout  his  term.  He 
was  alive  to  the  neccessity  for  the  development 
of  the  resources  of  the  country,  and,  fortu 
nately,  his  administration  was  not  embarrassed 
by  disturbances  other  than  some  small  political 
intrigues  such  as  inevitably  take  place  in  a 
country  which,  as  Peru,  was  evolving  a regime 


490 


PERU,  1899-1908 


PERU,  1908-1909 


of  civil  government.  During  this  term  there 
was  some  intlux  of  North  American  capitalists, 
who  acquired  important  interests,  in  the  copper 
mines  of  Cerro  de  Pasco,  and  who  commenced 
the  construction  of  a railway  line  thereto.  . . . 
The  presidency  of  Senor  Romaim  uneventfully 
expired  at  its  natural  time;  elections  were  held, 
and  Senor  Manuel  Candamo,  who  had  already 
provisionally  been  head  of  the  State,  was  cho- 
sen as  president  in  May,  1903.  Candamo  had 
been  successful  in  quieting  political  animosi- 
ties after  the  revolt  against  Caceres  and  in  con- 
solidating the  political  situation.  Peru  now 
showed  real  evidences  of  advancement.  The 
old  turbulent  element  was  passing  away  ; those 
leaders  who  had  placed  purely  personal  ambi- 
tion before  the  true  interests  of  their  country 
bad  given  place  to  the  natural  talent  and  ability 
of  the  best  citizens,  whom  the  times  were  call- 
ing to  the  front.  Candamo’s  rule  promised 
well  for  the  country.  He  was  surrounded  by 
able  men,  among  whom,  as  chief  cabinet  min- 
ister, was  Dr.  Domingo  Almenard,  an  upright 
lawyer.  The  fiscal  revenue  was  increased  by 
taxes,  against  which  there  were  murmurings, 
but  which  the  country  was  able  to  bear,  and 
the  tax  on  tobacco  was  set  apart  for  the  con- 
struction of  new  railways.  Unfortunately, 
this  able  administrator,  Senor  Candamo,  con- 
tinued but  a short  time  in  office,  for  he  was 
overtaken  by  illness,  and  died  at  Arequipa  in 
May,  1904.  This  event  left  the  country  under 
the  temporary  leadership  of  the  second  vice- 
president,  Senor  Calderon,  for  the  first  vice- 
president  had  died  also.  An  election  was  at 
once  called  according  to  law,  the  two  candi- 
dates which  were  put  forward  being  Dr.  Jose 
Pardo,  son  of  the  former  president  of  the  same 
name,  and  Senor  Nicolas  Pierola,  who  had 
already  been  at  the  head  of  the  Government  on 
two  occasions.  Rivalry  between  the  partisans 
of  these  two  candidates  became  acute,  and  al- 
though it  was  feared  for  a moment  that  some 
disturbance  might  occur,  good  sense  prevailed, 
and  the  elections  proceeded  without  interrup- 
tion. Both  contestants  were  good  men  — 
Pierola  representing  the  party  known  as  the 
Democratas,  whilst  Pardo  headed  the  Civilistas. 
There  were  not  very  radical  differences  of  prin- 
ciple underlying  these  distinctions  of  name;  both 
were  for  civil  government  and  for  national  pro- 
gress. Pierola  had  done  good  work  during  his 
former  term,  whilst  Pardo  had  the  prestige  of 
the  good  name  and  administration  of  his  father, 
the  former  president  of  1872-1876,  and  was  also 
held  in  esteem  personally  among  the  best  ele- 
ment of  the  country.  The  result  of  the  election 

— held,  probably,  more  fairly  than  ever  in  Peru 
before  — fell  to  Dr.  Pardo,  who  took  the  presi- 
dential scarf  and  office  in  September,  1904,  and 
who  still  guides  the  affairs  of  his  country  in  a 
manner  which  has  won  the  esteem  of  the  nation, 
in  a general  sense. 

Dr.  Pardo’s  Cabinet  was  formed  of  some  of 
the  most  capable  men  in  the  country,  prominent 
among  whom  was  the  minister  of  Finance,  Senor 
Leguia,  to  whose  work  is  largely  due  the  im- 
proved financial  situation.  At  the  present  time 

— 1908 — the  best  elements  of  Peru  are  in  the 
ascendant.” — G.  Reginald  Enock,  Peru:  Its 
Former,  and  Present  Civilization,  History  and 
Existing  Conditions,  ch.  9 ( Scribner’s  Sons, 
N.  Y.). 


A.  D.  1901.  — Broad  Treaty  of  Arbitration 
with  Bolivia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Akbitkation, 
International  : A.  D.  1901  (Nov.). 

A.  D.  1901-1906. — Participation  in  Second 
and  Third  International  Conferences  of  Amer- 
ican Republics.  See  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1903-1909. — Boundary  disputes  in 
the  Acre  region  with  Bolivia  and  Brazil. 
See  Acre  Disputes. 

A.  D.  1905. — Arbitration  Treaties  with 
Colombia  and  Ecuador.  — In  a message  to  the 
Peruvian  Congress,  July  28,  1906,  President 
Pardo  communicated  treaties  of  arbitration  with 
Colombia,  one  general  in  its  nature,  the  other 
special  for  the  settlement  of  existing  bound- 
ary questions.  Of  the  latter  the  message  said : 
“As  in  former  treaties  of  the  same  character 
which  have  been  heretofore  concluded  with 
that  Republic,  the  controversy  is  submitted  to 
the  decision,  to  be  based  upon  considerations 
of  equity,  of  His  Holiness  Pope  Pius  X.  But 
as  our  question  with  Colombia  is  connected 
with  the  one  with  Ecuador,  it  has  been  agreed 
that  the  arbitration  with  Colombia  shall  only 
take  place  after  the  termination  of  the  one  in 
which  we  are  now  proceeding  with  Ecuador, 
upon  the  adjudication  by  the  royal  Spanish 
arbitrator  to  Peru  of  territories  which  are  like- 
wise claimed  by  Colombia.” 

A.  D.  1906. — Decree  for  the  Encourage- 
ment of  Immigration.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Im- 
migration and  Emigration  : Peru. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Diplomatic  Relations  with 
Chile  reestablished. — The  Tacna  and  Arica 
questions  remaining  open.  See  Chile  : A.  D. 
1907. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Seating  of  President 
Leguia.  — Attempted  Revolutions  defeated. 

— On  the  27th  of  May,  1908,  Augusto  B. 
Leguia  became  President,  succeeding  Dr. 
Pardo.  Senor  Leguia  had  previously  been  Pre- 
mier and  Minister  of  Finance  and  Commerce ; 
prior  to  which  he  had  been  managing  director 
of  a great  English  sugar  company  in  Peru.  A 
revolutionary  movement  had  been  attempted  a 
few  weeks  before,  in  which  Dr.  Augusto  Du- 
rand and  Isaias  Pierola  were  engaged,  and 
which  suffered  defeat. 

A year  later,  on  May  29,  a similar  attempt 
was  announced  from  Lima,  and  ascribed  to  the 
same  “agitators,”  who,  said  the  despatch, 
“made  an  assault  upon  the  palace  and  seized 
President  Leguia.  The  army,  however,  re- 
mained loyal  and  came  to  his  support.  The 
revolutionists  were  obliged  to  liberate  the 
President,  who  immediately  took  measures  to 
put  down  the  movement.  Within  an  hour,  al- 
though firing  was  still  heard  in  the  streets, 
President  Leguia  seemed  to  be  master  of  the 
situation.  Many  shots  were  exchanged  be- 
tween the  troops  and  the  revolutionists  and  it  is 
believed  that  the  casualties  will  be  heavy.” 

This  was  contradicted  a week  later,  so  far  as 
concerned  Dr.  Durand.  “ It  has  been  proved,” 
said  the  later  statement,  “that  the  revolution- 
ary outbreak  of  last  week  was  engineered  en- 
tirely by  the  followers  of  the  Pierola  brothers. 
A committee  of  the  Liberal  party  to-day 
visited  President  Leguia,  and,  declaring  that 
neither  Dr.  Durand  nor  Jose  Oliva  had  taken 
part  in  the  movement,  requested  that  these  men 
be  set  at  liberty.  The  country  is  quiet.” 

PETER  I.,  King  of  Servia : His  Election. 


491 


PETIT 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1901 


See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Danubian 
States  : Servia. 

PETIT,  Archbishop  Fulbert.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

PETROLEUM:  The  Supply  and  the 
Waste  in  the  United  States.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

PETROPALOVSK,  Sinking  of  the.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.). 


PHAGOCYTES:  Their  dependence  on 
Opsonins.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention, Recent:  Opsonins. 

PHILADELPHIA:  A.  D.  1905.  — A Spasm 
of  Municipal  Reform.  — See  (in  this  vol.)  Mu- 
nicipal Government. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Defeat  of  Reform.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Municipal  Government. 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Gains  to  Spain  from  their  Loss.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Spain  : A.  D.  1898-1908. 

A.  D.  1900-1902. — The  Stamping  Out  of 
the  Bubonic  Plague.  See  Public  Health. 

A.  D.  1901.  — Second  Report  of  the  Second 
Philippine  Commission.  — Collapse  of  the  In- 
surrection.— Peace  in  all  but  five  Provinces. 

— Organization  of  Provincial  Governments. 

— Native  Appointments.  — Central  Civil 
Government.  — Appointment  of  Governor 
Taft.  — Filipino  Members  added  to  Commis- 
sion. — Down  to  the  capture  of  Aguinaldo, 
leader  of  the  Filipino  insurgents,  on  the  23d  of 
March,  1901,  and  his  submission  to  “the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  United  States  throughout  the 
Philippine  Archipelago,”  as  announced  in  an 
address  to  liis  countrymen  on  the  19th  of  April, 
the  history  of  American  rule  in  those  islands 
is  recorded  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work.  The 
Second  Philippine  Commission,  with  the  Hon. 
William  H.  Taft  at  its  head,  had  entered  on  the 
performance  of  its  extensive  legislative  duties 
on  the  1st  of  the  previous  September,  while  the 
Military  Governor  continued  to  exercise  admin- 
istrative powers.  The  Commission  had  begun 
the  organization  of  provincial  and  municipal 
governments,  and  the  establishing  of  a system 
of  public  schools,  as  related  in  the  volume  re- 
ferred to.  From  its  second  report,  covering 
ten  months  and  a half,  ending  on  the  15th  of 
October,  1901,  the  following  statements  are 
drawn,  to  continue  the  outline  of  principal 
events  and  most  important  affairs  down  to  that 
date: 

“The  collapse  of  the  insurrection  came  in 
May,  after  many  important  surrenders  and  cap- 
tures, including  that  of  Aguinaldo.  Cailles,  in 
Laguna,  surrendered  in  June,  and  Belarmino,  in 
Albay,  on  July  4. 

“ There  are  four  important  provinces  in  which 
the  insurrection  still  continues,  Batangas,  Sa- 
mar, Cebu,  and  Bohol.  Parts  of  Laguna  and 
Tayabas  adjoining  Batangas  in  the  mountain 
region  are  affected  by  the  disturbances  in  Ba- 
tangas. In  Mindoro  also,  a thinly  settled  and 
almost  unexplored  island,  there  are  insurrectos. 

. . . Outside  of  the  five  provinces  named  there 
is  peace  in  the  remainder  of  the  archipelago.  . . . 

“ The  work  of  the  commission  since  it  began 
to  legislate  in  September,  1900,  has  been  con- 
stant. ...  We  have  passed  since  our  last  report, 
in  addition  to  numerous  appropriation  bills,  a 
municipal  code,  a provincial  law,  a school  law, 
a law  prescribing  an  accounting  system,  acts 
organizing  the  various  bureaus  of  the  central 
government,  acts  organizing  the  courts,  an  act 
to  incorporate  the  city  of  Manila,  a code  of 
civil  procedure  for  the  islands,  and  a new  tariff 
act.  . . . 


“The  general  provincial  law  provides  for  a 
provincial  government  of  five  officers  — the  gov- 
ernor, the  treasurer,  the  supervisor,  the  secre- 
tary, and  the  fiscal,  or  prosecuting  attorney. 
The  governing  board  is  called  the  provincial 
board,  and  includes  as  members  the  governor, 
the  treasurer,  and  the  supervisor.  The  prosecut- 
ing attorney  is  the  legal  adviser  of  the  board  and 
the  secretary  of  the  province  is  its  secretary. 
The  first  function  of  the  provincial  government 
is  to  collect,  through  the  provincial  treasurer, 
all  the  taxes,  with  few  exceptions,  belonging  to 
the  towns  or  the  province.  Its  second  and  most 
important  function  is  the  construction  of  high- 
ways and  bridges  and  public  buildings.  Its 
third  function  is  the  supervision,  through  the 
governor  and  the  provincial  treasurer,  of  the 
municipal  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their 
duties.  Within  certain  limitations,  the  provin- 
cial board  fixes  the  rate  of  levy  for  provincial 
taxation. 

“The  governor  has  the  power  to  suspend  any 
municipal  officer  found  failing  in  his  duty,  and 
is  obliged  to  visit  the  towns  of  the  province 
twice  in  a year,  and  hear  complaints  against  the 
municipal  officers.  . . . Under  the  act  the  offices 
are  all  to  be  filled  at  first  by  appointment  of  the 
commission.  The  governor  holds  his  office  until 
February,  1902,  when  his  successor  is  to  be 
elected  in  a mass  convention  of  the  municipal 
councilors  of  the  towns  of  the  province.  The 
secretary,  treasurer,  and  supervisor  after  Feb- 
ruary next  are  brought  under  the  civil-service 
act,  and  all  vacancies  thereafter  arising  are  to 
be  filled  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  that  act. 
The  fiscal  is  appointed  for  an  indeterminate 
period,  and  is  not  subject  to  the  civil-service 
law.  . . . 

“The  commission  reached  the  conclusion  that 
it  would  aid  in  the  pacification  of  the  country  ; 
would  make  the  members  of  that  body  very 
much  better  acquainted  with  the  country,  with 
the  people,  and  with  the  local  conditions,  and 
would  help  to  educate  the  people  in  American 
methods,  if  the  commission  went  to  the  capital 
of  each  province  and  there  passed  the  special  act 
necessary  to  create  the  provincial  government 
and  made  the  appointments  at  that  time.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  commission  visited  thirty -three 
provinces.  . . . 

“The  policy  of  the  commission  in  its  provin- 
cial appointments  has  been,  where  possible,  to 
appoint  Filipinos  as  governors  and  Americans 
as  treasurers  and  supervisors.  The  provincial 
secretary  and  the  provincial  fiscal  appointed 
have  uniformly  been  Filipinos.  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  this  makes  a majority  of  the  pro- 
vincial board  American.  The  commission  has, 
in  several  instances,  appointed  to  provincial  of- 


492 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1900-1902 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1901-1902 


flees  former  insurgent  generals  who  have  been 
of  especial  aid  in  bringing  about  peace,  and  in 
so  doing  it  has  generally  acted  on  the  earnest 
recommendation  of  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  district  or  province.  We  believe  the  ap- 
pointments made  have  had  a good  effect  and 
the  appointees  have  been  anxious  to  do  their 
duty.  . . . 

“The  central  government  of  the  islands  es- 
tablished in  September,  1900,  under  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  President,  with  a military  governor 
as  chief  executive  and  the  commission  as  the 
legislative  body  with  certain  executive  func- 
tions in  addition,  continued  until  the  4tli  of 
July,  1901.  At  that  time  Maj.  Gen.  Adna  II. 
Chaffee  relieved  Major-General  MacArthur  as 
commanding  general  of  this  division  and  mili- 
tary governor.  By  the  order  of  June  21,  previ- 
ous, in  all  organized  provinces  the  civil  execu- 
tive authority  theretofore  reposed  in  the  military 
governor  and  in  the  commission  was  transferred 
on  July  4 to  a civil  governor.  The  president  of 
the  commission  was  designated  as  civil  gov- 
ernor. . . . 

“By  an  order  taking  effect  September  1,  the 
purport  of  which  was  announced  the  4th  day  of 
July,  there  were  added  to  the  commission,  as 
a legislative  body,  three  Filipinos,  Dr.  T.  H. 
Pardo  de  Tavera,  Senor  Benito  Legarda,  and 
Senor  Jose  Luzuriaga.  These  gentlemen,  the 
first  two  of  them  residents  of  Manila  and  the 
last  a resident  of  the  island  of  Negros,  had  been 
most  earnest  and  efficient  in  bringing  about 
peace  in  the  islands.  Dr.  Tavera  was  the  first 
president  of  the  Federal  party,  had  accompanied 
the  commission  in  its  trips  to  the  southern  pro- 
vinces, and  was  most  useful  in  the  effective 
speeches  which  he  delivered  in  favor  of  peace 
and  good  order  at  every  provincial  meeting. 
Senor  Legarda  had  been  valuable  in  the  ex- 
treme to  General  Otis  and  to  all  the  American 
authorities  by  the  wisdom  of  his  suggestions, 
and  the  courage  and  earnestness  with  which  he 
upheld  the  American  cause  as  the  cause  most 
beneficial  to  his  country.  Senor  Jose  Luzuri- 
aga was  a member  of  the  first  government  of 
the  island  of  Negros,  organized  while  there  was 
insurrection  rife  throughout  the  islands,  as  an 
independent  government  under  the  supervision 
of  a military  governor,  and  was  most  active  in 
preventing  the  insurrection  from  gaining  any 
foothold  in  that  important  island.  . . . 

“The  theory  upon  which  the  commission  is 
proceeding  is  that  the  only  possible  method  of 
instructing  the  Filipino  people  in  methods  of 
free  institutions  and  self-government  is  to  make 
a government  partly  of  Americans  and  partly 
of  Filipinos,  giving  the  Americans  the  ultimate 
control  for  some  time  to  come.  In  our  last  re- 
port we  pointed  out  that  the  great  body  of  the 
people  were  ignorant,  superstitious,  and  at  pre- 
sent incapable  of  understanding  any  govern- 
ment but  that  of  absolutism.  The  intelligence 
and  education  of  the  people  may  be  largely 
measured  by  knowledge  of  the  Spanish  lan- 
guage. Less  than  10  per  cent  of  the  people 
speak  Spanish.  With  Spaniards  in  control  of 
these  islands  for  four  hundred  years  and  with 
Spanish  spoken  in  all  official  avenues,  nothing 
could  be  more  significant  of  the  lack  of  real  in- 
telligence among  the  people  than  this  state- 
ment. The  common  people  are  not  a warlike 
people,  but  are  submissive  and  easily  — indeed 


much  too  easily  — controlled  by  the  educated 
among  them,  and  the  power  of  an  educated  Fil- 
ipino politically  ambitious,  willing  to  plot  and 
use  all  the  arts  of  a demagogue  in  rousing  the 
people,  is  quite  dangerous.  The  educated  peo- 
ple themselves,  though  full  of  phrases  concern 
ing  liberty,  have  but  a faiut  conception  of  what 
real  civil  liberty  is  and  the  mutual  self-restraint 
which  is  involved  in  its  maintenance.  They 
find  it  hard  to  understand  the  division  of 
powers  in  a government,  and  the  limitations 
that  are  operative  upon  all  officers,  no  matter 
how  high.  In  the  municipalities,  in  the  Span- 
ish days,  what  the  friar  did  not  control  the 
presidente  did,  and  the  people  knew  and  ex- 
pected no  limit  to  his  exercise  of  authority. 
This  is  the  difficulty  we  now  encounter  in  the 
organization  of  the  municipality.  The  presi- 
dente fails  to  observe  the  limitations  upon  his 
power,  and  the  people  are  too  submissive  to 
press  them.  In  this  condition  of  affairs  we 
have  thought  that  we  ought  first  to  reduce  the 
electorate  to  those  who  could  be  considered  in- 
telligent, and  so  the  qualifications  for  voting 
fixed  in  the  municipal  code  are  that  the  voter 
shall  either  speak,  read,  and  write  English  or 
Spanish,  or  that  he  shall  have  been  formerly  a 
municipal  officer,  or  that  he  should  pay  a tax 
equal  to  $15  a year  or  own  property  of  the 
value  of  $250.’’  — Report  of  the  U.  S.  Philippine 
Commission,  from  Dec.  1,  1900,  to  Oct.  15,  1901, 
pt.  1 ,pp.  7-20. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Report  of  Governor 
Taft.  — Civil  Government  established  in  all 
Christian  Filipino  Territory.  — The  Moros. 
— Destruction  of  the  Carabao.  — Cholera.  — 
Ladrones. — The  Native  Constabulary. — 
“ When  our  last  report  was  submitted  there  was 
insurrection  in  the  province  of  Batangas,  where 
the  insurgent  forces  were  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Malvar,  and  in  the  adjacent  provinces  of 
Tayabas  and  Laguna  ; in  the  province  of  Samar, 
where  the  insurgent  forces  were  commanded  by 
General  Lukban  ; in  Cebu,  where  the  insurgent 
forces  were  under  the  insurgent  leaders  Climaco 
and  Maxilom  ; in  Bohol,  where  the  insurgent 
forces  were  commanded  by  the  insurgent  leader 
Samson ; and  in  the  island  of  Mindoro.  Vigor- 
ous campaigns  were  begun  in  November  and 
December  by  General  Bell,  in  Batangas,  La- 
guna, Tayabas,  and  Mindoro,  by  General  Smith 
in  Samar,  and  by  General  Hughes  in  Cebu  and 
Bohol.  In  November  and  December  the  insur- 
gents in  Cebu  and  Bohol  surrendered,  and  con- 
ditions of  peace  were  so  completely  established 
that  the  Commission  soon  after  received  the 
province  of  Cebu  from  the  military  authorities, 
and  by  act  numbered  322,  passed  December  20, 
1901,  restored  the  civil  government  in  that  pro- 
vince to  take  effect  January  1,  1902 ; in  Bohol 
the  province  was  delivered  over  to  the  Commis- 
sion early  in  1902,  and  the  commission,  by  act 
of  March  3,  1902,  restored  civil  government 
there  to  take  effect  April  1,  1902.  General  Luk- 
ban, in  Samar,  was  captured  in  February,  1902, 
and  the  entire  force  of  insurgents  in  that  island 
under  General  Guevara  surrendered  in  April 
following. 

“ By  an  act  passed  June  17, 1902,  No.  419,  the 
Commission  organized  the  province  of  Samar, 
and  established  civil  government  there.  In  April 
of  1902,  General  Malvar  surrendered  with  all  his 
forces  in  Batangas,  and  by  act  passed  June  23, 


493 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1901-1902 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1902 


1902,  the  Commission  restored  civil  government 
to  that  province  to  take  effect  July  4,  1902.  By 
act  No.  424,  enacted  July  1,  1902,  the  province 
of  Laguna  was  organized  into  a civil  govern- 
ment. This  completed  the  organization  of  all 
the  provinces  in  which  insurrection  had  been 
rife  during  the  latter  part  of  1901,  except  Min- 
doro. There  were,  in  addition,  certain  tracts  of 
territory  occupied  by  Christian  Filipinos  that 
had  not  received  civil  government,  either  be- 
cause of  the  remoteness  of  the  territory  or  the 
scarcity  of  population.”  The  report  then  de- 
tails the  measures  by  which  civil  government 
was  given  to  these  tracts  of  territory,  and  pro- 
ceeds : 

“The  question  what  shall  be  done  with  re- 
spect to  Mindanao  is  one  which  has  not  been  de- 
finitely decided,  first,  because  so  much  has  had 
to  be  done  with  respect  to  the  northern  and 
Filipino  provinces,  and,  second,  because  at  pre- 
sent there  is  an  unsettled  condition  in  the  Lake 
•Lanao  country.  The  hostility  to  the  Ameri- 
cans does  not  reach  beyond  the  Lake  Lanao 
Moros.  The  Moros  of  the  Jolo  group,  of  Zam- 
boanga, and  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Mindanao 
Valley  are  all  quiet,  and  all  entirely  willing  to 
submit  to  American  supervision.  It  is  very  pos- 
sible that  an  arrangement  can  be  brought  about 
by  which  the  Sultan  of  Jolo  can  be  induced 
to  part  with  such  rights  as  he  claims  to  have  in 
the  Jolo  Archipelago,  and  in  this  way  questions 
which  now  present  very  perplexing  difficulties 
with  respect  to  ownership  of  privileges,  rights, 
and  lands  may  be  obviated.  ...  I think  it 
wiser  on  the  part  of  the  Commission  to  postpone 
the  consideration  of  the  Moro  question  until  we 
have  passed  legislation  to  meet  needs  that  are 
more  pressing  throughout  the  northern  part  of 
these  possessions  of  the  United  States.  For  a 
great  many  years  to  come  there  will  be  no  ques- 
tion of  popular  government  in  the  Moro  coun- 
try; the  Moros  do  not  understand  popular  gov- 
ernment, do  not  desire  it,  and  are  entirely  con- 
tent with  the  control  by  their  dattos.  Possibly 
far  in  the  future  the  control  by  dattos  will 
cease.  There  is  room  for  material  and  industrial 
development  among  the  Moros,  and  with  their 
material  improvement  may  come  a change  in 
their  political  views.  For  the  present,  however, 
it  is  necessary  only  to  provide  a paternal, 
strong,  but  sympathetic  government  for  these 
followers  of  Mohammed. 

“The  civil  government  has  assumed  respon- 
sibility for  the  preservation  of  order  and  the 
maintenance  of  law  throughout  the  Christian 
Filipino  territory  of  this  archipelago  at  a time 
when  the  material  conditions  are  most  discourag- 
ing and  present  every  conceivable  obstacle  to  the 
successful  administration  of  the  affairs  of  6,000,- 
000  or  7,000,000  people.  The  war  of  six  years 
since  1896  has  greatly  interfered  with  the  regu- 
lar pursuit  of  agriculture,  which  is  almost  the 
only  source  of  wealth  in  the  islands.  Many 
years  ago  there  was  sufficient  rice  raised  in  the 
islands  not  only  to  feed  the  people  but  to  ex- 
port it  to  other  countries.  For  a number  of 
years  before  the  American  occupancy  rice  had 
been  imported.  The  area  of  cultivation  of  the 
rice  has  been  much  lessened  during  the  war  and 
many  fields  which  were  formerly  tilled  are  grown 
now  with  the  cogon  grass  because  of  neglect. 

“ The  greatest  blow  to  agriculture  has  been 
the  loss  of  the  carabao  or  water  buffalo,  upon 


which  the  cultivation  of  rice,  according  to  the 
mode  pursued  in  these  islands,  is  wholly  depend- 
ent. The  war  in  some  degree,  and  the  rinder- 
pest in  a much  larger  degree,  have  destroyed 
about  90  per  cent  of  the  carabaos ; and  the  na- 
tives — never  very  active  in  helping  themselves 
— have  simply  neglected  the  rice  culture,  so 
that  now  the  islands  are  compelled  to  spend 
about  $15,000,000  gold  to  buy  food  upon  which 
to  live.  The  carabao  is  not  so  necessary  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  sugar  crop  or  in  the  cultivation 
of  hemp.  . . . 

“ The  cholera  has  swept  over  these  islands 
with  fatal  effect,  so  that  the  total  loss  will  prob- 
ably reach  100,000  deaths.  Whole  villages 
have  been  depopulated  and  the  necessary  sani- 
tary restrictions  to  avoid  its  spread  have  inter- 
fered with  agriculture,  with  intercommunica- 
tion, and  with  all  business.  The  ravages  of  war 
have  left  many  destitute,  and  a guerrilla  life  has 
taken  away  from  many  all  habits  of  industry. 
With  no  means  of  carrying  on  agriculture,  which 
is  the  only  occupation  of  these  islands,  the  temp- 
tation to  the  less  responsible  of  the  former  in- 
surgents after  surrender  to  prey  upon  their 
neighbors  and  live  by  robbery  and  rapine  has 
been  very  great.  The  bane  of  Philippine  civili- 
zation in  the  past  was  ladronism,  and  the  present 
conditions  are  most  favorable  for  its  growth  and 
maintenance.  . . . Many  who  were  proscribed 
for  political  offences  in  the  Spanish  times  had 
no  refuge  but  the  mountains,  and  being  in  the 
mountains  conducted  a free  robber  life,  and 
about  them  gathered  legions  not  unlike  those  of 
the  Robin  Hood  days  of  England,  so  that  they 
attracted  frequently  the  sympathy  of  the  com- 
mon people.  In  the  Spanish  days  it  was  com- 
mon for  the  large  estate  owners,  including  the 
friars,  to  pay  tribute  to  neighboring  ladrones. 
Every  Tagalog  province  had  its  band  of  la- 
drones,  and  frequently  each  town  had  its  recog- 
nized ladrone  whom  it  protected  and  through 
whom  it  negotiated  for  immunity.  . . . 

“ The  insurrection  is  over.  It  is  true  that  the 
ladrones,  though  they  live  on  nothing  but  cattle 
and  rice  stealing,  and  never  attack  American 
soldiers,  and  prey  only  upon  their  own  people, 
do  masquerade  as  insurrectos;  but  they  recog- 
nize no  authority  and  have  no  characteristics 
other  than  those  of  banditti.  They  have  stirred 
up  in  some  of  the  provinces  the  organization  of 
so-called  secret  societies  for  the  purpose  of  se- 
curing agencies  with  which  successfully  to  con- 
duct their  robbery  and  to  sell  the  fruits  of  it.  . . . 
The  picture  that  I have  given  of  the  depressed 
condition  of  agriculture,  and  the  tendency  to 
ladronize  in  the  Tagalog  provinces  and  in  some 
of  the  Yisayan  provinces,  does  not  apply  to 
those  provinces  in  which  hemp  is  the  chief  pro- 
duct. They  are  wealthy  and  prosperous.”  — 
Report  of  Governor  W.  IT.  Taft  (Report  of  the 
Philippine  Commission,  1902,  pt.  1). 

A.  D.  1902. — Padre  Aglipay’s  Secession 
from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. — Organi- 
zation of  the  Independent  Filipino  Catholic 
Church. — “Gregorio  Aglipay  is  an  Ilocano,  and 
was  an  ordained  priest  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  these  islands  before  the  insurrection. 
During  the  insurrection  he  cont  inued  his  priestly 
functions  at  Mabolos  and  took  such  action  as  to 
bring  him  into  conflict  with  the  hierarchy  of  the 
Church.  What  the  merits  of  this  controversy 
were  I do  not  know.  Subsequently  he  assumed 


494 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1902 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1902-1903 


the  leadership  of  the  insurrecto  forces  in  Ilocos 
Norte  and  carried  on  a very  active  campaign  in 
the  mountains  of  that  province.  He  was  one 
of  the  last  of  the  leaders  to  surrender  with  his 
forces  in  North  Luzon.  Since  his  surrender  he 
has  been  quite  active  in  spreading  propaganda 
among  the  native  priests  against  the  so-called 
Friar  domination  of  the  church  in  these  islands. 
The  definite  refusal  of  the  Vatican  to  withdraw 
the  Spanish  friars  from  the  islands  was  made 
the  occasion  for  the  formation  of  the  Independ- 
ent Filipino  Catholic  Church.  Actively  en- 
gaged with  Aglipay  in  this  movement  was 
Isabelo  de  los  Reyes,  the  former  editor  of  an 
insurrecto  paper,  published  in  Madrid,  called 
Filipinas  ante  Europa,  and  an  agitator  of  irre- 
sponsible and  irrepressible  character.  . . . Padre 
Aglipay  has  secured  the  active  and  open  co- 
operation of  a number  of  native  priests,  15  of 
whom  he  has  appointed  bishops,  himself  having 
the  title  of  archbishop.  He  has  held  mass  in 
many  different  places  in  and  about  Manila ; his 
services  have  attracted  large  gatherings  of 
people.  . . . 

“In  order  to  prevent  constant  recurrence  of 
disturbances  of  the  peace  I have  had  to  take  a 
firm  stand  with  the  leaders  of  the  movement  by 
impressing  upon  them  that  forcible  dispossession 
of  a priest  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  for 
years  in  peaceable  possession  of  the  church  and 
the  rector’s  house,  is  contrary  to  law,  and  would 
be  prevented  by  the  whole  police  power.  The 
leaders  of  the  movement  assure  me  that  they 
have  no  desire  to  violate  the  law  and  wish  to 
keep  within  it,  but  that  their  followers  at  times 
are  hard  to  control.  I have  said  to  them  that  if 
they  claim  title  to  the  churches  they  may  assert 
it  through  the  courts,  and  if  successful  will 
secure  not  only  the  confirmation  of  their  title 
but  actual  possession.  . . . 

“ I have  taken  occasion  to  say,  whenever  an 
opportunity  occurred,  that  the  insular  govern- 
ment desired  to  take  no  part  whatever  in  the  re- 
ligious controversies  thus  arising ; that  it  would 
protect  Father  Aglipay  and  his  followers  in 
worshiping  God  as  they  chose  just  as  it  would 
protect  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  its  min- 
isters and  followers  in  the  same  rights.  But 
that,  if  the  law  was  violated  by  either  party,  it 
would  become  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
step  in  and  restrain  such  lawlessness." — Gov- 
ernor Wm.  H.  Taft,  Report,  1902,  pp.  39-40. 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Governmental  Purchase 
of  the  Friars’  Lands.  — “As  early  as  1898, 
the  Peace  Commission,  which  negotiated  the 
treaty  of  Paris,  became  convinced  that  one  of 
the  most  important  steps  in  tranquilizing  the 
islands  and  in  reconciling  the  Filipinos  to  the 
American  Government  would  be  the  govern- 
mental purchase  of  the  so-called  friars’  agri- 
cultural lands  in  the  Philippines,  and  the  sale 
of  these  lands  to  the  tenants  upon  long,  easy 
payments.  . . . The  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
President  concurred  in  the  recommendations  of 
the  Commission.  Accordingly  in  May,  1902, 
the  writer,  as  civil  governor  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  was  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to 
visit  Rome  and  to  confer  with  the  Pope  or  such 
agents  as  he  might  designate  in  respect  to  the 
question  of  buying  the  friars’  agricultural  lands 
and  other  questions  of  a similar  character  which 
were  pending  between  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  and  the  Government.  The  negotiations 


which  were  had  on  this  subject  in  Rome  were 
set  forth  in  the  correspondence  published  by 
the  Secretary  of  War  in  his  report  to  Congress 
for  last  year.  In  a word,  the  Pope  approved 
the  purchase  of  the  agricultural  lands  of  the 
three  great  religious  orders  that  owned  agricul- 
tural lands  in  the  islands  and  appointed  an 
apostolic  delegate  with  as  full  powers  as  he 
could  be  invested  with  to  bring  about  this  re- 
sult. . . . 

“ In  order  to  determine  the  value  of  the 
estates,  the  representatives  of  the  various  com- 
panies and  other  interests  were  invited  to  attend 
a hearing,  when  various  witnesses  were  called 
to  testify.  The  apostolic  delegate  was  also 
present.  . . . 

“ In  accordance  with  the  agreement  reached  in 
Rome,  I sent  to  the  apostolic  delegate  a request 
for  a statement  of  the  exact  interests  retained 
by  the  religious  orders  in  the  Philippines  in 
the  lands  which  were  the  subject  of  negotia- 
tion. No  formal  answer  to  this  letter  was  ever 
received,  but  informally  it  was  stated  to  me  by 
the  delegate  that  the  authorities  in  the  Philip- 
pines had  informed  him  that  they  had  so  dis- 
posed of  their  interests  that  they  were  unable 
to  make  a statement  of  what  their  interests 
were,  if  any.  The  value  of  the  lands,  as  esti- 
mated according  to  the  statements  of  the  agents 
of  the  companies,  aggregated  a sum  between 
thirteen  and  fourteen  millions  of  dollars  gold. 
The  estimate  of  Villegas,  the  surveyor  em- 
ployed by  the  Commission,  showed  the  valua- 
tion of  the  lands  to  be  $6,043,000  gold,  if  his 
value  in  Mexican  should  be  reduced  to  gold  at 
the  rate  of  two  to  one,  which  was  the  gold  rate 
about  the  time  of  his  survey  and  classification, 
though  the  Mexican  dollar  fell  considerably 
after  that.  Considering  the  bad  conditions 
which  prevailed  in  agriculture,  the  loss  of  cat- 
tle, the  dispute  concerning  title,  and  the  agra- 
rian question  that  must  always  remain  in  the 
management  of  these  estates  and  embarrass  the 
owner,  I considered — and  I believe  the  Com- 
mission generally  agreed  with  me  — that  $6,043,- 
000  gold  was  a full  price  for  the  lands.  The 
sum,  however,  was  scouted  by  the  persons 
representing  the  owners,  and  there  appeared  to 
be  very  little  prospect  of  reaching  an  agree- 
ment. . . . 

‘ ‘ Not  discouraged,  however,  by  circumstances 
that  seemed  most  discouraging,  the  apostolic 
delegate  bent  his  energies  to  bringing  the  par- 
ties to  a settlement.  After  some  negotiation 
the  delegate  first  stated  that  he  thought  he 
could  arrange  a sale  for  $10,500,000  gold.  I 
told  him  there  was  no  hope  of  bringing  about 
a purchase  at  that  figure.  . . . Then  followed  a 
long  and  protracted  discussion  between  the  par- 
ties who  were  to  be  the  venders  as  to  how  this 
sum  should  be  divided,  and  there  was  much 
difficulty  in  arriving  at  a solution  — so  great 
a difficulty,  indeed,  that  I was  informed  that 
unless  $7,770,000  was  paid  there  was  no  hope 
of  reaching  an  agreement.  With  the  approval 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Commission,  I 
replied  that  $7,543,000  was  our  ultimatum,  and 
that  we  would  not  give  more  than  that,  and 
this  was  ultimately  the  basis  upon  which  the 
price  was  fixed.’’  — Report  of  the  Civil  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Philippine  Islands,  William  H. 
Taft  ( Fourth  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commis- 
sion). 


495 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1906-1907 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1907 


A.  D.  1905.  — Report  of  Committee  on 
Methods  of  Dealing  with  the  Sale  and  Use 
of  Opium.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1906-1907. — Resignation  of  Gov- 
ernor Ide.  — Appointment  and  Inauguration 
of  Governor  Smith.  — Complete  Tranquility 
in  the  Islands.  — Change  in  the  Constitution 
of  Provincial  Boards.  — “On  September  20, 
1906,  the  resignation  of  the  Hon.  Henry  Clay 
Ide  as  governor-general  became  effective,  and 
on  that  date  the  Hon.  James  F.  Smith  was  in- 
augurated as  governor- general  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands.  . . . Since  April  of  this  year 
complete  tranquility  has  prevailed  in  every  part 
of  the  archipelago,  inclusive  of  the  Moro  pro- 
vince. In  21  of  the  provinces  peace  has  reigned 
supreme  during  the  entire  year.  In  Bataan  and 
Batangas  there  was  some  disturbance  of  the 
public  order,  caused  in  the  case  of  the  first- 
named  province  by  the  escape  of  some  pro- 
vincial prisoners,  and  in  the  second  by  the 
operations  of  six  or  seven  brigands  near  the 
boundary  line  of  the  provinces  of  La  Laguna 
and  Tayabas.  All  of  the  escaped  prisoners  and 
all  of  the  bandits  with  the  exception  of  two 
in  each  party  have  been  captured.  . . . 

“ The  convention  of  provincial  governors  held 
in  Manila  in  October,  1906,  recommended  that 
the  then  existing  law  providing  that  provincial 
boards  shall  be  composed  of  a provincial  gov- 
ernor elected  by  the  municipal  councilors  and 
vice-presidents  of  the  various  municipalities  of 
the  province  and  a provincial  treasurer  and 
a third  member  appointed  by  the  executive 
be  so  amended  as  to  permit  of  the  election  of 
the  provincial  governor  and  third  member  by 
direct  vote  of  the  people.  This  recommendation 
was  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  on 
receiving  his  approval  thereof  the  provincial 
government  act  was  amended  accordingly. 
This  innovation  in  the  constitution  and  selection 
of  provincial  boards  has  been  an  advantage  both 
to  the  insular  and  to  the  local  government.  On 
the  one  hand  it  has  removed  all  cause  for  friction 
between  the  provincial  governor  elected  by  the 
people  and  the  two  members  of  the  board  named 
by  the  executive.  On  the  other  it  has  imposed 
upon  the  provincial  governor  and  the  third  mem- 
ber the  responsibility  for  the  well-being  of  the 
province  and  has  removed  from  the  insular  gov- 
ernment much  of  the  responsibility  for  condi- 
tions purely  of  local  concern.” — Report  of  the 
Philippine  Commission,  Dec.  31,  1907  ( Abridg- 
ment, Message  and  Documents,  1907,  pp.  799-807). 

A.  D.  1907. — The  Philippine  Election 
Law.  — Election  of  a Popular  Assembly. — 
Political  Parties  participating  in  it.  — The 
first  meeting  of  the  Assembly.  — Presence 
of  Secretary  Taft.  — His  account  of  the  As- 
sembly and  of  the  Parties  represented  in  it. 
— “In  January,  1907,  the  Philippine  Commis- 
sion passed  the  Philippine  election  law.  In 
framing  this  law  the  election  codes  of  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  California  were  consulted  and  features 
adopted  from  each,  modified  in  such  a way  as 
to  meet  insular  conditions  and  to  avoid  the  mis- 
takes and  abuses  that  have  arisen  in  some  pro- 
vincial and  municipal  elections  in  the  islands. 
The  aim  has  been  to  provide  a law  sufficiently 
explicit  and  not  too  complicated  for  easy  com- 
prehension. Every  effort  has  been  made  to 
afford  the  necessary  safeguards  and  machinery 


to  insure  purity,  secrecy,  certainty,  and  expedi- 
tion, without  causing  too  great  a drain  upon  the 
resources  of  municipal  and  provincial  govern- 
ments. The  prominent  features  of  this  law  as 
amended  are  the  division  of  those  provinces  not 
inhabited  by  Moros  or  other  non-Christian  tribes 
into  78  assembly  districts,  each  province  to  con- 
stitute at  least  one  district  and  the  more  popu- 
lous being  divided  into  more  districts,  in  the 
ratio  of  1 to  every  90,000  of  population  and  ma- 
jor fraction  thereof  remaining.  In  accordance 
with  this  apportionment  there  will  be  80  dele- 
gates, two  of  whom  will  represent  the  city  of 
Manila,  which  is  considered  as  a province,  within 
the  meaning  of  the  act  of  Congress,  and  divided 
into  two  districts.”  — Report  of  the  Chief  of  the 
Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  Oct.  31,  1907 

{Abridgment,  Message  and  Documents,  1907,  p. 
781). 

“ On  the  28th  of  March,  1907,  the  Commission 
by  resolution,  unanimously  adopted,  certified 
to  the  President  that  for  two  years  following 
the  publication  of  the  census  of  the  islands  a 
condition  of  general  and  complete  peace  had 
prevailed  and  then  existed  in  the  territory  of 
the  islands  not  inhabited  by  Moros  or  other  non- 
Christian  tribes.  . . . By  virtue  of  this  certifi- 
cate and  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
the  act  of  Congress  of  July  1,  1902,  the  Presi- 
dent on  March  28,  issued  a proclamation  direct- 
ing the  Philippine  Commission  to  call  a general 
election  for  the  choice  of  delegates  to  a popular 
assembly.  Accordingly  on  the  30th  of  March, 
1907,  the  Commission  passed  a resolution  order- 
ing that  an  election  be  held  for  delegates  on 
July  30  and  directing  the  governor-general  to 
issue  a proclamation  announcing  the  election 
for  that  date.  The  proclamation  was  issued  on 
April  1.  By  a strange  coincidence  the  day  of 
the  month  fixed  for  holding  the  election  was  the 
same  as  that  on  which  the  first  legislative  body 
in  America,  the  house  of  burgesses,  met  in  the 
year  1619.  Under  the  general  election  law  the 
delegates  to  the  assembly  elected  at  the  elections 
held  on  July  30th,  1907,  and  seated  by  the  Phil- 
ippine assembly,  will  serve  until  January  1, 
1910.  Subsequent  elections  for  delegates  will 
be  held  on  the  first  Tuesday  after  the  first  Mon- 
day in  November,  1909,  and  on  the  first  Tues- 
day after  the  first  Monday  in  November  in  each 
odd-numbered  year  thereafter,  delegates  to  take 
office  on  the  1st  day  of  January  next  following 
their  election  and  to  hold  office  for  two  years, 
or  until  their  successors  are  elected  and  quali- 
fied. 

“The  basis  of  representation  in  the  Philip- 
pine assembly  is  one  delegate  for  every  90,000 
of  population  and  one  additional  delegate  for  a 
major  fraction  thereof  : Provided,  however,  that 
each  Christian  province  shall  be  entitled  to  at 
least  one  delegate  and  that  the  total  number  of 
delegates  shall  at  no  time  exceed  100.  Pro- 
vinces entitled  to  more  than  one  delegate  are 
divided  into  districts.  The  law  declares  Manila 
to  be  a province  within  the  meaning  of  the  act 
of  Congress  authorizing  the  assembly,  and,  it  is 
allowed  the  same  representation  as  other  pro- 
vinces. Thirty -four  provinces  are  represented 
in  the  Philippine  assembly,  which  is  composed 
of  80  members. 

“ The  act  of  Congress  requires  that  delegates 
to  the  assembly  shall  be  qualified  electors  of  the 
election  district  in  which  they  may  be  chosen, 


496 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1907 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1907 


25  years  of  age,  and  owing  allegiance  to  the 
United  States.  The  act  of  Congress  prescribes 
that  the  qualifications  of  electors  shall  be  the 
same  as  those  prescribed  for  electors  in  munici- 
pal elections  under  laws  in  force  at  the  time  of 
the  passage  of  the  Congressional  enactment. 
As  the  municipal  election  laws  in  force  at  the 
time  of  the  passage  of  the  act  of  Congress  have 
undergone  some  change  in  regard  to  the  qualifi- 
cations of  electors,  the  strange  anomaly  is  pre- 
sented of  having  certain  qualifications  exacted 
from  municipal  and  provincial  officials  which 
are  not  required  for  delegates  to  the  assembly. 
One  of  the  results  is  that  felons,  victims  of  the 
opium  habit,  and  persons  convicted  in  the  court 
of  first  instance  for  crimes  involving  moral 
turpitude,  but  whose  cases  are  pending  on  ap- 
peal, are  not  eligible  for  election  to  any  pro- 
vincial or  municipal  office,  but  may  become 
delegates  to  the  assembly. 

“As  announced  by  provincial  governors  the 
elections  for  assemblymen  held  on  the  30th  of 
July,  1907,  resulted  in  the  election  of  32  Nacion- 
alistas,  4 ' Independistas,  7 Inmediatistas,  16 
Progresistas,  20  Independents,  and  1 Centro  Ca- 
tolico.  The  total  number  of  voters  registered 
for  the  assembly  elections  was  104,966.  The 
number  of  voters  registered  for  the  provincial 
and  municipal  elections  will  be  very  much 
larger  than  that  for  the  assembly  elections.  The 
difference  in  registration  and  votes  cast  at  the 
two  elections  seems  to  show  with  considerable 
certainty  that  there  was  far  more  interest  in  the 
elections  for  provincial  and  municipal  officials 
than  there  was  in  the  election  for  assembly- 
men.  . . . 

“The  delegates  to  the  Philippine  assembly, 
in  accordance  with  the  call  of  the  governor-gen- 
eral as  prescribed  by  the  act  of  Congress,  met  at 
the  Grand  Opera  House  in  the  city  of  Manila  on 
the  16th  day  of  October  at  9 o’clock  a.  m.’’  — 
Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  Dec.  31, 
1907  ( Abridgment , Message  and  Documents,  1907, 
pp.  810-811). 

The  Hon.  William  H.  Taft,  United  States 
Secretary  of  War,  former  Governor-General  of 
the  Philippine  Islands,  made  the  long  journey 
to  the  Islands  on  this  occasion  for  the  purpose 
of  opening  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly  and 
personally  inspecting  the  state  of  affairs.  After 
returning,  in  the  following  December,  he  made 
an  extended  report  to  the  President,  in  which  he 
discussed  the  character  of  the  Assembly  and  of 
the  parties  represented  in  it  at  considerable 
length.  Recurring  to  the  formation  of  the  first 
political  party  that  arose  in  the  Islands  after 
they  came  under  the  control  of  the  United 
States,  he  said  of  it : 

“It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that  the  war  by 
the  Filipinos  against  the  Americans  had  the 
sympathy  of  all  the  Filipinos.  On  the  contrary, 
there  were  many  intelligent  and  conservative 
men  who  favored  American  control  and  who  did 
not  believe  in  the  capacity  of  their  people  imme- 
diately to  organize  a government  which  would 
be  stable  and  satisfactory,  but  in  the  face  of  a 
possible  independence  of  the  Islands,  they  were 
still.  Upon  Mr.  McKinley’s  second  election 
many  of  these  persons  reached  the  conclusion 
that  it  was  time  for  them  to  act.  Accordingly, 
they  formed  the  Federal  Party,  the  chief  plat- 
form of  which  was  peace  under  American  sov- 
ereignty and  the  acceptance  of  the  American 


promises  to  govern  the  Islands  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Filipinos  and  gradually  to  extend  popular 
self-government  to  the  people.  The  Federal 
Party  received  accessions  by  thousands  in  all 
parts  of  the  Islands  and  in  every  province,  so 
that  the  Commission  was  enabled  during  the 
year  1901,  and  under  the  auspices,  and  with  the 
aid  of,  the  Federal  Part}’,  to  organize  civil  gov- 
ernment in  some  32  or  33  provinces,  or  in  sub- 
stantially all  of  them.  . . . The  main  purpose 
and  principle  of  the  party  was  peace  under  the 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States.  In  drafting 
a platform  its  leaders  had  formulated  a plank 
favoring  the  organization  of  the  Islands  into  a 
Territory  of  the  United  States,  with  a view  to  its 
possibly  becoming  a State.  From  this  plank  it 
took  its  name.  In  the  first  two  or  three  years 
after  its  successful  effort  to  bring  on  peace, 
many  prominent  Filipinos  having  political  ambi- 
tion became  members,  and  in  the  gubernatorial 
elections  the  great  majority  of  governors  elected 
were  Federals.  And  so  substantially  all  who 
filled  prominent  offices  in  the  government  by 
appointment,  including  the  judges,  were  of  that 
party.  Then  dissension  arose  among  prominent 
leaders  and  some  withdrew  from  the  party.  The 
natural  opposition  to  a government  party  led 
to  the  organization  of  other  parties,  especially 
among  those  known  as  Intransigentes  [Irrecon- 
cilables].  The  Federal  Party  had  founded  an 
organ,  the  Democracia,  early  in  its  existence. 
The  opponents  of  the  government  looking  to 
immediate  independence  founded  a paper  called 
the  Renacimiento.  The  latter  was  edited  with 
especial  ability  and  with  a partisan  spirit  against 
the  American  Government. 

“For  two  years  before  the  election  of  the  As- 
sembly the  Filipinos  who  sympathized  with  the 
Renacimiento  were  perfectingtheir  organization 
to  secure  a majority  in  the  assembly.  Many 
groups  were  formed,  but  they  all  were  known 
as  the  Partido  Nacionalista.  There  was  some 
difference  as  to  whether  to  this  title  should  be 
added  the  word  ‘ inmediatista,’  but  the  great 
majority  favored  it.  The  party  is  generally 
known  as  the  Nacionalista  Party.  During 
much  of  these  same  two  years,  the  Federal 
Party  was  dormant.  . . . 

“Some  six  months  before  the  elections,  there 
sprung  from  the  ashes  of  the  Federal  Party  a 
party  which,  rejecting  the  statehood  idea,  de- 
clared itself  in  favor  of  making  the  Philippines 
an  independent  nation  by  gradual  and  progres- 
sive acquisition  of  governmental  control  until 
the  people  should  become  fitted  by  education 
and  practice  under  American  sovereignty  to  en- 
joy and  maintain  their  complete  independence. 
It  was  called  the  Partido  Nacionalista  Progres- 
ista.  It  is  generally  known  as  the  Progresista 
Party.  . . . 

“The  campaign  in  the  last  two  or  three 
months  was  carried  on  with  great  vigor.  The 
Naeionalistas  had  the  advantage  of  being  under- 
stood to  be  against  the  government.  This,  with 
a people  like  the  Filipino  people,  who  had  been 
taught  to  regard  the  government  as  an  entity 
separate  from  the  people,  taxing  them  and 
prosecuting  them,  was  in  itself  a strong  reason 
for  popular  sympathy  and  support.  The  Pro- 
gresistas were  denounced  as  a party  of  office- 
holders. The  government  was  denounced  as 
extravagant  and  burdensome  to  the  people.  In 
many  districts  the  Nacionalista  candidates  pro- 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS,  1907 


PINCHOT 


miseil  that  if  they  were  returned  immediate  in- 
dependence would  follow.  There  were  quite  a 
number  of  candidates  in  country  and  remote 
districts  where  the  controversy  was  not  heated 
who  did  not  declare  themselves  on  the  main 
question,  and  maintained  an  independence  of 
any  party.  They  were  known  as  Independi- 
entes.  Then,  there  were  other  Independientes 
who  declared  themselves  independent  of  party, 
but  in  favor  of  immediate  independence. 

“The  total  vote  registered  and  cast  did  not 
exceed  104,000,  although  in  previous  guber- 
natorial elections  the  total  vote  had  reached 
nearly  150,000.  The  high  vote  at  the  latter 
elections  may  be  partly  explained  by  the  fact 
that  at  the  same  elections  town  officers  were 
elected,  and  the  personal  interest  of  many  can- 
didates drew  out  a larger  number  of  electors. 
But  the  falling  off  was  also  in  part  due,  doubt- 
less, to  the  timidity  of  conservative  voters,  who, 
because  of  the  heat  of  the  campaign,  preferred 
to  avoid  taking  sides.  This  is  not  a permanent 
condition,  however,  and  I doubt  not  that  the 
meeting  of  the  assembly  and  the  evident  impor- 
tance of  its  functions  when  actually  performed 
will  develop  a much  greater  popular  interest 
in  it,  and  the  total  vote  will  be  largely  increased 
at  the  next  election. 

“ I opened  the  assembly  in  your  name.  The 
roll  of  the  members  returned  on  the  face  of  the 
record  was  called.  An  appropriate  oath  was 
administered  to  all  the  members  and  the  assem- 
bly organized  by  selecting  Senor  Sergio  Osmena 
as  its  speaker  or  presiding  officer.  Senor  Os- 
mena has  been  one  of  the  most  efficient  fiscals, 
or  prosecuting  attorneys,  in  the  Islands,  having 
conducted  the  government  prosecutions  in  the 
largest  province  of  the  Islands,  the  province 
and  Island  of  Cebu.  He  was  subsequently 
elected  governor,  and  by  his  own  activity  in 
going  into  every  part  of  the  island,  he  succeeded 
in  enlisting  the  assistance  of  all  the  people  in 
suppressing  ladronism,  which  had  been  rife  in 
the  mountains  of  Cebu  for  thirty  or  forty  years, 
so  that  to-day  there  is  absolute  peace  and  tran- 
quillity throughout  the  island.  He  is  a young 
man,  not  30,  but  of  great  ability,  shrewdness, 
high  ideals,  and  yet  very  practical  in  his  meth- 
ods of  dealing  with  men  and  things.  The  as- 
sembly could  have  done  nothing  which  indicated 
its  good  sense  so  strongly  as  the  selection  of 
Senor  Osmena  as  its  presiding  officer.  . . . 

“As  a shibboleth — as  a party  cry  — imme- 
diate independence  has  much  force,  because  it 
excites  the  natural  pride  of  the  people  ; but  few 
of  their  number  have  ever  worked  out  its 
consequences,  and  when  they  have  done  so  they 
have  been  willing  to  postpone  that  question 
until  some  of  the  immediate  needs  of  the  peo- 
ple have  been  met.  I may  be  wrong,  but  my 
judgment  is  that  the  transfer  of  real  power,  by 
giving  to  the  people  part  of  the  legislative 
control  of  the  Christian  provinces,  sobers  their 
leaders  with  the  sense  of  responsibility  and 
teaches  them  some  of  the  practical  difficulties 
of  government I do  not  for  a moment 


guarantee  that  there  will  not  at  times  be  radical 
action  by  the  Assembly,  which  cannot  meet  the 
approval  of  those  who  understand  the  legisla- 
tive needs  of  the  Islands,  but  all  I wish  to  say  is 
that  the  organization  and  beginning  of  the  life 
of  the  Assembly  have  disappointed  its  would- 
be  critics  and  have  given  great  encouragement 
to  those  who  were  responsible  for  its  extension 
of  political  power.”  — Special  Report  of  William 
II.  Taft,  Secretary  of  War,  to  the  President  on 
the  Philippines,  Jan.  23,  1908  (60th  Cong.  1st 
Session,  Senate  Doc.  No.  200). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Change  in  the  Governor- 
General’s  Office.  — General  James  F.  Smith 
was  succeeded  as  Governor-General  by  the  Vice- 
Governor-General,  Mr.  W.  Cameron  Forbes,  in 
November,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Philippine  Tariff  Act.  — A 

special  Message,  transmitting  a Philippine 
Tariff  Bill  recommended  by  the  Secretary  of 
War,  was  sent  to  Congress,  April  14,  by  Presi- 
dent Taft.  “This  measure,”  wrote  the  Pre- 
sident, “revises  the  present  Philippine  tariff, 
simplifies  it  and  makes  it  conform  as  nearly  as 
possible  to  the  regulations  of  the  customs  laws 
of  the  United  States,  especially  with  respect  to 
packing  and  packages.  The  present  Philippine 
regulations  have  been  cumbersome  and  difficult 
for  American  merchants  and  exporters  to  com- 
ply with.  Its  purpose  is  to  meet  the  new  con- 
ditions that  will  arise  under  the  section  of  the 
pending  United  States  tariff  bill  which  provides, 
with  certain  limitations,  for  free  trade  between 
the  United  States  and  the  islands.  It  is  drawn 
with  a view  to  preserving  to  the  islands  as  much 
customs  revenue  as  possible  and  to  protect  in  a 
reasonable  measure  those  industries  which  now 
exist  in  the  islands. 

“The  bill  now  transmitted  has  been  drawn 
by  a board  of  tariff  experts,  of  which  the  insular 
collector  of  customs,  Col.  George  R.  Colton, 
was  the  president.  The  board  held  a great 
many  open  meetings  in  Manila,  and  conferred 
fully  with  representatives  of  all  business  inter- 
ests in  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  is  of  great 
importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  islands  that 
the  bill  should  be  passed  at  the  same  time  with 
the  pending  Payne  bill,  with  special  reference 
to  the  provisions  of  which  it  was  prepared.” 

The  Bill  was  passed,  but  certain  tobacco  in- 
terests secured  an  important  amendment  in 
their  favor. 

A.  D.  1909  (Nov.).— Success  of  the  Na- 
tionalists in  the  Election.  — “Practically 
complete  returns  from  the  recent  election  indi- 
cate that  the  Assembly  will  be  composed  of 
sixty  Nationalists,  fifteen  Progressists,  and 
five  Independents.  The  Nationalists  also 
gained  four  provincial  Governors  over  the 
number  elected  by  that  party  at  the  last  elec- 
tion. Similar  gains  in  other  offices  have  been 
made  by  the  Nationalists.  Some  of  the  returns 
are  still  missing,  but  they  are  not  likely  to 
make  any  material  change  in  the  figures 
given.”  — Press  Report  from  Manila,  Nov.  5, 
1909.  . 


PICKETING:  The  Labor  Strikers’ 

Right.  — Its  limit.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization  : England  : A.  D.  1906  (March). 

PICQUART,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Franck:  A.  D.  1906. 

PIEROLA,  Nicolas.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Peru. 


PINCHOT,  Gifford:  Chief  of  the  United 
States  Forest  Service.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Con- 
servation of  Naturae  Resources. 

On  Threatened  Water  Power  Trust.  See 

Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : United 

States  : A.  D.  1909. 


498 


riOUS  FUND  QUESTION 


PLURAL  VOTING 


PIOUS  FUND  QUESTION. —Its  Deci- 
sion by  the  Hague  Tribunal.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Mexico:  A.  D.  1902 (May). 

PITTSBURG:  A.  D.  1906-1908.  — Under 
a Reforming  Mayor;  See  (in  this  vol.)  Muni- 
CIPAL  Government. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Enlargement  and  Rededica- 
tion of  the  Carnegie  Institute.  See  Educa- 
tion : United  States  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — The  Pittsburg  Survey. 
— A remarkable  Investigation  of  Living  Con- 
ditions. See  Social  Betterment  : United 
States. 

PIUS  X.,  Pope.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Pa- 
pacy. 

PLAGUE,  Bubonic.  See  Public  Health. 

“ PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN,”  The.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Ireland:  A.  D.  1907. 

PLATT  AMENDMENT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

PLAYGROUND  MOVEMENT,  The.— 

The  first  convention  of  the  Playground  Associa- 
tion of  America,  held  at  Chicago  in  June,  1907, 
was  a very  notable  gathering,  in  the  character 
of  the  men  and  women  assembled,  —in  the  qual- 
ity of  the  discussion  they  gave  to  the  subject  of 
child-development  by  wholesome  play,  — in  the 
spirit  imparted  to  it  by  the  wonderful  exhibit 
that  Chicago  could  make  of  achievement  in  this 
new  civic  undertaking,  and  in  the  great  impetus 
it  gave  to  the  playground  movement  throughout 
the  country.  The  proceedings  and  incidents  of 
the  convention  were  reported  very  fully  in  the 
August  number  of  Charities  and  Corrections  that 
year. 

‘‘From  one  article,  ‘How  They  Played  at 
Chicago,’  by  Mr.  Graham  Romeyn  Taylor,  we 
learn  that  in  connection  with  the  convention 
there  was  held  a festival  of  sport  and  play,  in 
which  from  first  to  last  ‘ the  play  spirit  was  as- 
cendant.’ More  than  5000  persons  participated, 
and  among  them  were  President  Gulick,  of  the 
national  association,  and  Dr.  Sargent,  of  Har- 
vard. The  play  spirit,  says  he,  captivated  every 
one.  ‘ Play,  according  to  students  of  it,  means 
not  only  a good  time,  but  from  the  child’s  point 
of  view  it  is  serious  business  : moreover,  it  has 
vital  significance  in  educational  development.’ 
This  meeting,  he  claims,  marks  the  transition  of 
playground  activity  from  a more  or  less  sporadic 
and  disconnected  series  of  efforts  in  our  larger 
cities  to  a firmly  established  and  well  organized 
national  movement.  A better  understanding  of 
the  playground  issue  means  better  citizenship 
and  community-life. 

“ President  Roosevelt,  honorary  president,  had 
requested  that  delegations  be  sent  to  this  con- 
vention from  many  cities,  ‘ to  gain  inspiration 
from  this  meeting,  and  to  see  the  magnificent 
system  that  Chicago  has  erected  in  its  South 
Park  section, — one  of  the  most  notable  civic 
achievements  of  any  American  city.’  They 
came,  and  returned  to  their  home  cities  with 
photographs  of  the  playgrounds  and  recreation 
centers  in  Chicago.  On  these  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago has  expended  during  the  last  four  years 
§6,500,000,  and  has  recently  appropriated  $3,000- 
000  additional.  Moreover,  it  has  authorized 
$1,500,000  for  similar  facilities  for  children  on 
the  north  and  west  sides  as  well.  Each  center 
costs  about  $30,000  annually.  These  centers  re- 
cognize that  human  needs  transcend  all  other 
things,  and  tend  to  develop  a social  spirit 


that  one  day  must  permeate  our  commingled 
races.” — American  Review  of  Reviews,  Sept., 
1907. 

“According  to  the  new  Year  Book  [for  1910] 
of  the  Playground  Association  of  America,  336 
municipalities  in  the  United  States  are  main- 
taining supervised  playgrounds.  The  actual 
number  of  playgrounds  operated  in  267  of  these 
cities  last  year  was  1,535.  About  56  per  cent, 
are  in  the  area  of  greatest  density  of  population, 
in  the  North  Atlantic  States.  The  number  of 
cities  in  those  States  maintaining  playgrounds 
is  149,  and  the  number  of  playgrounds  estab- 
lished in  123  of  them  is  873.  Massachusetts  has 
led  in  the  movement. 

“In  about  49  per  cent,  of  the  cities  operating 
public  playgrounds,  the  managing  authority, 
wholly  or  in  part,  is  the  city  itself,  which  is 
working  through  its  board  of  education,  its 
park  department,  or  other  municipal  bureau  — 
or  by  combining  the  activities  of  two  or  more 
departments.  In  fifteen  cities  the  Mayors  have 
appointed  special  commissions,  organized,  as 
city  departments  for  the  administration  of  play- 
grounds, which  are  no  longer  left  to  the  phi- 
lanthropist. 

“ In  fifty -five  of  the  larger  cities,  local  play- 
ground associations  have  been  established,  and 
many  of  the  smaller  towns  have  organized  com- 
mittees that  will  be  converted  into  permanent 
organizations.  Churches,  women’s  clubs,  Young 
Men’s  Christian  Associations,  Associated  Chari- 
ties, and  public-spirited  men  and  women  have 
contributed  their  help. 

“ An  index  of  the  interest  in  the  movement 
is  afforded  by  a survey  of  figures  representing 
the  yearly  expenditures  for  sites,  equipment, 
and  the  maintenance  of  playgrounds.  In  many 
cases  specific  information  on  this  point  is  not 
available,  but  184  cities  have  sent  reports  stating 
definitely  what  it  costs  them  to  operate  their 
grounds.  The  total  amount  expended  in  the 
year  by  these  184  cities  is  $1,353,114.  In  18  per 
cent,  of  the  cities  the  amount  of  money  set 
apart  for  playgrounds  was  appropriated  entirely 
by  the  municipality,  while  in  23  per  cent,  the 
cities  combined  with  private  organizations.”  — 
iV.  T.  Eve  Post,  Jan.  5,  1910. 

In  England,  or  in  London,  at  least,  the  move- 
ment has  been  set  on  foot  by  an  “Evening  Play 
Centres  Committee,”  of  which  Mrs.  Humphry 
Ward  is  Chairman.  The  object  of  the  Commit- 
tee, as  stated  by  Mrs.  Ward,  is  “to  open  the 
school  buildings  in  winter  for  play,  exercise,  and 
handwork,  as  an  alternative  to  the  streets,  to 
children  after  school  hours  ; and  in  summer  to 
organize  the  playgrounds,  as  is  now  so  largely 
done  in  America  and  Canada”  ; but  thus  far  its 
success  appears  to  have  been  mostly  in  the  open- 
ing of  indoor  play  centres  for  evening  entertain- 
ment. 

PLAZA,  General  Leonidas:  President  of 
Ecuador.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ecuador. 

PLEHVE,  M.  V.  de : Defence  of  Russian 
Measures  in  Finland.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Fin- 
land: A.  D.  1901. 

Russian  Minister  of  the  Interior.  — His 
atrocious  administration.  — His  assassina- 
tion. See  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

PLURAL  VOTING,  Belgian.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Belgium  : A.  D.  1902  and  1904.  Also  in 
Volume  VI.,  Belgium  : A.  D.  1894-1895,  and 
in  Volume  I.,  Constitution  of  Belgium. 


499 


POBIEDONOSTZEFF 


POLAR  EXPLORATION 


POBIEDONOSTZEFF,  Constantine: 
On  Russian  Discontent.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1902. 

Resignation.  See  Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 
Death,  March  23,  1907. 

POGROMS:  Massacres.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1906. 

POLAR  EXPLORATION:  Arctic:  A.  D. 
1901-1910.  — Three  Expeditions  of  Com- 
mander Peary.  — His  Final  Triumph.  — The 
astounding  Imposture  of  Dr.  Cook,  Pretender 
to  an  attainment  of  the  Pole  a Year  in  Ad- 
vance of  Peary.  — Other  Arctic  Explorations 
of  the  Decade.  — When  the  record  of  Polar 
Exploration  was  closed  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work,  on  its  going  to  press  in  the  spring  of  1901, 
Commander  Robert  E.  Peary  had  been  working 
within  the  Arctic  Circle  for  three  years,  with  no 
respite,  and  the  Peary  Arctic  Club  was  sending 
a vessel,  the  Erik,  to  make  inquiries  al^out  him. 
He  was  found  to  have  proved  that  Greenland  is 
surrounded  by  water  at  the  north,  and  tVhave 
further  undertakings  in  hand.  He  remained 
another  year,  in  the  course  of  which  he  made/ 
the  nearest  approach  to  the  Pole  that  had  yeU 
been  accomplished,  going  directly  north  from 
Cape  Hecla  and  reaching  latitude  84°  17'.  Re- 
turning to  the  coast,  he  was  met  and  brought 
home,  after  an  absence  of  four  years.  In  July, 
1905,  he  sailed  northward  again,  equipped  with 
a vessel,  the  Roosevelt , built  expressly  for  his  use. 
After  wintering  on  the  north  coast  of  Grant 
Land,  he  started  once  more  with  sledges  and 
dogs  toward  the  Pole,  and  this  time  pressed  his 
way  to  87°  6'  of  latitude,  or  within  a little  more 
than  200  miles  of  the  Arctic  hub.  Then  he  was 
forced  to  turn  back,  with  scant  supplies,  killing 
his  dogs  for  food.  Once  more,  in  July,  1908, 
Commander  Peary  set  his  face  Arcticward,  on 
the  staunch  Roosevelt , with  two  scientific  compan- 
ions, and  equipped  himself  at  Etah  with  Eski- 
mos and  dogs  for  another  journey  across  the 
ice-fields,  from  some  point  on  the  Grant  Land 
coast. 

Two  expeditions  were  fitted  out  in  1901  and 
1903,  by  Mr.  Ziegler,  of  New  York,  the  former 
under  Evelyn  B.  Baldwin,  the  latter  under  An- 
thony Fiala.  The  latter  reached  latitude  82° 
13',  remaining  in  the  Arctic  regions  until  the 
summer  of  1905.  In  June,  1903,  Captain  Roald 
Amundsen,  of  Norway,  sailed  from  Christiania 
in  the  small  sloop  Gjoa,  beginning  a voyage 
which  carried  him  entirely  through  the  North- 
west Passage  from  Baffin  Bay  to  Bering  Strait 
and  which  occupied  three  years.  Much  of  that 
time,  however,  was  devoted  to  studies  and 
searches  of  great  value  in  determining  the  loca- 
tion of  the  Magnetic  Pole.  In  1905  the  ranks 
of  the  Arctic  explorers  were  joined  by  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  who  sailed  from  Christiania 
in  May,  in  the  Belgica,  commanded  by  Lieut, 
de  Gerlache.  In  1907,  Mr.  John  R.  Bradley,  of 
New  York,  supplied  Dr.  Frederick  A.  Cook 
with  equipments  for  an  attempt  to  reach  the 
North  Pole,  and  accompanied  him  in  a schooner 
yacht  to  Annatok,  a little  north  of  Etah,  in 
North  Greenland,  where  the  Doctor,  with  one 
white  man,  Rudolph  Francke,  were  landed, 
with  their  supplies,  to  begin  the  undertaking. 
Several  attempts  were  made  in  successive  years 
by  Mr.  Walter  Wellman  to  make  the  journey  to 
the  Pole  from  Spitzbergen  by  a dirigible  air- 
ship. Each  of  them,  down  to  1909,  was  frus- 


trated by  misfortunes  of  circumstance  or 
weather.  A tragically  ended  survey  of  the 
northeast  coast  of  Greenland  was  accomplished 
in  1906-7  by  Dr.  Mylius  Erichsen  and  Lieuten- 
ant Hagen-Hagen,  who  perished  while  groping 
their  way  southward  in  the  growing  darkness 
of  the  approaching  winter.  These  fill  out  the 
important  items  of  the  record  of  Arctic  explora- 
tion, since  April,  1901,  down  to  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember, 1909. 

On  that  day  the  whole  world  was  startled  and 
excited  by  a message,  flashed  first  to  Lerwick, 
in  the  Shetland  Islands,  from  a passing  Danish 
steamer,  the  1 Ians  Egede,  and  thence  to  all  cor- 
ners of  the  earth,  saying  : “ We  have  on  board 
the  American  traveller,  Dr.  Cook,  who  reached 
the  North  Pole  April  21,  1908.  Dr.  Cook  ar- 
rived at  Upernivik  (the  northernmost  Danish 
settlement  in  Greenland,  on  an  island  off  the  west 
coast)  in  May  of  1909  from  Cape  York  (in  the 
northwest  part  of  Greenland,  on  Baffin  Bay). 
The  Eskimos  of  Cape  York  confirm  Dr.  Cook’s 
story  of  his  journey.” 

The  next  day  brought  a cabled  announcement 
from  Dr.  Cook  himself,  to  the  New  York  Her- 
ald, briefly  telling  of  his  triumph,  “ after  a pro- 
longed fight  against  famine  and  frost,”  and  de- 
scribing: , the  emotions  with  which  he  had  found 
himself'at  ,the  goal  which  so  many  had  striven 
vainlf  to  attain.  “What  a cheerless  spot,”  he 
moralized,  “to  have  aroused  the  ambition  of 
man  for  so  many  ages!  An  endless  field  of 
purple  snows.  No  life.  No  land.  No  spot  to 
relieve  the  monotony  of  frost.  We  were  the 
only  pulsating  creatures  in  a dead  world  of  ice.” 

Two  days  later  the  hero  wa$  landed  at  Copen- 
hagen, and  all  the  excited  world  devoured 
graphic  descriptions  of  his  reception  by  the  en 
thusiastic  Danes  : by  the  Crown  Prince,  who 
hastened  to  welcome  him  before  he  had  stepped 
from  the  ship  ; by  the  crowds  who  cheered  him  ; 
by  the  King,  who  dined  him;  by  the  University 
of  Cppenhagen  which  awarded  him  an  honorary 
degree,  and  whose  faculty  he  made  happy  and 
proud  by  the  promise  that  it  should  be  the  first 
to  examine  the  record  of  his  observations  and 
the  proofs  in  general  that  he  had  reached  the 
Pole. 

Two  more  days  passed,  and  then  the  climax 
of  this  world -spread  excitement  and  astonish- 
ment was  marked  by  another  radio-electric  flash 
of  news  out  of  the  Arctic  North,  — this  time 
from  the  American  North,  — proclaiming  an- 
other conquest  of  the  icy  fortress  of  the  Pole.  It 
spoke  “to  the  Associated  Press,  New  York,” 
from  “Indian  Harbor,  via  Cape  Ray,  Nova 
Scotia,”  saying:  “Stars  and  Stripes  nailed  to 
North  Pole.  Peary.”  It  reached  New  York  a 
little  after  noon  of  September  6tli,  and  before 
night,  everywhere,  people  in  all  languages  were 
asking  each  other:  “ Is  it  possible  that  two  men 
have  suddenly  done  what  none  have  been  able 
to  do  before  ? ” 

Other  messages  from  Commander  Peary  which 
soon  followed  the  first  one  fixed  the  date  of  his 
attainment  of  the  Pole  as  having  been  April  6, 
1909,  — being  fifteen  days  less  than  a year  after 
Dr.  Cook  claimed  to  have  planted  the  American 
flag  at  the  same  spot.  They  brought  angry 
denunciations,  too,  of  Cook’s  pretension,  which 
Peary  had  learned  of  from  the  Esquimaux  in 
the  North.  “Cook’s  story,”  he  said  in  one  de- 
spatch, “ should  not  be  taken  too  seriously.  The 


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POLAR  EXPLORATION 


two  Esquimaux  who  accompanied  him  say  lie 
went  no  distance  north  and  not  outside  of  land. 
Other  members  of  the  tribe  confirm  their  story.” 
In  another  lie  declared:  -‘Cook  has  sold  the 
public  a gold  brick.”  Dr.  Cook,  meantime,  gave 
out  expressions  as  to  Peary’s  achievement  very 
different  in  temper  and  tone.  He  had  no  doubt 
that  Commander  Peary  had  reached  the  Pole;  but 
he,  Cook,  had  been  fortunately  the  first  to  enjoy 
the  favorable  conditions  which  gave  success  to 
them  both.  His  magnanimity,  his  coolness,  his 
easy  self-confidence,  in  contrast  with  Peary’s 
words  and  bearing,  won  public  admiration  and 
sympathy,  and  the  majority  in  most  communi- 
ties incliued  strongly,  for  a time,  to  the  judg- 
ment that  both  explorers  had  done  what  they 
said  they  did,  but  that  Cook,  in  character,  was 
the  more  estimable  man.  When  he  arrived  in 
New  York,  on  the  21st  of  September,  that  city 
gave  him  almost  as  wild  a hero  worship  as  Co- 
penhagen had  done.  Commander  Peary  was 
then  just  landing  at  Sydney,  Nova  Scotia,  and 
it  was  some  weeks  before  he  would  proceed  to 
New  York,  or  put  himself  at  all  in  the  way  of 
receiving  any  public  demonstrations  of  honor. 

But  grounds  of  skepticism  as  to  Dr.  Cook 
were  acquiring  a rapid  multiplication.  When 
he  published  his  story  in  detail,  or  told  it  in  lec- 
tures, it  started  questions  which  people  having 
critical  knowledge  insisted  that  he  must  answer 
if  he  could  ; but  he  made  no  attempt.  He  was 
in  no  haste  to  produce  the  records  which  he  had 
insisted  would  prove  his  claims  beyond  a doubt. 
He  required  weeks  of  time  to  prepare  them  for 
examination,  and  they  must  go  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Copenhagen  before  any  other  tri- 
bunal of  science  could  see  them.  Meanwhile, 
he  was  harvesting  large  gains  from  lectures  and 
newspaper  publications,  and  seemed  more  inter- 
ested in  that  pursuit  than  in  the  vindication  of 
his  questioned  honor.  Hence,  suspicion  of  him 
grew,  until  it  made  itself  heard  and  felt  at  last 
with  a force  which  drove  the  Doctor  to  put  his 
professed  proofs  in  shape  and  send  them  by  the 
hand  of  his  secretary,  Mr.  Lonsdale,  to  Copen- 
hagen. Before  they  reached  their  destination 
he,  himself,  disappeared  mysteriously  from  pub- 
lic view,  nervously  shattered,  it  was  said,  and 
seeking  some  hidden  place  of  refuge  abroad. 
Reports  of  him  from  various  places  in  both  Eu- 
rope and  South  America  have  not  been  verified, 
and  his  whereabouts  are  still  (March,  1910)  a 
mystery. 

On  the  21st  of  December  the  report  of  the 
scientific  committee  of  Copenhagen  University, 
to  which  the  records  forwarded  by  Dr.  Cook 
were  submitted,  was  made  public  by  the  Univer- 
sity Council.  “The  report,  which  was  sent  in 
by  the  committee  on  December  18,  states  that 
the  following  papers  were  submitted  to  it  for 
investigation : — 

“1.  A type-written  report  by  Mr.  Lonsdale 
on  Dr.  Cook’s  Arctic  voyage,  consisting  of  61 
folios. 

“2.  A type  written  copy  of  16  folios,  made 
by  Mr.  Lonsdale,  comprising  the  note-books 
brought  back  by  Dr.  Cook  from  his  journey 
and  covering  the  period  from  March  18  to  June 
13,  1908,  stated  to  have  been  written  on  the  way 
from  Svartevaag  to  the  Pole  and  back  until  a 
place  west  of  Heibergsland  was  reached.  . . . 

“ The  committee  points  out  as  a result  of  its 
investigations  that  the  aforementioned  report  of 


the  journey  is  essentially  identical  with  that 
published  some  time  ago  in  the  New  York  Her- 
ald, and  that  the  copy  of  the  note-books  did  not 
contain  astronomical  records,  but  only  results. 
In  fact,  the  committee  remarks  that  there  are 
no  elucidatory  statements  which  might  have  ren- 
dered it  probable  that  astronomical  observations 
were  really  taken.  Neither  is  the  practical  side 
— namely,  the  sledge  journey  — illuminated  by 
details  in  such  a way  as  to  enable  the  committee 
to  form  an  opinion.  The  committee  therefore 
considers  that  from  the  material  submitted  no 
proof  can  be  adduced  that  Dr.  Cook  reached 
the  North  Pole. 

“The  council  of  the  University  accordingly 
declares  as  a result  of  the  committee’s  report 
that  the  documents  submitted  to  Copenhagen 
University  contain  no  observations  or  explana- 
tions to  prove  that  Dr.  Cook  on  his  last  Polar 
journey  reached  the  North  Pole.” 

That  Commander  Peary  had  accomplished  at 
last  the  object  of  his  indomitable  striving  was 
never  in  doubt.  His  own  testimony  to  the  fact 
had  sufficed  from  the  beginning,  and  the  decision 
rendered  on  the  3d  of  November  by  a commit- 
tee of  the  National  Geographic  Society,  which 
examined  the  records  of  his  march  to  the  Pole, 
added  nothing  to  the  public  belief.  But  his 
laurels  had  been  lamentably  blighted  by  the 
atmosphere  of  scandal,  wrangle,  and  disgust 
with  which  Cook’s  monstrous  imposture  had 
vulgarized  the  whole  feeling  that  attended  the 
exploit. 

The  incidents  of  the  final  Peary  expedition, 
from  start  to  finish,  were  summarized  by  the 
Commander  in  a message  from  Battle  Harbor  to 
the  London  Times,  Sept.  8,  as  follows  : ‘ 1 The 
Roosevelt  left  New  York  on  July  6,  1908.  She 
left  Sydney  on  July  17th;  arrived  at  Cape  York, 
Greenland,  on  August  1st ; left  Etah,  Greenland, 
on  August  8th  ; arrived  at  Cape  Sheridan,  Grant 
Land,  on  September  1st,  and  wintered  at  Cape 
Sheridan  The  sledge  expedition  left  the  Roose- 
velt on  February  15th,  1909,  and  started  north 
of  Cape  Columbia  on  March  1st.  It  passed  the 
British  record  on  March  2d ; was  delayed  by 
open  water  on  March  2d  and  3d;  was  held  up 
by  open  water  from  March  4th  to  March  11th  ; 
crossed  the  84th  parallel  on  March  11th  and  en- 
countered an  open  lead  on  March  15th  ; crossed 
the  85th  parallel  on  March  18th  ; crossed  the 
86th  parallel  on  March  22d  and  encountered  an 
open  lead  on  March  33d;  passed  the  Norwegian 
record  on  March  23d  ; passed  the  Italian  record 
on  March  24th  and  encountered  an  open  lead  on 
March  26th  ; crossed  the  87th  parallel  on  March 
27th  ; passed  the  American  record  on  March 
28th  and  encountered  a lead  on  March  28th;  held 
up  by  open  water  on  March  29th ; crossed  the 
88th  parallel  on  April  2d  ; crossed  the  89th  par- 
allel on  April  4th,  and  reached  the  North  Pole 
on  April  6th. 

“On  returning  we  left  the  pole  on  April  7th ; 
reached  Camp  Columbia  on  April  23d,  arriving 
on  board  the  Roosevelt  on  April  27th.  The 
Roosevelt  left  Cape  Sheridan  on  July  18th, 
passed  Cape  Sabine  on  August  8th,  left  Cape 
York  on  August  26th  and  arrived  at  Indian 
Harbor. 

“ All  the  members  of  the  expedition  are  re- 
turning in  good  health  except  Professor  Ross  G. 
Martin,  who  unfortunately  drowned  on  April 
10th,  45  miles  north  of  Cape  Columbia,  while 


501 


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POLAR  EXPLORATION 


returning  from  86  degrees  north  latitude  in 
command  of  a supporting  party.” 

Antarctic  : English,  German,  Swedish,  and 
Scottish  Expeditions. — The  Successes  of 
Lieutenant  Shackleton.  — When  the  account 
of  Polar  Exploration  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 
work  was  closed,  in  April,  1901,  several  expe- 
ditions to  the  Antarctic  region  were  reported  as 
being  under  preparation,  in  England,  Germany, 
and  Sweden.  The  English  expedition,  for 
which  the  ship  Discovery  was  being  fitted  out, 
sailed  on  the  6th  of  August,  1901,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Robert  F.  Scott,  with 
Lieutenant  Ernest  H.  Shackleton  of  the  British 
Navy  as  second  in  command.  Its  object  was 
a further  exploration  of  the  great  mountainous 
region  named  Victoria  Land,  which  Captain 
James  Ross  had  discovered  half  a century  be- 
fore. This  coast  the  Discovery  reached  in  Janu- 
ary, 1902,  and  followed  it  southward,  to  and 
beyond  the  Erebus  volcano,  skirting  the  Great 
Ice  Barrier  which  stretches  far  eastward,  seem- 
ing to  forbid  a penetration  of  the  frozen  ter- 
ritory it  hems  in.  In  this  survey  the  British 
explorers  reached  an  unvisited  section,  which 
they  named  King  Edward  Land.  They  win- 
tered that  year  near  Mount  Erebus,  pushing 
sledge  expeditions  southward  over  the  snow 
fields,  finding  a more  upheaved  and  broken  sur- 
face of  land,  less  ice-capped,  than  is  the  com- 
mon feature  of  the  Arctic  polar  zone.  In  the 
longest  of  these  sledge-trips  the  latitude  of  82° 
17' S.  was  attained, — far  beyond  any  previous 
approach  to  the  southern  pole,  but  still  more 
than  500  miles  from  that  goal.  Through  a sec- 
ond winter  the  Discovery  was  held  fast  in  the 
ice,  with  considerable  sickness  among  officers 
and  men,  notwithstanding  which  important  ad- 
ditions to  their  survey  of  the  region  were  made. 
In  January,  1904,  they  were  reached  by  two 
relief  ships,  and  escaped  from  the  ice  in  the 
following  month,  arriving  at  New  Zealand  not 
long  after. 

The  German  expedition  commanded  by  Dr. 
Drygalski,  left  Kiel  August  11,  1901,  borne  by 
the  steamer  Gauss , built  specially  for  battling 
with  ice.  In  January,  1902,  it  took  on  stores  at 
Kerguelen  Island,  and  proceeded  thence  to  a 
point  in  the  Antarctic  Circle  far  eastward  of 
that  chosen  by  the  British  explorers,  being 
within  the  region  of  the  discoveries  made  by 
Captain  Wilkes,  about  sixty  years  before,  and 
indefinitely  named  Wilkes  Land.  It  was  the 
purpose  of  Dr.  Drygalski  to  establish  a station 
on  the  section  of  this  unexplored  territory 
known  as  Termination  Land  and  from  thence 
make  thorough  surveys.  He  failed,  however, 
to  find  the  supposed  land  in  its  expected  place, 
and  was  unfortunately  frozen  in  for  a year, 
with  sledge  expeditions  baffled  by  the  violence 
of  winter  storms.  In  geographical  exploration 
the  Gauss  party  seem  to  have  accomplished 
little,  but  they  made  rich  collections  of  scien- 
tific data.  As  soon  as  they  were  freed  from  the 
ice  they  received  orders  from  Berlin  to  return 
home. 

The  Swedish  expedition,  under  Dr.  Otto  Nor- 
denskjold,  left  Europe  in  October,  1901,  in  the 
ship  Antarctic , destined  for  Graham  Land, 
south  of  the  South  American  continent.  There, 
on  the  east  coast  of  that  land,  in  Admiralty  In- 
let, Dr.  Nordenskjold  established  winter  quar 
ters  in  February,  1902,  and  the  Antarctic  was 


sent  to  South  America,  to  return  thence  some 
months  later. 

A Scottish  expedition,  under  Dr.  W.  S. 
Bruce,  in  the  steamer  Scotia,  was  sent  out  in 
October,  1903,  for  special  oceanographic  inves- 
tigations in  Weddell  Sea,  — south  of  the  Atlan- 
tic Ocean. 

All  previous  Antarctic  explorations  were 
eclipsed,  in  1908-9,  by  that  of  Lieutenant 
Shackleton,  commanding  the  barkentine  Nim- 
rod, a converted  whaling  vessel,  much  smaller 
than  the  Discovery,  on  which  Lieutenant  S.  had 
accompanied  Captain  Scott  to  the  same  region 
some  years  before.  The  Nimrod  sailed  from 
England  in  July,  1907,  and  from  New  Zealand 
on  New  Year  Day,  1908,  going  to  the  same  sec- 
tion of  the  Arctic  Circle  that  the  Discovery  had 
sought.  Winter  quarters  were  established  at  a 
point  about  twenty  miles  north  of  the  spot 
where  Scott  and  Shackleton  had  wintered  in 
1902-3.  One  of  the  first  achievements  of  the 
party  was  the  ascent  of  Mount  Erebus  by  six 
of  the  scientists  of  the  expedition,  who  began 
their  difficult  climb  on  the  5tli  of  March. 
Caught  in  a blizzard  on  the  second  day  of  their 
undertaking,  they  had  to  lie  in  their  sleeping- 
bags  for  thirty  hours  ; but  they  made  their  way 
to  the  summit  and  looked  down  into  the  live 
fire  of  the  crater.  The  party  making  this  ascent 
were  Lieutenant  Adams,  R.  N.  R.  (geologist). 
Sir  Philip  Brocklehurst  (surveyor  and  map 
maker),  Professor  David,  of  Sydney  University, 
Mr.  A.  Forbes  Mackay,  assistant  surgeon,  Mr. 
Eric  Marshall,  surgeon  and  cartographer,  and 
Mr.  Marson  a scientist  of  Adelaide.  Early  in 
the  spring  the  sledging  journeys  were  begun. 

Speaking  at  a reception  given  to  him  by  the 
Royal  Geographical  Society,  on  his  return  to 
England  in  June,  1909,  Lieutenant  Shackleton 
gave  a brief  account  of  the  most  important  of 
these  journeys,  led  by  himself,  with  Lieut. 
Adams,  geologist,  Surgeon  Eric  Marshall,  and  a 
third  companion  named  Wild.  The  march  of  the 
party  was  directly  toward  the  Pole: 

‘‘On  December  3 they  climbed  a mountain 
4,000  feet  high,  and  from  its  summit  saw  what 
they  believed  to  be  a royal  road  to  the  Pole  — 
an  enormous  glacier  stretching  southwards. 
There  was  onty  one  pony  left  at  this  time,  and, 
taking  this  animal  with  them,  they  started  the 
ascent  of  the  glacier,  which  proved  to  be  seamed 
with  crevasses.  Progress  became  very  slow, 
for  disaster  threatened  at  every  step.  On  De- 
cember 7 the  remaining  pony  was  lost  down  a 
crevasse,  very  nearly  taking  Wild  and  a sledge 
with  it.  Finally  the  party  gained  the  inland 
plateau,  at  an  altitude  of  over  10,000  feet,  and 
started  across  the  great  white  snow  plain  to- 
wards the  Pole. 

“ They  were  short  of  food,  and  had  cut  down 
their  rations  to  an  absolute  minimum;  the  tem- 
perature at  the  high  altitude  was  extremely 
low,  and  all  their  spare  clothing  had  been  de- 
posited lower  down  the  glacier  in  order  to  save 
weight.  On  January  6,  [1909],  they  reached 
latitude  88'  8"  south,  after  having  taken  the 
risk  of  leaving  a depot  of  stores  on  the  plateau, 
out  of  sight  of  all  land.  Then  a blizzard  swept 
down  upon  them,  and  for  two  days  they  were 
unable  to  leave  their  tent,  while,  owing  to  their 
weakened  condition  and  the  intense  cold,  they 
suffered  from  frostbite  even  in  their  sleeping 
bags.  When  the  blizzard  moderated  on  Jan- 


502 


POLAR  EXPLORATION 


PORTO  RICO,  1901-1905 


uary  9 they  felt  that  they  had  reached  their  limit 
of  endurance,  for  their  strength  was  greatly  re- 
duced and  the  food  was  almost  done.  They 
therefore  left  the  camp  standing,  and  pushing 
on  for  five  hours,  planted  Queen  Alexandra’s 
flag  iu  88'  23"  south,  took  possession  of  the  pla- 
teau for  the  King,  and  turned  their  faces  north 
again. 

“Mr.  Shackleton  described  the  difficulties  of 
the  journey  back  to  the  coast,  when  the  men  were 
desperately  short  of  food  and  nearly  worn  ’out, 
and  attacks  of  dysentry  added  to  their  troubles. 
. . . One  day  on  the  Barrier  they  were  unable  to 
march  at  all,  being  prostrated  with  dysentery, 
and  they  reached  each  depot  with  their  food  fin- 
ished. On  February  23,  however,  they  reached 
a depot  prepared  for  them  by  a party  from  the 
ship,  and  on  March  1 Mr.  Shackleton  and  Wild 
reached  the  Nimrod.  Mr.  Shackleton  at  once  led 
a relief  party  back  to  get  Adams  and  Marshall, 
the  latter  having  been  unable  to  continue  the 
march  owing  to  dysentery,  and  on  March  4 all 
the  men  were  safe  on  board.” 

“ Lieutenant  Shackleton  has  essentially  solved 
the  problem  of  the  position  of  the  South  Pole,” 
said  the  London  Times  in  comments  on  the 
expedition;  “he  may  be  said,  indeed,  to  have 
been  actually  within  sight  of  it  on  a dreary 
plateau  some  10,000ft.  above  sea  level.  He  has 
been  as  successful  in  solving  the  problem  of 
the  South  Pole  as  Nansen  was  in  solving  that 
of  the  character  of  the  ocean  which  surrounds 
the  North  Pole.” 

An  expedition  to  complete  what  Lieutenant 
Shackleton  came  so  near  to  accomplishing  is 
being  prepared  in  Great  Britain,  with  intention 
to  sail  in  July,  1910.  It  will  be  commanded  by 
Capt.  Scott,  of  the  expedition  of  1901.  The 
British  Government  contributes  $100,000  to  the 
cost.  American  and  German  expeditions  are  also 
being  prepared. 

POLES,  The:  Germany:  A.  D.  1902- 

1908.  — Measures  for  Germanizing  the  Po- 
lish Provinces  of  Prussia.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Germany  : A.  D.  1902  (March-May),  1906- 
1907,  and  1908. 

Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. — Revolutionary 
Disturbances  in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A. 
D.  1904-1905. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Th^ir  Present  Condition. — 

“The  Polish  question.  . . . resolves  itself  into 
a struggle  between  the  local  Russian  Govern- 
ment, the  Patriot,  and  the  Socialists.  The  local 
Government  though  harassed  and  worried  by 
the-  Socialists,  is  secure  from  any  great  disaster 
until  the  latter  have  won  over  all  the  troops,  or 
the  Russian  soldier  forgets  his  hatred  for  the 
Pole.  The  Socialists,  well  organised  and  ener- 
getic, are  carrying  out  their  programme  with  a 
tenacity  which  would  be  astonishing  were  it 
not  for  the  fact  that  the  Jewish  element  pre- 
dominates in  their  ranks. 

‘ ‘ The  Polish  Patriot  seems  to  be  in  the  worst 
case  of  all ; for  his  hopes  are  centred  on  the 
programme  of  a party  which  is  without  effi- 
cient leaders  and  without  the  slightest  chance 
of  obtaining  its  demands  from  the  existing 
Russian  Government.  The  one  ray  of  light 
on  his  political  horizon  is  the  fact  that  liberal 
Russia  has  expressed  sympathy  for  his  wrongs, 
and  promised  to  redress  them  as  soon  as  circum- 
stances will  allow,  but  even  the  most  sanguine 
Patriot  admits  that  his  new  ally  has  many  bat- 


tles to  win  before  this  promise  can  be  fulfilled. 
Meanwhile,  he  is  engaged  in  an  unequal  strug- 
gle with  the  Socialists  and  their  allies,  the 
anarchists.  ” — B.  C.  Baskerville,  The  Present 
Condition  of  Poland  ( Fortnightly  lleview,  Oct., 
1906). 

POLK,  Van  Leer:  Delegate  to  Third  In- 
ternational Conference  of  American  Repub- 
lics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Republics. 

POLLARD  PLAN,  of  Judicial  Dealing 
with  Drunkards.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alcohol 
Problem  : International  Congress. 

POLTAVA  PROVINCE,  Peasant  Doings 
in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904, 
and  1902. 

POOLING,  of  Railway  Rates.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1890- 
1902. 

POOR  LAWS,  Working  of  the  English. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty. 

POPES.  See  Papacy. 

PORT  ARTHUR:  A.  D.  1904-1905.— 
Siege  and  Capture  in  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  See(in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. - 
July)  and  (Feb. -Aug.);  also  A.  D.  1904-1905 
(May-Jan.). 

PORTER,  Horace  : Commissioner  Pleni- 
potentiary to  the  Second  Peace  Conference. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1907. 

Search  for  and  Recovery,  at  Paris,  of  the 
Remains  of  John  Paul  Jones.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb.-June). 

PORTLAND,  Oregon  : A.  D.  1905.  — The 
Lewis  and  Clark  Exposition. — “The  Lewis 
and  Clark  Centennial  and  American  Pacific  Ex- 
position and  Oriental  Fair”  (to  give  its  full  of 
ficial  title),  conducted  at  Portland  from  the 
beginning  of  June  until  the  middle  of  October, 
1905,  in  commemoration  of  the  first  exploration 
of  the  American  Continent  from  the  Mississippi 
to  the  Pacific,  was  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  attractive  of  the  undertakings  of  its  kind  in 
the  last  decade.  Specially  as  an  exhibit  of  the 
wonderful  natural  resources  of  the  great  North- 
west, and  of  the  more  wonderful  rapidity  of 
their  exploitation,  it  seemed  wholly  satisfying 
to  all  who  visited  it.  The  reclamation  work  of 
the  United  States  Government,  shown  elabo- 
rately by  models  and  otherwise  in  the  Irrigation 
Building  of  the  extensive  national  exhibit,  af- 
forded a feature  of  uncommon  attractiveness. 
The  associated  Forestry  Building,  with  its  walls 
of  mighty  logs  and  its  grand  pillars  of  firs  and 
cedars,  six  and  seven  feet  in  diameter,  was  a 
piece  of  unique  architecture  that  drew  all  eyes. 
“ The  Oregon  Cathredral,”  it  came  to  be  called. 
In  metals,  minerals,  fruits  and  grains,  the  wealth 
of  the  Northwest  was  astonishingly  displayed ; 
and  the  Japanese  from  the  farther  side  of  the 
Pacific  made  the  most  of  the  opportunity  to 
spread  their  artistic  wares  before  American  buy- 
ers. 

The  scenic  setting  of  the  Exposition  grounds, 
on  the  border  of  a lake  and  with  a background 
of  hill  rising  from  Willamette  River,  was  a 
theme  of  praise  in  all  reports  of  it. 

PORTO  RICO:  A.  D.  1901-1905. — 

Change  of  Qualifications  for  the  Elective 
Franchise.  — The  fundamental  provisions  of 
the  Act  of  Congress,  approved  April  12,  1900, 
under  which  the  government  of  Porto  Rico  as  a 
dependency  of  the  United  States  was  organized, 


PORTO  RICO,  1901-1905 


PORTO  RICO,  1906 


will  be  found  in  Volume  VI  of  this  work,  — see 
Porto  Rico  •.  A.  D.  1900  (April).  The  Act  has 
received  amendment  since,  making  one  impor- 
tant organic  change.  The  Executive  Council 
which  it  created  was  authorized  to  fix  the  quali- 
fications of  voters  for  the  first  election  of  a Leg- 
islative Assembly.  The  suffrage  in  that  elec- 
tion, held  in  1900,  was  conferred  by  the  Council 
on  every  male  citizen  of  twenty -one  years,  resi- 
dent in  the  island  for  one  year  and  for  six 
months  in  his  municipal  district,  “who  is  able 
to  read  and  write,  or  who,  on  September  1,  1900, 
owned  real  estate  in  his  own  right  and  name,  or 
who  on  said  date  was  a member  of  a firm  or  cor- 
poration or  partnership,  or  who  on  September 
1,  1900,  owned  personal  property  in  his  own 
right  or  name  not  less  in  value  than  twenty-five 
dollars.”  The  results  of  the  election  held  under 
that  rule,  and  a brief  summary  of  the  doings  of 
the  Legislative  Assembly  at  its  first  session, 
which  opened  on  the  3d  of  December,  1900,  and 
closed  on  the  31st  of  January,  1901,  are  giveu  in 
Volume  VI. 

“At  its  second  session,  in  1902,  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  availed  itself  of  the  power  given 
to  it  by  the  organic  act  and  passed  a law  for  the 
government  of  future  elections.  This  act  fol- 
lowed closely  the  provisions  of  the  orders  that 
had  been  issued  by  the  executive  council.  The 
s\rstem  created  is  similar  to  that  in  the  American 
States  which  have  adopted  the  Australian  bal- 
lot. As  regards  the  franchise,  the  only  change 
made  was  that  the  provision  which  gave  the 
right  to  vote  to  persons  owning  personal  pro- 
perty to  the  value  of  twenty-five  dollars  was 
dropped  and  in  its  place  was  substituted  the 
provision  conferring  the  franchise  upon  those 
persons  meeting  the  conditions  as  regards  age 
and  residence  who  on  the  day  of  registration  are 
able  to  produce  to  the  board  of  registry  tax  re- 
ceipts showing  the  payment  of  any  kind  of  taxes 
for  the  last  six  months  of  the  year  in  which  the 
election  is  held.  The  law  also  provided  that  all 
persons  who  were  registered  during  the  year 
1900  would  not  be  required  to  register  anew  or 
have  to  meet  the  new  requirements  of  the  law. 
This  was  the  law  under  which  the  second  elec- 
tion in  1902  was  held.  In  1904  the  law  under- 
went a very  important  alteration  as  regards  the 
qualifications  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  electoral 
franchise.  By  this  new  law  the  three  conditions 
— ability  to  read  and  write,  ownership  of  real 
estate,  or  payment  of  taxes  — any  one  of  which 
qualified  a male  citizen  of  Porto  Rico  who  had 
resided  in  the  island  one  year  and  in  the  district 
in  which  he  offered  to  register  for  six  months 
immediately  preceding,  to  vote,  were  until  July 
1,  1906,  wiped  out,  leaving  only  the  conditions 
regarding  sex,  age  and  residence  to  be  met  in 
order  to  qualify  a voter.  After  that  date  the 
additional  qualification  of  being  able  to  read  and 
write  must  be  met.  The  result  of  this  amend- 
ment to  the  law  is  to  provide  for  universal  man- 
hood suffrage  until  July  1,  1906,  after  which  no 
new  name  can  be  added  to  the  registration  list 
unless  its  owner  is  able  to  read  and  write. 
Those  persons,  however,  who  are  properly  re- 
gistered before  that  date  are  not  required  to  of- 
fer themselves  for  registration,  but  continue  to 
enjoy  the  full  rights  of  the  franchise.”  — W.  F. 
Willoughby,  Territories  and  Dependencies  of  the 
U.  S.  p.  95  {Century  Co.,  N.  T. , 1905). 

A.  D.  1905.  — Extension  of  Local  Govern- 


ment asked  for.  — A convention  of  munici- 
pal delegates,  chosen  by  the  elective  municipal 
councils  of  the  island,  assembled  at  San  Juan 
in  July,  1905,  formulated  a request  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  for  a broadening 
of  the  fundamental  law  of  1900,  which  “would 
largely  transfer  the  control  of  the  local  govern- 
ment to  their  own  people.  The  Governor 
would  remain  a Presidential  appointee,  but  the 
appointments  by  the  Governor  would  be  sub- 
ject in  many  cases  to  revision  by  a locally 
elected  Senate,  except  the  courts,  which  would 
remain  as  now,  for  the  most  part,  under  our 
direct  control.  In  other  words,  the  legislative, 
and  largely  the  administrative  functions,  sub- 
ject to  the  limitations  of  the  Organic  Act, 
would  be  exercised  by  the  Porto  Ricans.  The 
courts,  of  our  own  choosing,  would  construe 
limitations  on  these  powers,  and  the  Governor, 
with  his  police  and  militia,  would  be  solely  re- 
sponsible for  order  and  the  lawful  execution 
of  lawful  mandates.” 

A.  D.  1906.  — Visited  by  President  Roose- 
velt.— His  account  of  it.  — “On  November 
twenty -first  I visited  the  island  of  Porto  Rico, 
landing  at  Ponce,  crossing  by  the  old  Spanish 
road  by  Cayey  to  San  Juan,  and  returning  next 
morning  over  the  new  American  road  from 
Arecibo  to  Ponce;  the  scenery  was  wonderfully 
beautiful,  especially  among  the  mountains  of 
the  interior,  which  constitute  a veritable  tropic 
Switzerland.  I could  not  embark  at  San  Juan 
because  the  harbor  has  not  been  dredged  out 
and  cannot  receive  an  American  battle  ship.  I 
do  not  think  this  fact  creditable  to  us  as  a na- 
tion, and  I earnestly  hope  that  immediate  pro- 
vision will  be  made  for  dredging  San  Juan 
Harbor. 

“ I doubt  whether  our  people  as  a whole  real- 
ize the  beauty  and  fertility  of  Porto  Rico  and 
the  progress  that  has  been  made  under  its  ad- 
mirable government.  . . . 

“ I stopped  at  a dozen  towns  all  told,  and  one 
of  the  notable  features  in  every  town  was  the 
gathering  of  the  school  children.  The  work 
that  has  been  done  in  Porto  Rico  for  education 
has  been  noteworthy.  The  main  emphasis,  as 
is  eminently  wise  and  proper,  has  been  put 
upon  primary  education ; but  in  addition  to  this 
there  is  a normal  school,  an  agricultural  school, 
three  industrial  and  three  high  schools.  Every 
effort  is  being  made  to  secure  not  only  the 
benefits  of  elementary  education  to  all  the  Porto 
Ricans  of  the  next  generation,  but  also  as  far 
as  means  will  permit  to  train  them  so  that  the 
industrial,  agricultural  and  commercial  oppor- 
tunities of  the  island  can  be  utilized  to  the 
best  possible  advantage.  It  was  evident,  at  a 
glance,  that  the  teachers,  both  Americans  and 
native  Porto  Ricans,  were  devoted  to  their 
work,  took  the  greatest  pride  in  it,  and  were 
endeavoring  to  train  their  pupils  not  only  in 
mind,  but  in  what  counts  for  far  more  than 
mind  in  citizenship — that  is,  in  character. 

“I  was  very  much  struck  by  the  excellent 
character  both  of  the  insular  police  and  of  the 
Porto  Rican  regiment.  They  are  both  of  them 
bodies  that  reflect  credit  upon  the  American 
administration  of  the  island.  The  insular 
police  are  under  the  local  Porto  Rican  govern- 
ment. The  Porto  Rican  regiment  of  troops 
must  be  appropriated  for  by  the  Congress.  I 
earnestly  hope  that  this  body  will  be  kept  per- 


504 


PORTO  RICO,  1906 


PORTUGAL,  1906-1909 


manent.  There  should  certainly  be  troops  in 
the  island,  and  it  is  wise  that  these  troops 
should  be  themselves  native  Porto  Ricans.  It 
would  be  from  every  standpoint  a mistake  not 
to  perpetuate  this  regiment.  . . . 

“ There  is  a matter  to  which  I wish  to  call 
your  special  attention,  and  that  is  the  desira- 
bility of  conferring  full  American  citizenship 
upon  the  people  of  Porto  Rico.  I most  ear- 
nestly hope  that  this  will  be  done.  I cannot  see 
how  any  harm  can  possibly  result  from  it,  and 
it  seems  to  me  a matter  of  right  and  justice  to 
the  people  of  Porto  Rico.  They  are  loyal,  they 
are  glad  to  be  under  our  flag,  they  are  making 
rapid  progress  along  the  path  of  orderly  lib- 
erty. Surely  we  should  now  show  our  appre- 
ciation of  them,  our  pride  in  what  they  have 
done,  and  our  pleasure  in  extending  recognition 
for  what  has  thus  been  done  by  granting  them 
full  American  citizenship.  . . . 

“ The  Porto  Ricans  have  complete  and  abso- 
lute autonomy  in  all  their  municipal  govern- 
ments, the  only  power  over  them  possessed  by 
the  insular  government  being  that  of  removing 
corrupt  or  incompetent  municipal  officials.  This 
power  has  never  been  exercised  save  on  the 
clearest  proof  of  corruption  or  of  incompetence 
such  as  to  jeopardize  the  interests  of  the  people 
of  the  island ; and  under  such  circumstances  it 
has  been  fearlessly  used  to  the  immense  benefit 
of  the  people.  It  is  not  a power  with  which 
it  would  be  safe,  for  the  sake  of  the  island  it- 
self, to  dispense  at  present.  The  lower  house  is 
absolutely  elective,  while  the  upper  house  is 
appointive.  This  scheme  is  working  well ; no 
injustice  of  any  kind  results  from  it,  and  great 
benefit  to  the  island,  and  it  should  certainly  not 
be  changed  at  this  time.  The  machinery  of  the 
elections  is  administered  entirely  by  the  Porto 
Rican  people  themselves,  the  governor  and 
council  keeping  only  such  supervision  as  is  nec- 
essary in  order  to  secure  an  orderly  election. 
Any  protest  as  to  electoral  frauds  is  settled  in 
the  courts.” — Theodore  Roosevelt,  Message  to 
Congress  ( Congressional  Record,  Dec.  11,  1906). 

A.  D.  1908.  — Ten  Years  of  Progress.— 
“ Ten  years  ago  exports  from  Porto  Rico  to  the 
United  States  were  valued  at  $2,414,356,  while 
in  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1908,  they 
were  $25,891,261.  The  new  figures  show  a prob- 
able further  increase  for  1909.  In  1898,  less 
than  $3,000,000  worth  of  sugar  was  exported,  and 
to-day  shipments  are  more  than  $14,000,000.  In 
coffee,  once  the  leading  staple,  increase  is  also 
marked,  although  sugar  now  holds  first  place. 

“Four  hundred  and  thirty-five  miles  of  mac- 
adamized roads,  in  good  repair,  now  make 
communication  easy  between  San  Juan  and 
Ponce  and  cities  on  the  west  coast.  Two-thirds 
of  the  roads  have  been  built  since  the  occupa- 
tion. The  railroad  around  the  island,  projected 
by  the  Spanish,  but  delayed  year  by  year,  is 
now  built,  and  harbor  improvements  have  been 
made  in  San  Juan  and  Ponce.  More  than  a 
thousand  public  schools  are  educating  the  Porto 
Rican  children  — and  sometimes  their  parents. 
The  net  public  debt  is  now  less  than  $3,000,000 
or  less  than  21  per  cent,  of  the  assessed  valua- 
tion, and  the  bulk  of  this  money  has  been  spent 
in  public  improvements  ” — Porto  Rico  Cor.  N. 
T.  Eve.  Post,  March  27,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Modification  of  the  Funda- 
mental Act.  — In  a special  Message  to  Con- 


gress, May  10,  1909,  President  Taft  called  atten- 
tion to  the  failure  of  the  Legislative  Assembly 
of  Porto  Rico  to  pass  the  usual  appropriation 
bills,  leaving  the  government  of  the  island  with- 
out support  after  the  30th  of  the  next  June.  In 
his  opinion,  the  situation  indicated  that  the 
United  States  had  proceeded  too  fast  in  extend- 
ing political  power  to  the  Porto  Ricans,  and  that 
the  full  control  of  appropriations  should  be 
withdrawn  from  those  “who  have  shown  them- 
selves too  irresponsible  to  enjoy  it.”  He  sug- 
gested, therefore,  an  amendment  of  the  funda- 
mental act,  known  as  the  Foraker  Act,  to  provide 
that  when  the  legislative  assembly  shall  adjourn 
without  making  the  appropriation  necessary  to 
carry  on  the  government,  sums  equal  to  the  ap- 
propriations made  in  the  previous  year  for  the 
respective  purposes  shall  be  available  from  the 
current  revenues,  and  shall  be  drawn  by  the 
warrant  of  the  auditor  on  the  treasurer  and 
countersigned  by  the  Governor.  Such  a provi- 
sion applies  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  Philip- 
pines and  Hawaii  and  “it  has  prevented  in 
those  two  countries  any  misuse  of  the  power 
of  appropriation.”  An  amendatory  Act  was 
passed  in  accordance  with  the  President’s  sug- 
gestion. 

A.  D.  1909. — Change  in  the  Governorship. 

— In  September,  1909,  Governor  Regis  H.  Post 
resigned  his  office,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr. 
George  R.  Colton,  who  had  had  previous  expe- 
rience, both  civil  and  military,  in  the  Philippines 
and  in  Santo  Domingo.  The  Secretary  of  the 
island  underwent  a change,  also,  Mr.  Willough- 
by being  called  to  Washington  to  take  the  du- 
ties of  Assistant  Director  of  the  Census,  and  his 
place  in  Porto  Rico  being  filled  by  Mr.  George 
Cabot  Ward. 

PORTSMOUTH,  Peace  Treaty  of : Cir- 
cumstances and  Text.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.). 

PORTUGAL:  A.  D.  it>o6.  — At  the  Alge- 
ciras  Conference  on  the  Morocco  question. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — A “rotative”  system 
of  Party  Government  and  its  results. — King 
Carlos  assumes  dictatorial  authority.  — His 
Minister,  Senhor  Franco.  — Murder  of  the 
King  and  Crown  Prince.  — Succession  of 
King  Manuel. — Recent  Ministries.  — For 
many  years  prior  to  1906  Portugal  had  been 
governed  by  two  political  parties,  calling  them- 
selves the  Regeneradors  and  the  Progressistas, 
who,  it  has  been  said,  “relieved  one  another  in 
office,  and  in  the  spoils  of  office,  at  decent  in- 
tervals, by  a tacit  arrangement  between  their 
leaders.”  This  regular  ministerial  rotation  led 
to  the  popular  nickname  of  Rotativos,  applied 
to  both  parties,  and  significant  of  the  contempt 
in  which  they  were  held.  The  rotative  system 
of  party  government,  “while  ensuring  a com- 
fortable livelihood  to  a class  of  professional 
politicians,  was  of  no  conspicuous  benefit  to 
the  country,  and  it  was  with  a view  to  ending 
it  that  King  Carlos  summoned  Senhor  Joao 
Franco,  in  May,  1906,  to  form  a ministry.  Senhor 
Franco,  who  belonged  to  neither  of  the  recog- 
nized parties,  set  his  hand  zealously  to  the  work 
of  reform,  but  his  attempts  to  purge  the  Admin- 
istration soon  brought  him  into  conflict  with 
powerful  vested  interests;  and  in  May,  1907, 
the  politicians  whose  livelihoods  he  was  reform- 
ing away  united  against  him  in  a policy  of  ob- 


505 


PORTUGAL,  1906-1909 


PORTUGAL,  1906-1909 


struction  which  made  Parliamentary  government 
impossible.  He  then  dissolved  the  Cortes,  and 
with  the  approval  of  the  King  assumed  the 
position  of  dictator.  His  work  of  reform 
thenceforth  proceeded  apace.  Drastic  decrees, 
each  aimed  at  some  abuse,  followed  one  another 
with  amazing  rapidity.  Strong  in  the  support 
of  the  King  and  of  the  best  elements  in  the 
country,  execrated  by  the  politicians  whom  he 
had  spoiled,  and  by  the  Press  which  he  had 
done  nothing  to  conciliate,  be  continued  on  his 
headlong  course,  and  at  the  end  of  January, 
1908,  he  signed  a decree  practically  amounting 
to  a suspension  of  civil  liberties.”  — Lisbon  Cor- 
respondence, London  Times. 

A tragedy  followed  quickly.  On  the  1st  day 
of  February,  1908,  the  King,  Dom  Carlos,  and 
the  Crown  Prince,  Luiz  Felipe,  as  they  rode 
through  the  streets  of  Lisbon,  with  the  Queen 
and  a younger  son  in  the  same  carriage,  and  at- 
tended by  an  escort,  were  attacked  by  a throng 
of  assassins  and  killed.  The  youDger  prince 
was  wounded  ; the  Queen  escaped  by  a miracle, 
one  of  the  assassins  having  been  shot  at  the 
instant  his  pistol  was  aimed  at  her.  The  two 
princes  fought  bravely,  and  the  Queen  threw 
herself  in  front  of  her  husband,  attempting 
vainly  to  shield  him. 

Prince  Manuel,  whose  wound  was  not  serious, 
succeeded  to  the  throne;  but  “the  shots  that 
killed  Dom  Carlos  and  Dom  Luiz  on  February  1 
swept  away  the  dictatorship  of  Senhor  Franco 
and  the  whole  fabric  which  he  had  built  up  at 
so  much  cost  during  18  months.  Within  a few 
hours  of  the  murder  Senhor  Franco  resigned, 
under  pressure,  it  is  said,  and  left  the  country, 
declaring  that  he  had  done  with  politics  for  ever. 
From  being  the  saviour  of  his  country,  the  ad- 
miration of  all  enlightened  men,  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  he  became  a pariah.  His  supporters 
became  mute  and  his  system  vanished.  From 
that  day  to  this  his  followers  have  had  no  more 
than  three  or  four  seats  in  the  Chamber,  where 
they  have  remained  voiceless  and  without  influ- 
ence on  the  course  of  events. 

“That  a seemingly  vulgar  crime  should  have 
so  disproportionate  an  effect  was  strange,  and 
no  less  strange  was  the  attitude  of  the  country. 
Whether  owing  to  the  widely  entertained  suspi- 
cion that  the  murderers  of  the  King  were  the 
tools  of  more  important  personages  whom  it 
would  not  be  safe  to  discover,  or  to  the  fear  of 
a Republican  rising  felt  by  the  moderate  and 
respectable  members  of  the  community,  is  still 
a matter  of  opinion;  the  fact  remains  that 
society  lost  its  nerve.  No  burst  of  indignation, 
no  adequate  expression  of  sympathy  for  the 
Royal  Family  was  heard  ; no  steps  were  taken 
to  trace  the  authors  of  the  crime.  . . . The  dis- 
appearance of  Senhor  Franco  left  the  two  old 
‘rotativist’  parties  in  presence,  the  Progressis- 
tas  under  Senhor  Luciano  de  Castro,  and  the 
Regeneradores  under  Senhor  Vilhena,  the  re- 
cently elected  successor  of  the  veteran  Hintze 
Ribeiro.  Compared  to  these,  neither  the  Re- 
publicans, whose  strength  was  supposed  to  be 
considerable  in  the  country,  nor  the  ‘ dissident  ’ 
Progressistas,  under  Senhor  Alpoim,  were  of  any 
account  as  Parliamentary  factors.  A coalition 
Government  was  formed  on  March  4,  under  Ad- 
miral Ferreira  do  Amaral,  consisting  of  two 
Regeneradores,  two  Progressistas,  and  two  so- 
called  Independents,  personal  adherents  of  the 


Premier,  who  resembled  him  in  having  no 
marked  political  ideals  or  convictions.  The  elec- 
tions, which  took  place  in  April,  returned  62 
Regeneradores  and  59  Progressistas,  thus  start- 
ing the  Government  on  its  career  with  the 
handsome  following  of  121  in  a House  of  155. 
The  matters  with  which  the  Government  had 
to  deal  were  mainly  three  — namely,  the  re- 
vision of  the  decrees  issued  by  Senhor  Franco 
as  Dictator,  the  question  of  the  Civil  List  and 
of  the  advances  made  by  the  nation  to  the  Royal 
Family,  and  electoral  reform.  The  Civil  List 
was  successfully  settled,  but  little  progress  had 
been  made  with  the  remainder  of  the  pro- 
gramme when  the  first  serious  defection  oc- 
curred. During  the  recess  the  Government 
announced  that  the  municipal  elections,  which 
had  been  suspended  by  Senhor  Franco  in  fa- 
vour of  nominated  councils,  would  be  held 
again  in  November,  a decision  bitterly  attacked 
by  Senhor  Vilhena,  who  announced  that  the 
Regeneradores  could  no  longer  support  the  Gov- 
ernment. The  elections  were  duly  held,  and, 
owing  to  the  deliberate  abstention  of  the  Mon- 
archist parties,  the  Republicans  captured  un- 
opposed every  seat  on  the  Lisbon  council. 
The  unpopularity  incurred  by  the  Government 
on  account  of  this  unnecessary  gift  to  the  com- 
mon enemy  brought  about  a Government  crisis. 
Admiral  Amaral  referred  the  matter  to  the 
Council  of  State,  who,  to  his  great  surprise  and 
annoyance,  advised  the  resignation  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. The  Premier  and  his  two  independ- 
ents accordingly  retired,  and  the  Cabinet  was 
reconstituted  under  Senhor  Campos  Henriques, 
who  together  with  Senhor  Wenceslao  de  Lima, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  continued  to  repre- 
sent the  Regenerador  party.  The  late  Premier’s 
‘ Independents  ’ made  way  for  the  Progressistas, 
who  thus  held  five  seats  in  the  Cabinet  to  two 
held  by  the  Regeneradores.  Senhor  Vilhena, 
who  had  brought  about  the  fall  of  the  late  Gov- 
ernment, was  not  offered  a seat  in  the  new 
one,  and  he  immediately  resumed  his  oppo- 
sition ; but  on  this  occasion  he  only  carried 
two-thirds  of  his  party  with  him,  22  members 
deciding  to  support  the  Government.  This 
defection  of  the  Regeneradores  under  Senhor 
Vilhena,  the  first  serious  indication  of  a return 
to  the  old  system  of  ‘ rotativism,’  was  shortly 
followed  by  that  of  the  late  Premier  and  his 
‘ Independents,’  so  that  when  the  Cortes  met  on 
March  1,  [1909],  the  imposing  Government  ma- 
jority of  a year  before  had  dwindled  to  10  or 
15.” 

Then  followed  daily  scenes  of  disorder  and 
obstruction  in  Parliament  until  Senhor  Campos 
Henriques  surrendered,  at  the  end  of  March. 
As  The  Times  correspondent  expressed  it,  “as 
soon  as  the  Opposition  in  the  Lower  House  ex- 
pressed its  impatience  by  a banging  of  desks, 
while  its  leader  in  the  House  of  Peers  solemnly 
affirmed  the  ‘incompatibility’  of  his  party  with 
the  Government,  Ministers  determined  to  avoid 
all  further  unpleasantness  by  resigning.”  The 
resignation  was  accepted  by  the  King,  and 
three  party  leaders  in  succession  made  attempts 
in  the  next  month  to  conduct  the  Government, 
without  success.  Senhor  Sebastiiio  Telles  held 
the  reins  for  three  weeks,  and  then  passed  them 
to  Senhor  Wenceslao  de  Lima,  who  framed  up 
a nominally  non-party  Ministry  on  the  13th  of 
May.  Senhor  De  Lima  conducted  the  Govern- 


50G 


PORTUGAL,  1909 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


ment  until  the  following  December,  when,  on 
the  19tli,  he  resigned,  and  a “Progressist  Min- 
istry” was  formed,  under Senhor  Beirao.  — Lon- 
don Times  Correspondence  of  various  Dates. 

Writing  from  Lisbon  on  the  5t,h  of  January, 
1910,  the  Times  correspondent  said : “It  is  the 
Republicans  who  alone  seem  to  be  making  pro- 
gress. Their  activities  are  unceasing,  their 
newspapers  the  best  informed  and  most  ably 
conducted,  their  meetings,  held  all  over  the 
laud,  the  most  largely  attended  and  most  en- 
thusiastic. At  the  same  hour  as  that  of  the 
Royal  reception  on  New  Year’s  Day  the  Repub- 
lican municipality  of  Lisbon  held  a like  func- 
tion, not  only  largely  and  most  influentially  at- 
tended, but  to  the  distinct  diminution  of  the 
attendance  in  the  Royal  Palace.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Demonstration  against  the 
Religious  Orders. — The  following  despatch 
to  the  Press  was  sent  from  Lisbon  August  3, 
1909:  “Freethinkers  from  all  political  parties 
in  Portugal,  represented  by  a Liberal  commit- 
tee, to-day  presented  to  the  Cortes  a petition  for 
the  suppression  of  the  religious  orders  in  Por- 
tugal and  the  abrogation  of  the  existing  laws 
against  freedom  of  conscience.  This  step  was 
an  outcome  of  the  meeting  held  in  this  city 
yesterday. 

“ The  committee  was  accompanied  to  the 
Houses  of  Parliament  by  an  immense  crowd, 
and  some  wild  scenes  ensued.  Among  other 
things  the  petitioners  asked  for  the  abrogation 
of  the  recent  law  permitting  religious  associa- 
tions to  acquire  landed  property,  a procedure 
which  up  to  the  present  time  has  been  illegal. 
Senhor  Camacho  moved  the  consideration  of  the 
subject,  and  when  the  motion  was  voted  down 
the  galleries  broke  out  in  protestation.  There 


was  considerable  violence  on  the  floor  of  the 
House.  The  Deputies  engaged  in  a struggle  in 
which  desks  and  chairs  were  overturned,  and 
the  Chamber  had  to  be  cleared  twice.  The 
tumult  was  continued  in  the  streets,  but  with- 
out serious  results.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Offer  of  Dom  Miguel  to  re- 
nounce his  Claim  to  the  Throne.  — Dom 

Miguel,  son  of  the  Dom  Miguel  who,  from  1828 
to  1833  held  the  throne  of  Portugal  in  defiance 
of  the  rights  of  Maria  da  Gloria,  his  elder 
brother’s  daughter  (see,  in  Vol.  IV.,  Por- 
tugal  : A.  D.  1824-1889),  had  kept  up  his 
father’s  pretensions  to  the  crown  until  the 
spring  of  1909,  when  he  offered  to  renounce  it, 
if  permitted  to  live  in  Portugal  as  a citizen. 
The  permission  was  refused,  for  the  reason  that 
his  return,  \»ith  that  of  a number  of  nobles  of 
his  party,  “.would  be  regarded  as  a challenge 
to  the  rising  tide  of  Liberalism.” 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — Earthquake  in  and 
around  Lisbo&.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Earth- 
quakes: Portugal. 

PORTUGUESE  AFRICA.  .See  Africa: 
Portuguese.  „ 

POSTAGE,  Beginning  of  International 
Penny.  — The  postal  treaty  establishing  two- 
cent  or  penny  postage  on  letters  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  went  into  effect 
October  1,  1909. 

POSTAL  SERVICE,  in  China.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1908. 

POSTAL  SERVICE  STRIKE,  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vqL)v  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : France  : A.  D.  1909,«£March-May). 

POSTAL  AND  TELEGRAPHIC 
STRIKE,  in  Russia.  See  (in.tliis  vol.)  Rus- 
sia: A.  D.  1904-1905. 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT:  THEIR  PROBLEMS. 


Old  Age  Homes,  in  Vienna.  — “In  most 
towns  there  is  a tendency,  in  this  our  day,  to 
deal  more  generously  with  destitute  children 
than  with  destitute  men  and  women.  In  Berlin 
and  New  York,  for  instance,  both  money  and 
thought  are  lavished  on  the  young  whom  the 
community  supports ; while  as  for  the  aged, 
what  is  given  to  them  is  given  only  of  necessity. 
In  Vienna  it  is  otherwise ; there  the  arrange- 
ments for  the  relief  of  the  old  people  are  better 
— both  more  carefully  considered  and  more  lib- 
eral— than  those  for  the  relief  of  children,  a 
fact  that  says  more,  perhaps,  for  the  hearts  than 
for  the  heads  of  the  authorities. 

“If  a man  — ora  woman  — above  60  is  with- 
out money  wherewith  to  provide  for  himself,  or 
the  strength  to  earn  the  money,  he  applies  to 
the  Guardian  of  his  ward  for  help.  Then,  if  he 
has  a home  to  live  in,  and  someone  to  take  care 
of  him,  or  is  able  to  take  care  of  himself,  he 
is  granted  out  relief,  a money  allowance  if  he 
can  be  trusted  to  spend  it  wisely,  otherwise 
relief  in  kind.  Supposing,  however,  he  is  home- 
less, feeble  and  ‘alone-standing,’  he  is  sent  to  a 
Versorgungshaus,  or  old-age  home,  if  there  is  a 
vacant  place  there  ; and,  if  not,  to  a small  poor- 
house  until  there  is. 

“ Versorgungshauser  are  the  distinctive  fea- 
ture of  the  Austrian  Poor  Relief  system  so  far 
as  the  aged  are  concerned.  Already  in  the  days 


of  Joseph  II.  Vienna  had  two  if  not  more  of 
these  homes,  and  at  the  present  time  it  has  six. 
One  of  them  is  reserved  exclusively  for  Citizens; 
another,  that  at  Mauerbach,  is  reserved  for  per- 
sons who,  owing  to  their  perverted  notions  as 
to  what  is  seemly,  cannot  be  accorded  the  full 
liberty  the  old  people  in  the  other  homes  enjoy. 
In  all  the  six  together  there  is  space  for  more 
than  6.000  inmates.  As  the  Versorgungshauser 
are  looked  upon  by  classes  and  masses  alike 
as  the  homes  of  the  aged  poor,  the  place  where 
they  have  a right  to  be,  no  disgrace  is  attached 
to  going  there.  . . . 

“Although  in  Vienna  much  is  done  for  the 
poor,  the  burden  entailed  by  Poor  Relief  is  by 
no  means  overwhelming.  In  1903  the  full  cost 
of  indoor  relief,  outdoor  relief  and  sick  relief, 
together  with  the  cost  of  administration,  was 
only  £942,870,  and  of  this  £250,672  was  obtained 
from  private  sources.  At  that  time  the  town 
was  providing  31,000  adults  — old  men  and  wo- 
men for  the  most  part  — with  allowances  rang- 
ing in  amount  from  30  kronen  to  6 kronen  a 
month;  it  was  maintaining  6,790  more  in  old- 
age  homes  and  other  institutions  ; and  was  de- 
fraying the  cost  of  the  Asyl  and  workhouse.  It 
was  supporting,  or  contributing  to  the  support 
of,  10,260  children  who  were  either  with  their 
own  relatives  or  were  boarded  out ; and  was 
maintaining  3,246  in  orphanages,  etc.  It  de- 


507 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


frayed  the  cost  of  the  27,000  babies  who  passed 
through  the  Foundling  Hospital,  and  of  the 
19,085  children  who  were  temporarily  in  in- 
stitutions. It  also  provided  77,000  boys  and 
girls  with  school  books,  and  contributed  gener- 
ously to  many  private  philanthropic  societies. 
Roughly  speaking,  the  cost  to  the  town  of  Poor 
Relief  in  Vienna  per  head  of  the  population  is 
8s.  4d.”  — Edith  Sellers,  Poor  Relief  in  Vienna 
( Contemporary  Review , Dec.,  1900). 

Pensions,  &c. : Denmark:  A.  D.  1907. — 
Old  Age  Pensions.  — Some  interesting  details 
of  the  working  of  the  Danish  old-age  pensions 
system  are  contained  in  a British  Consular  re- 
port issued  in  May,  1909.  The  latest  available 
statistics  show  that  on  March  31,  1907,  70,445 
persons  over  60  years  of  age  were  in  receipt  of 
pensions,  which  amounted  in  the  aggregate  to 
£451,000  [$2,255,000]  for  the  financial  year 
1906-07.  The  number  of  pensioners  on  March 
31,  1906,  was  68,800,  and  the  amount  distributed 
in  the  financial  year  1905-06,  £420,444.  Both 
the  number  of  pensioners  and  the  average 
amount  of  the  pensions  are  increasing.  The 
ages  of  the  ‘ ‘ principal  ” pensioners  (i.  e. , of  the 
actual  recipients  of  pensions  apart  from  wives 
and  children  dependent  on  them)  were,  on 
March  31st,  1906,  as  follows: — 60  to  65  years 
of  age — 3,173  men,  4,239  women;  65  to 70 years 
— 5,831  men,  6,756  women;  70  years  and  over 
— 13,974  men  and  17,037  women.  About  a 
quarter  of  the  population  over  60  years  of  age 
is  in  receipt  of  pensions,  the  women  especially 
availing  themselves  of  their  benefits.  The  av- 
erage amount  distributed  to  each  “principal” 
recipient  was  £6  5s.  in  1905-06  and  £6  11s.  in 
1906-07. 

England  : A.  D.  1908.  — Old  Age  Pensions 
Act. — The  Working  of  the  Law. — Its  Piti- 
ful and  Appalling  Disclosures.  — The  Act  of 
the  British  Parliament,  “ to  Provide  for  Old 
Age  Pensions”  (August  1,  1908),  declares  in  its 
first  section  that  “the  receipt  of  an  old  age 
pension  under  this  Act  shall  not  deprive  the 
pensioner  of  any  franchise,  right,  or  privilege, 
or  subject  him  to  any  disability.”  The  second 
section  defines  the  “statutory  conditions  for  the 
receipt  of  an  old  age  pension  by  any  person  ” to 
be:  the  person  must  have  attained  the  age  of 
seventy  ; must  satisfy  the  pension  authorities 
that  he  has  been  a British  subject  and  resident 
in  the  United  Kingdom  for  at  least  twenty 
years ; that  his  yearly  means,  as  calculated 
under  the  stipulations  of  the  Act,  do  not  exceed 
thirty-one  pounds  ten  shillings.  But,  notwith- 
standing the  fulfilment  of  these  statutory  con- 
ditions, a person  is  disqualified  while  he  is  in 
receipt  of  any  poor  relief,  other  than  medical  or 
surgical  assistance  on  the  recommendation  of  a 
medical  officer,  or  relief  rendered  by  means  of 
the  maintenance  of  a dependent  in  an  asylum, 
infirmary,  or  hospital,  or  any  relief  that  by  law 
is  expressly  declared  not  to  be  a disqualification 
for  any  franchise,  right,  or  privilege.  Further- 
more, any  person  is  disqualified  for  the  receipt 
of  an  old  age  pension  “if,  before  he  becomes 
entitled  to  a pension,  he  has  habitually  failed  to 
work  according  to  his  ability,  opportunity,  and 
need,  for  the  maintenance  or  benefit  of  himself 
and  those  legally  dependent  upon  him  : Pro- 
vided that  a person  shall  not  be  disqualified 
under  this  paragraph  if  he  has  continuously  for 
ten  years  up  to  attaining  the  age  of  sixty,  by 


means  of  payments  to  friendly,  provident,  or 
other  societies,  or  trade  unions,  or  other  ap- 
proved steps,  made  such  provision  against  old 
age,  sickness,  infirmity,  or  want  or  loss  of  em- 
ployment as  may  be  recognized  as  proper  pro- 
vision for  the  purpose  by  regulations  under  this 
Act,  and  any  such  provision,  when  made  by  the 
husband  in  the  case  of  a married  couple  living 
together,  shall,  as  respects  any  right  of  the  wife 
to  a pension,  be  treated  as  provision  made  by 
the  wife  as  well  as  by  the  husband.” 

Disqualification  exists,  also,  during  detention 
in  a lunatic  asylum;  and  not  only  during  any 
penal  imprisonment  that  has  been  ordered 
“without  the  option  fine,”  but  for  ten  years 
thereafter. 

Specific  rules  are  given  in  the  Act  for  “calcu- 
lating the  means  of  a person”  who  seeks  the 
pension ; and  the  rate  of  weekly  pension  to  be 
paid  is  proportioned  inversely  to  such  ascer- 
tained means,  as  follows:  “Where  the  yearly 
means  of  the  pensioner  as  calculated  under  this 
Act  — Do  not  exceed  2 11.,  — 5*.  0 d.  ; exceed  21 1. , 
but  do  not  exceed  232., 12s.  6(2. , — 4s.  0 d. ; exceed 
232.  12s.  6d. , but  do  not  exceed  262.  5s. , — 3s.  0(2. ; 
exceed  262.  5s.,  but  do  not  exceed  282.  17s.  6(2., 
— 2s.  0c2.  ; exceed  282.  17s.  6(2.,  but  do  not  exceed 
312.  10s.,  — Is.  0(2. ; exceed  312.  10s.,  no  pension.” 

The  Act  became  operative  on  the  1st  of  Jan- 
uary, 1909.  At  that  time  the  persons  recom- 
mended for  pensions,  throughout  the  Kingdom, 
numbered  490,028,  with  somewhat  over  148,000 
pending  claims.  The  original  estimate,  on  the 
discussion  of  the  measure,  had  been  that  the 
eligible  pensioners  would  not  exceed  500,000, 
and  that  the  cost  of  the  undertaking,  to  begin 
with,  would  be  about  £6,000,000.  It  was  evi- 
dent, therefore,  before  pension  payments  began, 
that  these  estimates  were  much  too  low. 

From  Ireland  it  was  reported  by  the  Press  on 
the  opening  day  of  pension  payments  that 
“more  than  4,000  persons  will  to-day  receive 
old-age  pensions  in  the  city  of  Dublin.  Claims 
continue  to  be  received  in  large  numbers,  and 
the  pension  authorities  estimate  that,  inasmuch 
as  the  last  census  of  the  city  showed  that  there 
were  6,800  persons  over  70  years  of  age  then 
alive,  at  least  1,200  eligible  persons  have  not  yet 
made  application.  Yesterday  afternoon  it  was 
stated  that  in  all  5,600  claims  had  been  lodged. 

“Of  the  209,000  claims  lodged  altogether  in 
Ireland,  it  is  estimated  that  50,000  will  be  disal- 
lowed, and  that  £30,000  weekly  will  be  required 
to  satisfy  those  which  have  been  held  to  be  good. 
So  far  as  Dublin  is  concerned,  less  than  90  per 
cent,  of  the  inhabitants  who  arc  over  70  years  of 
age  have  claimed  pensions,  so  that  the  rural  dis- 
tricts are  responsible  for  the  larger  percentage 
of  claimants  in  Ireland  as  compared  with  Eng- 
land and  Scotland.” 

From  Scotland  it  was  reported  that  “ in  Glas- 
gow, the  number  of  persons  of  70  years  and  over 
is  13,160,  and  fully  half  of  those  made  claims. 
A rough  estimate  places  the  number  of  full  pen- 
sions granted  at  about  5,550.  In  addition,  a num- 
ber of  allowances  of  the  smaller  amounts,  ranging 
from  4s.  to  Is.,  have  been  made.” 

In  London,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1908,  there 
had  been  39,043  claims  considered,  of  which 
36,108  were  allowed.  Of  these,  31,327  were  for 
5s.,  1,701  for  4s.,  1,827  for  3s.,  797  for  2s.,  and 
456  for  Is. 

Speaking  in  Parliament  on  the  1st  of  March, 


508 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


with  deep  feeling,  of  the  working  of  the  Pension 
Act  and  of  the  revelation  of  poverty  it  had  made, 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Mr.  Lloyd- 
George,  said  : “The  pension  officers,  especially 
in  Ireland,  had  been  appalled  at  the  amount  of 
undisclosed  poverty,  and  that  was  why  he  was 
not  disposed  to  criticize  too  harshly  the  admin- 
istration of  the  Act  in  ttiat  country,  even  if  it 
had  resulted  in  addition  of  a considerable  sum 
to  the  estimate  of  the  Government.  The  details 
of  poverty  in  Ireland  were  perfectly  horrify- 
ing. It  was  a disgrace  to  any  civilized  country 
that  reasonable  human  beings  should  be  allowed 
to  live  under  such  conditions.  But  the  same 
condition  of  things  was  found  in  Great  Britain 
also  in  many  cases.  He  made  a special  point 
of  investigating  the  matter,  and  pension  commit- 
tees and  pension  officers  all  told  the  same  story 
of  people  facing  poverty  and  privation  for  years 
with  resignation,  fortitude,  and  uncomplaining 
patience,  and  all  asked  the  same  question  and 
asked  it  in  vain  — How  on  earth  could  those 
poor  people  have  managed  to  keep  body  and 
soul  together  on  such  slender  resources  ? They 
had  not  understated  their  resources ; on  the  con- 
trary, there  were  cases  in  which  they  had  over- 
stated them  from  a feeling  of  pride. 

“What  struck  one  in  such  cases  was  how  the 
people  had  fought  against  the  horror  of  the 
Poor  Law.  There  were  270,000  people  over  70 
years  of  age  in  receipt  of  Poor  Law  relief.  The 
Old-Age  Pensions  Act  had  disclosed  the  pre- 
sence in  the  community  of  over  600,000  people 
the  vast  majority  of  whom  were  living  in  cir- 
cumstances of  great  poverty,  and  yet  disdained 
the  charity  of  the  Poor  Law.” 

In  the  report  of  the  Local  Government  Board 
for  1908,  the  inspector  of  poor-law  adminis- 
tration in  the  eastern  counties  of  England  re- 
ported a substantial  decrease  in  pauperism 
during  the  year,  and  attributed  this  mainly  to 
the  passing  of  the  Old-Age  Pensions  Act.  Per- 
sons verging  on  the  age  of  70  were  doing  every- 
thing possible  to  preserve  their  qualifications  for 
pensions,  and  their  sons  and  daughters,  in  the 
hope  that  the  old  folk  will  be  able  to  stand 
alone,  are  maintaining  them  till  the  pensions  are 
due  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  forfeited  by 
parish  relief. 

France:  A.  D.  1909,  — State  Railway  Ser- 
vants Pensions.  — In  July,  1909,  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  adopted  a Bill  for  pension- 
ing the  railway  employees  of  the  State  which 
had  already  passed  the  Senate.  It  applies  to 
some  308,000  persons,  who  will  be  pensioned  in 
several  classes  at  ages  ranging  from  50  to  60 
years,  and  the  estimated  annual  cost  will  exceed 
$5,000,000.  The  Minister  of  Public  Works,  M. 
Barthou,  described  the  measure  as  an  acknow- 
ledgment on  the  part  of  the  country  of  a debt 
which  it  owed  to  a deserving  body  of  public 
servants,  who  for  the  last  11  years  had  waited 
patiently  for  the  fulfilment  of  a promise  and 
upon  various  trying  occasions  during  that  period 
had  not  abused  the  confidence  which  had  been 
reposed  in  their  good  sense  and  public  spirit. 

A.  D.  1910.  — General  Old-Age  Pension 
Law.  — A general  measure  for  the  pension- 
ing of  workmen  in  old  age,  which  had  been 
pending  in  the  French  Parliament  for  nearly 
three  years,  became  law  in  April,  1910.  Passed 
in  the  first  instance  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
in  1907,  it  was  held  in  the  Senate,  undergoing  an 


extensive  remodeling,  until  the  12th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1910,  when  that  body  gave  it  an  unanimous 
vote.  In  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  its  exaction 
of  compulsory  contributions  from  the  wages  of 
workmen  to  the  pension  fund  was  opposed  by 
a section  of  the  Socialists,  but  supported  by  the 
Socialist  leader  Jaures,  as  well  as  by  the  Briand 
Ministry,  and  carried  by  a decisive  vote  on 
April  1st.  “ Workingmen,  domestic  servants, 
clerks,  and  farm  laborers  to  the  number  of 
nearly  12,000.000,  whose  annual  earnings  are 
below  3,000  francs,  are  placed  under  a system  of 
compulsory  insurance.  For  the  farmer  and 
small  proprietor  whose  income  ranges  between 

3.000  and  5,000  francs,  an  optional  form  of  in- 
surance is  provided.  Of  this  class  there  are 
nearly  six  million  men  and  women  in  the  coun- 
try.” In  all,  about  18,000,000  of  the  population 
of  France  are  beneficiaries  of  the  Act. 

The  German  System  of  State-aided  Pen- 
sions, compared  with  other  systems.  — The 
following  is  from  the  report  of  a lecture  on 
State-aided  Pensions  for  the  Poor,  given  in  Lon- 
don, on  the  3d  of  February,  1909,  by  the  Hon. 
W.  P.  Reeves,  Director  of  the  London  School 
of  Economics  and  Political  Science.  It  is  an 
admirable  summary  of  facts  that  exhibit  the 
working,  down  to  the  present  time,  of  the  Ger- 
man system  of  working  men’s  insurance  adopted 
between  1883-1889  (see  Social  Movements: 
A.  D.  1883-1889,  in  Volume  IV.  of  this  work,  and 
Germany:  A.  D.  1897-1900,  in  Volume  VI.): 

“The  subject,  said  the  lecturer,  fell  into  three 
groups  — contributory  pensions,  free  State  uni- 
versal pensions,  and  free  State  limited  pensions. 
Germany,  France,  and  Belgium  afforded  ex- 
amples of  the  contributory  pensions,  and  Den- 
mark, Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  the  United 
Kingdom  of  the  limited  free  pensions.  The  uni- 
versal free  pensions  were  likely  to  remain  an 
ideal.  The  Belgian  superannuation  for  the 
poor,  provided  by  voluntary  contributions  on 
the  part  of  the  insurer  and  by  State  bonuses, 
had  encouraged  thrift,  but  it  yielded  an  average 
pension  of  only  £3  a year.  It  could  not,  there- 
fore, be  pronounced  to  be  a success,  and  the 
State  had  recognized  its  failure  by  inaugurating 
a system  of  free  old-age  pensions  for  the  utterly 
destitute.  A similar  superannuation  scheme  in 
France,  also  maintained  principally  by  volun- 
tary contributions,  had  only  attracted  8 per  cent, 
of  the  class  for  which  it  was  intended,  and 
there,  too,  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  intro- 
duce free  old-age  pensions.  There  was  also  a 
voluntary  system  in  Germany,  but  that  was  a 
kind  of  side  show  to  the  great  national  system 
of  insurance  by  compulsory  contributions.  This 
latter  system  was  a gigantic  experiment,  and  it 
really  did  deserve  the  name  of  national.  Pro- 
fessor Ashley  had  shown  that  of  the  10,700,000 
men  who  were  insurable  under  this  scheme 

8.857.000  actually  were  insured ; and  of  the 

5.800.000  women  who  were  qualified  to  pro- 
vide for  pensions  4,524,000  were  actually  paying 
their  contributions.  The  system  had  been  in  op- 
eration for  26  years,  and  the  amount  paid  out 
in  that  time  must  have  exceeded  £300,000,000, 
while  70  or  80  million  persons  had  been  benefited 
by  it  from  first  to  last.  The  number  of  persons 
affected  yearly  by  the  system  was  25,000,000; 
and  in  1907  nearly  £30,000,000  was  spent  in  the 
three  divisions  of  the  triple  system  — old  age, 
sickness,  and  accidents.  He  had  only  to  deal 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


with  one  division  — old  age  and  infirmity.  The 
accumulated  funds  in  this  division  amounted  to 
about  £70,000,000 ; and  the  amount  paid  out  to 
the  insurers  in  1906  was  nearly  £8,300,000,  and 
in  1907  £8,400,000.  The  population  liable  to 
insure  was  about  14J  millions,  and  the  number 
of  pensions  in  force  at  the  end  of  1907  was 
979,000. 

“ Under  this  German  scheme  the  class  compul- 
sorily insured  consisted  of  men  and  single  wo- 
men earning  less  than  £100  a year.  The  funds 
were  provided  in  equal  contributions  by  em- 
ployers and  employed  — the  principle  underly- 
ing the  system  being  that  of  deferred  wages.  It 
was  a question  whether  it  was  encouraging  thrift 
to  withhold  from  such  wage-earners  2 per  cent, 
of  their  wages.  The  State  bore  the  cost  of  man- 
agement, and  added  to  every  pension  a bonus  of 
£2  10s.  a year.  For  the  working  of  the  system 
the  wage-earners  were  divided  into  five  grades  : 
(1)  Those  who  earn  up  to  £17  10s.  a year ; (2) 
those  who  earn  any  sum  between  £17  10s.  and 
£27  10s. ; (3)  those  who  earn  any  sum  between 
£27  10s.  and  £42  10s. ; (4)  those  who  earn  any 
sum  between  £42  10s.  and  £57;  and  (5)  those 
who  earn  any  sum  between  £57  and  £100.  The 
lowest  wage-earners  paid  seven-eighths  of  a 
penny  per  week  for  their  old-age  pension,  and 
the  highest  wage-earners  about  2|-d.  No  spe- 
cial consideration  was  shown  for  a married  man. 
The  five  grades  of  pensions  were:  (1)  £5  10s. 
a year  ; (2)  £7 ; (3)  £8  10s.  ; (4)  £10  ; and  (5) 
£11  10s.  If  the  labourer  died  after  subscribing 
for  200  weeks  his  wife  and  children  were  en- 
titled to  receive  what  he  had  subscribed,  but 
nothing  more. 

“ The  lot  of  the  widows  and  orphans  was  one 
of  the  black  features  of  the  system.  A married 
woman  could  not  qualify  for  an  old-age  pension. 
The  amount  of  the  weekly  contribution  was 
fixed  for  ten  years.  In  1906  the  receipts  ex- 
ceeded the  expenditure  by  £6,000,000;  the  cost 
of  administration  was  only  £850,000.  But  that 
was  only  the  minor  part  of  the  provision  made 
for  elderly  people  in  Germany.  The  main  pro- 
vision was  made  under  the  head  of  infirmity  or 
invalidity  occurring  before  the  pension  age  — 
70.  If  the  insurers,  after  having  subscribed  for 
not  less  than  four  years,  broke  down  and  were 
unable  to  earn  wages,  they  were  entitled  to 
more  generous  treatment.  If  curable  they  were 
cured  in  State  sanatoriums  and  received  tem- 
porary sickness  pensions.  If  incurable  they  re- 
ceived a pension  which  was  regulated  by  the 
number  of  years  they  had  subscribed,  and  va- 
ried from  a minimum  of  £5  16s.  in  the  lowest 
grade  for  four  years’  subscriptions  to  £22  10s. 
in  the  highest  grade  for  50  years’  subscriptions. 
The  insurer  began  to  pay  liis  contributions  at 
the  age  of  17,  and  for  an  old-age  pension  he  had 
to  subscribe  50  weeks  a year  for  24  years — 1,200 
weeks  in  all.  Though  the  system  had  not 
checked  Socialism  or  militant  trade  unionism,  it 
had  attained  its  real  purpose,  for  it  had  con- 
ferred an  enormous  boon  upon  the  poor.” 

At  the  time  when  the  remark  quoted  above, 
touching  the  defective  provision  of  the  German 
law  for  widows  and  orphans,  was  made,  the  Im- 
perial Government  was  preparing  to  amend  it. 
The  London  Times  of  April  17,  1909,  gave,  in 
its  correspondence  from  Berlin,  the  account  of  a 
draft  Bill,  just  made  public,  which  the  Imperial 
Ministry  of  the  Interior  had  prepared  for  present- 


ation to  the  Federal  Council,  the  object  being 
to  combine  and  coordinate  “ the  seven  compul- 
sory insurance  laws  of  1883  to  1899,”  together 
with  certain  amendments  and  additions.  “It  is 
understood,”  wrote  the  correspondent,  “that  the 
Bill  will  not  reach  the  Reichstag  before  the  au- 
tumn of  this  year.  Whereas  many  authorities 
. . . have  favored  a thorough  unification  of  the 
three  systems  of  invalidity  and  old  age,  acci- 
dent, and  sick  insurance,  the  immediate  propo- 
sals of  the  Government  would  leave  the  three 
systems  separate  and  distinct,  while  codifying 
the  law  and  the  regulations  which  are  common 
to  all  branches  of  compulsory  insurance,  and 
establishing  a joint  and  threefold  system  of 
higher  administration.”  The  main  purpose  of 
the  bill  was  to  rectify  that  lack  of  proper  provi- 
sion for  widows  and  orphans  which  was  noted 
above.  “ The  need  of  solving  this  problem,”  said 
the  correspondent,  “is  really  the  immediate  oc- 
casion of  reform,  and  the  proposed  solution  is 
the  most  important  feature  of  the  reform  scheme. 
An  essential  feature  of  the  tariff  law  of  1902 
was  the  ear-marking  — by  the  so-called  Lex 
Trimborn  — for  widows  and  orphans’  insurance 
of  the  surplus  revenue  from  the  increased  Cus- 
toms  duties  on  corn  and  cattle.  The  Lex  Trim- 
born  takes  effect  on  January  1,  1910,  but  the 
surplus  revenue  is  lacking.  For  the  financial 
year  1906  there  was  no  surplus.  For  1907  there 
was  a surplus  of  about  £2,000,000.  For  the 
financial  year  1908  there  will  be  no  surplus,  al- 
though £2,650,000  was  estimated  for.  In  these 
circumstances  the  Government  — while  appar- 
ently still  cherishing  the  hope  that,  upon  the  av- 
erage of  a long  period  of  years,  the  revised  tariff 
will  do  what  was  expected  of  it — proposes  to 
provide  for  widows  and  orphans  insurance  by  a 
simple  all-round  extension  of  the  system  of  in- 
validity and  old-age  insurance.  That  is  to  say, 
the  ‘contributions’ of  employers  and  employed 
are  to  be  raised,  and  an  Imperial  subsidy,  of 
fixed  amount,  without  regard  to  the  annuai  rev- 
enue from  Customs,  is  to  be  added  to  the  contri- 
butions. 

“It  is  at  present  proposed  that  the  weekly 
* contributions’  to  invalidity  and  old-age  insur- 
ance shall,  in  order  to  provide  funds  for  widows 
and  orphans’  pensions,  be  increased  — upon  the 
mean  average  of  the  contributions  of  the  five 
classes  of  wage-earners  — by  one-fourth,  and 
that  the  Empire  shall  add  a subsidy  of  £2  10s.  a 
year  to  each  widow’s  pension  and  a subsidy  of 
£1  5s.  a year  to  each  orphan’s  pension.” 

In  February,  1909,  a Parliamentary  Com- 
mittee of  the  British  Trades  Union  Congress, 
composed  of  men  representing  the  Labor  Party 
in  Parliament,  reported  the  results  of  a visit  to 
Germany  which  the  Committee  had  made  in  the 
previous  November,  to  examine  conditipns  in 
that  country,  especially  with  reference  to  the 
operation  of  the  state  system  of  insurance.  In 
their  report  they  said  : “ The  State  assistance 
has  acted  as  an  incentive  and  encouragement  to 
workmen  to  make  additional  provision  for  them- 
selves and  families  through  their  trade  unions 
and  private  sick  clubs.  This  is  especially  the 
case  in  invalidity  and  old  age.  It  has  always 
been  the  workman’s  complaint,  as  well  as  that 
of  the  organizations,  that  the  assistance  obtain- 
able under  the  workman’s  insurance  system  is 
quite  out  of  proportion  to  the  subscriptions  paid, 
and  quite  insufficient  for  the  maintenance  of  the 


510 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


pensioner.  In  this  connexion,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  in  1907  the  ' Free ' or  Socialist  unions, 
with  a membership  of  1,866,000,  granted  £174,- 
000  in  sick  pay  and  £19,000  in  invalidity  pay; 
the  State  subsidies  to  invalidity  and  old-age 
pensions  amounting  in  1906  to  £2,437,000.  The 
insurance  pensions  are  continually  increasing  ; 
and  it  is  stated  that  the  invalidity  pensions  will 
eventually  reach  a maximum  in  the  lowest 
wages  class  of  £9  5s.,  and  in  the  highest  one  of 
£22  10s.  The  funds  accumulated  in  the  hands 
of  the  Invalidity  Pension  Offices  amounted  at 
the  end  of  1907  to  about  70  million  pounds,  and 
the  workmen  maintain  that  the  time  has  now 
arrived  when  either  the  pensions  paid  should  be 
increased,  or  the  contributions  levied  decreased, 
as  provided  for  by  law.” 

“ The  members  of  the  deputation  were  struck 
by  the  absence  of  slums  in  the  manufacturing 
quarters  of  the  towns  visited.  Nowhere  did 
they  see  any  quarter  that  could  be  classified 
under  the  heading  ‘ slum.’  The  cleanliness 
prevailing  throughout  all  the  towns  visited  was 
also  remarkable.  No  beggars,  feeble  or  ema- 
ciated men  in  tatters  and  rags  were  encountered 
in  the  streets.  Hundreds  upon  hundreds  of  un- 
employed were  seen  by  the  deputation,  but  they 
seemed  to  lack  that  dejection  and  absolute 
misery  that  is  so  frequently  met  with  in  the 
streets  of  English  towns. 

“ Workmen  throughout  Germany  do  not  com- 
plain of  any  compulsory  deductions  made  by 
their  employers  from  their  wages  for  the  pur- 
pose of  workmen’s  insurances.  Many  of  the 
largest  employers  are  favourably  disposed  to- 
wards these  laws,  and  pay  willingly.  On  the 
other  hand,  probably  the  majority  do  complain 
of  the  cost,  although  not  opposed  to  the  laws  in 
principle.” 

Poor  Laws:  England:  A.  D.  1896-1906. — 
Report  of  Royal  Commission.  — Increasing 
Pauperism.  — In  December,  1905,  a Royal 
Commission,  composed  of  nineteen  men  and 
women  of  distinguished  ability  and  of  special 
qualifications  for  the  service,  was  appointed  in 
Great  Britain,  “ to  inquire  — (1)  Into  the  work- 
ing of  the  laws  relating  to  the  relief  of  poor 
persons  in  the  United  Kingdom;  (2)  into  the 
various  means  which  have  been  adopted  out- 
side of  the  Poor  Laws  for  meeting  distress  aris- 
ing from  want  of  employment,  particularly 
during  periods  of  severe  industrial  depression; 
and  to  consider  and  report  whether  any,  and, 
if  so,  what  modification  of  the  Poor  Laws  or 
changes  in  their  administration  or  fresh  legisla- 
tion for  dealing  with  distress  are  advisable.” 

After  three  years  of  laborious  investiga- 
tion, making  “more  than  800  personal  visits  to 
unions,  meetings  of  boards  of  guardians,  and 
institutions  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,” 
as  well  as  examining  over  1300  witnesses,  the 
Commission  submitted  an  elaborate  report  in 
February,  1909.  Its  findings  as  to  the  present 
working  of  the  poor-laws  and  the  relief-systems 
of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  its  recommenda- 
tions for  reform,  cannot  be  summarized  with 
any  clearness  in  such  space  as  can  be  given  to 
the  subject  here;  but  there  is  a startling  signifi- 
cance in  what  it  shows  of  the  increase  of  pau- 
perism and  of  the  public  cost  of  poor  relief  in 
late  years. 

It  appears  from  the  returns  of  the  Local  Gov- 
ernment Board  that  the  mean  number  of  pau- 

51 


pers  in  1906, 1907  and  1908,  was  at  a higher  level 
than  it  had  been  for  31  previous  years.  Ex- 
cluding, however,  these  three  especially  bad 
years,  it  is  found  that  throughout  the  period 
1896-1906  there  were  24,000  more  paupers  than 
in  the  period  1888-1896,  and  7000  more  than  in 
the  period  1880-1888.  In  discussing  the  report 
the  London  Times  remarks : “ Further  examina- 
tion even  diminishes  the  meagre  consolation 
these  figures  afford  as  to  the  results  of  a gener- 
ation of  effort  at  reducing  pauperism.  Com- 
paring the  period  1896-1906  with  1871-80,  there 
has  been  a decrease  of  3.9  per  cent,  in  the  total 
number  of  paupers,  but  this  decrease  has  been 
accompanied  by  a large  increase  of  male  pau- 
perism and  is  due  entirely  to  the  large  decrease 
in  the  number  of  children,  whose  numbers 
have  decreased  by  18  per  cent.,  and  a small  re- 
duction in  the  number  of  women,  whose  num- 
bers have  increased  by  2 per  cent.  The  decrease 
in  these  two  classes  so  affects  the  total  as  en- 
tirely to  conceal  an  absolute  increase  of  18  per 
cent,  in  the  number  of  male  paupers.  Even  in 
regard  to  the  children,  at  any  rate  during  the 
last  15  years,  the  decrease  has  been  almost 
wholly  in  rural  unions,  and  in  the  children  of 
widows,  and  there  has  been  a general  increase 
in  the  number  of  children  of  able-bodied  men. 

“Further,  so  far  as  figures  are  available, 
they  show  a greater  proportionate  increase  in 
the  number  of  paupers  during  the  working 
years  of  life  than  in  the  very  young  or  the  very 
old.  Taking  only  the  able-bodied  in  health, 
we  find  that  in  the  period  1896-1906  in  metro- 
politan unions  the  indoor  paupers  have  in- 
creased by  38  per  cent,  and  the  outdoor  by  137 
per  cent.  ; in  urban  unions  the  indoor  by  24 
per  cent,  and  the  outdoor  by  133  per  cent. ; and 
in  the  whole  of  England  and  Wales  the  indoor 
by  21  per  cent,  and  the  outdoor  by  49  per  cent. 
In  London  alone  15,800  more  paupers  are  being 
maintained  than  in  the  eighties,  and  the  rate 
per  1,000  of  the  population,  which  used  to  be 
below  that  for  England  and  Wales,  has  risen 
above  it.” 

As  for  expenditure,  it  was  some  £8,000,000  in 
the  year  1871-2,  and  £14,000,000  in  the  year 
1905-6.  Summing  up  the  general  situation  with 
regard  to  this  expenditure,  the  Commission  says: 
“We  find  that,  whilst  the  expenditure  per  in- 
habitant has  increased  from  7s.  Ojd.  to  8s.  2£d. 
since  1871-2,  and  is  only  7£d.  less  than  it  was  in 
1834,  the  expenditure  per  pauper  has  increased 
from  £7  12s.  Id.  to  £15  12s.  6d.  in  the  same  pe- 
riod. The  country  is  maintaining  a multitude 
of  paupers  not  far  short  of  the  numbers  main- 
tained in  1871-2,  and  is  spending  more  than 
double  the  amount  upon  each  individual.  The 
increased  expenditure  has  done  little  towards 
diminishing  the  extent  of  pauperism.  Such  ad- 
vance as  the  nation  has  made  has  been  accom- 
plished at  an  enormous  cost,  and  absorbs  an  an- 
nual amount  which  is  now  equivalent  to  nearly 
one-half  of  the  present  expenditure  upon  the 
Army.  It  may  be  urged  that  the  rate  of  pau- 
perism has  diminished  from  31.2  per  1,000  in 
1871-9  to  22.2  per  1,000  in  1896-1905,  and  this 
is  certainly  a matter  for  congratulation,  but  it 
has  been  the  result  of  the  large  increase  in  the 
population  rather  than  of  any  considerable  re- 
duction in  the  number  of  paupers.” 

This  discouraging  result  has  occurred  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  the  nation  is  spending 

1 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


£20,000,000  more  in  education  than  in  1831,  and 
£13,000,000  more  in  sanitation  and  the  preven- 
tion of  disease  than  in  1841 ; notwithstanding  the 
fact  “ that  money  wages  in  the  nineties  were  10 
per  cent,  above  those  of  the  eighties,  and  30  per 
cent,  above  those  of  the  sixties,”  and  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  ‘ ‘ there  has  been  a con- 
siderable flow  of  the  working  classes  from  the 
lower  paid  occupations  to  the  higher  paid  in- 
dustries.” 

The  recommendations  of  the  Commission  in- 
clude a scheme  for  a permanent  system  of 
public  assistance  for  the  able-bodied,  which 
contemplates  the  establishment  in  every  district 
of  four  cooperating  organizations:  (a)  An  or- 
ganization for  insurance  against  unemployment, 
to  develop  and  secure  (with  contributions  from 
public  funds)  the  greatest  possible  benefits 
to  the  workmen  from  cooperative  insurance 
against  unemployment;  (b)  a labor  exchange 
established  and  maintained  by  the  Board  of 
Trade  to  provide  efficient  machinery  for  putting 
those  requiring  work  and  those  requiring  work- 
ers into  prompt  communication  ; (c)  a voluntary 
aid  committee  to  give  advice  and  aid  out  of 
voluntary  funds  especially  to  the  better  class  of 
workmen  reduced  to  want  through  unemploy- 
ment ; (d)  a public  assistance  authority  represent- 
ing the  county  or  county  borough  and  acting 
locally  through  a public  assistance  committee 
to  assist  necessitous  workmen  under  specified 
conditions  at  the  public  expense.  The  report 
adds  that  it  must  be  a fundamental  principle  of 
the  system  of  public  assistance  that  the  respon- 
sibility for  the  due  and  effective  assistance  of 
all  necessitous  persons  at  the  public  expense 
shall  be  in  the  hands  of  one,  and  only  one, 
authority  in  each  county  and  county  borough 
— viz.,  the  public  assistance  authority. 

Small  Holdings  Act  of  Great  Britain.  See 
(inthisvol.)  England:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

Starvation  Poverty  in  India.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India  : A.  D.  1905-1908. 

Underfed  School  Children  : Provision  for 
Meals  to  them.  — How  it  is  done  in  Various 
Cities.  — In  March,  1905,  the  British  Foreign 
Office  undertook,  at  the  request  of  the  Board  of 
Education,  to  obtain  information  regarding  the 
methods  adopted  in  the  great  Continental  and 
American  cities  for  dealing  with  ill-fed  school 
children.  The  facts  collected  were  tabulated 
and  published  subsequently  in  a Parliamentary 
Paper  (Cd.  2926-1906)  from  which  the  following 
statements  are  derived  : 

Generally,  in  the  larger  cities  of  Western  Eu- 
rope, some  system  was  found  to  be  in  operation 
for  feeding  ill-fed  children  in  the  schools.  Com- 
monly this  is  conducted  unofficially,  by  private 
charitable  organizations,  but  sometimes  in  indi- 
rect connection  with  the  municipality,  and  fre- 
quently with  help  from  municipal  funds.  In 
Berlin,  however,  the  municipality  takes  on  itself 
the  responsibility  of  not  only  feeding  but  cloth- 
ing properly  the  necessitous  children  attending 
its  elementary  schools.  This  made  one  of  the 
functions  of  a municipal  department,  the  Stddt- 
isrhe  Schuldeputation,  which  is  assisted  by  a 
“ Society  for  Feeding  Poor  Children”  in  the 
supplying  of  meals  at  the  elementary  school 
buildings  of  the  city.  The  committee  which 
conducts  the  work  of  that  auxiliary  society  is 
appointed  by  the  Government.  As  a rule, 
breakfasts  only  are  given  in  Berlin,  and  only 


during  the  winter  months  ; but  four  meals  are 
supplied  to  such  children  as  are  thought  by  the 
head-masters  of  the  schools  to  require  them. 
No  steps  are  taken  to  collect  from  parents  any 
part  of  the  cost  of  meals  furnished  in  the  schools. 

In  Paris  the  organization  which  installs  and 
conducts  cantines  scolaires  in  schools  ^belong- 
ing to  the  city,  called  the  Caisse  des  E coles,  is 
privately  constituted,  but  presided  over  by  the 
mayor.  This  connects  it  with  the  municipality, 
and  in  1905  it  had  been  receiving  a municipal 
subvention  of  1,000.000  francs  yearly  for  three 
years,  but  this  was  not  to  be  depended  on  as 
a permanent  grant.  It  was  necessary  for  the 
Caisse  desE coles  to  seek  voluntary  contributions. 
The  City,  however,  undertakes  to  supply  the 
necessary  accommodations  and  all  utensils  for 
the  school  canteens,  which  are  in  operation 
throughout  the  year,  every  day  of  the  week,  but 
generally  for  a noon  meal  only  ; though  soup  is 
distributed  in  some  arrondissements  at  the  open- 
ing and  closing  of  school.  All  children  are  en- 
titled to  feed  at  the  canteen,  but  the  meals  are 
supplied  gratis  only  to  the  children  of  poor  fam- 
ilies. The  others  pay  a small  sum  which  does  not 
exceed  15  centimes  (about  2 cents).  In  1904  the 
total  cost  of  meals  furnished  at  the  school 
canteens  was  1,461,305  francs,  of  which  359,093 
francs  was  paid  by  parents,  who  buy  tickets  for 
the  purpose.  All  meals  are  supplied  on  the  pre- 
sentation of  tickets,  and  nothing  shows  whether 
the  tickets  have  been  bought  or  received  as 
gifts. 

In  Vienna  meals  for  poor  school  children  are 
provided  by  a central  Association,  indirectly 
connected  with  the  municipality,  the  Burgomas- 
ter being  its  president,  and  financial  assistance 
being  given  to  it  from  both  imperial  and  mu- 
nicipal funds.  Dinners  only  are  provided,  on 
every  week  day  from  November  16  to  March  31, 
partly  in  the  school  buildings,  partly  in  certain 
restaurants  and  kitchens.  As  in  Paris,  parents 
can  buy  tickets  for  these  meals,  but  it  is  said  to 
be  rarely  done.  The  total  cost  is  about  $23,000 
per  year.  Once  a year,  in  the  autumn,  the 
Association  makes  an  appeal  for  funds,  and  all 
classes  of  people  respond,  the  Emperor  giving 
4,000  crowns  and  the  Town  Council  voting 
8,000. 

Information  on  the  subject  was  obtained  by 
the  British  Foreign  Office  from  thirty-eight 
cities,  in  all,  of  Austria,  Belgium,  Denmark, 
France,  Germany,  Holland,  Italy,  Norway, 
Sweden,  Spain,  Switzerland,  and'  the  United 
States.  Some  systematic  provision,  more  or  less 
adequate,  for  securing  proper  food  to  the  children 
of  the  schools  by  private  or  public  organization, 
was  reported  from  more  than  thirty.  The  reports 
from  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Chicago,  in 
the  United  States,  showed  less  undertakings  in 
this  direction  than  in  any  other  cities  of  consid- 
able  size. 

In  England  : Provision  of  Meals  Act.  — An 

order  from  the  English  Local  Government  Board 
on  the  subject  of  providing  food  for  underfed 
school  children  was  published  on  the  29t.h  of 
April,  1905.  It  applied  only  to  children  under 
sixteen  who  were  neither  blind,  deaf  or  dumb, 
and  who  were  living  with  a father  not  in  receipt 
of  relief.  Application  in  each  case  must  be  made 
by  school  managers,  or  by  a teacher  empowered 
by  the  managers,  or  by  an  officer  empowered  by 
the  education  authorities.  The  relief  might 


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POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


be  grunted  in  the  ordinary  way  or  as  a loan,  the 
father  being  allowed  the  opportunity  of  mak- 
ing the  needful  provision  himself.  If  he  failed 
to  do  so,  the  poor-law  guardians  were  empow- 
ered to  make  it  and  to  recover  the  cost,  as  if  it 
were  a loan.  In  no  case  could  the  relief  be 
given  in  money,  or  continued  on  a single  appli- 
cation for  more  than  a month.  Where  possible, 
arrangements  should  be  made  with  local  char- 
itable organizations  for  the  issue  of  tickets  for 
meals. 

The  above  mentioned  tentative  order  was  fol- 
lowed, in  the  next  year,  by  the  passage  of  an 
Act  which  authorizes  any  “ local  education  au- 
thority ” in  England  and  Wales  to  “ take  such 
steps  as  they  think  fit  for  the  provision  of  meals 
for  children”  at  any  public  elementary  school, 
and  for  that  purpose  to  “associate  with  them- 
selves any  committee  on  which  the  authority  are 
represented,  who  will  undertake  to  provide  food 
for  those  children.”  Such  education  authority 
may  aid  the  committee  by  furnishing  necessary 
land,  buildings,  furniture  and  apparatus,  and 
necessary  officers  and  servants;  but,  “save  as 
hereinafter  provided,  the  authority  shall  not  in- 
cur any  expense  in  respect  of  the  purchase  of 
food  to  be  supplied  at  such  meals.” 

Unemployment:  Belgium:  A.  D.  1900- 
1904.  — Municipal  Organizations  of  Insur- 
ance against  Unemployment. — The  Ghent 
System. — The  following  is  abridged  from  a 
report  on  “Agencies  and  Methods  for  Dealing 
with  the  Unemployed  in  certain  Foreign  Coun- 
tries,” made  to  the  British  Board  of  Trade,  in 
1904,  by  Mr.  David  F.  Scliloss : 

During  the  last  few  years  the  Public  Authori- 
ties of  certain  Belgian  towns  and  Provinces  have 
organised  a system,  to  which  the  name  of  Insur- 
ance against  Unemployment  is  given,  and  under 
which  the  efforts  of  workmen  to  secure  for 
themselves  the  means  of  tiding  over  periods 
of  unemployment  are  assisted  by  the  grant  of 
subsidies  provided  out  of  public  moneys,  which 
form  a supplement  to  the  sums  derived  from 
the  contributions  of  these  work-people.  This 
system  is  now  in  force  at  Ghent,  Brussels,  Ant- 
werp, Bruges,  Liege,  Malines,  and  Louvain, 
and  in  the  Provinces  of  Liege  and  Antwerp. 
In  details  it  has  been  varied  somewhat  in  dif- 
erent  places,  but  the  general  scheme  is  the  same, 
and  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give  some  account 
of  it  as  organized  in  Ghent,  where  it  was  first 
worked  out. 

The  Unemployed  Fund  at  Ghent  was  initi- 
ated as  the  result  of  the  recommendations  made 
by  a Special  Commission  on  the  question  of  un- 
employment, which  on  April  10,  1900,  presented 
a Report,  advising  the  creation  of  a Municipal 
Unemployed  Fund  under  the  conditions  specified 
in  a set  of  rules,  which  they  submitted  for  con- 
sideration. The  annual  subvention  to  the  Fund 
by  the  City  was  fixed,  for  three  years,  at  §4000. 
Expenses  of  the  administration  of  the  Fund  to 
be  borne  by  the  City.  Administration  of  the 
Fund  to  be  entrusted  to  a committee  of  ten  citi- 
zens named  by  the  municipal  authority,  but  one 
half  of  whom  must  be  members  of  those  organi- 
zations of  workmen  which  affiliate  themselves 
with  the  Fund.  The  Fund  may  be  augmented 
by  subscriptions,  donations,  moneys  collected 
by  ffites,  etc.  “ The  intervention  of  the  Special 
Fund  shall  consist  either  ( a .)  in  providing  a sup- 
plement to  sums  paid  to  their  members  as  unem- 


ployed benefit  by  workmen’s  organisations,  or 
(b.)  in  supplementing  any  provision  made  by  in- 
dividual thrift  for  the  specific  case  of  unemploy- 
ment. The  Special  Fund  will  supplement  the 
unemployed  benefits  paid  by  workmen's  organi- 
sations by  the  payment  of  a subsidy,  which  may 
be  equal  to,  but  shall  not  be  greater  than,  the 
amount  of  such  benefits.” 

“Strikes  and  lock-outs,  or  the  results  attend- 
ant upon  such  disputes,  sickness  and  physical 
incapacity  for  labour  shall  in  no  case  give  rise 
to  the  payment  of  an  indemnity  out  of  the 
monies  of  the  Unemployed  Fund.” 

“ All  workmen’s  organisations  desiring  that 
their  members  shall  participate  in  the  subsidies 
provided  by  the  Fund  will  be  required  to  send 
in  each  month  a return  showing  the  number 
and  amount  of  all  payments  on  account  of  bene- 
fits made  by  them,  and  to  furnish  every  year 
their  balance-sheet,  also  their  rules  and  regu- 
lations.” 

“ Workmen  not  being  members  of  any  Trade 
Union  which  enjoys  participation  in  the  Fund, 
are  at  liberty  to  join  a Thrift  Fund  specifically 
constituted  to  meet  the  case  of  unemployment.” 
By  this  rule,  it  will  be  seen,  the  scheme  pro- 
vides, under  distinct  branches,  for  Trade  Union- 
ists and  non-Unionists. 

England:  A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Unemployed 
Workmen  Act,  and  its  operation.  — In  the 
summer  of  1905  a Bill  brought  into  Parliament 
by  the  President  of  the  Local  Government  Board, 
to  provide  for  an  organization  to  assist  unem- 
ployed workmen,  was  carried  through  both 
houses  with  little  opposition.  It  sought  to 
bring  about  a careful  discrimination  between 
workmen  who  were  accustomed  to  regular  em- 
ployment in  ordinary  circumstances,  but  tem- 
porarily unemployed  through  circumstances 
beyond  their  control,  and  the  needy,  on  the 
other  hand,  who  were  proper  objects  of  ordi- 
nary Poor  Law  relief.  Its  provisions  were  for 
the  former  entirely,  and  their  purpose  was  to 
establish  both  local  and  central  bodies,  which 
should  organize  and  maintain  labor  exchanges 
and  employment  bureaus,  assist  migration  and 
emigration,  and  acquire,  equip,  and  maintain 
farm  colonies  ; the  latter  to  operate  continuously, 
for  the  training  of  persons  to  agricultural  pur- 
suits, preparing  them  for  emigration  or  for 
permanent  transfer  from  city  to  country  life. 
The  local  bodies  contemplated  were  not  em- 
powered to  provide  work  at  public  expense. 
That  power  was  entrusted  discretionally  to  the 
central  bodies,  which  could  draw  on  the  rates 
for  the  purpose  to  a limited  extent.  Voluntary 
contributions  were  to  be  looked  to  in  part  for 
the  necessary  funds.  The  measure  was  decid- 
edly conservative  and  tentative. 

A report  on  the  applications  for  relief  and 
the  relief  given  in  England  and  Wales  under 
this  Act  during  the  year  ending  March  81,  1909, 
compared  with  the  previous  year,  shows  as 
follows:  The  total  number  of  applications 

received  was  196,757,  of  which  49,239  were 
made  to  29  committees  in  London,  and  147,518 
to  95  committees  in  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try. 

The  applicants  belonging  to  the  general  or 
casual  labour  class  (64,773)  formed  as  in  pre- 
vious years  by  far  the  largest  section  — 47.4  per 
cent.  — of  the  whole  number.  The  building 
trade  ranked  second  with  23,047,  or  16.9  per 


513 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


cent,  of  the  total.  The  engineering,  shipbuild- 
ing, and  metal  trades  accounted  for  17,028,  or 
12.5  per  cent.,  as  compared  with  only  8.6  per 
cent,  in  the  previous  year. 

A Bill  known  as  the  “Right  to  Work”  Bill 
came  before  the  House  of  Commons  in  April, 
1909,  with  the  endorsement  of  the  trade  unions 
and  the  Labor  Party.  It  was  opposed  by  John 
Burns,  the  former  labor  leader,  but  now  speak- 
ing as  President  of  the  Local  Government  Board 
and  member  of  the  Cabinet,  who  said:  “For 
three  and  a half  years  he  had  had  intimate  ex- 
perience of  relief  works,  and  he  could  not  exag- 
gerate the  degradation  of  the  workmen,  the  de- 
moralization of  the  honest  labourer,  the  extent 
to  which  money  had  been  wasted  and  character 
impaired  by  the  relief  works  which  he  had  had 
in  the  name  of  Parliament  to  administer.  Any 
member  had  only  to  take  up  the  report  of  any 
one  of  the  distress  committees  to  see  that  what 
the  minority  report  said  had  happened  would 
increasingly  happen  so  long  as  these  means  of 
meeting  unemployment  were  resorted  to.  The 
amount  of  work  would  be  disproportionate  to 
the  wages  paid,  the  wrong  men  would  get  the 
right  work,  and  the  best  men  would  be  ex- 
cluded, because  modesty  was  a characteristic  of 
good  workmanship  and  craftsmanship,  and  the 
worst  men  were  always  in  the  front  line  when 
relief  works  were  set  on  foot.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Report  of  a Royal  Commis- 
sion.-— The  Royal  Commission  on  the  working 
of  the  English  Poor  Laws,  whose  general  report 
is  referred  to  above,  issued,  in  September,  1909, 
a supplementary  report  on  Unemployment. 
The  main  ultimate  conclusions  of  the  Commis- 
sion are  the  following : 

“When  we  consider  the  remedies  proposed 
for  unemployment  we  are  convinced  that  they 
do  not  lie  on  the  lines  proposed  by  the  Unem- 
ployed Workmen’s  Act,  which  has  done  nothing 
but  systematize  Relief  Works.  These,  whether 
national  or  municipal,  appear  to  us  merely  to 
intensify  the  evil  as  far  as  the  ordinary  work- 
men are  concerned.  The  great  thing  necessary, 
we  believe,  is  to  obtain  a general  agreement  as 
to  the  need  of  regularizing  labour.  In  this  the 
Government  and  municipalities  ought  to  set  a 
good  example. 

‘ ‘ It  might  be  better,  if  any  rate  or  State 
funds  are  to  be  spent  on  the  unemployed,  that 
such  aid  should  take  the  form  of  supplementing 
trade  union  funds  and  give  thereby  a bonus 
on  thrift.  Any  such  supplementation  of  trade 
union  funds  would  involve  a Local  Govern- 
ment Board  audit,  the  control  of  the  expenses  of 
management,  and  a separation  of  the  war  and 
benefit  funds.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  it 
would  be  wise  for  trade  unions  to  accept  State 
aid  if  it  involved  loss  of  independence  and  an 
interference  with  their  efforts  to  improve  wages. 
There  is  little  doubt,  however,  that  grants  of 
this  kind  would  enormously  increase  their  mem- 
bership. 

“ In  order  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  unem- 
ployed as  a class  it  is  probable  that  drastic  mea- 
sures ought  to  be  taken,  such  as  those  recom- 
mended to  check  vagrancy.  For  the  idle  and 
worthless  who  now  form  the  noisy  section  of  the 
unemployed  it  might  be  necessary  to  establish 
semi-penal  colonies.  . . . 

“ The  solution  lies  in  a better  organization  of 
the  workers  and  more  consideration  from  the 


employers.  Better  organization  of  industry 
might  at  once  relieve  the  workers  and  render 
trade  crises  less  acute  by  steadying  the  supply 
of  labour. 

“ Differentiation  of  the  unemployable  from 
the  willing  workers  and  better  classification  of 
paupers  would  enable  us  to  understand  the  ex- 
tent of  the  problem  and  how  far  reorganization 
of  labour  must  be  carried.  Raising  the  condition 
of  the  whole  working  class  by  better  housing 
and  better  wages  will  help  to  keep  decent  but 
unskilled  workmen  from  sinking. 

“Every  effort  must  be  made  to  cut  off  the 
supply  of  unskilled  and  unintelligent  labour  by 
training  boys  to  enter  regular  and  permanent 
work.” 

England:  A.  D.  1909. — The  Labor  Ex- 
changes Act.  — One  of  the  most  important  of 
the  recent  enactments  of  the  British  Parliament 
is  the  Labor  Exchanges  Act,  which  encountered 
no  serious  opposition  in  either  House.  On  intro- 
ducing the  Bill  in  the  House  of  Commons,  May 
19,  1909,  and  in  subsequent  debate,  Mr.  Win- 
ston Churchill,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
gave  explanations  of  which  the  following  is  a 
summary:  It  would  divide  the  country  into  ten 
districts,  which  would  have  among  them  be- 
tween 30  and  40  first-class  labour  exchanges,  45 
second-class,  and  about  150  third-class  for  the 
smaller  centres.  The  central  control  would  be 
exercised  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  but  it  is  in- 
tended that,  following  the  German  example, 
t here  shall  be  in  each  principal  centre  a local  ad- 
visory committee  composed  of  representatives 
of  workmen  and  of  employers  in  equal  numbers, 
with  a permanent  official  as  chairman.  It  is 
hoped  that,  when  permanent  buildings  are  se- 
cured, and  the  whole  scheme  is  in  working  order, 
the  labour  exchanges  will  become  centres  of  in- 
dustrial life,  in  which  employers  and  employed 
will  learn  to  know  one  another  better,  and  to 
discuss  in  common  questions  now  too  much 
regarded  from  different  standpoints.  These 
exchanges  cannot  make  work,  they  can  only  dis- 
tribute what  work  is  to  be  had.  They  can  hardly 
be  expected  to  make  head  against  the  large  fluc- 
tuations of  trade,  which  must  be  met  by  some 
insurance  scheme,  which  Mr.  Churchill  an- 
nounced as  being  under  contemplation.  But 
there  are  many  irregularities  of  distribution 
which  labour  exchanges  can  correct,  and  many 
seasonal  fluctuations  producing  much  distress 
which  they  can  deal  with  to  the  great  advan- 
tage alike  of  employers  and  employed. 

It  was  not  contemplated  that  fees  should  be 
charged  to  men  applying  to  the  labour  bureaux, 
which  were  to  be  national  institutions.  They 
would  strive  to  find  men  for  jobs  and  jobs  for 
men,  and  attention  would  be  paid  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  men  who  had  been  waiting  longest 
for  work.  For  the  present  domestic  servants 
would  not  be  brought  within  the  operation  of 
the  Bill.  No  compulsion  would  be  exercised  to 
induce  applicants  to  give  evidence  as  to  charac- 
ter, but  of  course  a man  would  have  a greater 
chance  of  obtaining  work  if  he  could  give  refer- 
ences and  testimonials.  In  a strike  the  exchanges 
would  be  absolutely  neutral  as  between  capital 
and  labour,  and  it  would  be  clearly  notified  to 
all  working  men  that  there  was  a dispute  and 
they  would  be  left  to  act  as  they  thought  fit. 

The  Bill  became  law  in  September.  A highly 
favorable  report  of  its  operation  was  made  si* 


514 


POVERTY  AND  UNEMPLOYMENT 


PRITCHETT 


months  later  by  the  Consul-General  of  the 
United  States  at  London,  who  stated  that  ‘‘on 
the  opening  day  nearly  eighty  exchanges  were 
in  operation  and  thousands  of  applications  for 
work  were  received.  The  applicants  mainly 
represented  the  better  class  of  labor.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  opening  in  Nottingham  557 
workers  and  120  employing  firms  registered. 
These  were  followed  on  the  second  day  by  580 
workers  and  87  firms.  One  of  the  employers 
alone  applied  for  sixty  skilled  hands,  and 
though  most  of  the  skilled  hands  were  placed, 
the  registered  firms  were  not  able  to  fill  all  their 
vacancies.” 

Germany:  A.  D.  1909. — Experiments  of 
Insurance.  — Representatives  from  the  munici- 
pal authorities  of  fifteen  German  cities  held  a 
joint  conference  at  Cologne  in  September,  1909, 
to  discuss  the  best  methods  of  combating  un- 
employment. One  or  two  speakers  advocated 
compulsory  insurance  against  unemployment ; 
but  the  divergencies  of  opinion  were  so  wide 
that  no  conclusion  was  reached.  Annual  con- 
ferences oif  the  subject  are  to  be  held.  A Press 
correspondent  who  reported  the  meeting  re- 
marked that  it  confirms  “ the  German  official 
view  that  the  problem  of  insurance  against 
unemployment  is  not  ripe  for  systematic  solu- 
tion. Upon  the  strength  of  the  experience,  for 
example,  of  Strassburg  and  of  Frankfurt,  where 
the  Ghent  system  of  subsidies  is  in  operation, 
demands  are  frequently  made  for  the  inaugura- 
tion of  an  Imperial  system  of  insurance.  Apart, 
however,  from  the  fact  that  other  problems  — 
especially  widows  and  orphans  insurance  — 
have  precedence,  the  Government  maintains 
that  Imperial  legislation  is  impossible  because 
no  satisfactory  scheme  has  been  discovered.” 

Some  account  of  the  Ghent  system,  here  re- 
ferred to,  will  be  found  above,  under  the  sub- 
heading Belgium.  Besides  the  German  cities 
mentioned  as  having  introduced  that  measure 
of  insurance  against  unemployment,  Cologne 
and  Leipsic  have  been  operating  an  organiza- 
tion of  similar  insurance  for  some  years.  As 
described  in  a report  made  in  1904  to  the  Brit- 
ish Board  of  Trade  by  Mr.  David  F.  Schloss,  on 
“Agencies  and  Methods  for  Dealing  with  the 
Unemployed  in  certain  Foreign  Countries,”  the 
organization  in  Cologne  is  as  follows: 

“The  ‘City  of  Cologne  Office  for  Insurance 
against  Unemployment  in  Winter’  was  estab- 
lished in  1896.  The  object  of  the  Office  is  to 
provide,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Cologne  La- 
bour Registry,  an  insurance  against  Unemploy- 
ment during  the  winter  (December  to  March) 
for  the  benefit  of  male  workpeople  in  the  Co- 


logne district.  In  order  to  insure  with  the  Of- 
fice, a man  must  be  at  least  18  years  of  age, 
must  have  lived  for  at  least  a year  in  Cologne, 
and  must  not  suffer  from  permanent  incapacity 
to  work.  He  is  required  to  pay  a weekly  pre- 
mium, payment  of  which  must  commence  as 
from  April  1,  and  must  continue  for  34  weeks. 
The  amount  of  the  premium  was  originally  3d. 
per  week  for  both  skilled  and  unskilled  work- 
men ; in  1901  the  rate  of  premium  was  fixed  at 
3d.  for  unskilled  and  4 \d.  for  skilled  men  ; in 
1903  the  rate  was  raised  to  3 {d.  per  week  for 
unskilled  and  4f d.  per  week  for  skilled  work- 
men. . . . 

“In  return  for  these  payments  the  insured 
workman,  if  and  when  out  of  work  in  the  pe- 
riod named  above,  receives,  for  not  more  than 
eight  weeks  in  all,  a daily  amount,  which  is  2s. 
for  each  of  the  first  20  days  (nothing  being  paid 
for  Sundays),  and  then  Is.  on  each  subsequent 
day.  These  payments  begin  on  the  third  week- 
day after  the  date  on  which  the  man  has  re- 
ported himself  as  out  of  work.  . . . 

“No  money  is  paid  in  respect  of  unemploy- 
ment caused  by  illness  or  infirmity,  or  by  the 
man’s  own  fault,  or  by  a trade  dispute.” 

At  Leipsic  the  institution  of  insurance  against 
unemployment  is  on  much  the  same  lines,  but 
differing  in  some  details  of  its  rules.  “The 
Leipsic  Insurance  Office  was  founded  in  April, 
1903,  with  a guarantee  fund  of  about  £5000, 
provided  by  benevolent  persons,  in  addition  to 
which  it  proposed  to  receive  annual  subscriptions 
from  members  of  the  public.  The  town  author- 
ities granted  accommodation  for  the  Office  rent 
free  for  three  years.  The  system  adopted  was 
as  follows : The  right  to  insure  with  this  Office  is 
confined  to  men  of  16  but  not  over  60  years  of 
age,  who  have  lived  at  Leipsic  for  at  least  two 
years ; the  general  meeting  may,  however,  allow 
residents  in  the  suburbs  of  Leipsic  to  insure.” 

Employers’  Labor  Exchanges.  — The  Col- 
lieries Union,  of  colliery  owners,  in  the  Rhenish 
Westphalian  coal  district,  was  reported,  in 
October,  1909,  to  have  “decided  to  institute  for 
the  benefit  of  its  members  a system  of  central- 
ized labour  exchanges  modelled  upon  the  sys- 
tem which  has  existed  for  many  years  in  the 
Hamburg  iron  industry.  The  principal  objects 
in  view  are  to  secure  a steady  supply  of  perma- 
nent labour,  to  equalize  a possible  surplus  of 
labour  in  certain  districts  and  a corresponding 
deficit  in  others,  and  to  prevent  the  habit  on 
the  part  of  miners  of  applying  for  employment 
at  several  collieries  simultaneously.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  hoped  that  miners  will  be 
spared  the  frequently  fruitless  search  for  work.” 


PRAIRIE  OIL  AND  GAS  COMPANY. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c. : United  States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

PREFERENTIAL  TRADE:  Discussed 
at  the  Imperial  Conferences  of  1902  and  1907 
in  London.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Em- 
pire : A.  D.  1902  and  1907. 

PRESS,  The:  Revived  Censorship  in 

Russia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D. 
1909. 

PRESS  CONFERENCE,  The  British 
Imperial.  See  (in  this  vol.)  British  Empire  : 
A.  D.  1909  (June). 

PRETORIA:  Peace  Negotiations.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 


PREVENTION  OF  CORRUPTION 
ACT.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminol- 
ogy. 

PREVENTION  OF  CRIMES  ACT,  Brit- 
ish. See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology. 

PRIMARY,  Direct.  See  Elective  Fran- 
chise: United  States. 

PRINCE  EDWARD  ISLAND:  A.  D. 
1901-1902.  — Census.  — Reduced  Represent- 
ation in  Parliament.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Can- 
ada: A.  D.  1901-1902. 

PRITCHETT,  Henry  S. : President  of  the 
Carnegie  Foundation  for  the  Advancement 
of  Teaching.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 


515 


PRIZE  COURT 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PRIZE  COURT,  Contemplated  Interna- 
tional. See  (in  this  vol.)  Waii,  Tiie  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1907  (appended  to  account  of 
Second  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague). 

PROBATION  SYSTEM,  The.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Chime  and  Criminology:  Proba- 
tion. 

PROBLEMS  OF  THE  TIME:  Of  Crime. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Crime  and  Criminology. 

Of  the  Intoxicants.  See  Alcohol,  and 
Opium. 

Of  Labor  and  Capital.  See  Labor  Organi- 
zation, Labor  Protection,  and  Labor  Re- 
numeration. 

Of  Municipal  Government.  See  Municipal 

Government. 

Of  Poverty  and  Unemployment.  See  Pov- 
erty. 

Of  Race.  See  Race  Problems. 

Of  Railway  Regulation.  See  Railways. 

Of  the  Trusts  (so-called).  See  Combina- 
tions, Industrial  and  Commercial. 

Of  War  and  Peace.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War: 
Preparations  for,  and  Revolt  against. 

Of  Wealth.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Wealth. 

PROFIT-SHARING.  See  Labor  Remu- 
neration. 

PROGRESISTAS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907;  also  Portu- 
gal: A.  D.  1906-1909. 

PROGRESSIVES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
South  Africa:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

PROHIBITION.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alco- 
hol Problem. 

PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTA- 
TION. See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Fran- 
chise. 

PROTECTION,  The  New.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Remuneration  : The  New  Pro- 
tection. 

PROTECTORATES,  South  African.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1909. 

PRUSSIA:  A.  D.  1902.  — Measures  for 
Germanizing  the  Polish  Provinces.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Germany:  A.  D.  1902  (March-May), 
and  1908  (Jan.). 

A.  D.  1904.- — Denominational  Education 
restored.  See  Education  : Prussia  : A.  D. 
1904. 


A.  D.  1905.  — Creation  of  a Government 
Bureau  of  Charities.  See  Social  Better- 
ment: Prussia. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Defiance  of  Popular  De- 
mands for  Suffrage  Reform.  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1906-1907. 

A.  D.  1906. — A Comedy  of  Election  Re- 
form. See  Elective  Franchise  : Germany: 
A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1907. — Statistics  of  Population. — 
Birth  Rate  and  Death  Rate.  See  Germany: 
A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Disappointing  Statement  by 
Prince  Biilow  about  Suffrage  Reform.  — 
Socialist  Successes. — A surprising  word 
from  the  King. — In  January,  Prince  Billow, 
as  Minister-President  of  Prussia,  made  a state- 
ment about  suffrage  reform  which  deeply  dis- 
appointed all  friends  of  that  movement.  It  was 
therefore  expected,  when  the  Diet  elections  ap- 
proached in  June,  that  the  Prussian  people  would 
be  awakened  by  a violent  agitation  in  favor  of 
more  liberal  election  laws,  But  nothing  of  the 
kind  happened.  The  Socialists,  indeed,  made 
this  their  chief  issue,  and  they  carried  a half- 
dozen  districts,  thus  securing  for  the  first  time 
a foothold  in  the  Diet ; and  the  Radicals,  too, 
gave  out  manhood  suffrage  as  their  watchword, 
but  pressed  it  so  feebly  as  to  awaken  the  sus- 
picion that  their  demand  was  not  seriously  meant. 

“ Nevertheless,  the  King’s  speech  from  the 
throne  in  October  surprised  the  country  by  an- 
nouncing that  a reform  of  the  election  laws  was 
a fundamental  necessity  and  would  be  under- 
taken during  the  present  session.  This  an- 
nouncement affected  the  country-squire  element 
like  tapping  on  a hornet’s  nest.  The  Conserva- 
tive party  immediately  gave  it  to  be  plainly 
understood  that  it  would  brook  no  tampering 
with  the  election  laws,  the  stronghold  of  its 
power.”  — W.  C.  Dreher,  The  Tear  in  Germany 
(Atlantic  Monthly , Jan.,  1909). 

A.  D.  1908  (jan.).  — More  vigorous  Ger- 
manizing of  the  Polish  Provinces.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Germany  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — Rejection  of  proposed 
Reforms  of  the  Elective  Franchise.  — The 
Offensive  Bill  of  the  following  year.  See 
Elective  Franchise  : Prussia. 


PUBLIC  HEALTH. 


America:  A.  D.  1901-1902. — Proposals  of 
the  Second  International  Conference  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
American  Republics. 

Army  Sanitation:  By  the  Japanese.  See 

Japan:  A.  I).  1904-1905  — at  the  end. 

Bubonic  Plague:  In  India.- — The  bubonic 
plague,  which  began  to  terrorize  the  eastern 
world,  especially  India,  in  the  late  years  of  the 
last  century  (see  Plague,  in  Volume  VI.), 
showed  signs  of  abating  in  India  in  1900,  but 
regained  virulence  in  the  following  years,  the 
mortality  from  it  in  all  India  rising  to  about 
560,000  in  1902,  exceeding  842,000  in  1903,  going 
beyond  a million  in  1904,  and  rising  to  1,125,652 
in  the  year  from  October  1,  1904,  to  September 
30,  1905.  Its  worst  ravages  were  in  the  Presi- 
dency of  Bombay  and  in  the  Punjab.  In  the 
Bombay  Presidency  the  victims  of  1903  num- 


bered 343,904;  in  the  Punjab  they  counted 
210,493.  See,  also,  below,  under  India. 

In  the  Philippines  : How  it  was  stamped 
out.  — Full  accounts  of  the  successful  cam- 
paign against  bubonic  plague  in  the  Philip- 
pines, in  1900-1902,  are  given  in  the  annual  re- 
ports of  the  Philippine  Commission.  From  that 
source  the  main  facts  were  summarized  in  the 
May  number  of  the  National  Geographic  Maga- 
zine, 1903,  as  follows : 

Bubonic  plague  was  discovered  at  Manila  on 
December  26,  1899,  and  slowly  but  steadily  in- 
creased in  its  ravages  up  to  December,  i 901 . 
“ The  deaths  in  1900  numbered  199,  and  in  1901 
reached  a total  of  432.  The  disease  was  at  its 
worst  each  year  during  the  hot,  dry  months  of 
March,  April,  and  May,  nearly  or  quite  disap- 
pearing during  September,  October,  November, 
and  December.  . . . 


516 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


“On  account  of  the  important  part  which 
house  rats  are  known  to  play  in  the  distribution 
of  bubonic  plague,  a systematic  campaign  was 
inaugurated  against  these  rodents  in  Manila. 
Policemen,  sanitary  inspectors,  and  specially 
appointed  rat-catchers  were  furnished  with 
traps  and  poison,  and  both  traps  and  poison 
were  distributed  to  private  individuals  under 
proper  restrictions.  A bounty  was  paid  for  all 
rats  turned  over  to  the  health  authorities,  and 
stations  were  established  at  convenient  points 
throughout  the  city  where  they  could  be  re- 
ceived. Each  rat  was  tagged  with  the  street 
and  number  of  the  building  or  lot  from  which 
it  came,  was  dropped  into  a strong  antiseptic 
solution,  and  eventually  sent  to  the  Biological 
Laboratory,  where  it  was  subjected  to  a bac- 
teriological examination  for  plague.  During 
the  first  two  weeks,  1.8  per  cent,  of  the  rats  ex- 
amined were  found  to  be  infected.  This  pro- 
portion steadily  increased,  reaching  the  alarming 
maximum  of  2.3  per  cent,  in  October.  At  this 
time  numerous  rats  were  found  dead  of  plague 
in  the  infected  districts,  and,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  epidemics  of  plague  among  the  rats  of  a 
city  in  the  past  have  been  uniformly  followed 
by  epidemics  among  human  beings,  the  gravest 
apprehension  was  felt,  the  rapid  spread  of  the 
disease  among  the  rats  after  the  weather  had 
become  comparatively  dry  being  a particularly 
unfavorable  symptom. 

“ It  was  deemed  necessary  to  prepare  to  deal 
with  a severe  epidemic,  and  a permanent  deten- 
tion camp,  capable  of  accommodating  fifteen 
hundred  persons,  was  accordingly  established  on 
the  grounds  of  the  San  Lazaro  Hospital.  Hop- 
ing against  hope,  the  board  of  health  redoubled 
its  efforts  to  combat  the  disease.  The  force  of 
sanitary  inspectors  was  greatly  increased,  and 
under  the  able  supervision  of  Dr.  Meacham  their 
•work  was  brought  to  a high  degree  of  efficiency. 
Frequent  house-to-house  inspections  were  made 
in  all  parts  of  the  city  where  the  disease  was 
known  to  exist.  The  sick  were  removed  to  the 
hospital  if  practicable ; otherwise  they  were 
cared  for  where  found  and  the  spread  of  infec- 
tion guarded  against. 

“ Plague  houses  were  thoroughly  disinfected, 
and  their  owners  were  compelled,  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  assistant  sanitary  engineer,  to 
make  necessary  alterations.  Cement  ground- 
floors  were  laid  ; double  walls  and  double  ceil- 
ings, affording  a refuge  for  rats,  were  removed; 
defects  in  plumbing  were  remedied ; whitewash 
was  liberally  used,  and,  in  general,  nothing  was 
left  undone  that  could  render  buildings  where 
plague  had  occurred  safe  for  human  occupancy. 
Buildings  incapable  of  thorough  disinfection 
and  renovation  were  destroyed.  Buildings  in 
which  plague  rats  were  taken  were  treated  ex 
actly  as  were  those  where  the  disease  attacked 
the  human  occupants.  The  bacteriological  ex- 
amination of  rats  enabled  the  board  of  health  to 
follow  the  pest  into  its  most  secret  haunts  and 
fight  it  there,  and  was  the  most  important  factor 
in  the  winning  of  the  great  success  which  was 
ultimately  achieved. 

“With  very  few  exceptions,  there  was  no  re- 
currence of  plague  in  buildings  which  had  been 
disinfected  and  renovated.  As  center  after  cen- 
ter of  infection  was  found  and  destroyed,  the 
percentage  of  diseased  rats  began  to  decrease, 
and  in  January,  1902,  when,  judging  from  the 


history  of  previous  years,  plague  should  have 
again  begun  to  spread  among  human  beings, 
there  was  not  a single  case.  In  February,  one 
case  occurred.  In  March,  there  were  two  cases, 
as  against  63  in  March  of  the  preceding  year, 
and  before  April  the  disease  had  completely  dis- 
appeared. This  result,  brought  about  at  a time 
when  the  epidemic  would,  if  unchecked,  have 
reached  its  height  for  the  year,  marked  the  end 
of  a fight  begun  by  the  board  of  health  on  the 
day  of  its  organization  and  prosecuted  unre- 
mittingly under  adverse  conditions  for  seven 
months,  with  a degree  of  success  which  has  not 
been  equaled  under  similar  conditions  in  the  his- 
tory of  bubonic  plague. 

“During  1901,  plague  appeared  at  several 
points  in  the  provinces  near  Manila.  Agents 
of  the  board  of  health  were  promptly  dispatched 
to  the  infected  municipalities,  and  radical  reme- 
dial measures  were  adopted,  including,  in  sev- 
eral instances,  the  burning  of  infected  build- 
ings, the  result  being  the  complete  disappearance 
of  plague  in  the  provinces  as  well  as  in  Ma- 
nila.” 

Cancer  Research:  Mr.  Barnato’s  Bequest. 

— “ We  are  reminded  to-day  that  the  late  Mr. 
Harry  Barnato  bequeathed  a sum  of  money 
amounting  to  a quarter  of  a million  sterling  for 
the  establishment  of  a charity  in  memory  of 
his  brother,  Mr.  Barney  Barnato,  and  of  his 
nephew,  Mr.  Woolf  Joel,  both  of  whom  died  be- 
fore him.  We  are  now  officially  informed  that 
the  trustees  under  Mr.  Harry  Barnato’s  will 
have  determined  to  apply  the  bequest  to  the 
building  and  endowment  of  an  institution  for 
the  reception  of  cancer  patients,  and  to  place  its 
management  under  the  control  of  the  authorities 
of  the  Middlesex  Hospital,  where  special  wards 
for  cancer  patients  have  long  been  in  operation, 
and  where  much  has  been  done  in  devising 
means  for  the  alleviation  of  their  sufferings.”  — 
London  Times , Aug.  9,  1909. 

Mr.  George  Crocker,  of  California,  who  died 
in  December,  1909,  bequeathed  a fund  amount- 
ing to  about  $1,500,000  to  Columbia  University 
for  the  prosecution  of  researches  into  the  cause, 
prevention,  and  cure  of  cancer.  Mr.  Crocker, 
his  wife,  and  his  father,  Charles  Crocker  of  Cal- 
ifornia, all  died  of  the  disease.  Mr.  Crocker  had 
given  $50,000  to  Columbia  for  the  same  purpose 
before  his  death.  Mr.  Crocker  provided  that, 
should  a cure  for  the  disease  be  discovered,  the 
money  should  be  devoted  toother  medical  inves- 
tigations, “with  a view  to  preventing  and  cur- 
ing diseases  and  alleviating  human  suffering.” 
He  stipulated  further  that  no  part  of  the  fund 
should  be  used  for  the  erection  of  a building. 

The  Committee  of  One  Hundred.  — Move- 
ment for  a National  Department  or  Bureau 
of  Health.  — A convincing  paper  read  by 
Professor  J.  P.  Norton,  of  Yale,  before  the  eco- 
nomic section  of  the  American  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science  at  its  meeting  in  1906, 
on  the  economic  advisability  of  a national  reg- 
ulation of  public  health,  led  to  the  formation  in 
1907  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  which 
has  labored  since  that  time  to  bring  about  the 
creation  of  a Department  or  a Bureau  of  Public 
Health  in  the  Federal  administration  of  Gov- 
ernment. Under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Irving 
Fisher,  and  with  Mr.  Edward  T.  Devine  for  its 
secretary,  the  Committee,  which  includes  many 
of  the  most  eminent  men  and  women  in  the 


517 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


country,  has  awakened  wide  interest  in  the  pro- 
position, enlisting  a public  support  which  seems 
certain  to  give  it  success.  When  the  subject 
came  under  discussion  in  the  American  Associa- 
tion for  the  Advancement  of  Science  at  its  meet- 
ing of  1908,  Professor  William  H.  Welch,  the 
retiring  President  of  the  Association,  described 
the  existing  neglect  of  health  as  shameful,  and 
pointed  out  that,  if  existing  hygienic  knowledge 
were  fully  applied,  the  death  rate  might  be  cut 
in  two.  As  examples  of  what  a Federal  Health 
Bureau  might  do  he  cited  the  work  of  Pasteur 
and  Koch,  whose  best  work  was  done  for  the 
national  governments  of  France  and  Germany, 
though  the  benefits  have  been  shared  by  all 
nations.  In  America  we  lack  even  the  statistics 
of  disease  except  in  a limited  area. 

In  his  Message  to  Congress,  December  6,  1909, 
President  Taft  urged  the  institution  of  the  pro- 
posed National  Bureau  of  Health  very  cogently, 
in  these  words:  “ For  a very  considerable  period 
a movement  has  been  gathering  strength,  espe- 
cially among  the  members  of  the  medical  profes- 
sion, in  favor  of  a concentration  of  the  instru- 
ments of  the  national  government,  which  have 
to  do  with  the  promotion  of  public  health.  In 
the  nature  of  things,  the  Medical  Department 
of  the  army  and  the  Medical  Department  of  the 
navy  must  be  kept  separate.  But  there  seems 
to  be  no  reason  why  all  the  other  bureaus  and 
offices  in  the  general  government  which  have  to 
do  with  the  public  health  or  subjects  akin  thereto 
should  not  be  united  in  a bureau  to  be  called 
the  ‘Bureau  of  Public  Health.’  This  would  ne- 
cessitate the  transfer  of  the  Marine  Hospital  Ser- 
vice to  such  a bureau.  I am  aware  that  there 
is  a wide  field  in  respect  to  the  public  health 
committed  to  the  States  in  which  the  Federal 
government  cannot  exercise  jurisdiction,  but  we 
have  seen  in  the  Agricultural  Department  the 
expansion  into  widest  usefulness  of  a depart- 
ment giving  attention  to  agriculture  when  that 
subject  is  plainly  one  over  which  the  States 
properly  exercise  direct  jurisdiction.  The  op- 
portunities offered  for  useful  research  and  the 
spread  of  useful  information  in  regard  to  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil  and  the  breeding  of  stock 
and  the  solution  of  many  of  the  intricate  prob- 
lems in  progressive  agriculture  have  demon- 
strated the  wisdom  of  establishing  that  depart- 
ment. Similar  reasons,  of  equal  force,  can  be 
given  for  the  establishment  of  a bureau  of  health 
that  shall  not  only  exercise  the  police  jurisdiction 
of  the  Federal  government  respecting  quarantine, 
but  which  shall  also  afford  an  opportunity  for 
investigation  and  research  by  competent  experts 
into  questions  of  health  affecting  the  whole 
country,  or  important  sections  thereof,  questions 
which,  in  the  absence  of  Federal  governmental 
work,  are  not  likely  to  be  promptly  solved.” 

The  Hookworm  Disease  in  the  United 
States.  — “In  the  Old  World,  hookworm  dis- 
ease was  probably  known  to  the  Egyptians 
nearly  three  thousand  five  hundred  years  ago, 
but  its  cause  was  not  understood  until  about  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  it  was 
shown  to  be  due  to  an  intestinal  parasite,  Agchy- 
lostoma  duodenale.  Until  1893  no  authentic  cases 
of  this  disease  were  recognized  as  such  in  the 
United  States,  but  between  1893  and  1902  about 
35  cases  were  diagnosed.  In  1902  it  was  shown 
that  a distinct  hookworm,  Urinaria  americana, 
infests  man  in  this  country,  and  this  indicated 

51 


very  strongly  that  the  disease  must  be  present 
although  not  generally  recognized.  It  is  now 
established  that  in  addition  to  the  few  cases  of 
Old  World  hookworm  disease  imported  into  the 
United  States  we  have  in  the  South  an  endemic 
uncinariasis  due  to  a distinct  cause,  Undnaria 
americana.  This  disease  has  been  known  for 
years  in  the  South  and  can  be  traced  in  medical 
writings  as  far  back  as  1808,  but  its  nature  was 
not  understood.  Some  cases  have  been  con- 
fused with  malaria,  others  have  been  attributed 
to  dirt-eating. 

' ‘ The  hookworms  are  about  half  an  inch  long. 
They  live  in  the  small  intestine,  where  they 
suck  blood,  produce  minute  hemorrhages,  and 
in  all  probability  also  produce  a substance  which 
acts  as  a poison.  They  lay  eggs  which  cannot 
develop  to  maturity  in  the  intestine.  These  ova 
escape  with  the  feces  and  hatch  in  about  twenty- 
four  hours ; the  young  worm  sheds  its  skin  twice 
and  then  is  ready  to  infect  man.  Infection  takes 
place  through  the  mouth,  either  by  the  hands 
soiled  with  larvae  or  by  infected  food.  Infec- 
tion through  the  drinking  water  may  possibly 
occur.  Finally,  the  larvae  may  enter  the  body 
through  the  skin  and  eventually  reach  the 
small  intestine. 

“ Patients  may  be  divided  into  light  cases,  in 
which  the  symptoms  are  very  obscure  ; medium 
cases,  in  which  the  anemia  is  more  or  less 
marked,  and  severe  cases,  represented  by  the 
dwarfed,  edematous,  anemic  dirt-eater.  Infec- 
tion occurs  chiefly  in  rural  sand  districts.  . . . 
Economically,  uncinariasis  is  very  important. 
It  keeps  children  from  school,  decreases  capacity 
for  both  physical  and  mental  labor,  and  is  one 
of  the  most  important  factors  in  determining  the 
present  condition  of  the  poorer  whites  of  the 
sand  and  pine  districts  of  the  South. 

“The  disease  is  carried  from  the  farms  to  the 
cotton  mills  by  the  mill  hands,  but  does  not 
spread  much  in  the  mills;  nevertheless,  it  causes 
a considerable  amount  of  anemia  among  the 
operatives.”  — Ch.  Wardell  Stiles,  Pli.  D.,  Rep't 
upon  the  Prevalence  and  Geographic  Distribution 
of  Hookworm  Disease  ( Public  Health  and  Ma- 
rine Hospital  Service  of  the  U.  S.  : Hygienic  Lab- 
oratory, Bulletin  No.  10). 

In  the  autumn  of  1909  Mr.  John  D.  Rockefel- 
ler placed  a fund  of  $1,000,000  under  the  control 
of  a Commission,  to  be  used  for  the  eradication 
of  the  hookworm  disease  in  the  United  States. 
The  fund  is  allotted  in  annual  instalments  of 
$200,000  each. 

India:  A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Mortality  Sta- 
tistics and  Birth  Rate.  — According  to  sta- 
tistics given  in  the  “Statement  Exhibiting  the 
Moral  and  Material  Progress  and  Condition  of 
India  during  the  year  1907-8,”  in  most  pro- 
vinces the  birth-rates  exceeded  the  death-rates, 
but  in  the  Punjab  the  death-rate  exceeded  the 
birth-rate  by  no  less  than  21.3  per  mille,  mainly 
as  a result  of  the  persistence  of  plague  and  the 
unusual  prevalence  of  other  epidemics.  The  to- 
tal number  of  deaths  registered  in  the  Depend- 
ency was  8,399,623,  compared  with  7,852,330 
in  1906.  This  constituted  a rise  of  the  rate  from 
34.73  per  mille  to  37.18.  The  mean  mortality 
per  1,000  for  the  quinquennium  ending  1906 
was  33.96.  The  rate  in  the  Punjab  was  no  less 
than  62.1. 

Throughout  the  country  as  a whole  cholera 
was  responsible  for  1.81  deaths  per  mille,  small- 

.8 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


pox  for  0.46,  fevers  for  19.76,  dysentery  and 
diarrhoea  for  1.25,  and  plague  for  5.16.  In  the 
previous  year  (1906)  there  was  a most  welcome 
decline  in  the  plague  death-rate,  which  fell  from 
4.17  in  1905  to  1.33.  But  in  the  year  under  re- 
view this  malignant  disease  (which  first  ap- 
peared in  Bombay  in  1896)  was  responsible  for 
the  record  number  of  1,315,892  deaths.  Happily 
in  1908  there  was  again  a very  rapid  decline  of 
mortality,  and  the  preliminary  figures  for  the 
year  give  a total  of  less  than  150,000  deaths,  this 
being  lower  than  in  any  year  since  1900.  The 
report  shows  that  plague  has  been  curiously 
partial  in  its  distribution,  many  parts  of  the  De- 
pendency having  almost  entireiy  escaped  its  rav- 
ages. It  is  shown  that  the  civil  hospitals  and 
dispensaries  in  India  (2,514  in  number)  treated 
412,425  indoor  and  no  fewer  than  24,469,548  out- 
door patients. 

Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Army  Sanita- 
tion in  the  War  with  Russia.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  — at  the  end. 

Malaria:  A Lesson  in  Practical  Hygiene 
from  Italy. — Slowness  in  using  the  know- 
ledge gained. — The  following  is  from  a letter 
by  Dr.  William  Osier  to  the  London  Times, 
dated  at  Rome,  March,  3,  1909:  “We  owe 
much  to  the  Italians  for  their  contributions  to 
our  knowledge  of  the  cause  of  malaria.  Lav- 
eran’s  great  discovery  was  promptly  fathered 
by  Marchiafava  and  Cell!  and  Golgi,  and  it  was 
through  their  writings  that  we  obtained  the 
fullest  details  of  the  nature  and  structure  of  the 
malarial  parasite.  As  an  old  student  of  the  dis- 
ease and  deeply  interested  in  the  practical  prob- 
lems of  its  prevention,  one  of  my  first  visits  in 
Rome  was  to  the  Laboratories  of  Pathology  and 
of  Hygiene  to  find  out  from  the  Directors,  Mar- 
chiafava and  Celli,  the  progress  of  the  battle. 
It  was  not  enough  to  know  the  cause ; we  had  to 
know  how  it  worked  before  effective  measures 
could  be  taken,  and  the  demonstration  by  Ross 
of  the  transmission  of  the  disease  by  the  mos- 
quito at  once  put  malaria  on  the  list  of  easily 
preventable  infections.  Just  ten  years  ago  the 
Italian  Society  for  the  Study  of  Malaria  was 
founded,  and  I was  able  to  get  a full  report  of 
the  work. 

“In  Professor  Celli’s  lecture-room  hangs  the 
mortality  chart  of  Italy  for  the  past  20  years. 
In  1887  malaria  ranked  with  tuberculosis,  pneu- 
monia, and  the  intestinal  disorders  of  children 
as  one  of  the  great  infections,  killing  in  that 
year  21,033  persons.  The  chart  shows  a gradual 
reduction  in  the  death-rate,  and  in  1906  only 
4,871  persons  died  of  the  disease,  and  in  1907 
4,160.  This  remarkable  result  has  been  very 
largely  due  to  the  sanitary  measures  introduced 
by  the  society.  It  has  long  been  known  that 
malaria  disappears  ‘spontaneously.’  The  Fen 
country  is  now  healthy;  parts  of  Canada,  about 
Lakes  Ontario  an'd  Erie,  which  were  formerly 
hotbeds  of  the  disease,  are  now  free.  This  can- 
not be  attributed  altogether  to  cultivation  and 
drainage.  I know  places  on  the  shores  of  the 
lakes  just  mentioned  in  which  the  conditions  to- 
day are  identical  with  those  which  I remember 
as  a boy.  The  Desjardin  Canal  Marsh  at  the  ex- 
treme western  end  of  Lake  Ontario  was  a well- 
known  focus  of  the  disease.  The  marsh  remains, 
the  mosquitoes  are  there  ; but  a case  of  malaria 
is  almost  as  rare  as  in  England.  The  disappear- 
ance is  largely  due  to  the  free  use  of  quinine. 


The  settlers  early  recognized  the  important  fact 
that  malaria  was  a disease  liable  to  recur,  and 
it  became  a common  practice  to  take  Peruvian 
bark  every  spring  and  autumn  for  a year  or  two 
after  an  attack.  This  is  a point  in  prophylaxis 
which  the  work  of  the  Italian  Society  has 
brought  into  prominence.  From  the  summary 
of  the  decennial  report  just  issued,  the  following 
paragraphs  are  of  interest:  — 

“ ‘The  society  has  improved  the  prophylaxis 
of  malaria,  and  has  introduced  into  practice  the 
new  mechanical  measures  based  on  the  defence 
of  the  habitation  and  the  individual  from  the 
bites  of  mosquitoes.  This  being  a relatively 
expensive  procedure,  the  society  has  occupied 
itself  chiefly  with  the  improvement  of  the  anti- 
plasmodic  prophylaxis  — the  administration  of 
quinine.  For  this  purpose  it  has  promoted  and 
defended  legislation  for  the  gratuitous  distribu- 
tion of  quinine  to  the  poor  and  to  all  workers  in 
malarial  localities.  . . . 

“ ‘The results  have  been  that  since  1902,  when 
the  law  on  State  quinine  was  promulgated,  while 
the  consumption  of  quinine  has  been  yearly  in- 
creasing, the  mortality  from  malaria  has  dimin- 
ished from  about  16,000  to  about  4,000  yearly  ; 
and  in  the  army,  Custom  House  Offices,  and  in 
some  communes  where  the  new  laws  have  been 
better  applied,  the  morbidity  from  malaria  has 
greatly  diminished.’ 

“By  these  measures,  and  ‘ by  means  of  the 
agricultural  and  agrarian  transformation  of  the 
land  and  colonization,  rather  than  by  the  de- 
struction of  mosquitoes  (a  thing  impossible  to 
be  done  by  us  on  a large  scale),’  Italy  may  be 
freed  from  the  scourge.” 

In  a lecture  at  the  Royal  Institution,  London, 
in  May,  1909,  Major  Ronald  Ross,  one  of  the 
most  notable  workers  in  this  field  of  sanitary 
science,  spoke  discouragingly  of  the  progress 
made  in  applying  the  knowledge  gained.  He 
said: 

“The  immediate  success  hoped  for  ten  years 
ago  had  not  been  attained.  The  battle  still  raged 
along  the  whole  line,  but  it  was  no  longer  a bat- 
tle against  malaria  but  against  human  stupidity. 
Those  who  had  taken  part  in  it  had  reasoned  and 
been  ridiculed ; had  given  the  most  stringent 
experimental  proofs  and  had  been  disbelieved  ; 
had  protested  and  been  called  charlatans.  . . . 
The  few  persons  who  had  fought  the  fight  and 
failed  were  scarcely  able  to  continue  it,  and  if 
no  stronger  influences  could  be  excited  the  fu- 
ture of  malaria  prevention  in  British  dominions 
would  certainly  be  as  barren  as  the  past  had 
been.  ” 

Panama  Canal  : The  Sanitation  of  the 
Canal  Zone.  — Extirpation  of  Malaria  and 
Yellow  Fever. — Report  of  Secretary  Taft.  — 

In  the  fall  of  1905  Secretary  Taft  made  a visit 
of  inspection  to  the  Canal,  and  gave,  on  his  re- 
turn, an  interesting  account  of  the  conditions  he 
found,  in  an  address  before  the  St.  Louis  Com- 
mercial Club.  On  the  work  of  Sanitation  in 
progress,  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  W.  C.  Gor- 
gas,  U.  S.  A.,  he  gave  the  following  description: 
“When  Judge  Magoon  [appointed  Governor 
of  the  Canal  Zone]  arrived  upon  the  Isthmus, 
he  found  Dr.  Gorgas  battling  manfully  against 
the  yellow  fever,  but  the  cases  seemed  to  be  in- 
creasing. Judge  Magoon  conceived  the  idea 
that  the  fumigation  which  had  been  confined  to 
two  or  three  houses  might  well  be  extended  to 


519 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


all  the  houses  in  Panama,  and  at  considerable 
expense,  and  after  procuring  a large  amount  of 
material,  every  house  in  Panama  was  fumigated 
once  every  two  weeks.  To  secure  increased 
vigilance  and  popular  assistance  he  employed 
all  [the  respectable  Panamanian  physicians  of 
Panama  as  inspectors  of  the  districts  of  that 
city,  at  annual  salaries  of  $1,200  a year.  He  also 
offered  $50  reward  for  the  discovery  of  any  case 
of  yellow  fever  not  reported.  By  methods  of 
this  kind  the  native  apathy,  usually  so  great 
an  obstacle  to  successful  sanitation  in  Spanish 
countries,  was  neutralized. 

“The  plan  of  fumigation  is  as  follows  : Strips 
of  paper  are  placed  across  the  windows,  which 
ordinarily  have  no  glass  or  any  netting  in  them, 
and  then  by  the  fumes  either  of  sulphur  or  py- 
rethrum  every  nook  and  cranny  of  the  house  is 
visited.  These  gases  are  fatal  or  paralyzing  to 
the  mosquito.  After  sufficient  time  has  passed 
the  house  is  opened,  and  then  a corps  of  health 
employees  are  set  to  work  cleaning  the  house 
and  sweeping  out  the  dead  mosquitoes,  which 
are  found  in  great  numbers  upon  the  floors. 
The  mosquitoes  are  burned  to  avoid  further  mis- 
chief. By  these  methods,  for  which  Dr.  Gorgas 
and  Governor  Magoon  are  both  to  be  credited 
with  great  praise,  yellow  fever  has  been  reduced 
to  a point  where  during  the  last  month  only 
three  cases  were  reported,  not  one  of  these 
among  canal  employees,  and  all  originating 
many  miles  from  the  canal  line.  The  efforts  to 
subdue  the  fever,  instead  of  being  relaxed,  are 
being  continued.  Square  miles  of  woven-wire 
netting  with  interstices  so  small  as  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  mosquitoes  are  spread  about  the 
piazzas  of  the  houses  of  all  Americans  and  for- 
eigners who  come  to  live  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Canal  Commission  in  the  Isthmus.  The 
windows  inside  are  also  screened,  and  then  mos- 
quito-bars on  the  beds  are  used  as  a third  pre- 
caution. Whenever  a case  of  yellow  fever  is 
discovered,  the  patient  is  at  once  either  removed 
to  the  hospital  and  put  under  a woven-wire 
screen,  or,  if  he  prefers  to  remain  at  home, 
the  woven-wire  screen  is  put  over  him  and  an 
orderly  placed  in  charge  of  him  at  his  own 
residence.  In  this  way  he  is  prevented  from 
furnishing  a supply  of  the  poison  to  the  healthy 
mosquitoes,  who,  in  turn,  by  stinging,  would 
bring  it  back  to  man.  In  other  words,  the  plan 
is  to  kill  all  the  mosquitoes,  well  or  ill,  keep 
them  as  much  as  possible  from  stinging  man, 
and  isolate  every  man  with  yellow  fever,  not 
from  his  fellows,  but  from  mosquitoes.  . . . 
Little  by  little,  and  facing  discouragement  after 
discouragement,  the  two  thousand  employees  of 
the  sanitary  department  are  winning  in  this 
fight  against  disease,  upon  which  the  whole  suc- 
cess of  the  canal  work  depends.  As  Mr.  Stevens 
said  to  me,  when  I crossed  the  Isthmus  with  him 
this  month,  ‘ I take  off  my  hat  to  the  work 
which  the  sanitation  department  has  done  in  this 
Canal  Zone.’ ” 

A report  to  the  London  Times,  in  June,  1909, 
of  conditions  on  the  Canal  and  in  the  Canal 
Zone,  shows  the  effectiveness  with  which  this 
work  of  sanitation  was  done.  More  arduous 
than  the  campaign  against  yellow  fever,  says 
the  writer,  “was  the  campaign  against  malaria, 
a disease  from  which  80  per  cent,  of  the  people 
were  suffering  to  some  degree.  This  campaign 
consisted  in  warfare  against  mosquitoes  and  in 


the  administration  of  quinine,  and  the  efforts  in 
this  respect  have  also  been  highly  successful. 
In  1906  the  proportion  of  canal  employes  treated 
for  malaria  was  no  less  than  821  in  the  thou- 
sand. In  1908  it  had  fallen  to  282  in  the  thou- 
sand. The  general  effect  of  sanitary  measures 
may  best  be  judged  from  the  death-rate  among 
the  tens  of  thousands  of  canal  employes.  In 
1906  it  was  41.73  to  the  thousand,  and  in  1908 
it  was  only  13.01  to  the  thousand,  making  the 
canal  one  of  the  most  healthy  industrial  estab- 
lishments in  the  world.” 

Pellagra : Lombroso’s  Discovery  of  its 

Source.  — Its  now  recognized  Seriousness. — 
In  1872  Cesare  Lombroso,  the  noted  criminolo- 
gist, “ incurred  a great  deal  of  odium  for  a dis- 
covery which  proved  to  be  of  much  scientific 
and  economic  importance.  He  noted  the  fact 
that  a large  number  of  the  inmates  of  asylums 
were  suffering  from  pellagra,  a curious  disease, 
which  first  affected  the  skin  and  afterwards  at- 
tacked the  brain  and  nervous  system.  Lombroso 
discovered  that  the  disorder  was  to  be  traced 
to  a poison  contained  in  diseased  maize,  which 
the  Lombardian  landowners  were  in  the  habit 
of  doling  out  to  the  poor  peasantry.  At  a time 
when  toxins  were  unknown,  Lombroso  suc- 
ceeded in  extracting  the  poison  from  the  maize 
and  infecting  animals  with  it- — quite  in  the 
manner  of  modern  bacteriologists.  His  discovery 
was  received  with  much  derision  ; but  a friend 
of  Lombroso,  M.  Alfred  Maury,  reported  the 
facts  to  Berthelot,  the  Parisian  chemist,  who  an- 
alysed the  poison  and  established  the  fact  that 
the  maize  contained  an  injurious  substance  re- 
sembling strychnine  but  differing  from  it  in  im- 
portant particulars.  The  validity  of  Lombroso’s 
discovery  was  thus  triumphantly  established. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  this  initial  success, 
but  for  several  years  fought  on  the  platform 
and  in  the  Press  for  an  improvement  in  the 
economic  conditions  of  the  peasantry  whereby 
the  ravages  of  the  disease  might  be  combated.” 
In  late  years  his  work  of  agitation  on  the  sub- 
ject has  been  continued  by  many  others.  The 
disease  is  of  recognized  seriousness  in  Italy, 
France,  and  latterly  in  the  United  States.  In 
November,  1909,  the  American  Government  ap- 
pointed an  official  commission  to  investigate  it. 

Pure  Food  Laws : International  Con- 

gresses.— The  first  International  Congress  for 
discussion  and  action  on  the  subject  of  Pure 
Food  was  assembled  at  Geneva  in  i908,  and  at- 
tended by  about  600  persons.  The  second  was 
held  at  Paris  in  October,  1909,  and  much  more 
largely  attended. 

United  States:  A.  D.  1906.  — Legislation 
at  the  end  of  a long  struggle. — Bulletin  No. 
104  of  the  Bureau  of  Chemistry,  Department  of 
Agriculture,  entitled  “Food  Legislation  during 
the  year  ended  June  30,  1906,”  introduces  the 
text  of  National  and  State  laws  enacted  that 
year  with  the  following  remarks:  “ Food  legis- 
lation for  the  year  ended  July  1,  1906,  is  the 
most  important  in  the  history  of  the  United 
States.  A Federal  pure-food  bill  in  various  forms 
lias  been  before  Congress  continuously  for  more 
than  twenty  years,  and  such  a bill  became  a law 
on  June  30,  1906.  On  the  same  day,  as  part 
of  the  appropriation  bill  of  the  United  States 
Department  of  Agriculture,  in  the  sections  pro- 
viding for  the  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  im- 
portant legislation  was  enacted  with  reference 


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PUBLIC  HEALTH 


to  the  inspection  of  meat  and  meat  food  pro- 
ducts.” 

The  Federal  Food  and  Drugs  Act  of  June  30, 
1906,  enacts  in  its  first  section  “ That  it  shall  be 
unlawful  for  any  person  to  manufacture  within 
any  Territory  or  the  District  of  Columbia  any 
article  of  food  or  drug  which  is  adulterated  or 
misbranded,  within  the  meaning  of  this  Act; 
and  any  person  who  shall  violate  any  of  the  pro- 
visions of  this  section  shall  be  guilty  of  misde- 
meanor, and  for  each  offense  shall,  upon  convic- 
tion thereof,  be  fined  not  to  exceed  five  hundred 
dollars  or  shall  be  sentenced  to  one  year’s  impris- 
onment, or  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment,  in 
the  discretion  of  the  court,  and  for  each  subse- 
quent offense  and  conviction  thereof  shall  be 
fined  not  less  than  one  thousand  dollars  or  sen- 
tenced to  one  year’s  imprisonment,  or  both  such 
fine  and  imprisonment,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
court.” 

The  second  section  declares:  ‘‘That  the  in- 
troduction into  any  State  or  Territory  or  the 
District  of  Columbia  from  any  other  State  or 
Territory  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  from 
any  foreign  country,  or  shipment  to  any  foreign 
country  of  any  article  of  food  or  drugs  which  is 
adulterated  or  misbranded  within  the  meaning 
of  this  Act,  is  hereby  prohibited”  ; and  penalties 
are  prescribed  for  violations  of  the  law,  being  a 
fine  not  exceeding  $200  for  the  first  offense,  and 
for  the  second  offense  a fine  not  to  exceed  $300, 
or  imprisonment  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  both, 
in  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

Section  3 reads  as  follows  : ‘‘That  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  the  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture, and  the  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Labor 
shall  make  uniform  rules  and  regulations  for 
carrying  out  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  includ- 
ing the  collection  and  examination  of  speci- 
mens of  foods  and  drugs  manufactured  or  offered 
for  sale  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  in  any 
Territory  of  the  United  States,  or  which  shall  be 
offered  for  sale  in  unbroken  packages  in  any 
State  other  than  that  in  which  they  shall  have 
been  respectively  manufactured  or  produced,  or 
which  shall  be  received  from  any  foreign  coun- 
try, or  intended  for  shipment  to  any  foreign 
country,  or  which  may  be  submitted  for  exami- 
nation by  the  chief  health,  food,  or  drug  officer 
of  any  State,  Territory,  or  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, or  at  any  domestic  or  foreign  port  through 
which  such  product  is  offered  for  interstate 
commerce,  or  for  export  or  import  between  the 
United  States  and  any  foreign  port  or  country.” 

Section  4 prescribes  the  examination  of  speci- 
mens of  food  and  drugs  in  the  Bureau  of  Chem- 
istry, and  section  5 relates  to  prosecutions  for 
violation  of  the  Act.  Sections  6,  7,  and  8 define 
adulteration  and  misbranding,  as  follows  : 

“Sec.  6.  That  the  term  ‘drug,’  as  used  in 
this  Act,  shall  include  all  medicines  and  prepa- 
rations recognized  in  the  United  States  Phar- 
macopoeia or  National  Formulary  for  internal 
or  external  use,  and  any  substance  or  mixture 
of  substances  intended  to  be  used  for  the  cure, 
mitigation,  or  prevention  of  disease  of  either 
man  or  other  animals.  The  term  ‘ food,’  as  used 
herein,  shall  include  all  articles  used  for  food, 
drink,  confectionery,  or  condiment  by  man  or 
other  animals,  whether  simple,  mixed,  or  com- 
pound. 

“Sec.  7.  That  for  the  purposes  of  this  Act 
an  article  shall  be  deemed  to  be  adulterated  : 


“ In  case  of  drugs : 

“ First.  If,  when  a drug  is  sold  under  or  by 
a name  recognized  in  the  United  States  Phar- 
macopoeia or  National  Formulary,  it  differs 
from  the  standard  of  strength,  quality,  or  pur- 
ity, as  determined  by  the  test  laid  down  in  the 
United  States  Pharmacopoeia  or  National  For- 
mulary official  at  the  time  of  investigation: 
Provided , That  no  drug  defined  in  the  United 
States  Pharmacopoeia  or  National  Formulary 
shall  be  deemed  to  be  adulterated  under  this 
provision  if  the  standard  of  strength,  quality, 
or  purity  be  plainly  stated  upon  the  bottle,  box, 
or  other  container  thereof  although  the  standard 
may  differ  from  that  determined  by  the  test  laid 
down  in  the  United  States  Pharmacopoeia  or 
National  Formulary. 

“ Second.  If  its  strength  or  purity  fall  below 
the  professed  standard  or  quality  under  which 
it  is  sold. 

“ In  the  case  of  confectionery  : 

“ If  it  contain  terra  alba,  barytes,  talc,  chrome 
yellow,  or  other  mineral  substance  or  poisonous 
color  or  flavor,  or  other  ingredient  deleterious 
or  detrimental  to  health,  or  any  vinous,  malt  or 
spirituous  liquor  or  compound  or  narcotic  drug. 

“In  the  case  of  food  : 

“ First.  If  any  substance  has  been  mixed  and 
packed  with  it  so  as  to  reduce  or  lower  or  in- 
juriously affect  its  quality  or  streugth. 

“Second.  If  any  substance  has  been  substi- 
tuted wholly  or  in  part  for  the  article. 

“Third.  If  any  valuable  constituent  of  the 
article  has  been  wholly  or  in  part  abstracted. 

“Fourth.  If  it  be  mixed,  colored,  powdered, 
coated,  or  stained  in  a manner  whereby  damage 
or  inferiority  is  concealed. 

“ Fifth.  If  it  contain  any  added  poisonous  or 
other  added  deleterious  ingredient  which  may 
render  such  article  injurious  to  health:  Provided , 
That  when  in  the  preparation  of  food  products 
for  shipment  they  are  preserved  by  any  external 
application  applied  in  such  manner  that  the  pre- 
servative is  necessarily  removed  mechanically, 
or  by  maceration  in  water,  or  otherwise,  and 
directions  for  the  removal  of  said  preservative 
shall  be  printed  on  the  covering  of  the  package, 
the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be  construed  as 
applying  only  when  said  products  are  ready  for 
consumption. 

“ Sixth.  If  it  consists  in  whole  or  in  part  of  a 
filthy,  decomposed,  or  putrid  animal  or  vegeta- 
ble substance,  or  any  portion  of  an  animal  unfit 
for  food,  whether  manufactured  or  not,  or  if  it  is 
the  product  of  a diseased  animal,  or  one  that  has 
died  otherwise  than  by  slaughter. 

“ Sec.  8.  That  the  term  ‘misbranded,’ as  used 
herein,  shall  apply  to  all  drugs,  or  articles  of 
food,  or  articles  whicli  enter  into  the  composi- 
tion of  food,  the  package  or  label  of  which  shall 
bear  any  statement,  design,  or  device  regarding 
such  article,  or  the  ingredients  or  substances 
contained  therein  which  shall  be  false  or  mis- 
leading in  any  particular,  and  to  any  food  or 
drug  product  which  is  falsely  branded  as  to  the 
State,  Territory,  or  country  in  which  it  is  manu- 
factured or  produced. 

“ That  for  the  purposes  of  this  Act  an  article 
shall  also  be  deemed  to  be  misbranded : 

“In  case  of  drugs  : 

“ First.  If  it  be  an  imitation  of  or  offered  for 
sale  under  the  name  of  another  article. 

“Second.  If  the  contents  of  the  package  as 


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PUBLIC  HEALTH 


originally  put  up  shall  have  been  removed,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  and  other  contents  shall  have 
been  placed  in  such  package,  or  if  the  package 
fail  to  bear  a statement  on  the  label  of  the 
quantity  or  proportion  of  any  alcohol,  mor- 
phine, opium,  cocaine,  heroin,  alpha  or  beta 
eucaine,  chloroform,  cannabis  indica,  chloral 
hydrate,  or  acetanilide,  or  any  derivative  or 
preparation  of  any  of  such  substances  contained 
therein. 

“In  the  case  of  food: 

“ First.  If  it  be  an  imitation  of  or  offered  for 
sale  under  the  distinctive  name  of  another  ar- 
ticle. 

“Second.  If  it  be  labeled  or  branded  so  as  to 
deceive  or  mislead  the  purchaser,  or  purport  to 
be  a foreign  product  when  not  so,  or  if  the  con- 
tents of  the  package  as  originally  put  up  shall 
have  been  removed  in  whole  or  in  part  and  other 
contents  shall  have  been  placed  in  such  package, 
or  if  it  fail  to  bear  a statement  on  the  label  of 
the  quantity  or  proportion  of  any  morphine, 
opium,  cocaine,  heroin,  alpha  or  beta  eucaine, 
chloroform,  cannabis  indica,  chloral  hydrate, 
or  acetanilide,  or  any  derivative  or  preparation 
of  any  of  such  substances  contained  therein. 

“Third.  If  in  package  form,  and  the  contents 
are  stated  in  terms  of  weight  or  measure,  they 
are  not  plainly  and  correctly  stated  on  the  out- 
side of  the  package. 

“ Fourth.  If  the  package  containing  it  or  its 
label  shall  bear  any  statement,  design,  or  device 
regarding  the  ingredients  or  the  substances 
contained  therein,  which  statement,  design,  or 
device  shall  be  false  or  misleading  in  any  par- 
ticular: Provided,  That  an  article  of  food  which 
does  not  contain  any  added  poisonous  or  delete- 
rious ingredients  shall  not  be  deemed  to  be 
adulterated  or  misbranded  in  the  following 
cases  : 

“ First.  In  the  case  of  mixtures  or  compounds 
which  may  be  now  or  from  time  to  time  hereafter 
known  as  articles  of  food,  under  their  own  dis- 
tinctive names,  and  not  an  imitation  of  or  offered 
for  sale  under  the  distinctive  name  of  another 
article,  if  the  name  be  accompanied  on  the  same 
label  or  brand  with  a statement  of  the  place 
where  said  article  has  been  manufactured  or 
produced. 

“Second.  In  the  case  of  articles  labeled, 
branded,  or  tagged  so  as  to  plainly  indicate  that 
they  are  compounds,  imitations,  or  blends,  and 
the  word  ‘ compound,’  ‘ imitation,’  or  ‘ blend,’  as 
the  case  may  be,  is  plainly  stated  on  the  pack- 
age in  which  it  is  offered  for  sale  : Provided, 
That  the  term  blend  as  used  herein  shall  be 
construed  to  mean  a mixture  of  like  substances, 
not  excluding  harmless  coloring  or  flavoring 
ingredients  used  for  the  purpose  of  coloring 
and  flavoring  only  : And  provided  further.  That 
nothing  iu  this  Act  shall  be  construed  as  re- 
quiring or  compelling  proprietors  or  manufac- 
turers of  proprietary  foods  which  contain  no 
unwholesome  added  ingredient  to  disclose  their 
trade  formulas,  except  in  so  far  as  the  provi- 
sions of  this  Act  may  require  to  secure  free- 
dom from  adulteration  or  misbranding.” 

There  was  never  a harder  fight  in  Congress 
than  that  by  which  this  victory  was  won,  over 
knaveries  that,  were  not  ashamed  to  insist  on 
their  right  to  swindle  and  poison  the  public  by 
adulterations  and  frauds.  Nothing  but  a thor- 
oughly roused  public  feeling  carried  the  mea 


sure  through.  The  same  feeling  impelled  local 
legislation  to  the  same  end  in  thirty-two  States, 
during  1906,  and  1907,  all  of  which  is  set  forth 
in  the  Bulletin  cited  above  and  in  another  of 
the  same  series  (No.  112),  published  in  two 
parts  in  the  following  year. 

Writing  in  January,  1908,  of  what  the  Pure 
Food  Law  had  accomplished,  the  Chairman  of 
the  Food  Committee  of  the  National  Consumers 
League,  Alice  Lakey,  said:  “One  of  the  most 
important  results  of  the  Pure  Food  Law  is  the 
awakening  of  many  consumers  to  their  respon- 
sibilities as  buyers  of  food  products.  They  are 
studying  labels  and  buying  foods  accordingly. 
With  an  intelligent  consuming  public  to  pur- 
chase goods,  the  Pure  Food  Law  will  in  time 
accomplish  its  full  purpose.  Perhaps  no  better 
phrase  will  then  be  found  to  describe  it  than 
the  recent  utterance  of  the  manager  of  one  of 
the  most  important  food  firms  in  the  country. 
‘The  Pure  Food  Law,’  he  said,  ‘passed  by  this 
Government,  is  the  most  important  law  ever 
passed  by  any  government.’” 

United  States:  A.  D.  1906.  — The  Pack- 
ing-House Investigation.  — One  of  the  influ- 
ences which  forced  the  passage  through  Con- 
gress of  the  pure  food  legislation  of  1906  came 
from  the  revelations  in  a report  laid  before 
the  President  on  the  4tli  of  June  that  year,  by 
two  commissioners  whom  he  had  appointed  to 
investigate  the  conditions  existing  at  the  stock- 
yards  and  packing-houses  of  Chicago.  In  com- 
municating the  report  to  Congress  the  President 
characterized  its  disclosures  as  revolting,  and 
it  is  certain  that  the  whole  public  was  sickened 
by  the  pictures  it  drew  of  reckless  filthiness 
prevailing  in  the  establishments  where  meats 
were  prepared  for  sale  in  the  markets  of  the 
country  and  of  the  world.  We  shall  not  at- 
tempt to  reproduce  them  here. 

The  most  important  part  of  the  report  con- 
cerned the  existing  methods  of  official  inspec- 
tion of  meats.  The  commissioners  found  it 
most  rigorous  where  it  is  needed  least,  namely, 
at  the  time  of  killing.  It  was  while  the  meat 
was  being  handled,  and  especially  in  its  prepa- 
ration for  canning,  that  it  underwent  the  most 
pollution.  The  cans  which  received  it  finally 
were  allowed  to  bear  labels  stating  that  ‘ ‘ the 
contents  of  this  package  have  been  inspected 
according  to  the  Act  of  Congress  of  March  3, 
1891.  Quality  Guaranteed.”  As  a matter  of 
fact,  all  that  had  been  inspected  was  the  carcass 
of  the  animal  at  the  time  of  killing. 

The  further  legislation,  respecting  inspec- 
tions, which  supplemented  the  law  quoted  from 
above,  was  resisted  with  all  their  power  by  the 
enormously  rich  meat-packing  companies  of  the 
country,  who  found  strong  supporters  in  Con- 
gress, but  they  had  to  submit  to  defeat. 

The  Sleeping  Sickness  in  Africa.  — “The 
most  formidable  enemy  of  both  man  and  beast 
in  tropical  Africa  is  the  tsetse,  species  Olossina, 
a genus  of  blood-sucking  fly  peculiar  to  that 
land,  which  carries  a minute  parasite,  the  try- 
panosome, from  the  infected  to  the  healthy,  re- 
sulting in  the  production  of  sleeping  sickness, 
or  trypanosomiasis.  When  it  is  known  that  iu 
the  region  lying  around  Victoria  Nyanza,  Lake 
Tanganyika,  and  the  Victorian  Nile  over  400,- 
000  human  beings  have  succumbed  to  this  fatal 
malady  since  it  appeared  about  ten  years  ago, 
its  appalling  nature  is  apparent.  Vast  ternto- 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


lies  of  thickly  populated,  fertile  country  near 
the  shores  of  these  lakes,  until  the  advent  of 
this  terrible  plague  the  homes  of  a happy,  con- 
tented people,  are  now  almost  depopulated,  and 
thousands  of  little  villages  have  been  swept 
away,  their  inhabitants  victims  of  this  deadly 
pest. 

‘ ‘ In  appearance  the  tsetse  fly  bears  a remark- 
able resemblance  to  the  ordinary  house-fly,  but 
is  sliglitly  larger,  with  longer  wings,  which  ex- 
tend beyond  its  body  and  lap  each  other  when 
at  rest  like  the  blades  of  a pair  of  scissors.  It 
is  somber  gray,  nearly  black  in  color,  almost 
like  the  honey-bee,  and  has  a prominent  pro- 
boscis ensheathed  in  the  palpi  which  project 
horizontally  in  front  of  its  head.  The  abdomen 
is  marked  by  four  distinct  yellowish  bands, 
with  a pale  spot  over  the  upper  segment.  It  is 
wonderfully  active,  and  evades  every  attempt 
at  capture  except  in  the  cool  of  the  morning  or 
evening,  when  its  movements  are  sluggish  and 
it  can  be  caught  in  the  hand.  . . . 

“ Sleeping  sickness  has  been  known  in  Sierra 
Leone,  in  the  Congo,  and  on  the  west  coast 
of  Africa  since  the  earliest  history  of  those 
lands.  In  1870  a fossil  tsetse  fly  ( Glossina  mor- 
sitans)  was  discovered  in  Colorado,  and  the 
theory  has  been  advanced  that  the  absence  of 
wild  horses  on  the  American  continent  was  due 
to  the  ravages  of  the  disease  carried  by  these 
flies. 

“ The  malady  was  described  as  early  as  1803, 
and  later  most  accurately  by  Livingstone,  the 
great  missionary  explorer.  He  also  advocated 
arsenic  in  its  treatment.  This  remedy,  after 
half  a century  of  research  and  investigation, 
still  retains  its  place  as  the  best  one  known  for 
prolonging  life.  . . . 

“The period  of  the  incubation  of  the  disease 
after  the  bite  of  the  infected  fly  varies  from  a 
month  to  several  years,  depending  upon  the  re- 
sisting power  of  the  patient.  In  its  earlier  stages 
the  first  noticeable  symptoms  are  irregular  fever. 

. . . This  stage  may  continue  a year,  or  even 
longer. 

“In  the  following  stage  the  symptoms  are 
due  to  the  trypanosomes  reaching  the  cerebro- 
spinal fluid,  giving  rise  to  cerebral  manifesta- 
tions; drowsiness,  stupor,  dullness  of  hearing, 
slowness  in  perception  and  of  answering  ques- 
tions, with  incapacity  for  mental  exertion,  and 
somnolence,  the  patient  sometimes  sleeping  the 
entire  day.  This  condition  may  continue  sev- 
eral years,  during  which  time  epileptiform  con- 
vulsions develop,  with  marked  tremulousness 
of  the  muscles  of  the  face  and  tongue,  the  pa- 
tient becoming  maniacal  and  the  whole  symp- 
tomatology resembling  that  of  general  paresis 
of  the  insane.  . . . 

“ Previous  to  1901  sleeping  sickness  was  un- 
known in  Uganda.  How  the  present  epidemic 
originated  is  not  positively  known.  The  most 
generally  accepted  theory  is  that  the  soldiers  of 
Emin  Pasha  and  their  followers  introduced  it, 
as  some  ten  thousand  of  them  settled  in  Busoga 
after  the  Sudan  campaign.  . . . 

“The  duration  of  the  sleeping  sickness  in 
man  is  very  variable.  Occasionally  cases  linger 
six  or  even  eight  years,  and  until  the  expiration 
of  this  period  they  are  constant  foci  of  infec- 
tion. 

“ Recognizing  the  fatal  nature  of  the  disease, 
the  various  nations  whose  territories  are  most 


seriously  affected,  notably  England,  Germany, 
Portugal,  Prance,  and  Belgium,  appointed  com- 
missioners, with  competent  assistants,  to  ascer- 
tain methods  for  its  control.  The  enormous 
amount  of  investigation  and  research  accom- 
plished by  these  self-sacrificing  men,  among 
whom  may  be  mentioned  Bruce,  Koch,  Hodges, 
Broden,  Tullock,  Kopke,  Martin,  Hardy,  and 
Kleine,  two  of  whom  forfeited  their  lives  in  the 
work,  entitles  their  names  to  be  enrolled  among 
the  benefactors  of  mankind.” — Louis  L.  Sea- 
man, The  Sleeping  Sickness  ( The  Outlook,  Jan. 
15,  1909). 

Tuberculosis:  The  Organized  Warfare  for 
its  Eradication.  — After  the  discovery  of  the 
all  important  fact  that  the  most  destroying  of 
the  diseases  of  the  human  race,  tuberculosis  (the 
dread  “consumption”  of  the  older-fashioned 
nomenclature  of  pathology),  is  in  its  nature  one 
so  propagated  from  victim  to  victim  that  the 
propagation  is  needless,  and  may  absolutely  be 
ended  by  right  precautions  universally  applied, 
there  were  ardent  workers  soon  engaged  in 
eager  efforts  to  bring  such  measures  into  use. 
The  beginning  of  a hopefully  inspired  warfare 
against  the  disease  dates,  therefore,  from  the 
identification  of  the  bacillus  of  tuberculosis  by 
Dr.  Robert  Koch,  in  1882;  but,  for  nearly  two 
decades  after  that  inspiration  it  was  little  more 
than  a guerrilla  undertaking,  by  scientifically 
benevolent  individuals  and  groups,  here  and 
there  in  the  world.  It  was  not  until  the  latest 
years  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  earliest 
of  the  twentieth  that  more  public  risings  ap- 
peared in  the  movement,  and  it  began  to  ac- 
quire the  momentum  of  a crusade. 

Germany  appears  to  have  been  earliest  in 
the  fundamental  organization  of  measures  to 
instruct  its  people  in  the  nature  of  the  disease, 
and  in  the  means  by  which  it  may  be  stamped 
out ; as  well  as  in  the  provision  of  special  sana- 
toria and  hospitals  for  the  new  open-air  treat- 
ment of  those  attacked.  But  the  Health  De- 
partment of  the  City  of  New  York  has  the 
credit  of  being  the  first  official  body  to  bring 
the  disease  under  efficient  administrative  control. 
On  this  subject  Dr.  Hermann  M.  Biggs,  in 
an  address  delivered,  February  16,  1904,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Henry  Phipps  Institute  and 
published  in  the  first  annual  report  of  the  In- 
stitute, said; 

“Notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  and 
written,  notwithstanding  the  popular  education 
and  agitation,  notwithstanding  the  formation 
of  antituberculosis  societies  and  anti  tuberculosis 
leagues,  notwithstanding  the  organization  of 
many  associations  for  the  erection  of  sanitoria, 
and  the  foundation  of  institutions  for  the  study 
of  tuberculosis,  notwithstanding  the  measures 
adopted  for  the  prevention  of  the  disease  in  ani- 
mals, still  only  a very  small  percentage  of  the 
governmental,  municipal  and  state  sanitary 
authorities  of  this  country,  Great  Britain  and 
the  Continent  have  adopted  provisions  which 
can  be  regarded  as  in  anyway  comprehensive, 
or  effective  in  dealing  with  this  disease. 

“If  we  seek  for  an  adequate  explanation  for 
this  attitude,  it  is  not,  after  all,  difficult  to  find. 
In  speaking  of  this  matter  several  years  ago, 
Koch  said  in  substance  to  the  writer  : ‘ The 
adoption  in  Germany  of  such  measures  as  are 
already  in  force  in  New  York  City  will  not  be 
possible  until  the  generation  of  medical  men 


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PUBLIC  HEALTH 


now  in  control  have  passed  away.  Not  until  a 
younger  generation  has  appeared,  which  has 
had  a different  scientific  training,  and  holds 
views  more  in  harmony  with  the  known  facts 
regarding  the  etiology  of  tuberculosis,  will  it  be 
possible  in  my  opinion  to  bring  about  an  intelli- 
gent supervision  of  this  disease.  . . . Notifica- 
tion is  a necessary  preliminary  to  any  plan  of 
supervision,  and  yet  only  five  years  ago  a special 
commission  of  the  Academy  of  Medicine  of  Paris 
reported  against  a proposition  to  place  tuber- 
culosis in  the  class  of  notifiable  diseases.  . . . 
Sir  Richard  Thorne,  the  Medical  Officer  to  the 
Local  Government  Board  of  Great  Britain,  in 
the  Harben  lecture  in  1898  on  ‘ The  Administra- 
tive Control  of  Tuberculosis,’  after  a careful 
consideration  of  the  various  problems  presented 
under  the  English  law  relating  to  infectious 
diseases,  pronounced  definitely  against  this  pro- 
position, on  the  ground  that  the  hardship  to  the 
individual,  which  would  follow  notification  and 
the  enforcement  of  proper  regulations,  would 
be  so  great  as  to  render  this  measure  unjustifi- 
able. . . . The  compulsory  notification  and 
registration  of  all  cases  is  essential.  The  funda- 
mental importance  of  this  measure  is  so  evident 
that  its  consideration  seems  hardly  necessary. 
It  must  of  course  appear  at  once  that  unless 
there  is  a system  of  compulsory  notification,  and 
registration,  the  enforcement  of  any  uniform 
measures  for  prevention  is  impossible.  Practical 
experience  with  this  procedure  has  made  it  per- 
fectly clear  that  the  objections  which  have  been 
urged  against  it  are  without  force  or  founda- 
tion. 

“In  New  York  City  in  1893  a system  of  par- 
tially voluntary  and  partially  compulsory  noti- 
fication was  adopted.  Public  institutions  were 
required  to  report  cases  coming  under  their 
supervision ; private  physicians  were  requested 
to  do  this.  Under  this  provision  the  Department 
of  Health  carried  on  this  work  for  three  and  a 
half  years,  and  then  adopted  in  1897  regulations 
requiring  the  notification  of  all  cases.  . . . The 
mere  fact  of  notification  and  registration  has  in 
itself  a very  powerful  educational  influence. 
During  the  year  1902  more  than  sixteen  thou- 
sand cases  were  reported  to  the  Depart  ment  of 
Health  in  New  York  City,  of  which  forty-two 
hundred  were  duplicates,  and  in  1903  more  than 
seventeen  thousand  cases  were  reported. 

“ To  facilitate  the  early  and  definite  diagnosis 
of  all  cases  of  pulmonary  tuberculosis,  the  sani- 
tary authorities  should  afford  facilities  for  the 
free  bacteriological  examination  of  the  sputum 
in  all  instances  of  suspected  disease.  . . . The 
Department  of  Health  of  New  York  City  pro- 
vided facilities  for  such  examinations  in  1894, 
early  in  the  history  of  its  attempt  to  exercise 
control  over  the  disease,  and  this  procedure  has 
proved  of  very  great  value  to  the  medical  pro- 
fession, to  the  sick,  and  to  the  authorities.  Fol- 
lowing the  example  of  New  York  City,  other 
sanitary  authorities  have  adopted  similar  mea- 
sures.”— H.  M.  Biggs,  The  Administrative  Con- 
trol of  Tuberculosis  (First  Annual  Report,  Henry 
Phipps  Institute,  1905). 

In  1895  a Central  Committee  was  organized 
in  Germany  to  establish  special  hospitals  for  the 
disease. 

In  1898  the  first  National  Congress  for  discus- 
sion and  better  organization  of  action  relative 
to  tuberculosis  was  held  at  Paris,  with  some 


attendance  from  outside  of  France.  The  second 
National  Congress  was  at  Berlin  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  with  similar  attendance  from  other 
countries,  and  the  third  at  Naples  in  1900.  At 
the  Naples  Congress  a “Central  International 
Committee  for  the  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis” 
was  organized,  and  it  held  its  first  Conference 
in  Berlin,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Central 
German  Committee,  in  1902.  The  succeeding 
meetings  of  the  Central  International  Commit- 
tee were  at  Paris,  1903,  at  Copenhagen,  1904,  at 
Paris  again,  1904,  and  there,  at  that  time,  the 
First  International  Congress  on  Tuberculosis 
was  held. 

In  1901  the  first  National  Congress  in  Great 
Britain  for  the  discussion  of  Tuberculosis  and 
for  organizing  preventive  undertakings  was 
held  at  London.  There  were  said  to  be  then 
fifty  sanitaria  for  its  treatment  in  Germany  ; in 
France  a dozen  private  and  two  public  institu- 
tions for  the  purpose;  in  France  and  Belgium  a 
number  of  public  dispensaries  specially  pro- 
vided for  the  disease.  In  that  year  the  State  of 
New  York  made  its  first  appropriation  for  a 
Tuberculosis  Hospital  in  the  Adirondacks,  and 
a National  Sanitarium  Association  at  Toronto, 
Canada,  secured  the  site  for  a hospital. 

In  1902,  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Canada 
Association  for  the  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis, 
held  at  Ottawa,  Dr.  A.  S.  Knopf,  of  New  York, 
speaking  of  the  progress  of  the  anti-tuberculo- 
sis movement,  said  of  the  United  States:  “We 
have  but  a few  small  societies  striving  to  do  the 
same  work  you  are  doing.  They  are  the  Penn- 
sylvania, the  Colorado,  the  Ohio,  the  Maine, 
the  Minnesota  and  the  Illinois.”  Besides  these 
State  Associations  the  speaker  mentioned  a few 
cities, — Baltimore,  Buffalo  and  Erie  County, 
Cleveland,  and  St.  Louis,  — as  having  some  or- 
ganization for  the  work.  No  national  organi- 
zation had  yet  been  formed.  In  this  year,  how- 
ever, some  advances  of  importance  within  the 
United  States  were  begun.  Henry  Phipps,  of 
New  York,  pledged  the  means  for  supporting 
a free  Clinic  for  Tuberculosis  at  Philadelphia, 
which  expanded  within  a year  into  the  Henry 
Phipps  Institute,  founded  on  the  1st  of  Feb- 
ruary and  incorporated  September  1st,  1903,  the 
purposes  of  which,  as  set  forth  in  its  charter, 
are : ‘ ‘ The  study  of  the  cause,  treatment,  and 
prevention  of  tuberculosis,  and  the  dissemina- 
tion of  knowledge  on  these  subjects ; the  treat- 
ment and  the  cure  of  consumptives”  ; its  ben- 
efits to  be  “administered  without  regard  to 
race,  creed  or  color.”  In  this  year,  too,  an  active 
educational  work,  by  weekly  free  lectures  in 
the  Assembly  Hall  of  the  United  Charities 
Building,  by  distributing  pamphlets,  district 
nursing,  etc.,  was  opened  in  the  City  of  New 
York  and  conducted  by  a Committee  for  the 
Prevention  of  Tuberculosis.  Massachusetts  was 
now  appropriating  money  for  its  second  sanato- 
rium. In  Great  Britain,  Sir  Edward  Cassell 
placed  £200,000  at  the  disposal  of  the  King  for 
Tuberculosis  hospitals  and  Sanatoria. 

The  year  1903  witnessed  an  important  meet- 
ing at  Paris  of  the  Central  International  Tuber- 
culosis Committee,  which  was  stirred  by  an 
appeal  from  Casimir-Perier,  ex-President  of 
France,  for  “a  mobilization  of  all  social  forces” 
against  the  devastating  disease.  The  Govern- 
ment of  Sweden  instituted  a free  distribution 
of  pamphlets  on  the  subject  of  Tuberculosis 


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PUBLIC  HEALTH 


throughout  the  kingdom.  In  Great  Britain  a 
national  committee,  representing  all  important 
friendly  societies  and  trade  unions,  was  formed 
to  promote  the  establishing  of  sanatoria  for 
workers.  In  Belgium,  Madame  Rene  Gauge 
started  the  movement  for  Open  Air  Schools. 
At  Baltimore  a Tuberculosis  Exhibition  which 
awakened  wide  interest  was  arranged  by  a 
Commission  appointed  by  the  Governor  of 
Maryland  in  the  previous  year,  in  cooperation 
with  the  Maryland  Public  Health  Association. 
State  and  City  organizations  for  dealing  with 
the  disease  and  for  educating  the  people  to  a 
right  understanding  of  the  means  by  which  it 
might  be  stamped  out  were  now  multiplying 
rapidly  throughout  the  United  States. 

In  1904  the  United  States  obtained  their  first 
comprehensive  organization  for  the  work.  The 
National  Association  for  Study  and  Prevention 
of  Tuberculosis  was  formed  at  a large  meeting 
at  Atlantic  City  in  June,  with  Dr.  Edward  Tru- 
deau of  Saranac,  founder  of  the  Saranac  cot- 
tage sanatoria  and  pioneer  in  America  of  the 
open  air  treatment  of  the  disease,  for  its  Presi- 
dent, and  Drs.  William  Osier,  of  Baltimore,  and 
Hermann  M.  Biggs  for  Vice  Presidents.  In 
Boston,  that  year,  no  less  than  eighty-one  free 
lectures  on  Tuberculosis  were  given  in  schools, 
churches,  social  settlements,  before  trade 
unions  and  clubs,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Boston  Association,  and  70,000  instructive  leaf- 
lets were  distributed.  In  France  a special  So- 
ciety for  the  Protection  of  Children  from  Tu- 
berculosis was  formed.  The  Garment:makers 
Union  and  the  Typographical  Union  of  New 
York  entered  jointly  into  undertakings  of  edu- 
cational work  among  their  members,  and  the 
Central  Federated  Union  was  soon  enlisted 
with  them.  A Directory  of  Institutions  and 
Societies  dealing  with  Tuberculosis  in  the 
United  States,  published  in  January,  1905,  de- 
scribed 125  then  existing  hospitals  and  sana- 
toria in  which  consumptives  may  receive  treat- 
ment, and  32  special  dispensaries;  recounting, 
also,  special  measures  for  the  treatment  of  the 
disease  in  penal  institutions  and  hospitals  for 
the  insane. 

The  most  important  campaign  of  1905  in  the 
crusade,  within  the  American  field,  wras  proba- 
bly that  connected  with  the  great  Tuberculosis 
Exposition  in  New  York  City,  prepared  and 
conducted  by  the  National  Association,  in  co- 
operation with  the  Committee  of  the  New  York 
Charity  Organization  Society.  New  York 
City,  in  this  year,  appropriated  $250,000  for  a 
Municipal  Tuberculosis  Hospital,  located  in  the 
Catskill  Mountains. 

In  1906  a duplication  of  the  Tuberculosis 
Exposition  of  the  previous  December  in  New 
York  was  carried,  as  a travelling  exhibit,  to  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  city,  with  impressive  effect; 
and  similar  exhibits  were  given  in  eleven  cities 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  reported  in  this 
year  that  about  fifty  local  commissions  and  as- 
sociations were  actively  in  operation  in  the 
United  States;  and  that  the  American  Federa- 
tion of  Labor,  as  well  as  the  American  Federa- 
tion of  Women’s  Clubs,  were  enlisted  with  ear- 
nestness in  the  work.  The  Fifth  International 
Conference  was  held  this  year  at  The  Hague. 

From  this  time  the  public  awakening  to  re- 
cognition of  the  measureless  importance  and  the 
inspiring  hopefulness  of  the  struggle  to  ex- 


tinguish the  deadly  “white  plague”  spread 
rapidly  everywhere,  and  each  year  made  in- 
creasing records  of  gains  in  the  work  and  its 
effects.  Fourteen  of  the  American  States  were 
reported  in  1907  as  having  founded  State  hos- 
pitals for  the  disease,  supported  from  public 
funds,  while  measures  were  in  progress  to  that 
end  in  a number  of  other  States. 

In  1908  a most  powerful  impulse  to  the  cru- 
sade in  America  was  imparted  by  the  meeting 
at  Washington,  that  year,  of  the  International 
Congress  on  Tuberculosis,  with  a large  attend- 
ance of  the  most  distinguished  captains  of  the 
warfare  from  abroad.  The  local  interest  aroused 
was  beyond  expectation.  As  one  writer  de- 
scribed the  meetings  of  the  seven  sections  of  the 
Congress,  from  September  28  to  October  3, 
“ scientists  of  international  reputation  and  doc- 
tors from  country  villages,  clubwomen,  archi- 
tects, social  workers,  manufacturers,  teachers, 
labor  men,  Socialists,  literary  men,  lawyers  and 
lawmakers,  society  women,  and  the  clergy, 
were  all  there,  not  only  to  listen,  but  to  take 
part.” 

The  subjects  which  received  the  most  dis- 
cussion at  the  Congress  were  the  compulsory 
notification  of  pulmonary  tuberculosis,  the  coop- 
eration between  official  and  non-official  agen- 
cies for  the  prevention  of  the  disease,  the  rela- 
tionship between  dispensaries,  sanatoria,  and 
hospitals  for  advanced  cases,  and  the  difference 
between  the  human  and  the  bovine  types  of  the 
bacillus.  On  this  latter  subject  Dr.  Koch,  who 
was  present,  maintained  his  belief  that  bovine 
tuberculosis  is  not  communicable  to  mankind, 
but  failed  to  convince  the  majority  of  the  scien- 
tists present.  The  British  delegates  to  the  Con- 
gress in  their  subsequent  report  of  it,  published 
in  April,  1909,  attached  particular  importance 
to  the  discussions  on  the  subject  of  the  compul- 
sory notification  of  cases  of  tuberculosis,  and 
pointed  out  that  in  New  York  the  notifications 
were  shown  to  be  four  times  as  numerous  as 
the  deaths,  which  indicated  a more  complete 
system  than  any  yet  operative  in  Great  Britain. 
It  appeared  from  their  report,  however,  that, 
since  the  Washington  meeting,  the  system  of 
voluntary  notification  already  practised  in  many 
parts  of  England  had  been  extended  by  order 
of  the  Local  Government  Board,  and  rendered 
compulsory  in  the  case  of  all  patients  suffering 
from  pulmonary  tuberculosis,  who  came  under 
the  official  care  of  a parochial  medical  officer. 

Statistics  quoted  in  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  of  May  8,  1909,  from  the  Imperial  Gazette, 
show  that  in  recent  years  there  has  been  a steady 
decrease  in  the  number  of  deaths  in  Germany 
from  tuberculosis,  and  especially  from  tuber- 
culosis of  the  lungs.  The  figures  are  based 
upon  the  monthly  reports  of  deaths  in  350  of  the 
largest  centres  of  population  in  the  empire,  and 
upon  annual  reports  as  to  the  causes  of  deaths 
from  nearly  all  districts,  as  supplied  to  the  Im- 
perial Board  of  Health.  The  average  of  deaths 
per  100,000  in  1905  was  226.6.  In  1908  the  av- 
erage had  fallen  to  192.15.  For  the  rural  and 
urban  population  combined  statistics  are  forth- 
coming for  97  per  cent,  of  the  total  population, 
divided  into  two  classes  — persons  below  the  age 
of  fifteen,  and  persons  between  fifteen  and  sixty. 
In  the  latter  class  the  average  number  of  deaths 
annually  between  1898  and  1902  from  tubercu- 
losis in  all  forms  was  268.5,  and  from  tubercu- 


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PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


losis  of  the  lungs,  255.7  per  100,000.  During 
the  period  1903-1907  the  annual  averages  de- 
creased to  242.8  and  228.8  per  100,000,  respect- 
ively. The  figures,  however,  for  tuberculosis 
of  all  kinds  among  children  between  the  ages  of 
one  year  and  fifteen  show  an  average  annual 
increase  in  deaths  per  100,000  from  77.9  during 
the  period  1898-1902  to  81.1  during  the  period 
1903-1907.  Yet  during  the  latter  period  of  five 
years  the  actual  number  of  deaths  among  chil- 
dren has  gradually  decreased  from  16,250  in 
1905  to  14,283  in  1907.  For  the  two  classes  to- 
gether the  annual  average  of  deaths  per  100,000 
was  as  follows:  From  1898-1902  — from  tuber- 
culosis in  all  forms,  214.1,  and  from  tuberculosis 
of  the  lungs  195.2;  from  1903-1907  — from 
tubercidosis  in  all  forms  197.8,  and  from  tuber- 
culosis of  the  lungs  174.2. 

According  to  a bulletin  published  in  October, 
1909,  by  Cressy  L.  Wilbur,  Chief  Statistician  of 
the  division  of  Vital  Statistics  in  the  United 
States  Census  Bureau,  the  warfare  against 
tuberculosis  has  begun  to  show  general  effects 
in  the  Uuited  States.  The  statistics  given  are 
based  on  the  annual  returns  of  deaths  from  the 
death-registration  areas  of  the  country,  which 
are  far  from  comprehending  the  whole.  The  total 
number  of  deaths  from  all  forms  of  tuberculosis 
returned  in  1908  was  78,289,  exceeding  those  of 
any  previous  year  of  registration,  but  the  death 
rate  per  100,000  for  1908  is  considerably  less 
than  that  for  1907.  In  all  registration  States  the 
death  from  tuberculosis  showed  a decline,  ex- 
cept in  Colorado,  Rhode  Island,  and  Vermont. 

A Press  despatch  from  Washington,  August  9, 

1909,  announced  that  “ a plan  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  negro  anti-tuberculosis  leagues  in  the 
various  States,  proposed  recently  by  the  United 
States  Public  Health  and  Marine  Hospital  Ser- 
vice, has  met  with  a quick  response.  Already 
five  State  organizations  have  been  formed,  and 
the  movement  has  received  the  endorsement  of 
the  last  conference  of  the  State  and  Territorial 
boards  of  health.  State  leagues  have  been 
formed  in  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North 
Carolina,  and  Virginia.  One  of  the  principal 
features  of  the  plan  is  the  issuance  of  a large 
certificate  of  membership  to  each  supporter  of 
the  movement.  Branches  of  the  State  leagues 
are  to  be  established  in  the  various  negro 
churches.” 

In  July,  1909,  the  Metropolitan  Life  Insurance 
Company  made  application  to  the  New  York 
State  Insurance  Department  for  permission  to 
purchase  a tract  of  land,  3000  acres  or  more,  and 
erect  thereon  a sanatorium  for  the  treatment  of 
its  employees,  and  possibly  of  its  policy-holders 
who  suffered  from  tuberculosis.  The  company 
was  said  to  have  ascertained  that  among  the 
holders  of  its  9,000,000  policies  there  occurred, 
on  the  average,  a death  every  thirty-two  minutes 
from  tuberculosis,  and  that,  regarded  wholly 
from  the  economic  standpoint,  it  would  be  more 
than  justified  in  applying  its  funds  to  such  a 
measure  for  saving  or  prolonging  life  in  that 
body  of  people.  The  Superintendent  of  Insur- 
ance was  unable,  however,  to  find  any  warrant 
in  law  for  authorizing  the  undertaking,  and  felt 
required  to  deny  the  application.  The  company 
appealed  from  his  decision  to  the  courts,  and  the 
Appellate  Division  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  handed  down  a decision  early  in  January, 

1910,  declaring  the  plan  to  purchase  real  estate 


to  be  used  as  a hospital  for  the  care  and  treat- 
ment of  its  employees  who  are  afflicted  with  tu- 
berculosis does  not  violate  that  provision  of  the 
law  which  prohibits  insurance  companies  from 
acquiring  real  estate  for  any  purpose  other  than 
that  of  the  transaction  of  their  own  business. 
“ The  court  passes  lightly  over  the  question  of 
the  possibility  of  the  hospital  being  used,  in  case 
vacancies  exist  in  it,  for  the  accommodation  of 
selected  cases  from  among  the  policy-holders. 
This  possibility,  it  seems,  had  been  indicated  in 
the  original  petition,  but  ‘ the  briefs  of  counsel 
upon  either  side,’  says  the  court,  ‘have  practi- 
cally eliminated  that  question.’  In  such  a use 
of  the  hospital  there  might  be  serious  question 
of  a precedent  that  would  be  open  to  grave  ob- 
jection.” 

Gifts  to  the  amount  of  $700,000  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a tuberculosis  preventorium  for 
children  were  announced  from  New  York, 
through  the  Associated  Press,  Nov.  9,  1909. 
The  further  statement  was  made  that,  “in  con- 
nection with  the  tuberculosis  preventorium  a 
movement  has  been  organized  which  purposes 
to  take  from  New  York  tenements  children  who 
have  been  affected  with  tuberculosis  and  restore 
them  to  normal  health  before  it  is  too  late. 
The  plan  was  formally  organized  at  a meeting 
this  afternoon  in  the  Fifth  avenue  residence  of 
Henry  Phipps.  A contribution  to  the  work  by 
Nathan  Straus  includes  a $500,000  cottage  and 
estate  at  Lakewood,  N.  J.,  occupied  by  the  late 
Grover  Cleveland  just  before  his  death.  There 
the  new  institution  will  have  its  home.  Miss 
Dorothy  Whitney  contributed  a $100,000  endow- 
ment fund.” 

Yellow  Fever:  Eradication  in  Cuba,  at 
Rio  Janeiro,  and  in  French  Western  Africa. 

— “Three  signal  victories  have  been  gained 
over  yellow  fever  during  these  later  years  — in 
Cuba,  in  Brazil,  and  in  Dakar,  in  West  Africa. 
The  first  is  the  most  memorable  of  these  events. 
It  is  the  purification  of  the  endemic  center  at 
Habana.  This  occurred  in  1901,  during  the 
United  States  occupation.  The  daily  press  in 
countless  articles  has  spread  the  details.  We 
know  that  Brig.  Gen.  Leonard  Wood,  governor 
of  Habana,  decreed  one  fine  day  that  the  plague 
should  be  wiped  out  and  the  mosquitoes  de- 
stroyed throughout  the  entire  city  of  Habana 
and  its  suburbs,  and  we  know  that  it  was 
done.  . . . 

“The  theory  was  that  the  mosquito  is  the 
sole  disseminator  of  the  disease.  This  is  pre- 
cisely what  the  United  States  commission,  ap- 
pointed the  year  before,  had  just  proven.  It 
had  shown  that  all  the  other  supposed  cases  of 
contagion  were  imaginary.  . . . 

“The  yellow  fever  Stegomya  does  not  breed 
in  swamps.  It  has  not  the  habits  of  the  Ano- 
phele  of  the  marsh,  the  malaria  mosquito.  It 
does  not  live  like  that  one,  in  the  open  country, 
but  dwells  in  houses.  It  is  a domestic  insect. 
It  stays  at  home,  is  wary,  and  is  sensitive  to  the 
weather.  Like  many  other  mosquitoes,  it  never 
goes  more  than  500  or  600  yards  away  from  its 
breeding  place  and  journeys  only  when  its  home 

— a vessel  or  a carriage  — journeys.  There  is 
no  need  to  fear  that  the  insect  may  be  carried 
far  by  the  wind,  for  it  dreads  the  wind.  It 
does  not  trust  itself  outdoors  when  there  is  the 
slightest  breeze.  The  problem  is  thus  simpli- 
fied. It  is  no  longer  a question  of  protecting 


526 


PUBLIC  HEALTH 


PUBLIC  UTILITIES 


immense  areas.  It  is  enough  to  protect  the 
house  and  its  immediate  environs  — the  city  and 
a limited  surrounding  zone.  Still  it  would  be 
useless  to  capture  the  insect  on  the  wing  or  at 
rest.  It  is  permitted  to  complete  its  short  life, 
hut  is  not  allowed  to  have  offspring . The  fe- 
male is  prevented  from  laying  its  eggs.  This 
is  accomplished  by  draining  stagnant  water  left 
in  so  many  gardens  aud  household  utensils 
where  the  mosquito  seeks  a breeding  place. 
Hence  the  efficacy  of  the  measures  which  for- 
bade the  people  of  Ilabana  from  keeping  water 
in  any  other  way  than  in  covered  receptacles  or 
with  a coat  of  oil  or  petroleum  on  top. 

“ The  success  of  the  measures  taken  by  the 
American  physicians,  Gorgas,  Finlay,  and  Gui- 
teras,  in  Habana,  was  complete.  Yellow  fever 
has  disappeared  from  there.  On  April  4,  1904, 
the  President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba,  in  his 
message  to  the  Congress,  spoke  thus: 

“ ‘There  has  not  been  in  Cuba  since  1901  a 
single  case  of  yellow  fever  not  imported.  The 


country  should  know  of  this  excellent  sanitary 
condition,  which  is  due  to  the  perfection  of 
prophylactic  measures  aud  the  vigilance  of  the 
health  authorities.’ 

“ Events  happened  in  the  same  way  in  Brazil. 
Dr.  Oswald  Cruz,  in  charge  of  the  organization 
of  the  campaign  against  yellow  fever,  with 
equal  success  repeated  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  what 
had  been  done  in  Habana.  The  enforcement  of 
the  measures  began  April  20,  1903.  The  mor- 
tality which  before  had  averaged  150  deaths  a 
month  fell  to  8 in  the  month  of  April  and  to  4 
in  June.  In  January,  1904,  there  were  recorded 
only  3 deaths. 

“ France  decided  to  follow  these  encouraging 
examples.  The  governor-general  of  French 
Western  Africa,  M.  Roume,  adopted  an  admin- 
istration analogous  to  that  of  Habana  and  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  and  he  knew  how  to  profit  by  these 
examples.”  — A.  Dastre,  The  Fight  against  Tel- 
low  Fever  ( Annual  Report,  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion, 1904-5,  pp.  348-350). 


PUBLIC  UTILITIES,  Regulation  of: 
The  New  York  and  Wisconsin  Laws. —The 
most  comprehensive  and  well -prepared  legisla- 
tion yet  directed  in  the  United  States  to  the 
control  and  regulation  of  corporations  which 
render  services  to  the  public,  of  the  nature  de- 
scribed by  the  term  “public  utilities,”  is  un- 
doubtedly embodied  in  the  New  York  and  Wis- 
consin laws,  enacted  in  1907.  Both  States,  and 
many  others,  had  experimented  previously  with 
measures  for  establishing  a certain  degree  of 
supervision  and  regulation  over  railway  corpo- 
rations, gas  companies,  and  the  like,  dealing 
separately  with  them;  but,  excepting  perhaps, 
in  the  case  of  Massachusetts,  this  had  not  been 
satisfactorily  effective.  Governor  Hughes,  of 
New  York,  was  the  real  author  of  the  Public 
Utilities  Law  enacted  in  that  State  in  1907,  and 
his  influence  was  the  impelling  force  which  car- 
ried it  through  the  Legislature  (see  New  York 
State  : A.  D.  1906-1910).  Almost  equally,  ex- 
Governor  La  Follette  must  be  credited,  not  im- 
mediately, but  primarily,  with  the  organization 
of  the  forces  which  brought  out  the  Wisconsin 
Law. 

The  two  enactments  are  compared  by  Profes- 
sor John  R.  Commons  in  an  article  published  in 
the  American  Review  of  Reviews,  of  August,  1907, 
from  which  the  following  passages  are  quoted : 

“ The  Wisconsin  and  New  York  laws  are 
alike  in  that  both  State  utilities  like  railroads 
and  municipal  utilities  like  gas  are  brought 
under  the  regulation  of  the  same  commission. 
They  differ  from  the  laws  of  Massachusetts, 
which  provide  a separate  commission  for  rail- 
ways. These  three  States,  however,  are  the 
only  ones  that  regulate  municipal  utilities 
through  a State  commission.  Many  other  States 
have  railroad  commissions,  but  they  leave 
whatever  regulation  they  have  of  local  utilities 
to  the  local  governments.  ...  A significant 
feature  of  the  Wisconsin  legislation  is  its  disre- 
gard of  stocks  and  bonds  and  its  reliance  on  the 
physical  valuation  of  the  property  as  the  first 
step  in  regulation.  The  New  York  law  and 
the  Street-Railway  law  of  Massachusetts  attack 
the  problem  of  regulation  through  the  control 
of  future  capitalization.  The  New  York  com- 
missions have  power  to  prohibit  the  issue  and 
transfer  of  stocks,  bonds,  and  other  evidence 


of  indebtedness,  and  to  prevent  the  transfer  of 
shares  to  holding  companies.  The  Wisconsin 
law  begins  at  the  other  end  of  the  problem  and, 
for  the  purpose  both  of  regulation  and  of  pub- 
licity, inquires  into  the  present  structural  value 
of  the  property.  This  does  not  mean  that  the 
commission  shall  disregard  other  elements  of 
valuation,  — in  fact,  it  is  required  by  the  law  to 
take  all  elements  into  account,  as  indeed  the 
courts  would  require  if  it  did  not.  But  the 
physical  valuation  is  necessary  in  order  that  the 
public  and  the  courts  may  know  exactly  how 
much  is  allowed  for  the  other  elements.  The 
commission  is  required  to  value  all  of  the  pro- 
perties in  the  State  and  to  publish  both  the  ac- 
tual value  ascertained  when  all  elements  are 
taken  into  account  and  the  physical  value  as- 
certained by  its  engineers.  . . . 

“The  [Wisconsin]  law  as  finally  adopted  con- 
sists really  of  three  laws:  First,  an  amendment 
to  the  Railway  law  of  1905,  placing  telegraph 
companies  and  street  railways  under  the  same 
provisions  as  steam  railways  and  interurban 
electric  lines  ; second,  the  Public-Utilities  law 
proper,  regulating  heat,  light,  water,  power, 
and  telephone  companies  ; third,  a Street-Rail- 
way law  providing  for  indeterminate  permits 
similar  to  those  of  the  Public-Utilities  law.  A 
fourth  bill,  requiring  physical  connection  and 
prohibiting  duplication  of  telephone  exchanges, 
was  defeated  by  a vote  of  the  Assembly.” 

The  New  York  Law  created  two  Public  Util- 
ities Commissions  of  five  members  each,  one 
having  jurisdiction  in  a district  comprising  New 
York  City  alone,  the  district  of  the  other  (known 
as  the  Up-State  Commission)  comprehending 
the  remainder  of  the  State.  The  five-year  terms 
of  the  Commissioners  expire  in  successive  years. 
Appointed  by  the  Governor,  they  are  intended 
to  be  men  of  the  highest  character  and  qualifica- 
tions, and  receive  salaries  of  §15,000  each.  The 
appointments  by  Governor  Hughes  for  the  New 
York  City  Commission  were  of  ex-Postmaster 
William  R.  Wilcox,  William  McCarroll,  Ed- 
ward M.  Bassett,  MiloR.  Maltbie,  John  E.  Eus- 
tis.  For  the  Up-State  Commission  he  named 
originally  Hon.  Frank  W.  Stevens,  of  James- 
town, Charles  H.  Keep,  of  Buffalo,  Thomas  M. 
Osborne,  of  Auburn,  James  E.  Sague  and  Mar- 
tin S.  Decker.  Mr.  Keep  resigned  subsequently 


527 


PUBLIC  UTILITIES 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


to  accept  the  presidency  of  an  important  New 
York  City  bank,  and  John  B.  Olmsted,  of  Buf- 
falo, was  appointed  in  his  place. 

New  York  City  Gas  Company. — In  1906 
the  New  York  Legislature  passed  a bill  reduc- 
ing the  price  of  gas  in  New  York  City  to  80 
cents  per  thousand  feet.  The  gas  companies 
claimed  that  this  rate  was  confiscatory.  Pend- 
ing final  decision  of  the  matter  the  citizens 
were  compelled  to  pay  the  old  rate  of  $1.00  per 
thousand.  Ultimately  the  law  was  sustained, 
and  the  gas  companies  refunded  over  eight  mil- 


lions of  dollars  in  1909  to  the  consumers  of  the 
past  three  years. 

See,  also  (in  this  vol.),  Railways. 

PUNJAB:  The  Plague.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Public  Health:  Bubonic  Plague. 

Terrific  Earthquake.  See  Earthquakes: 
India  : A.  D.  1905. 

PURE  FOOD  LEGISLATION.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

PU-YI  (Hsuan-Tung):  Child  Emperor  of 
China.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1908 
(Nov.). 


Q. 

QUEBEC,  City  of:  A.  D.  1908.  — Ter-  Province  of:  A.  D.  1901.  — Census.  See 
centenary  Celebration  of  its  Founding.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

(in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1908  (July). 


E. 

RACE  PROBLEMS. 


In  Australia:  Between  Europeans  and 
Asiatics.  — “Australia  occupies  a unique  posi- 
tion among  the  nations.  It  is  an  island,  lying 
far  from  the  populated  centres  of  the  Old 
World  and  in  close  proximity  to  Java  and  the 
teeming  millions  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Asia, 
who  at  any  time  may  bear  down  in  flood  upon 
the  scanty  forces  of  the  defenders.  These  pent- 
up  myriads  are  at  present  in  a state  of  unrest, 
and  there  are  evidences  of  a distinct  inclination 
on  their  part  to  break  bounds  and  descend  upon 
the  coasts  of  the  great  southern  laud.  On  the 
north-eastern  shores  of  the  continent  they  have 
already  broken  through  the  thin  red  line  of  the 
British,  and  have  firmly  established  themselves 
in  the  country  beyond.  Thursday  Island,  which 
stands  at  the  northern  entrance  of  the  passage 
between  the  Great  Barrier  Reef  and  the  shores 
of  Queensland,  has  been  styled  the  Gibraltar  of 
Australia,  and  large  sums  of  money  have  been 
spent  by  the  Imperial  and  Australian  Govern- 
ments in  fortifying  it.  Since  it  became  open  to 
the  Eastern  nations,  the  Japanese  have  dis- 
covered twenty  different  channels  through  the 
reef,  by  any  one  of  which  they  could  avoid  the 
forts  and  gain  an  entrance  to  the  sea  within 
the  barrier.  A few  years  ago  there  were  2000 
Europeans  on  Thursday  Island,  engaged  in  the 
pearl-shelling  industry;  but  they  were  gradu- 
ally elbowed  out  until  to-day  they  number  less 
than  100. 

“ The  late  Professor  C.  H.  Pearson,  at  one 
time  Minister  for  Education  in  Victoria,  and  one 
of  the  most  intellectual  statesmen  who  ever  re- 
sided in  Australia,  iu  his  National  Life  and 
Character , admirably  summarised  the  dangers 
to  which  his  adopted  country  was  exposed  by 
reason  of  its  situation,  and  the  motives  which 
actuated  the  various  colonial  Governments  in 
passing  enactments  designed  to  place  some  re- 
striction on  the  wholesale  flooding  of  their  terri- 
tories. 

“ ‘The  fear  of  Chinese  immigration  which  the 
Australian  democracy  cherishes,  and  which  Eng- 
lishmen at  home  find  it  hard  to  understand,  is, 
in  fact,  the  instinct  of  self-preservation,  quick- 
ened by  experience.  We  know  that  coloured  and 
white  labour  cannot  exist  side  by  side  ; we  are 


well  aware  that  China  can  swamp  us  with  a sin- 
gle year’s  surplus  of  population ; and  we  know 
that  if  national  existence  is  sacrificed  to  the 
working  of  a few  mines  and  sugar  plantations, 
it  is  not  the  Englishmen  in  Australia  alone,  but 
the  whole  civilised  world  that  will  be  the  losers. 
Transform  the  northern  half  of  our  continent 
into  a Natal,  with  thirteen  out  of  fourteen  be- 
longing to  an  inferior  race,  and  the  southern 
half  will  speedily  approximate  to  the  condition 
of  Cape  Colony,  where  the  whites  are  indeed  a 
masterful  minority,  but  still  only  as  one  in  four. 
We  are  guarding  the  last  part  of  the  world  iu 
which  the  higher  races  can  live  and  increase 
freely  for  the  higher  civilisation.  It  is  idle  to 
say  that  if  all  this  should  come  to  pass  our 
pride  of  place  will  not  be  humiliated.  We  are 
struggling  among  ourselves  for  supremacy  in  a 
world  which  we  thought  as  destined  to  belong 
to  the  Aryan  race  and  to  the  Christian  faith,  to 
the  letters  and  arts  and  charm  of  social  manners 
which  we  have  inherited  from  the  best  times 
of  the  past.  We  shall  wake  to  find  ourselves 
elbowed  and  hustled,  perhaps  even  thrust  aside 
by  peoples  whom  we  looked  down  upon  as 
servile  and  thought  of  as  bound  always  to  min- 
ister to  our  needs.’  . . . 

“ The  Greater  Britain  that  is  to  be  may  be  the 
best  security  for  the  Mother  Land  in  years  to 
come,  and  her  natural  ally  and  friend.  Austra- 
lian statesmen  claim  that  they  are  not  only  safe- 
guarding British  interests,  but  also  legislating 
for  posterity  and  looking  forward  to  the  time  — 
perhaps  a century  hence — when  the  population 
of  the  Commonwealth  may  be  one  hundred  mil- 
lions or  even  more. 

“ At  the  present  the  Australian  race  is  in  a 
plastic  condition,  and  whether  it  will  become, 
as  Marcus  Clarke  predicted,  ‘ a fierce  and  tur- 
bulent democracy,  sweeping  contemporary  civ- 
ilisation before  it,’  or,  as  seems  more  probable, 
a practical  and  enlightened  people,  troubles  it 
little.  Leaders  and  followers  of  every  politi- 
cal cast,  Conservatives,  Liberals,  and  Radicals, 
have  now  but  one  national  ideal  — Purity  of 
Race.  They  recognise  that  hybrids  cannot 
make  a great  nation;  that  an  infusion  of  Chi- 
nese, Japanese,  or  Indo-Chinese  blood  must  re- 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


suit  in  race  deterioration  ; and  that,  if  they  are 
to  live  happily  and  prosperously,  it  must  be 
with  no  strangers  within  their  gates  other  than 
those  of  Caucasian  descent  who  are  able  to  con- 
form to  the  conditions  and  customs  of  civilised 
communities.’’  — 0.  P.  Law,  W.  T.  Gill,  A 
White  Australia  ( Nineteenth  Century,  Jan., 
1904). 

“ The  great  Australian  Commonwealth  has 
indeed  gone  very  far  in  many  directions  in  its 
war  against  workers  of  other  races  than  the 
white.  Thus,  no  contract  can  be  made  for  the 
carrying  of  Australian  mails  with  any  steam- 
ship line  which  allows  a colored  man  to  work 
on  any  of  its  ships.  This  is  a new  measure, 
and  it  has  been  of  late  the  subject  of  a lively 
controversy  between  the  Australian  govern- 
ment and  the  two  Chamberlains  in  London, — 
namely,  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  the  colonial 
secretary,  and  his  son,  Mr.  Austin  Chamberlain, 
who  is  now  serving  as  British  postmaster- 
general. 

“The  fact  is  that  mail-carrying  steamship 
companies  which  have  hitherto  performed  the 
service  of  carrying  mails  back  and  forth  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Australian  ports 
have  been  largely  manned  by  dark-skinned 
British  subjects  who  are  natives  of  India,  and 
the  British  Government  is  under  a special  obli- 
gation not  to  discriminate  against  these  Indians 
in  view  of  certain  clauses  in  what  is  known  as 
the  Mutiny  Act  in  India.  These  same  ships,  it 
is  to  be  remembered,  will  carry,  also,  the  Indian 
mails,  and  it  would  be  manifestly  impossible 
for  Lord  Curzon’s  government  of  India  to  join 
in  mail  contracts  containing  clauses  excluding 
dark-skinned  men  from  employment.”  — Am. 
Review  of  Reviews,  Sept.,  1903. 

See,  also  (in  this  vol.),  Austrai.ia  : A.  D. 
1905-1906,  and  1909. 

In  Canada:  Hostility  to  Asiatic  Labor. — 
Restriction  of  Chinese  Immigration.  — Riot- 
ous attacks  on  Japanese,  Chinese,  and  Hindu 
Laborers  in  British  Columbia.  — The  opposi- 
tion of  organized  labor  to  Asiatic  immigration, 
on  the  Canadian  Pacific  Coast,  directed  first 
against  an  influx  of  Chinese,  brought  about,  in 
1904,  the  imposition  of  a head-tax  of  §500  on 
every  person  of  Chinese  origin  entering  Canada 
thereafter,  with  the  following  exceptions  : 

“(a)  The  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps, 
or  other  government  representatives,  their  suites 
and  their  servants,  and  consuls  and  consular 
agents ; 

"(b)  The  children  born  in  Canada  of  parents 
of  Chinese  origin  and  who  have  left  Canada  for 
educational  or  other  purposes,  on  substantiating 
their  identity  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  controller 
at  the  port  or  place  where  they  seek  to  enter  on 
their  return ; 

“ (c)  Merchants,  their  wives  and  children,  the 
wives  and  children  of  clergymen,  tourists,  men 
of  science  and  students,  who  shall  substantiate 
their  status  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  controller, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Minister,  or  who 
are  bearers  of  certificates  of  identity,  or  other 
similar  documents  issued  by  the  government  or 
by  a recognized  official  or  representative  of  the 
government  whose  subjects  they  are,  specifying 
their  occupation  and  their  object  in  coming  into 
Canada.” 

This  was  an  effective  restriction ; but  left  the 
door  open  to  other  “coolie”  laborers,  so-called, 


from  Japan  and  India,  whence  large  numbers 
were  soon  coming  into  British  Columbia,  and 
the  labor  agitation  was  directed  against  them,  on 
the  Canadian  as  well  as  the  United  States  side 
of  the  line  in  the  farther  Northwest.  It  came  to 
its  climax  of  violence  in  the  fall  of  1907,  when 
serious  riots  broke  out  at  Vancouver,  British 
Columbia,  and  at  Bellingham,  in  the  State  of 
Washington.  Many  hundreds  of  Japanese, 
Chinese,  and  Hindus  had  been  employed  in  the 
lumber  mills  and  canneries  of  the  Washington 
and  British  Columbia  coast  towns,  displacing 
white  labor.  “In  each  case  a mob  of  white  men 
raided  the  mills  where  the  foreigners  were  em- 
ployed, battered  down  the  doors  of  their  lodging 
houses,  dragged  the  Hindus  from  their  beds, 
and  drove  them  with  violence  from  the  town. 
The  Hindus  of  Bellingham  fled  northward  to 
the  protection  of  the  British  flag.  At  Van- 
couver the  rioters  also  attacked  Chinese  and 
Japanese  merchants  and  laborers,  breaking  into 
their  shops  and  pillaging  and  destroying  §20,000 
worth  of  property.  Two  thousand  Chinese  and 
Japanese  were  driven  from  their  homes.  Later, 
a number  of  Japanese  immigrants,  just  landed 
from  a steamer,  were  attacked  and  in  the  riot 
that  followed  Baron  Ishii,  chief  of  the  Japanese 
Bureau  of  Foreign  Commerce,  was  severely  in- 
jured. The  Orientals,  under  the  leadership  of 
the  Japanese,  immediately  organized  for  defense, 
and,  having  secured  firearms  and  other  weapons, 
the  situation  took  on  a very  serious  aspect.” 

The  situation  was  made  especially  embarrass- 
ing to  the  British  and  Canadian  Governments 
by  the  relations  of  alliance  existing  between 
Great  Britain  and  Japan,  and  by  the  fact  that 
the  Hindus  attacked  are  British  subjects,  having 
their  established  rights  as  such.  But  skilful  and 
careful  handling  of  the  matter  was  successful  in 
quieting  the  trouble,  possibly  in  a lasting  way. 
The  Japanese  Government,  on  its  own  part,  has 
undertaken  to  restrict  the  emigration  of  its  la- 
boring classes  to  Canada  as  well  as  to  the  United 
States. 

Important  changes  in  the  regulations  govern- 
ing the  immigration  of  Chinese  were  announced 
in  a despatch  from  Ottawa,  July  11,  1909: 
“While  the  poll-tax  of  £100  on  coolies  is  re- 
tained, the  restrictions  applicable  to  students  and 
the  sons  of  Chinese  merchants  are  considerably 
modified.  Students  who  already  possess  a liberal 
education,  but  desire  to  pursue  a higher  course 
of  study  in  any  Canadian  University  or  college, 
are  exempt  from  the  tax.  Students  who  intend 
to  pursue  their  studies  in  the  Dominion  but  are 
unable  to  produce  proof  of  their  status  on  entry 
are  required  to  deposit  the  amount  of  the  tax, 
but  the  money  will  be  refunded  on  produc- 
tion of  a certificate  that  they  have  passed  two 
scholastic  years  at  some  seat  of  learning.  The 
present  law  permits  all  Chinese  visiting  China 
to  return  to  Canada  within  a year  without  a 
second  payment.  This  has  been  a hardship  to 
Chinese  who  have  been  ill.  The  new  regulation, 
therefore,  extends  the  time  of  exemption  in  such 
cases  to  18  months,  provided  that  satisfactory 
proof  be  furnished.” 

In  Jamaica:  Between  White  and  Black: 
The  Problem  Non-existent.  — Solved  by 
Good  Sense,  Right  Feeling,  and  Just  Law.  — 

In  the  International  Journal  of  Ethics  for  May, 
1906,  Professor  Royce  reports  of  several  visits  to 
Jamaica,  — where  14,000  or  15,000  white  inhabit- 


529 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


ants  are  living  with  about  650,000  black  and 
mulatto  people, — that  he  had  found  no  race 
problem  existing  — no  racial  autagonism  — no 
public  discussion  of  race  equality  or  superiority. 
He  accounts  for  this  untroubled  relation  between 
colored  and  uncolored  fellow  citizens  and  neigh- 
bors as  follows  : 

“ When  once  the  sad  period  of  emancipation 
and  of  subsequent  occasional  disorder  was 
passed,  the  Englishman  did  in  Jamaica  what  he 
has  so  often  and  so  well  done  elsewhere.  He 
organized  his  colony ; he  established  good 
local  courts,  which  gained  by  square  treatment 
the  confidence  of  the  blacks.  The  judges  of 
such  courts  were  Englishmen.  The  English 
ruler  also  provided  a good  country  constabu- 
lary, in  which  native  blacks  also  found  service, 
and  in  which  they  could  exercise  authority  over 
other  blacks.  Black  men,  in  other  words,  were 
trained,  — under  English  management,  of  course, 
— to  police  black  men.  A sound  civil  service 
was  also  organized;  and  in  that  educated  ne- 
groes found  in  due  time  their  place,  while  the 
chiefs  of  each  branch  of  the  service  were  and 
are,  in  the  main,  Englishmen.  The  excise  and 
the  health  services,  both  of  which  are  very 
highly  developed,  have  brought  the  law  near  to 
the  life  of  the  humblest  negro,  in  ways  which 
he  sometimes  finds,  of  course,  restraining,  but 
which  he  also  frequently  finds  beneficent.  Hence, 
he  is  accustomed  to  the  law  ; he  sees  its  minis- 
ters often,  and  often,  too,  as  men  of  his  own 
race ; and  in  the  main  he  is  fond  of  order,  and 
respectful  toward  the  established  ways  of  soci- 
ety. The  Jamaica  negro  is  described  by  those 
who  know  him  as  especially  fond  of  bringing 
his  petty  quarrels  and  personal  grievances  into 
court.  He  is  litigious  just  as  he  is  vivacious. 
But  this  confidence  in  the  law  is  just  what  the 
courts  have  encouraged.  That  is  one  way,  in 
fact,  to  deal  with  the  too  forward  and  strident 
negro.  Encourage  him  to  air  his  grievances  in 
court,  listen  to  him  patiently,  and  fine  him  when 
he  deserves  fines.  That  is  a truly  English  type 
of  social  pedagogy.  It  works  in  the  direction 
of  making  the  negro  a conscious  helper  toward 
good  social  order. 

“Administration,  I say,  has  done  the  larger 
half  of  the  work  of  solving  Jamaica’s  race  prob- 
lem. Administration  has  filled  the  Island  with 
good  roads,  has  reduced  to  a minimum  the  trop- 
ical diseases  by  means  of  an  excellent  health 
service,  has  taught  the  population  loyalty  and 
order,  has  led  them  some  steps  already  on  the 
long  road  ‘ up  from  slavery,’  has  given  them, 
in  many  cases,  the  true  self-respect  of  those  who 
themselves  officially  cooperate  in  the  work  of 
the  law,  and  it  has  done  this  without  any  such 
result  as  our  Southern  friends  nowadays  con- 
ceive when  they  think  of  what  is  called  ‘ negro 
domination.’  Administration  has  allayed  an- 
cient irritations.  It  has  gone  far  to  offset  the 
serious  economic  and  tropical  troubles  from 
which  Jamaica  meanwhile  suffers. 

“ Yes,  the  work  has  been  done  by  administra- 
tion,— and  by  reticence.  For  the  Englishman, 
in  his  official  and  governmental  dealings  with 
backward  peoples,  has  a great  way  of  being  su- 
perior without  very  often  publicly  saying  that 
he  is  superior.  You  well  know  that  in  dealing, 
as  an  individual,  with  other  individuals  trouble 
is  seldom  made  by  the  fact  that  you  are  actually 
the  superior  of  another  man  in  any  respect. 


The  trouble  comes  when  you  tell  the  other  man 
too  stridently  that  you  are  his  superior.  Be  my 
superior,  quietly,  simply  showing  your  superi- 
ority in  your  deeds,  and  very  likely  I shall  love 
you  for  the  very  fact  of  your  superiority.  For 
we  all  love  our  leaders.  But  tell  me  that  I am 
your  inferior,  and  then  perhaps  I may  grow 
boyish,  and  may  throw  stones.  Well,  it  is  so 
with  races.  Grant,  then,  that  yours  is  the  supe- 
rior race.  Then  you  can  afford  to  say  little 
about  that  subject  in  your  public  dealings  with 
the  backward  race.  Superiority  is  best  shown 
by  good  deeds  and  by  few  boasts.” 

In  South  Africa  : Between  White  and 

Black.  — “The  native  population  of  Africa 
south  of  the  Zambesi  is  ten  millions.  The  white 
population  is  under  one  million.  To-day  the 
majority  of  the  natives  are  in  a semi-savage 
condition.  But  the  day  may  come  when  they 
shall  have  emerged  from  that  condition,  and 
have  attained  the  degree  of  civilisation  which 
prevails  amongst  the  negroes,  tlieir  kindred,  in 
the  United  States.  The  process  of  evolution  has 
begun.  When  it  is  completed,  the  relative  po- 
sition of  the  black  and  white  populations  in 
South  Africa  will  be  — what  ? Look  to  the 
United  States  and  you  shall  find  some  hint  of 
the  answer. 

“The  native  population  of  Cape  Colony,  in- 
cluding the  territories,  is,  in  round  numbers, 
1,200,000,  and  the  white  population  377,000. 
Day  by  day  the  power  of  the  native  grows. 
The  gate  of  the  political  arena  stands  wide  open 
to  him,  and  he  is  not  slow  to  enter.  With  the 
exception  of  natives  occupying  lands  under  tri- 
bal tenure  (an  important  exception,  but  one  that 
is  constantly  diminishing),  every  male  person, 
irrespective  of  colour,  race,  and  creed,  and 
above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  born 
or  naturalised  a British  subject,  is  entitled  to 
the  full  franchise  after  one  year’s  residence  in 
the  Colony,  provided  he  occupies  property  of 
the  value  of  75 1.  or  is  in  receipt  of  wages  of  not 
less  than  50?.  annually,  and  is  able  to  sign  his 
name  and  state  in  writing  his  address  and  occu- 
pation. Such  a franchise  would  horrify  the 
average  American  in  the  South,  and  unquestion- 
ably it  will  have  to  be  radically  amended  unless 
the  colonists  are  prepared  to  endure  political 
annihilation.  At  present  neither  Bondsman  nor 
Progressive  will  face  the  situation.  Neither 
wishes  to  alienate  the  substantial  aid  which  his 
party  gets  from  the  natives.  . . . 

“Bitter  as  the  feud  between  Englishman  and 
Dutchman  is  to-day,  it  will  pass  when  both  real- 
ise, as  they  are  bound  sooner  or  later  to  realise, 
that  only  by  presenting  a solid  front  to  the  on- 
coming hordes  of  superficially  civilised  blacks 
can  they  escape  complete  annihilation.  For 
generations,  if  not  for  all  time,  the  natives  in 
South  Africa  must  enormously  outnumber  the 
whites.  In  the  olden  days,  tribal  wars  and  wars 
with  the  white  man,  to  say  nothing  of  famines, 
and  pestilence,  served  to  counterbalance  the 
prolificness  of  the  native.  These  checks  are  no 
more.”  — Roderick  Jones,  The  Black  Peril  in 
South  Africa  ( Nineteenth  Century,  May,  1904). 

On  the  suffrage  question  for  natives,  con- 
nected with  the  Union  of  South  African  States, 
see  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa  : A.  D.  1908- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1903-1908.  — Between  Boers  and 
British  Indians.  — The  British  Government 


530 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


has  many  troublesome  problems  to  deal  with, 
as  the  consequence  of  its  having  drawn  the 
reins  of  its  sovereignty  over  the  necks  of  a mot- 
ley multitude  of  races;  but  none  among  them, 
perhaps,  has  been  more  delicately  difficult  than 
one  which  arose  between  its  native  subjects  in 
India,  who  pressed  with  eagerness  into  South 
African  fields  of  trade,  and  its  Boer  subjects  in 
South  Africa,  who  have  been  stubbornly  op- 
posed to  their  doing  so.  Great  Britain  has  had 
the  most  pressing  reasons  for  avoiding  offence 
to  either  of  these  peoples,  and  no  controversy 
could  have  arisen  more  unfortunately  in  its  cir- 
cumstances and  time. 

Before  the  Boer-British  War,  there  had  been 
Indian  complaints  of  ill-treatment  in  the  Trans- 
vaal, which  added  something  to  the  controver- 
sies of  Great  Britain  with  the  South  African 
Republic.  After  the  war,  when  British  author- 
ity had  become  supreme  at  Pretoria,  it  found  a 
legacy  of  existing  law  which  was  embarrassing 
at  once.  The  situation  was  described  in  a de- 
spatch of  May  11,  1903,  from  Viscount  Milner, 
the  British  High  Commissioner,  to  the  Colonial 
Secretary  at  London,  Mr.  Chamberlain,  in  which 
he  attempted  to  exhibit,  as  he  said,  “the  diffi- 
culty which  besets  any  kind  of  action  on  this 
thorny  question.”  The  Government,  he  wrote, 
is  “between  two  fires.  On  the  one  hand,  it  is 
accused  of  not  enforcing  the  present  law  with 
sufficient  strictness  and  is  called  upon  to  legis- 
late in  the  direction  of  a complete  exclusion  of 
Asiatics,  except  as  indentured  labourers.  Even 
in  that  capacity,  their  introduction  meets  with 
strenuous  opposition.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Asiatics,  of  whom  British  Indians  form  by  far 
the  most  numerous  section,  not  only  protest 
against  any  fresh  legislation  but  demand  the 
repeal  of  the  existing  law. 

“The  position  which  the  Government  of  the 
Transvaal  have  taken  up  in  the  matter  is  one  of 
which  I entirely  approve.  They  are  unwilling, 
without  the  previous  approval  of  His  Majesty’s 
Government,  to  embark  on  any  legislation  on 
this  subject,  to  the  difficulties  of  which  they 
are  fully  alive,  and  have  accordingly  decided 
that,  pending  fresh  legislation,  they  have  no 
option  but  to  carry  out  the  existing  law.  They 
are  anxious,  however,  to  do  so  in  the  manner 
most  considerate  to  the  Indians  already  settled 
in  the  country,  and  with  the  greatest  respect 
for  vested  interests,  even  where  these  have  been 
allowed  to  spring  up  contrary  to  law.  This  is 
in  accordance  with  the  principle  on  which  they 
have  proceeded  throughout,  namely,  that  the 
laws  of  the  late  Republic,  imperfect  as  they  are 
in  many  respects,  and  contrary,  very  often,  to 
British  ideas,  must,  nevertheless,  be  enforced 
until  they  can  be  replaced  by  more  satisfactory 
legislation.” 

The  desired  new  legislation  on  this  “thorny 
question”  does  not  seem  to  have  been  at- 
tempted during  the  period  in  which  local  self- 
government  in  the  Transvaal  was  entirely  sus- 
pended ; but  in  1906,  after  the  first  step  toward 
its  restoration  had  been  taken,  the  semi-autono- 
mous authority  then  organized  there  adopted 
an  ordinance  on  the  subject  of  Asiatic  residence 
in  the  Colony  which  Lord  Elgin,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Mr.  Chamberlain  in  the  Colonial  Office, 
disapproved.  In  the  next  year,  however,  when 
the  full  measure  of  colonial  autonomy  had  been 
conferred  by  the  Imperial  Government  (see,  in 


thisvol.,  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1905-1907),  es- 
sentially the  same  provisions  were  embodied  in 
an  enactment  by  the  new  Transvaal  Legislature, 
entitled  “The  Asiatic  Law  Amendment  Act, 
1907,”  and  Lord  Elgin  could  not  venture  to  dis- 
approve them  again,  for  the  reasons  which  he 
stated  thus  to  the  Colonial  Governor: 

“The  Act  which  is  now  submitted  has  be- 
hind it  a very  different  weight  of  authority.  It 
has  been  introduced  by  the  first  responsible 
Ministry  of  the  Colony,  and  has  been  passed 
unanimously  by  both  Houses  of  the  new  Legis- 
lature. I consider  it  my  duty  to  place  it  on 
record  that  His  Majesty’s  Government  do  not 
consider  the  position  of  Asiatics  lawfully  resi- 
dent in  the  Transvaal,  as  settled  by  this  Act,  to 
be  satisfactory;  that  they  adhere  to  the  opin- 
ions which  have  been  expressed  by  successive 
Secretaries  of  State  as  to  the  desirability  of 
relaxing  the  restrictions  to  which  Asiatics  are  at 
present  subject ; and  that  they  commend  this 
view  to  the  Transvaal  Government  in  the  hope 
that  it  may  be  carefully  considered  how  far  prac- 
tical effect  can  be  given  to  it.  But  they  feel  that 
they  would  not  be  justified  in  offering  resist- 
ance to  the  general  will  of  the  Colony  clearly 
expressed  by  its  first  elected  representatives; 
and  I have  accordingly  to  inform  you  that  His 
Majesty  will  not  be  advised  to  exercise  his 
power  of  disallowance  with  respect  to  the  Act.” 
This  measure  was  followed  presently  by  an 
“Immigrants’  Restriction  Act,  1907,”  which 
accentuated  still  further  the  inhospitality  of 
Transvaal  legislation,  and  made  more  serious 
trouble  for  the  British  Government,  not  only 
with  its  Indian  subjects,  but  with  the  Chinese. 
On  the  effect  of  the  two  acts  upon  British  In- 
dians Lord  Elgin  wrote  to  Mr.  Morley,  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  India  (Oct.  10,  1907): 

“ The  practical  effect  of  Section  2 (4)  will  be 
to  prevent  the  further  immigration  into  the 
Transvaal  of  British  Indians  or  other  Asiatics. 
As  Mr.  Morley  is  aware,  throughout  the  corre- 
spondence which  has  passed  on  this  subject,  His 
Majesty’s  Government  have  practically  limited 
themselves  to  endeavouring  to  secure  more  fa- 
vourable treatment  for  those  Asiatics  who  have 
already  acquired  a right  to  reside  in  the  Colony, 
and  the  competence  of  the  Colonial  Legislature 
and  Government  to  restrict  further  immigration 
by  means  of  legislation  similar  to  that  already 
adopted  in  other  self-governing  Colonies  has  not 
been  disputed.  . . . Moreover,  in  the  interests 
of  British  Indians  themselves,  it  is  probably  de- 
sirable, in  view  of  the  state  of  Colonial  feeling, 
that  further  immigration  should  be  restricted. 
Lord  Elgin  does  not,  therefore,  propose  to  raise 
any  objection  to  this  provision. 

“ Section  6 (c)  must  be  considered  in  connec- 
tion with  the  recent  Asiatic  Law  Amendment 
Act.  Under  that  Act,  Asiatics  failing  to  regis- 
ter may  be  ordered  to  leave  the  Colony  ; and 
failure  to  comply  with  such  an  order  is  pun- 
ishable by  imprisonment.  The  object  of  this 
section,  as  explained  by  the  Attorney-General 
in  his  report  is  to  enable  the  Government  to 
deport,  in  lieu  of  imprisoning,  Asiatics  who  fail 
to  register  under  the  Asiatic  Law  Amendment 
Act.  While  Lord  Elgin  feels  that  the  free  exer- 
cise of  so  drastic  a power  would  be  greatly  to 
be  deprecated,  he  doubts  whether  His  Majesty’s 
Government  can  consistently  object  to  a provi- 
sion the  object  of  which  is  to  enable  the  Colonial 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


Government  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the 
Asiatic  Law  Amendment  Act,  which  His  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  have  allowed  to  become 
law,  and  to  which  the  British  Indian  community 
appears  at  present  to  be  disposed  to  offer  an 
organised  resistance.  He  therefore  proposes, 
subject  to  any  representation  which  Mr.  Morley 
may  wish  to  make,  to  accept  this  provision 
also.” 

The  India  Office  could  only  say  in  reply  : 

“ Since  the  Asiatic  Law  Amendment  Act,  1907, 
has  received  His  Majesty’s  sanction,  Mr.  Mor- 
ley recognizes  that  it  would  be  inconsistent 
to  object  to  a clause  framed  merely  in  order  to 
ensure  the  efficient  administration  of  that  Act  so 
far  as  it  affects  persons  already  in  the  Transvaal. 
...  It  is  true  that  under  the  Asiatic  Law 
Amendment  Act  of  1907,  the  Colonial  Govern- 
ment may  grant  temporary  permits.  Mr.  Mor- 
ley presumes  that  this  power  will,  if  the  occasion 
arise,  be  used  to  prevent  such  a gross  scandal  as 
the  exclusion  from  the  Colony  of  ruling  chiefs, 
Indians  of  distinguished  position,  and  high  offi- 
cials of  Asiatic  descent  on  the  ground  that  they 
are  ‘ undesirable  immigrants.’  But  he  thinks 
that  it  would  be  satisfactory  to  obtain  a definite 
assurance  that  in  framing  the  present  Bill  the 
Colonial  Government  had  no  intention  of  refus- 
ing access  to  Asiatics  of  this  type,  and  he  trusts 
that  such  an  assurance  will  be  obtained  and 
placed  on  record  before  the  Royal  Assent  is 
given  to  the  measure. 

“ It  is  unnecessary  to  point  out  to  Lord  Elgin 
the  unfortunate  effect  upon  public  opinion  in 
India  which  must  be  produced  by  the  present 
Bill.  The  very  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
Transvaal  have  been  held  to  justify,  during  the 
period  of  administrative  reconstruction,  excep- 
tional measures  for  dealing  with  the  influx  of 
immigrants  ; but  Mr.  Morley  did  not  under- 
stand, when  the  provisions  of  the  Asiatic  Law 
Amendment  Act  were  under  discussion,  that  the 
forthcoming  Immigration  Restriction  Bill  would 
be  so  framed  as  to  perpetuate  the  exclusion 
from  the  Colony  of  all  future  Asiatic  immigrants 
without  distinction. 

“ For  these  reasons  I am  to  say  that  Mr. 
Morley  trusts  that  Lord  Elgin  will  find  it  pos- 
sible to  impress  upon  the  Government  of  the 
Transvaal  the  very  strong  objections,  from  an 
Imperial  point  of  view,  which  stand  in  the  way 
of  the  acceptance  of  Section  2 (4)  of  the  Bill.” 

The  most  obnoxious  features  of  the  two  offen- 
sive acts  were  an  educational  qualification,  which 
required  applications  for  admission  to  the  col- 
ony and  for  trading  licenses  in  it,  and  other 
connected  documents,  to  be  written  by  the  ap- 
plicants in  a European  language,  Yiddish  be- 
ing recognized  as  European,  and  a prescribed 
registration  which  required  finger-prints  as  a 
means  of  identification.  Both  of  these  pro- 
visions of  law  were  felt  to  be  insulting  and 
degrading  by  the  Hindus  of  the  better  class, 
who  organized  a refusal  of  submission  to  them, 
and  tested  them  without  avail  in  the  courts. 
Their  language  was  treated  contemptuously  in 
the  educational  qualification,  while,  personally, 
they  were  classed  with  criminals  by  the  finger- 
print identification.  The  agitators  of  disaffec- 
tion in  India  made  much  of  these  indignities,  and 
the  matter  was  extremely  embarrassing  to  the 
British  administration  there.  For  months  there 
seemed  no  prospect  of  a solution  of  the  diffi- 


culty; but  patient  persuasion  and  tactful  pres 
sure  brought,  at  last,  what  appeared  to  be  a 
successful  compromise,  announced  to  the  rejoic- 
ing Colonial  Office  at  London  by  the  following 
telegram  from  the  Governor,  January  30,  1908: 
“ Gandhi  and  other  leaders  of  Indian  and  Chi- 
nese communities  have  offered  voluntary  regis- 
tration in  a body  within  three  months,  provided 
signatures  only  are  taken  of  educated,  proper- 
tied, or  well-known  Asiatics,  and  finger-prints 
of  the  rest,  and  that  no  question  against  which 
Asiatics  have  religious  objection  be  pressed. 
Government  have  accepted  this  offer  and  under- 
taken pending  registration  not  to  enforce  the 
penalties  under  Act  against  all  those  who  regis- 
ter. Sentences  of  all  Asiatics  in  prison  will  be 
remitted  to-morrow.  This  course  agreed  to  by 
both  political  parties.” 

Fresh  discontents  arose  subsequently,  when 
amendatory  legislation  was  brought  out,  which 
did  not  open  the  colony  to  any  fresh  immigration 
of  Asiatics,  even  if  they  could  pass  an  educa- 
tional test  in  a European  language  ; but  this  has 
not  appeared  to  have  any  of  the  seriousness  of 
the  former  agitation,  so  far  as  India  is  con- 
cerned. 

Of  the  intensity  of  feeling  in  India,  a news- 
paper correspondent,  writing  from  Bombay, 
Dec.  29,  1909,  said:  “ There  is  no  mistaking  the 
depth  of  feeling  regarding  the  protest  agaiust 
the  treatment  of  Indians  in  the  Transvaal. 
Every  Indian,  no  matter  what  may  be  his 
politics,  feels  that  his  self-respect  is  insulted, 
and  demands  retaliation  by  refusing  indentured 
labour  to  Natal.  Extraordinary  scenes  followed 
Mr.  Surendranath  Banerjee’s  appeal  for  funds 
for  the  Transvaal  sufferers;  jewels  and  money 
were  thrown  at  his  feet  and  rupees  were  poured 
into  his  hat.  A thousand  pounds  was  collected. 
The  question  is  creating  profound  feeling  among 
all  classes.” 

The  Labor  Question  as  a Race  Question. 

— At  a meeting  of  the  Native  Labor  Associa- 
tion at  Johannesburg,  in  April,  1909,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Association  stated  that  the  present 
labor  supply  was  entirely  adequate,  and  that 
the  mines  were  not  likely  to  be  faced  with  seri- 
ous difficulty  in  this  respect  in  the  immediate 
future.  In  the  course  of  1908  the  number  of 
Chinese  laborers  had  decreased  in  the  natural 
course  by  repatriation  by  23,303.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  native  complement  had  increased  in 
the  same  period  by  47,766,  giving  a net  gain  of 
24,373,  which  had  been  further  increased  dur- 
ing the  first  three  mouths  of  the  present  year. 
In  explanation  of  the  sudden  expansion  of  the 
native  labor  supply,  Mr.  Perry  pointed,  first,  to 
the  collapse  of  the  diamond  market;  secondly, 
to  the  emigration  of  Kaffirs  from  the  Cape 
owing  to  failure  of  employment  there.  The 
De  Beers  Mines,  as  he  was  able  to  show,  were 
actually  employing  50,000  fewer  hands  than  be- 
fore, which,  allowing  for  the  difference  in  the 
periods  of  contract,  probably  meant  a gain  to 
the  Rand  of  at  least  25,000.  Similarly,  the 
native  statistics  published  by  the  Cape  Gov- 
ernment indicated  an  enormous  diversion  of 
labourers  to  the  Rand. 

In  January,  1909,  the  London  Times,  report- 
ing the  output  of  gold  from  the  Transvaal  in 
1908  as  having  been  £29,957,610,  — an  increase 
of  £2,553,872  over  1907,  gave  the  following 
statement  of  labor  conditions  at  that  time : 


532 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


“ The  increase  has  been  gradual  and  quite  reg- 
ular, and  may  be  expected  to  continue.  The 
expansion  in  the  gold  production  has  resulted 
in  the  employment  of  nearly  1,800  more  whites 
than  were  at  work  in  January,  but  coloured 
labourers  are  some  4,000  less.  The  increase  in 
the  number  of  natives  employed  in  gold  mines 
has  been  24,000,  while  the  complement  of  Chi- 
nese coolies  has  been  depleted  by  20,000.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  year  some  17,500  whites,  133,  - 
500  coloured,  and  33,800  Chinese  were  employed 
by  gold  mines;  for  October  the  figures  read:  — 
Whites  18,300,  coloured  157,500,  and  Chinese 
14,300.  Native  labour  is  perhaps  the  one  seri- 
ous problem  which  will  place  limitations  on 
further  expansion.  Few  of  the  Chinese  will  be 
left  by  the  end  of  next  year,  and  they  will  all 
have  left  before  the  expiry  of  1910.  Natives, 
however,  are  showing  more  tendency  to  work 
regularly,  and  the  habit  doubtless  will  grow. 
It  is  due  to  the  Chinese  to  recognize  that  they 
have  been  useful  workmen,  for  the  improved 
efficiency  of  the  coloured  workman  all  round  is 
largely  due  to  the  example  which  they  set  the 
native.” 

In  March,  1909,  Colonel  Seely,  Under  Secre- 
tary for  the  Colonies,  in  reply  to  questions  in 
the  British  House  of  Commons,  gave  the  follow- 
ing figures : January,  1907,  Chinese  employed, 
53,856  ; whites  employed  on  gold  mines,  17,874  ; 
December,  1908,  Chinese  employed,  12,275 ; 
whites  employed  on  gold  mines,  19,605.  For 
'Witwatersrand,  taking  natives  and  Chinese  to- 
gether the  numbers  were: — January,  1907, 
148,077 ; December,  1908,  166,405.  The  corre- 
sponding figures  for  whites  are: — January, 
1907,  17,198  ; December,  1908,  18,687. 

A Johannesburg  letter  of  July  26  to  the  Lon- 
don Times  reported  a change  in  the  situation, 
saying:  “For  the  half-year  upon  which  we 
have  just  entered  it  requires  no  prophet  to  fore- 
tell a more  rapid  rate  of  progress,  which,  how- 
ever, may  to  some  extent  be  limited  by  a scar- 
city of  native  labour,  signs  of  which  have  begun 
to  loom  on  the  horizon.  After  18  months  or 
more  of  steady  increase  in  the  number  of  na- 
tive labourers  available  for  work  in  mines,  an 
increase  which  more  than  counterbalanced  the 
outflow  of  Chinese  labour  through  repatriation, 
the  pendulum  has  begun  to  swing  the  other 
way,  and  already  the  pinch  is  beginning  to 
make  itself  felt  in  certain  mines.  During  the 
last  two  months  the  excess  of  time-expired  na- 
tives and  wastage  over  the  number  recruited 
has  been  more  than  8000,  and  repatriated  Chi- 
nese brings  the  total  up  to  10,000.  Considering 
that  the  total  coloured  labour  force  employed 
on  the  Witwatersrand  was  over  180,000  in  April, 
this  comparatively  small  decline  under  normal 
conditions  should  hardly  make  itself  felt  at  all. 
But  the  conditions  are  not  normal.  An  era  of 
expansion  set  in  some  18  months  ago  which  has 
been  steadily  growing,  and  which  has  called  for 
an  ever-increasing  labour  force  and  in  the  near 
future  must  require  still  more  and  more.  How 
that  demand  is  to  be  met  is  by  no  means  clear.” 

In  the  United  States:  Between  its  White 
and  Black  Citizens:  Booker  T.  Washing- 
ton’s solution  in  progress  at  Tuskegee.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1906. 

The  “Niagara  Movement.”  — A National 
Committee  for  the  Advancement  of  the  Negro 


Race.  — In  July,  1905,  a conference  of  colored 
men  from  North  and  South,  among  whom  Pro- 
fessor W.  E.  Burghardt  Du  Bois,  of  Atlanta, 
appeared  to  be  the  leading  spirit,  was  held  at 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.  Its  outcome  was  an  organization 
which  has  taken  the  name  of  “The  Niagara 
Movement,”  and  which  has  had  some  growth. 
At  the  latest  annual  meeting  of  the  organization, 
in  Sea  Isle  City,  New  Jersey,  in  August,  1909, 
ten  States  were  reported  to  be  represented,  and 
the  total  membership  of  the  “Movement”  was 
said  to  be  three  hundred,  distributed  in  forty 
States.  Its  objects  are  indicated  in  the  follow- 
ing passages  from  an  Address  which  this  meet- 
ing adopted : 

“ For  four  years  the  Niagara  Movement  has 
struggled  to  make  ten  million  Americans  of 
negro  descent  cease  from  mere  apology  and 
weak  surrender  to  aggression,  and  take  a firm, 
unfaltering  stand  for  justice,  manhood,  and  self- 
assertion.  We  are  accumulating  property  at 
a constantly  accelerating  rate ; we  are  rapidly 
lowering  our  rate  of  illiteracy  ; but  property 
and  intelligence  are  of  little  use  unless  guided 
by  the  great  ideals  of  freedom,  justice,  and 
human  brotherhood. 

“Asa  partial  result  of  our  effort  we  are  glad 
to  note  among  us  increasing  spiritual  unrest, 
sterner  impatience  with  cowardice,  and  deeper 
determination  to  be  men  at  any  cost.  . . . 

‘ ‘ That  black  men  are  inherently  inferior  to 
whites  is  a wide-spread  lie  which  science  flatly 
contradicts,  and  the  attempt  to  submerge  the 
colored  races  is  one  with  world-old  efforts  of  the 
wily  to  exploit  the  weak.  We  must,  therefore, 
make  common  cause  with  the  oppressed  and 
down-trodden  of  all  races  and  peoples;  with  our 
kindred  of  South  Africa  and  the  West  Indies, 
with  our  fellows  in  Mexico,  India,  and  Russia, 
and  with  the  cause  of  the  working  classes  every- 
where. 

“On  us  rests  to  no  little  degree  the  burden  of 
the  cause  of  individual  freedom,  human  brother- 
hood, and  universal  peace  in  a day  when  Amer- 
ica is  forgetting  her  promise  and  destiny.  Let 
us  work  on  and  never  despair  because  pigmy 
voices  are  loudly  praising  ill-gotten  wealth,  big 
guns,  and  human  degradation.  They  but  repre- 
sent back  eddies  in  the  tide  of  time.” 

Programme  of  future  work  adopted  included 
the  publication  of  a series  of  small  tracts  and  an 
almanac,  the  founding  of  a monthly  publication, 
and  the  purchase  of  a permanent  place  of  meet- 
ing where  an  annual  Chautauqua  will  be  held. 

A Conference  of  people  of  both  races  who  are 
desirous  of  organizing  more  effective  endeavors 
to  better  the  status  of  the  negro  citizens  of  the 
United  States  was  held  in  New  York  in  May, 
1909.  It  adopted  a resolution  providing  for  the 
“incorporation  of  a national  committee  to  be 
known  as  a committee  for  the  advancement  of 
the  negro  race,  to  bring  that  race  from  slavery 
to  full  citizenship  with  all  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges appertaining  thereto,”  and  another  resolu- 
tion for  a Committee  of  Forty  charged  with  the 
organization  of  the  national  committee,  with 
power  to  call  the  convention  in  1910. 

Among  other  resolutions  discussed  and 
adopted  were  the  following: 

‘ ‘ As  first  and  immediate  steps  toward  rem- 
edying . . . national  wrongs,  so  full  of  perils  for 
the  whites  as  well  as  the  blacks  of  all  sections, 
we  demand  of  Congress  and  the  Executive: 


533 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


“(1.)  That  the  Constitution  be  strictly  en- 
forced and  the  civil  rights  guaranteed  under 
the  Fourteenth  Amendment  be  secured  impar- 
tially to  all. 

“(2.)  That  there  be  equal  educational  op- 
portunities for  all  and  in  all  the  States,  and 
that  public  school  expenditure  be  the  same  for 
the  negro  and  white  child. 

“(3.)  That  in  accordance  with  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  the  right  of  the  negro  to  the  bal- 
lot on  the  same  terms  as  other  citizens  be  recog- 
nized in  every  part  of  the  country.” 

Anti-Negro  Riot  at  Atlanta.  — “On  the 
22d  and  23d  of  September  [1906]  anti-negro 
riots  broke  out  in  Atlanta,  resulting  in  the 
death  of  twelve  or  more  negroes  and  the  injury 
of  a great  many.  There  had  been  an  unusual 
number  of  reports  of  attacks  upon  white  women 
and  girls  by  brutal  and  criminal  negroes  in  the 
vicinity  of  Atlanta  during  the  previous  days 
and  weeks.  Every  report  of  this  kind  had  been 
flaunted  with  great  headlines  in  a sensational 
afternoon  newspaper  of  Atlanta,  as  if  to  arouse 
the  less  orderly  and  thoughtful  element  of  the 
white  population  not  merely  to  the  lynching  of 
offenders  but  to  an  attack  upon  innocent  and 
law-abiding  colored  people.  For  a time  the  riot 
was  furious  and  negroes  were  indiscriminately 
assailed.  It  would  seem  that  most  of  those  who 
were  killed  were  absolutely  innocent  of  any  of- 
fense whatsoever.  Their  crime  consisted  merely 
in  belonging  to  the  negro  race.  It  would  be 
the  height  of  silliness  for  criticism  to  take  on  a 
geographical  character.  White  people  in  the 
North  are  no  more  considerate  of  people  against 
whom  they  may  have  a grievance  or  a prejudice 
than  are  white  people  in  the  South.  The  prob- 
lem of  adjusting  the  relations  of  two  races  so 
totally  different  as  the  white  race  and  the  negro 
race  where  they  have  to  live  together  in  the 
same  communities  is  difficult  under  any  circum- 
stances, and  it  becomes  increasingly  so  where 
the  inferior  race  is  present  in  large  numbers  and 
where  many  of  its  members  are  ill-disciplined, 
idle,  and  of  criminal  instincts.”  — American  lie- 
view  of  Reviews,  Nov.,  1906. 

“Wherever  a colored  man  was  seen  he  was 
attacked.  The  mobs  closed  in  upon  the  trolley- 
cars  and  dragged  the  colored  passengers,  unpre- 
pared for  the  onslaught,  from  their  seats.  A 
riotous  crowd  broke  into  a shop  where  there 
were  two  negro  barbers,  beat  them  to  death  and 
mangled  their  bodies.  One  negro  was  killed  in 
the  shadow  of  a monument ; another  was 
stabbed  to  death  on  the  post-office  steps.  The 
Governor  mobilized  the  militia,  but  the  mobs, 
taking  it  for  granted  that  the  militiamen  were 
in  sympathy  with  them,  showed  little  fear  of 
the  soldiers.  The  Mayor  of  the  city  remon- 
strated with  the  rioters,  but  with  little  result. 
He  called  out  the  fire  department,  which  cleared 
the  streets  by  turning  the  hose  on  the  mobs. 
But  this  only  resulted  in  diverting  the  riot  from 
one  place  in  the  city  to  another.  Only  a rain  on 
Sunday  dampened  the  ardor  of  the  rioters.  Or- 
der was  outwardly  restored  by  Sunday  evening, 
but  even  thereafter  negroes  were  killed.  Even 
though  the  riot  differed  from  the  Russian  va- 
riety in  that  it  was  not  instigated  and  abetted 
by  the  Government  and  the  military,  it  brings 
nothing  but  shame  to  this  Nation.” — The  Out- 
look, Sept.  29,  1906. 

The  Georgia  Railroad  Strike.  — One  of  the 


meanest  of  recent  exhibitions  of  race  animos- 
ity was  presented  in  May  and  June,  1909,  on 
the  occasion  of  a strike  of  white  men  employed 
as  firemen  on  the  Georgia  Railroad  against  the 
employment  of  blacks  in  the  same  capacity. 
Generally,  the  southern  railroads  have  employed, 
for  years,  both  white  and  black  firemen.  On 
the  Georgia  Railroad  there  were  about  sixty  of 
the  former  and  forty  of  the  latter.  The  white 
firemen  were  eligible  to  promotion  to  be  engi- 
neers ; the  blacks  were  not.  By  an  unwritten 
law  they  were  excluded  from  the  higher  and 
better  paid  service ; but  as  firemen  the  best 
among  them  had  gradually  won  promotion  to 
the  better  trains  and  better  “ runs”  on  the  road. 
It  was  this  fact  which  caused  the  strike  of  their 
white  associates.  As  a labor  strike  it  would 
have  caused  little  trouble ; as  a race  and  color 
question  it  inflamed  the  State  and  the  South, 
and  disturbed  the  country  at  large  for  several 
weeks.  The  conflict  of  the  railroad  company 
was  not  with  its  own  employees  but  with  mobs 
along  its  line,  always  ready  to  be  maddened  by 
the  thought  of  a negro  in  any  place  which  a 
white  man  wanted. 

A mediation  in  the  matter  undertaken,  at  the 
instance  of  President  Taft,  by  the  United  States 
Commissioner  of  Labor,  Dr.  Charles  P.  Neill, 
and  the  Chairman  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  Mr.  Martin  A.  Knapp,  succeeded, 
with  much  difficulty,  in  arranging  a reference 
of  the  dispute  to  arbitration.  The  chosen  arbi- 
trators were  Hilary  A.  Herbert,  named  by  the 
railroad  company,  T.  W.  Hardwick,  named  by 
the  employees,  and  Chancellor  David  C.  Bar- 
row,  of  the  University  of  Georgia,  selected  by 
these  two.  This  board  of  arbitration  gave  hear- 
ings to  both  parties  and  rendered  its  award  on 
the  27th  of  June.  The  main  proposition  sub- 
mitted to  it  by  the  employees  was  in  these 
words:  “That  the  Georgia  Railroad  Company 
and  its  terminals  at  Atlanta  will  not  use  negroes 
as  locomotive  firemen  on  the  road  or  in  the 
yards,  nor  as  hostlers  nor  assistant  hostlers.” 

On  this  its  decision  was  as  follows:  “The 
Georgia  Railroad,  when  using  negroes  as  loco- 
motive firemen  on  the  road  or  in  the  yards,  or 
as  hostlers,  or  as  hostlers’  helpers,  shall  pay 
them  the  same  wages  as  white  men  in  similar 
positions.”  But  the  representative  of  the  em- 
ployees dissented  from  this  decision  in  part,  ex- 
plaining his  view,  as  follows  : “ In  so  far  as  the 
above  finding  permits  the  continued  employ- 
ment of  negro  firemen  by  the  Georgia  Railroacl, 

I dissent  therefrom,  because  I believe  from  the 
evidence  that  such  employment  is  a menace  to 
the  safety  of  the  travelling  public.  In  so  far  as 
such  finding  requires  that  when  negroes  are  so 
employed  they  shall  receive  wages  equal  to 
those  paid  white  men,  I concur  therein,  be- 
lieving that  such  requirement,  by  removing  the 
principal  incentive  for  their  employment,  will 
result  in  the  speedy  elimination  of  this  cheaper 
labor,  and  a consequent  improvement  of  the  ser- 
vice.” 

On  most  of  the  minor  points  in  controversy 
the  arbitrators  were  agreed  in  their  conclusions, 
and  the  settlement  of  the  whole  matter  was 
complete. 

Oriental  Labor  in  Competition  with  West- 
ern Labor. — The  Force  of  the  Economic 
Objection  to  it  in  a Country  under  the  Pro- 
tective System. — “Behind  the  economic  an- 


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tipatliy  to  Oriental  laborers  there  is  a justifiable 
feeling.  Where  there  is  established  a system  of 
protection,  it  is  only  just  that  it  benefit  not  only 
the  capitalist  but  also  the  laborer.  If  the  Amer- 
can  laborer  must  contend  as  best  he  can  with 
the  laborer  whose  standard  of  life  is  lower,  then 
the  American  manufacturer,  in  fairness,  ought 
to  be  let  alone  in  his  contest  with  the  foreign 
manufacturer  who  does  not  pay  so  much  for  his 
labor.  The  Outlook  believes  that  a condition  of 
such  open  competition  as  has  prevailed  between 
the  States  of  the  Union  would  be  wholesome  be- 
tween the  nations  of  the  world.  But  at  present 
the  protective  system  prevails  and  apparently 
is  firmly  established  in  America.  So  long,  there- 
fore, as  American  capital  is  protected,  it  is  a 
benefit  for  the  whole  country  to  have  Ameri- 
ican  labor  protected.  And  certainly  if  there  is 
any  body  of  laborers  against  which  the  working 
people  of  America  need  protection,  it  is  the  coo- 
lie labor  of  Asia.  The  fact  that  the  Japanese  and 
Chinese  laborers  enter  industries  in  which  there 
is  a scarcity  of  whites  does  not  affect  the  case, 
for  it  is  not  the  direct  loss  of  jobs,  but  the  low- 
ering— or  at  least  the  changing  — of  the  stand- 
ards of  living  that  brings  injury  to  the  mass.” 
— The  Outlook , Sept.  21,  1907. 

Existing  Treaties  between  the  United 
States  and  China  concerning  the  Admission 
of  Chinamen.  — Enactments  of  Law  on  the 
Subject.  — Correspondence  of  Wu  Ting-fang 
with  Secretary  Hay.  — For  a proper  under- 
standing of  the  questions  of  national  honor  and 
official  civility  that  are  involved  in  the  existing 
laws  and  regulations  of  the  United  States  which 
govern  the  admission  of  Chinamen  to  the  coun- 
try, either  as  visitors  or  immigrants,  some  at- 
tention must  be  given  to  a series  of  engagements 
by  solemn  treaty  between  the  Governments  of 
China  and  the  United  States,  respecting  the  hos- 
pitality which  each  has  pledged  itself  to  give  to 
the  citizens  of  the  other.  Three  of  those  treaties 
remain  partly  or  wholly  in  force.  The  abroga- 
tion of  the  fourth  one  has  a significance  of  its 
own. 

The  earliest  of  these  treaties,  negotiated  in 
1858,  superseding  one  of  1844,  provided  very 
carefully  for  the  good  treatment  of  American 
citizens  in  China,  but  contains  nothing  on  the 
subject  of  Chinamen  in  America,  probably  for 
the  reason  that  few  of  that  people  had  yet  trav- 
elled so  far  abroad.  The  rights  it  stipulated  for 
the  American  who  visited  or  sought  residence  in 
the  Celestial  Empire  were  as  follows: 

‘ ‘ Article  XI.  All  citizens  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  China,  peaceably  attending  to 
their  affairs,  being  placed  on  a common  footing 
of  amity  and  good  will  with  the  subjects  of 
China,  shall  receive  and  enjoy  for  themselves 
and  everything  appertaining  to  them  the  pro- 
tection of  the  local  authorities  of  government, 
who  shall  defend  them  from  all  insult  or  injury 
of  any  sort.  If  their  dwellings  or  property  be 
threatened  or  attacked  by  mobs,  incendiaries,  or 
other  violent  or  lawless  persons,  the  local  offi- 
cers, on  requisition  of  the  consul,  shall  immedi- 
ately despatch  a military  force  to  disperse  the 
rioters,  apprehend  the  guilty  individuals  and 
punish  them  with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law. 
Subjects  of  China  guilty  of  any  criminal  act 
towards  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
punished  by  the  Chinese  authorities  according  to 
the  laws  of  China.  And  citizens  of  the  United 


States,  either  on  shore  or  in  any  merchant  ves- 
sel, who  may  insult,  trouble  or  wound  the 
persons  or  injure  the  property  of  Chinese  or 
commit  any  other  improper  act  in  China,  shall 
be  punished  only  by  the  Consul  or  other  public 
functionary  thereto  authorized  according  to  the 
laws  of  the  United  States.  Arrests  in  order  to 
trial  may  be  made  by  either  the  Chinese  or  the 
United  States  authorities.”  — Treaty  of  Peace, 
Amity,  and  Commerce,  1858  ( Compilation  of 
Treaties  in  Force,  58 th  Congress,  2d  Session,  Sen- 
ate Document  No.  318,  p.  138). 

Ten  years  later,  in  1868,  another  treaty  was 
negotiated,  not  to  supersede  that  of  1858,  but  to 
supplement  it;  and  in  this  agreement  the  recip- 
rocation of  hospitalities  is  pledged  in  the  fol- 
lowing distinct  and  cordial  terms  : 

“ Article  Y.  The  United  States  of  America 
and  the  Emperor  of  China  cordially  recognize 
the  inherent  and  inalienable  right  of  man  to 
change  his  home  and  allegiance,  and  also  the 
mutual  advantage  of  the  free  migration  and 
emigration  of  their  citizens  and  subjects,  re- 
spectively, from  the  one  country  to  the  other, 
for  purposes  of  curiosity,  of  trade,  or  as  perma- 
nent residents.  The  high  contracting  parties, 
therefore,  join  in  reprobating  any  other  than  an 
entirely  voluntary  emigration  for  these  pur- 
poses. They  consequently  agree  to  pass  laws 
making  it  a penal  offence  for  a citizen  of  the 
United  States  or  Chinese  subjects  to  take  Chi- 
nese subjects  either  to  the  United  States  or  to 
any  other  foreign  country,  or  for  a Chinese  sub- 
ject or  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  take  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  to  China  or  to  any 
other  foreign  country,  without  their  free  and 
voluntary  consent,  respectively. 

“Article  VI.  Citizens  of  the  United  States 
visiting  or  residing  in  China  shall  enjoy  the 
same  privileges,  immunities  or  exemptions  in 
respect  to  travel  or  residence  as  may  there  be 
enjoyed  by  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most 
favored  nation.  And,  reciprocally,  Chinese  sub- 
jects visiting  or  residing  in  the  United  States 
shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  immunities, 
and  exemptions  in  respect  to  travel  or  resi- 
dence, as  may  there  be  enjoyed  by  the  citizens 
or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation.  But 
nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  held  to  con- 
fer naturalization  upon  citizens  of  the  United 
States  in  China,  nor  upon  the  subjects  of  China 
in  the  United  States. 

“ Article  YII.  Citizens  of  the  United  States 
shall  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  the  public  edu- 
cational institutions  under  the  control  of  the 
Government  of  China,  and,  reciprocally,  Chi- 
nese subjects  shall  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of 
the  public  educational  institutions  under  the 
control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
which  are  enjoyed  in  the  respective  countries 
by  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored 
nation.  The  citizens  of  the  United  States  may 
freely  establish  and  maintain  schools  within  the 
Empire  of  China  at  those  places  where  foreign- 
ers are  by  treaty  permitted  to  reside,  and 
reciprocally,  Chinese  subjects  may  enjoy  the 
same  privileges  and  immunities  in  the  United 
States.”  — Treaty  of  Trade,  Consuls,  and  Emi- 
gration, 1868  (58tA  Congress,  2d  Session,  Senate 
Document  No.  318,  pp.  157-158). 

That  this  treaty,  as  well  as  that  of  1858,  is 
still  obligatory  in  its  hospitable  spirit  and  in- 
tent, is  a fact  certified  by  the  language  of  the 


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preamble  of  the  treaty  negotiated  next,  by 
President  Angell,  of  Michigan  University,  and 
other  Commissioners,  in  1880.  The  recital  in 
that  preamble  of  the  purpose  of  the  new  agree- 
ment was  this  : “ Whereas,  in  the  eighth  year  of 
Hsien  Feng,  Anno  Domini  1858,  a treaty  of 
peace  and  friendship  was  concluded  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  China,  and  to 
which  were  added,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Tung 
Chih,  Anno  Domini  1868,  certain  supplement- 
ary articles  to  the  advantage  of  both  parties, 
which  supplementary  articles  were  to  be  perpetu- 
ally observed  and  obeyed  : and  Whereas  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  because  of  the 
constantly  increasing  immigration  of  Chinese 
laborers  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  embarrassments  consequent  upon  such 
immigration,  now  desires  to  negotiate  a modifi- 
cation of  the  existing  Treaties  which  shall  not  be 
in  direct  contravention  of  their  spirit:  Now, 
therefore,”  &c.  The  following  are  the  four 
articles  of  the  treaty  thus  explained: 

‘‘Article  I.  Whenever  in  the  opinion  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  the  com- 
ing of  Chinese  laborers  to  the  United  States,  or 
their  residence  therein,  affects  or  threatens  to 
affect  the  interests  of  that  country,  or  to  en- 
danger the  good  order  of  the  said  country  or 
of  any  locality  within  the  territory  thereof,  the 
Government  of  China  agrees  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  may  regulate,  limit, 
or  suspend  such  coming  or  residence,  but  may 
not  absolutely  prohibit  it.  The  limitation  or  sus- 
pension shall  be  reasonable,  and  shall  apply  only 
to  Chinese  who  may  go  to  the  United  States  as 
laborers , other  classes  not  being  included  in  the 
limitations.  Legislation  taken  in  regard  to 
Chinese  laborers  will  be  of  such  a character 
only  as  is  necessary  to  enforce  the  regulation, 
limitation,  or  suspension  of  immigration,  and 
immigrants  shall  not  be  subject  to  personal 
maltreatment  or  abuse. 

‘‘Article  II.  Chinese  subjects,  whether 
proceeding  to  the  United  States  as  teachers, 
students,  merchants  or  from  curiosity,  together 
with  their  body  and  household  servants,  and 
Chinese  laborers  who  are  now  in  the  United 
States  shall  be  allowed  to  go  and  come  of  their 
own  free  will  and  accord,  and  shall  be  accorded 
all  the  rights,  privileges,  immunities,  and  exemp- 
tions ichich  are  accorded  to  the  citizens  and  sub- 
jects of  the  most  favored  nation. 

“Article  III.  If  Chinese  laborers,  or  Chi- 
nese of  any  other  class,  now  either  permanently 
or  temporarily  residing  in  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  meet  with  illtreatment  at  the 
hands  of  any  other  persons,  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  will  exert  all  its  power  to  de- 
vise measures  for  their  protection  and  to  secure 
to  them  the  same  rights,  privileges,  immunities, 
and  exemptions  as  may  be  enjoyed  by  the  citi- 
zens or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation,  and 
to  which  they  are  entitled  by  treaty. 

“Article  IV.  The  high  contracting  powers 
having  agreed  upon  the  foregoing  articles, 
whenever  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
shall  adopt  legislative  measures  in  accordance 
therewith,  such  measures  will  be  communicated 
to  the  Government  of  China.  If  the  measures 
as  enacted  are  found  to  work  hardship  upon 
the  subjects  of  China,  the  Chinese  minister  at 
Washington  may  bring  the  matter  to  the  notice 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States, 


who  will  consider  the  subject  with  him;  and 
the  Chinese  Foreign  Office  may  also  bring  the 
matter  to  the  notice  of  the  United  States  minis- 
ter at  Peking  and  consider  the  subject  with 
him,  to  the  end  that  mutual  and  unqualified 
benefit  may  result. 

This  is  the  latest  of  the  still  obligatory  en- 
gagements by  treaty  that  bear  on  the  admission 
of  visitors  or  immigrants  from  China  to  the 
United  States.  A fourth  treaty,  pressed  on  the 
Chinese  Government  in  1894,  permitted  the 
United  States,  during  a period  of  ten  years,  to 
prohibit  entirely  the  coming  of  Chinese  labor- 
ers within  its  territory  ; but  the  concluding  ar- 
ticle of  that  treaty  was  as  follows:  “This  Con- 
vention shall  remain  in  force  for  a period  of  ten 
years  beginning  with  the  date  of  the  exchange 
of  ratifications,  and,  if  six  months  before  the 
expiration  of  said  period  of  ten  years,  neither 
Government  shall  have  formally  given  notice 
of  its  final  termination  to  the  other,  it  shall  re- 
main in  full  force  for  another  like  period  of  ten 
years.”  The  Chinese  Government  did  give  the 
formal  notice  of  termination  within  the  stipu- 
lated time,  and  the  treaty  became  void  on  the 
7th  of  December,  1904. 

Hence  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
is  now  under  the  engagements  which  it  made 
with  the  Government  of  China  in  1880,  which 
included  an  engagement  to  be  faithful  to  the 
hospitable  spirit  of  the  compact  of  1868.  When 
one  has  looked  over  those  engagements  of  na- 
tional honor,  it  seems  hard  to  harmonize  them 
in  spirit,  or  even  in  letter,  with  some  of  the  en- 
actments which  are  regulating,  at  the  present 
day,  the  treatment  of  people  from  China  who 
venture  to  approach  the  entry  ports  of  the 
United  States.  Such,  for  example,  as  the  fol- 
lowing, from  “the  Act  of  May  6,  1882,  as 
amended  and  added  to  by  the  Act  of  July  5, 
1884,”  which,  according  to  a recent  official  pub- 
lication of  “Laws  and  Regulations  governing 
the  Admission  of  Chinese,”  was  “continued  in 
force  for  an  additional  period  of  ten  years  from 
May  5,  1892,  by  the  act  of  May  5,  1892,  and 
was,  with  all  laws  on  this  subject  in  force  on 
April  29,  1902,  rebnacted,  extended,  and  contin- 
ued without  modification,  limitation,  or  condi- 
tion by  the  act  of  April  29,  1902,  as  amended 
by  the  act  of  April  27,  1904  ” : 

“Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America 
in  Congress  assembled,  That  from  and  after  the 
passage  of  this  act,  and  until  the  expiration  of 
ten  years  next  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  the 
coming  of  Chinese  laborers  to  the  United  States 
be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  suspended,  and  dur- 
ing such  suspension  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for 
any  Chinese  laborer  to  come  from  any  foreign 
port  or  place,  or  having  so  come  to  remain 
within  the  United  States.” 

“Sec.  2.  That  the  master  of  any  vessel  who 
shall  knowingly  bring  within  the  United  States 
on  such  vessel,  and  land,  or  attempt  to  land,  or 
permit  to  be  landed  any  Chinese  laborer,  from 
any  foreign  port  or  place,  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction 
thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  a fine  of  not  more 
than  five  hundred  dollars  for  each  and  every 
such  Chinese  laborer  so  brought,  and  may  also 
be  imprisoned  for  a term  not  exceeding  one 
year.”  . . . 

“Sec.  6.  That  in  order  to  the  faithful  cxecu- 


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tion  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  every  Chinese 
person,  other  thau  a laborer,  who  may  be  en- 
titled by  said  treaty  or  this  act  to  come  within 
the  United  States,  and  who  shall  be  about  to 
come  to  the  United  States,  shall  obtain  the  per- 
mission of  and  be  identified  as  so  entitled  by  the 
Chinese  Government,  or  of  such  other  foreign 
government  of  which  at  the  time  such  Chinese 
person  shall  be  a subject,  in  each  case  to  be  evi- 
denced by  a certificate  issued  by  such  Govern- 
ment, which  certificate  shall  be  in  the  English 
language,  and  shall  show  such  permission,  with 
the  name  of  the  permitted  person  in  his  or  her 
proper  signature,  and  which  certificate  shall 
state  the  individual,  family,  and  tribal  name 
in  full,  title  or  official  rank,  if  any,  the  age, 
height,  and  all  physical  peculiarities,  former  and 
present  occupation  or  profession,  when  and 
where  and  how  long  pursued,  and  place  of  resi- 
dence of  the  person  to  whom  the  certificate  is 
issued,  and  that  such  person  is  entitled  by  this 
act  to  come  within  the  United  States. 

“ If  the  person  so  applying  for  a certificate 
shall  be  a merchant,  said  certificate  shall  in  ad- 
dition to  above  requirements,  state  the  nature, 
character,  and  estimated  value  of  the  business 
carried  on  by  him  prior  to  and  at  the  time  of 
his  application  as  aforesaid:  Provided , That 
nothing  in  this  act  nor  in  said  treaty  shall  be 
construed  as  embracing  within  the  meaning  of 
the  word  ‘merchant,’  hucksters,  peddlers,  or 
those  engaged  in  taking,  drying,  or  otherwise 
preserving  shell  or  other  fish  for  home  consump- 
tion or  exportation. 

“ If  the  certificate  be  sought  for  the  purpose 
of  travel  for  curiosity,  it  shall  also  state  whether 
the  applicant  intends  to  pass  through  or  travel 
within  the  United  States,  together  with  his 
financial  standing  in  the  country  from  which 
such  certificate  is  desired. 

“ The  certificate  provided  for  in  this  act,  and 
the  identity  of  the  person  named  therein  shall, 
before  such  person  goes  on  board  any  vessel  to 
proceed  to  the  United  States,  be  vised  by  the 
indorsement  of  the  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  United  States  in  the  foreign  country  from 
which  such  certificate  issues,  or  of  the  consular 
representative  of  the  United  States  at  the  port 
or  place  from  which  the  person  named  in  the 
certificate  is  about  to  depart;  and  such  diplo- 
matic representative  or  consular  representative 
whose  indorsement  is  so  required  is  hereby  em- 
powered, and  it  shall  be  his  duty,  before  indors- 
ing such  certificate  as  aforesaid,  to  examine  into 
the  truth  of  the  statements  set  forth  in  said  cer- 
tificate, and  if  he  shall  find  upon  examination 
that  said  or  any  of  the  statements  therein  con- 
tained are  untrue  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  refuse  to 
indorse  the  same. 

“Such  certificate  vised  as  aforesaid  shall  be 
prima  facie  evidence  of  the  facts  set  forth 
therein,  and  shall  be  produced  to  the  Chinese 
inspector  in  charge  of  the  port  in  the  district  in 
the  United  States  at  which  the  person  named 
therein  shall  arrive,  and  afterward  produced 
to  the  proper  authorities  of  the  United  States 
whenever  lawfully  demanded,  and  shall  be  the 
sole  evidence  permissible  on  the  part  of  the  per- 
son so  producing  the  same  to  establish  a right 
of  entry  into  the  United  States ; but  said  certifi- 
cate may  be  controverted  and  the  facts  therein 
stated  disproved  by  the  United  States  authori- 
ties.” 


It  will  be  observed  that  Article  IV.  of  the 
Treaty  of  1880  provides  that,  if  measures  en- 
acted in  the  United  States  “are  found  to  work 
hardship  upon  the  subjects  of  China,  the  Chi- 
nese minister  at  Washington  may  bring  the 
matter  to  the  notice  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States,  who  will  consider  the  sub- 
ject with  him.”  One  who  consults  the  an- 
nual reports  that  are  published,  of  “Papers 
relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United 
States,”  will  find  that  the  Chinese  Minister  at 
Washington  has  had  occasion  very  often  to 
bring  cases  of  the  kind  thus  referred  to  in  the 
Treaty  to  the  notice  of  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  discovered,  when  he  did  so,  almost  invari- 
ably, that  under  the  enactments  complained  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  had  no  power  even  to 
“consider  the  subject”  of  complaint  with  him. 
The  highly  intelligent  and  keenly  logical  Mr. 
Wu  Ting-fang,  who  represented  China  at  Wash- 
ington in  1900-2,  had  much  correspondence  on 
such  matters  with  Secretary  Hay,  whose  sym- 
pathetic friendliness  to  China  was  well  proved  ; 
but  Mr.  Hay  could  never  do  more  than  refer 
Mr.  Wu’s  representations  to  the  Treasury  De- 
partment and  its  officials,  who  held  all  authority 
in  the  matter,  and  politely  return  to  the  Chinese 
Minister  such  responses  as  they  put  into  his 
hands.  The  following  is  one  example  of  Mr. 
Wu  Ting-fang’s  communications.  It  is  dated 
at  Washington,  December  26,  1900  : 

“I  have  received  from  the  imperial  consul- 
general  and  from  reputable  Chinese  merchants 
in  San  Francisco  such  urgent  complaints  that  I 
feel  it  my  regrettable  duty  to  again  address  you 
on  the  subject  of  the  manner  in  which  the  im- 
migration laws  of  Congress  are  being  enforced 
against  Chinese  subjects.  They  represent  what 
I set  forth  in  my  note  of  the  30th  ultimo,  that 
under  the  rulings  of  the  authorities  of  the  port 
of  San  Francisco  Chinese  students  holding  cer- 
tificates in  conformity  to  the  treaty  and  law  of 
Congress  are  virtually  debarred  from  entering 
the  United  States,  it  being  held  by  the  said  au- 
thorities that  such  students  must  come  here 
with  a knowledge  of  the  English  language  and 
with  an  education  that  will  permit  them  to 
forthwith  enter  a college  or  take  up  an  advanced 
professional  course  of  study.  They  further  repre- 
sent that  under  the  act  of  November  3,  1893,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  issued  certi- 
ficates of  residence  to  a large  number  of  Chinese 
persons,  not  laborers  — merchants  and  others  — 
and  that  the  rights  acquired  under  these  certi- 
ficates are  being  entirely  ignored.  Holders  of 
such  certificates  desiring  to  make  a temporary 
visit  to  China  are  denied  the  privilege,  and  per- 
sons who  have  departed  holding  such  certificates 
are  denied  the  privilege  of  reentering  the  United 
States.  They  state  that  merchants  returning  to 
San  Francisco  after  a temporary  visit  to  China 
are  often  imprisoned  in  the  detention  dock  for 
weeks  and  months  pending  their  landing. 
Their  Caucasian  witnesses  are  put  to  all  sorts  of 
inconveniences  and  annoyances  and  treated  with 
suspicion  and  discourtesy.  When  present  to 
sign  identification  papers  they  are  compelled  to 
await  the  pleasure  of  the  Chinese  bureau  for  ex- 
amination, and  are  plied  with  all  sorts  of  imma- 
terial questions  from  an  inspector,  who  assumes 
the  character  of  an  inquisitor.  The  result  of 
this  is  that  it  is  now  very  difficult  for  Chinese 
desiring  to  visit  their  native  land  to  obtain  the 


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necessary  signatures  for  their  identification  pa- 
pers, thus  causing  them  untold  mental  and 
financial  suffering.  They  report  that  it  has  been 
heretofore  the  custom  in  San  Francisco  for  years 
to  allow  the  attorney  for  the  persons  desiring 
to  enter  the  United  States  to  be  present  at  the 
Chinese  bureau  pending  the  taking  of  evidence 
on  their  behalf,  thus  affording  a protection  to 
the  Chinese  applicants  and  operating  as  a re- 
straint upon  overzealous  subordinate  officials. 
It  has  just  been  ordered  by  the  port  authori- 
ties that  henceforth  no  attorneys  shall  be  allowed 
to  be  present  at  the  taking  of  such  testimony,  or 
of  any  testimony  on  behalf  of  Chinese  desiring 
to  enter  that  port.  They  assert  that  this  action 
makes  the  immigration  inspector,  whose  avowed 
policy  is  to  cause  the  return  to  China  of  every 
Chinese  he  possibly  can,  the  master  of  the  situa- 
tion and  throws  all  Chinese  applicants  at  his 
feet.”  — Minister  Wu  to  Secretary  Hay,  Dec.  26, 
1900  ( Foreign  Relations,  1901,  p.  64). 

In  a previous  communication  the  Chinese 
Minister  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  mat- 
ter demanded  the  attention  of  the  President ; 
to  which  Secretary  Hay  replied  that  “ in  the 
Department’s  view  the  immigration  acts  do 
not  confer  upon  the  President  any  power  to  in- 
terpose in  the  matter.  The  act  of  August  18, 
1894,  provides  that  ‘ in  every  case  where  an  alien 
is  excluded  from  admission  into  the  United 
States  under  any  law  or  treaty  now  existing  or 
hereafter  made,  the  decision  of  the  appropriate 
immigration  or  customs  officers,  if  adverse  to 
the  admission  of  such  alien,  shall  be  final,  unless 
reversed  on  appeal  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury.” On  this  statement  Mr.  Wu  now  re- 
marked : 

“I  beg  to  say  that  I was  aware  of  the  law 
which  is  quoted  in  your  note  of  the  5th  instant, 
when  I suggested  the  interposition  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  but  I am  advised  that 
it  can  hardly  be  interpreted  as  a prohibition 
against  the  exercise  by  that  supreme  official 
of  the  nation  of  his  influence  with  one  of  his 
own  Secretaries,  if  he  was  convinced,  upon 
examination  of  the  facts,  that  a solemn  treaty 
guaranty  was  being  violated  and  a great  wrong 
being  done  to  subjects  of  a friendly  Govern- 
ment. I am  further  advised  that  it  was  not  the 
intent  of  Congress,  by  the  act  cited,  to  take 
from  the  President  the  duty,  which  I have  un- 
derstood was  imposed  on  him  by  your  great  and 
wise  Constitution,  to  ‘ take  care  that  the  laws 
be  faithfully  executed,’  and  by  the  same  instru- 
ment the  treaties  with  foreign  nations  are  de- 
clared to  be  ‘ the  supreme  law  of  the  land.’  I 
feel  persuaded  that  if  you  will  lay  the  questions 
presented  in  the  present  note  and  that  of  the 
30th  ultimo  before  the  President,  he  will  be  in- 
spired by  his  high  sense  of  justice  to  induce 
the  honorable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  re- 
vise the  decisions  which  have  been  made  bv  the 
official  of  his  Department,  or  that  he  will  at 
least  submit  the  question  to  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral for  a construction  of  the  treaty  and  the  laws 
depending  thereon.” — Foreign  Relations,  1901, 
p.  65. 

Any  fair-minded  reader  of  the  correspondence 
between  Chinese  and  American  officials,  relative 
to  the  treatment  of  Chinamen  in  the  United 
States,  is  likely  to  find  himself  quite  generally 
in  sympathy  with  the  former,  and  compelled  to 
doubt  whether  the  subjects  of  China  would  lose 


anything  if  all  the  treaty  engagements  supposed 
to  be  in  force,  between  their  Government  and 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  were  can- 
celled to-morrow. 

Anti-Japanese  Agitation  in  California. — 
Segregation  of  Orientals  in  San  Francisco 
Schools.  — Japanese  Resentment.  — The 
Labor  Question  at  the  Bottom.  — State 
Rights  and  Treaty  Rights. — “The  events 
noted  in  this  article  belong  mostly  to  San 
Francisco,  but  to  a very  considerable  extent 
the  agitation  is  one  of  state  and  national  im- 
portance. 

“ In  November,  1904,  the  American  Federa- 
tion of  Labor  held  its  annual  meeting  in  San 
Francisco.  It  adopted  a resolution  demanding 
that  the  terms  of  the  Chinese  Exclusion  Act 
should  be  so  extended  ‘as  to  permanently  ex- 
clude from  the  United  States  and  its  insular  ter- 
ritory all  classes  of  Japanese  and  Coreans  other 
than  those  exempted  by  the  present  terms  of  the 
act.’  ” 

“ In  February,  1905,  the  San  Francisco  Chron- 
icle, a daily  newspaper  of  state-wide  reputation, 
began  to  publish  a series  of  articles  having  the 
general  object  of  representing  the  immigration 
of  Japanese,  particularly  of  Japanese  laborers, 
as  a menace  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
California  and  of  the  nation  as  well.  On  the 
date  ,of  the  first  publication,  February  23,  1905, 
the  purpose  of  the  series  was  thus  announced 
editorially : 

“ ‘ With  this  issue  we  summon  the  attention  of 
the  public  to  a matter  of  grave  import,  a matter 
that  no  longer  admits  of  delay  if  we  are  to  pre- 
serve the  integrity  of  our  social  life  not  only  in 
California  but  throughout  the  Union.  The  Jap- 
anese invasion  with  which  we  are  confronted  is 
fraught  with  a peril  none  the  less  momentous 
because  it  is  so  silent,  none  the  less  attended 
with  danger  to  American  character  and  to  Amer- 
ican institutions  because  it  is  so  peaceful.  . . . 
It  will  be  well  for  us  to  choose  now  the  line  of 
least  resistance,  to  determine  now  and  forever 
whether  this  State  and  this  country  are  to  be 
American  or  whether  they  are  to  be  Asiatic, 
whether  they  are  to  continue  under  the  sway  of 
American  thought  and  aspiration  or  whether 
they  are  to  become  a seminary,  an  abiding  place, 
and  an  inheritance  for  the  Oriental  peoples.  . . . 
This  is  a matter  first  for  California  and  for  the 
Pacific  Coast  and  secondly  for  the  whole  Nation. 
California  stands  to-day  as  an  open  door  for 
Japan  and  for  Asia  aind  when  these  portals  have 
been  passed  the  road  to  the  Atlantic  is  un- 
barred.’ 

“ The  series  of  articles  printed  conspicuously 
on  the  front  page  at  intervals  of  two  or  three 
days  sought  to  establish  as  fact  a rapidly  increas- 
ing inflow  of  Japanese  laborers,  ready  to  work 
at  wages  far  below  the  white  standard,  and 
sending  native-born  white  men  into  the  ranks  of 
the  unemployed. 

“By  a unanimous  vote  in  each  House,  and 
with  only  few  absentees,  the  California  Legis- 
lature on  March  1 and  2,  1905,  placed  itself  on 
record  with  respect  to  Japanese  immigration  in 
the  adoption  of  a concurrent  resolution.  After 
a lengthy  preamble,  the  Legislature  — 

“ ‘ Resolved , that  in  view  of  the  facts  and  rea- 
sons aforesaid,  and  of  many  others  that  might 
be  stated,  we,  as  representatives  of  the  people  of 
the  State  of  California,  do  earnestly  and  stren- 


538 


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RACE  PROBLEMS 


uously  ask  and  request,  and  in  so  far  as  it 
may  be  proper,  demand  for  the  protection  of  the 
people  of  this  State  and  for  the  proper  safe- 
guarding of  their  interests,  that  action  be  taken 
without  delay,  by  treaty,  or  otherwise,  as  may 
be  most  expeditious  and  advantageous,  tending 
to  limit  within  reasonable  bounds  and  diminish 
in  a marked  degree  the  further  immigration  of 
Japanese  laborers  into  the  United  States. 

“ ‘ That  our  Senators  and  Representatives  be, 
and  they  are  hereby,  requested  and  directed  to 
bring  the  matters  aforesaid  to  the  attention  of 
the  President  and  the  Department  of  State.’  — 
California  Statutes,  1905,  Concurrent  & Joint 
lies.  ch.  xxiv. 

“ On  Sunday  May  7,  1905,  there  was  held  in 
Lyric  Hall,  San  Francisco,  a sort  of  convention 
of  representatives  of  various  Labor  organiza- 
tions and  Improvement  Clubs  of  San  Francisco 
and  near-by  cities,  — such  as  the  Building 
Trades  Council,  District  Council  of  Painters, 
Carpenters’  Union  No.  22,  Federation  of  Mission 
Improvement  Clubs,  et  al.  After  much  speech- 
making of  a demagogic  character,  committees 
were  appointed  and  an  adjournment  taken  to 
the  following  Sunday.  On  that  day,  May  14, 
organization  was  perfected  by  the  election  of 
the  usual  officers.  All  of  these  were  men  active 
in  the  promotion  of  labor  organization. 

“On  May  6,  1905,  the  San  Francisco  Board 
of  Education  adopted  a resolution  expressing  its 
determination  ‘ to  effect  the  establishment  of 
separate  schools  for  Chinese  and  Japanese  pu- 
pils . . . for  the  higher  end  that  our  children 
should  not  be  placed  in  any  position  where  their 
youthful  impressions  may  be  affected  by  asso- 
ciation with  pupils  of  the  Mongolian  Race.’ 
But  finding  itself  without  sufficient  funds  for 
equipment  of  a separate  school,  the  Board  did 
not  pursue  the  matter  at  this  time.  Its  zeal  in 
the  matter  was  not  abated  by  the  vast  amount 
of  labor  required  to  reestablish  the  schools  after 
the  great  fire  of  April,  1906,  and  on  October  11, 
1906,  it  adopted  and  put  into  effect  the  follow- 
ing resolution: 

“ ‘ Resolved,  That  in  accordance  with  Article 
X,  Section  1662,  of  the  School  Law  of  Califor- 
nia, principals  are  hereby  directed  to  send  all 
Chinese  Japanese  or  Corean  children  to  the  Ori- 
ental public  school,  situated  on  the  south  side  of 
Clay  street,  between  Powell  and  Mason  streets, 
on  and  after  Monday,  October  15,  1906.’ 

“The  Consul  of  Japan  in  San  Francisco  at 
once  addressed  protests  to  the  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, urging  that  the  requirement  would  work 
great  hardship  upon  Japanese  children,  by  rea- 
son of  distance  and  the  difficulties  of  travel, 
street-car  transportation  at  the  time  being  very 
uncertain  on  account  of  the  derangements  pro- 
duced by  the  great  conflagration  of  April,  1906. 
Protests  and  appeals  were  alike  turned  aside  in 
California,  but  they  received  instant  attention 
in  Washington  by  President  Roosevelt,  who 
sent  Hon.  V.  H.  Metcalf,  the  Secretary  of  Com- 
merce and  Labor,  to  San  Francisco  to  investigate 
on  the  ground. 

" There  seemed  to  be  a possible  solution  of 
the  school  question  by  securing  a judicial  deter- 
mination of  the  matter  as  a violation  of  treaty 
rights.  Upon  these  points  Secretary  Metcalf 
reported  to  the  President  substantially  as  fol- 
lows: 

“1st.  There  is  no ‘favored  nation’  clause  in 


any  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Japan 
which  clearly  guarantees  the  right  of  education. 
The  action  of  the  San  Francisco  School  Board 
is  therefore  not  the  denial  of  a treaty  right. 

“2nd.  Two  points  remain  upon  which  the 
validity  of  the  resolution  of  the  School  Board 
might  be  questioned,  as  follows  : 

“ a.  May  the  sovereign  State  of  California  del- 
egate legislative  rights  to  district  school  boards 
or  other  municipal  or  local  bodies  ? 

“b.  Are  the  Japanese  Mongolians,  and  as 
such  covered  by  the  state  statute  governing  the 
establishment  of  schools  ? 

“ Suit  upon  these  points  is  inadvisable  for  the 
reason  that  in  case  of  a favorable  decision,  the 
next  legislature  would  hasten  to  enact  legislation 
especially  singling  out  the  Japanese  for  discrim- 
ination. 

“In  December,  1906,  however,  the  United 
States  District  Attorney  was  summoned  from 
San  Francisco  to  Washington  for  conference  with 
the  President  and  Attorney-General,  and  upon 
his  return  to  San  Francisco  two  suits  were  com- 
menced. One  was  a petition  for  a writ  of  man- 
date in  the  Supreme  Court  of  California,  the 
other  was  a suit  in  equity  in  the  United  States 
Circuit  Court  for  the  Northern  District  of  Cali- 
fornia. Neither  suit  was  prosecuted,  and  both 
actions  were  subsequently  dismissed. 

“ The  influence  of  the  Japanese  Consul  and  of 
the  leaders  among  the  Japanese  resident  in  San 
Francisco  was  strongly  exerted  toward  allaying 
excitement  and  preventing  any  acts  that  might 
give  ground  for  complaint.  However,  it  was 
impossible  to  conceal  the  fact  that  the  effort  of 
the  School  Board  toward  segregation  was  a 
stinging  blow  to  Japanese  national  pride. 

“ The  San  Francisco  school  question  was  sud- 
denly lifted  into  national  prominence  by  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt,  who  included  pointed  criticism 
of  the  San  Francisco  authorities  in  his  annual 
message  to  Congress,  as  follows: 

“ ‘Not  only  must  we  treat  all  nations  fairly, 
but  we  must  treat  with  justice  and  good  will 
all  immigrants  who  come  here  under  the  law. 

. . . Especially  do  we  need  to  remember  our 
duty  to  the  stranger  within  our  gates.  ...  I 
am  prompted  to  say  this  by  the  attitude  of  hos- 
tility here  and  there  assumed  toward  the  Japan- 
ese in  this  country.  ...  It  is  most  discredit- 
able to  us  as  a people  and  it  may  be  fraught 
with  the  gravest  consequences  to  the  nation. 

. . . Here  and  there  a most  unworthy  feeling 
has  manifested  itself  toward  the  Japanese  — a 
feeling  that  has  shown  itself  in  shutting  them 
out  from  the  common  schools  in  San  Francisco, 
and  in  mutterings  against  them  in  one  or  two 
other  places,  because  of  their  efficiency  as  work- 
ers. To  shut  them  out  from  the  public  schools 
is  a wicked  absurdity,  when  there  are  no  first- 
class  colleges  in  the  land,  including  the  uni- 
versities and  colleges  of  California,  which  do 
not  welcome  Japanese  students  and  on  which 
Japanese  students  do  not  reflect  credit.’  The 
president  then  specifically  recommended  to  Con- 
gress the  enactment  of  legislation  for  the  natu- 
ralization of  Japanese  and  for  the  enlargement 
of  the  powers  of  the  federal  government  for 
the  better  protection  of  resident  aliens  against 
infringement  of  treaty  rights. 

“ The  effect  of  the  president’s  utterances  was 
to  raise  new  questions  and  to  bring  new  and 
powerful  influences  to  the  support  of  the  San 


539 


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RACE  PROBLEMS 


Francisco  authorities.  In  California  the  San 
Francisco  School  Board  received  at  once  the 
credit  of  heroic  defense  of  the  principle  of  state 
sovereignty.  Expression  of  the  same  sentiment 
in  Congress  was  immediate  and  direct. 

“Early  in  1907,  President  Roosevelt  invited 
the  San  Francisco  Board  of  Education  to  come 
to  Washington.  This  invitation  was  accepted, 
and  the  Board,  accompanied  by  the  Mayor  of 
San  Francisco,  journeyed  across  the  continent. 
Several  conferences  were  held,  and  after  their 
return  to  San  Francisco,  public  statements  of 
results  were  made  both  by  the  Board  of  Educa- 
tion and  by  the  Mayor.  On  March  13,  1907, 
the  offending  resolution  of  the  previous  October 
was  repealed. 

“ The  action  of  the  San  Francisco  authorities 
aroused  very  general  comment  throughout  the 
country.  The  actual  facts  in  regard  to  the 
Japanese  in  the  schools  were  not  inquired  into 
by  the  San  Francisco  press,  nor  in  fact  were 
they  accurately  known  at  the  time  even  to  the 
school  authorities  of  the  city.  The  exact  facts 
were  published  by  The  Outlook  on  June  1,  1907, 
from  accurate  investigation  on  the  ground. 
The  Superintendent  of  Schools  had  given  as 
the  main  reason  for  segregation,  that  95  per 
cent,  of  the  Japanese  pupils  were  young  men 
and  ‘ we  object  to  an  adult  Japanese  sitting  be- 
side a twelve  year  old  girl.’  The  facts  were 
that  on  December  8,  1906,  in  all  schools  of  pri- 
mary and  grammar  grade  there  was  an  enroll- 
ment of  28,736  pupils.  Of  these  there  were  93 
Japanese,  nearly  one-third  of  whom  were  born 
in  the  United  States.  There  were  28  girls  and 
65  boys.  Of  the  65  boys  34  were  under  15 
years  of  age,  and  of  the  remaining  31  only  2 
were  20  years.  25  of  the  boys  over  15  years 
were  in  the  grammar  grades,  leaving  but  6 to 
justify  the  objection  of  adults  ‘sitting  beside 
children  of  tender  years.’  The  conclusion  of 
the  Outlook  inquiry  was  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  situation  that  could  not  have  been  met 
by  simpler  remedies  than  the  attempted  segre- 
gation, and  that  the  underlying  motive  in  the 
whole  matter  was  a desire  to  win  the  political 
support  of  the  labor  unions. 

“The  great  fire  in  San  Francisco  in  1906 
drove  the  Japanese  from  their  established  quar- 
ters. Their  attempts  to  gain  new  locations  in 
districts  previously  occupied  wholly  by  white 
residents  tended  to  draw  attention  to  them. 
For  a time  the  policing  of  the  city  was  inade- 
quate, and  cases  of  bodily  violence  toward 
Japanese  were  not  infrequent.  Anything  like 
organized  action  took  the  form  of  boycotts  di- 
rected against  Japanese  restaurants  that  sought 
white  patronage  and  subsequently  against  the 
Japanese  laundries. 

“The  biennial  sessions  of  the  legislature 
since  1905  have  regularly  furnished  a large 
supply  of  anti-Japanese  resolutions  and  bills, 
introduced  for  effect  and  without  sufficient  sup- 
port for  enactment.  However,  in  1909  legisla- 
tion was  attempted  looking  toward  prohibiting 
Japanese  from  becoming  owners  of  real  pro- 
perty. It  was  only  the  strenuous  protests  of 
President  Roosevelt  actively  supported  by  the 
governor  of  the  state  that  prevented  for  this 
session  the  enactment  of  some  such  measure. 
The  legislature  finally  contented  itself  with 
making  an  appropriation  for  a state  census  of 
Japanese. 


“ This  census  was  intrusted  to  the  state  com- 
missioner of  labor,  and  is  now  (July,  1909)  in 
progress.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a step  toward 
an  authoritative  inquiry  as  to  facts  upon  which 
later  action  may  be  based,  if  deemed  necessary. 

“The  Japanese  on  the  Pacific  Coast  uni- 
formly exercise  a most  commendable  self-re- 
straint, and  their  officials  take  advantage  of 
every  opportunity  to  display  a spirit  of  friend- 
liness. This  is  illustrated  by  liberal  contribu- 
tions to  the  city’s  fund  for  the  entertainment  of 
the  sailors  of  the  Atlantic  Fleet  during  its  visit 
to  San  Francisco  in  May,  1908,  and  by  an  invi- 
tation extended  by  the  Chambers  of  Commerce 
of  the  large  cities  of  Japan  in  July,  1908,  to 
similar  bodies  in  the  Pacific  Coast  states  to  visit 
Japan  as  guests  of  the  country.  This  invita- 
tion was  accepted  by  numerous  commercial 
representatives  of  the  cities  from  Los  Angeles 
northward  to  Seattle.”  — Frederick  H.  Clark, 
Head  of  History  Dept.,  Lowell  High  School, 
San  Francisco. 

The  treaty -right  and  State-right  questions  in- 
volved in  the  controversy  were  most  perfectly 
clarified  by  Secretary  of  State  Root,  in  an  ad- 
dress before  the  first  annual  meeting  of  the 
American  Society  of  International  Law,  at  Wash- 
ington, in  April,  1907.  It  had  been  assumed, 
he  said,  “ that  in  making  and  asserting  the  valid- 
ity of  the  treaty  of  1894  the  United  States  was 
asserting  the  right  to  compel  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia to  admit  Japanese  children  to  its  schools. 
No  such  question  was  involved.  That  treaty 
did  not  by  any  possible  construction  assert  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  to  compel  any 
State  to  maintain  public  schools  or  to  extend 
the  privileges  of  its  public  schools  to  Japanese 
children  or  to  the  children  of  any  alien  residents. 
The  treaty  did  assert  the  right  of  the  United 
States,  by  treaty,  to  assure  to  the  citizens  of  a 
foreign  nation  residing  in  American  territory 
equality  of  treatment  with  the  citizens  of  other 
foreign  nations.  So  that,  if  any  State  chooses 
to  extend  privileges  to  alien  residents  as  well  as 
to  citizen  residents  the  State  will  be  forbidden 
by  the  application  of  the  treaty  to  discriminate 
against  the  resident  citizens  of  the  particular 
country  with  which  the  treaty  is  made  and  will 
be  forbidden  to  deny  to  them  the  privileges 
which  it  grants  to  the  citizens  of  other  foreign 
countries.  The  effect  of  such  a treaty,  in  re- 
spect to  education,  is  not  positive  and  compul- 
sory ; it  is  negative  and  prohibitory.  It  is  not 
a requirement  that  the  State  shall  furnish  educa- 
tion ; it  is  a prohibition  against  discrimination 
when  the  State  does  choose  to  furnish  education. 
It  leaves  every  State  free  to  have  public  schools 
or  not,  as  it  chooses,  but  it  says  to  every  State: 

“ 1 If  you  provide  a system  of  education  which 
includes  alien  children  you  must  not  exclude 
these  particular  alien  children.’” 

Inasmuch  as  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  made  in  pursuance  thereof, 
and  all  treaties  made  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  are  declared  to  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  and  that  the  judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the 
constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding,  this  prohibitory  power  was 
shown  to  be  incontestible. 

The  common-sense  ground  of  opinion  and 
feeling  on  the  whole  subject  in  America  could 
not  be  set  forth  more  indisputably  than  it  was 


540 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


by  Mr.  Roosevelt,  after  he  had  ceased  to  be 
President,  when  he  wrote  as  a private  citizen, 
in  his  editorial  connection  with  The  Outlook, 
on  the  8tli  of  May,  1909,  this:  “The  Japanese 
are  a highly  civilized  people  of  extraordinary 
military,  artistic,  and  industrial  development.; 
they  are  proud,  warlike,  and  sensitive.  I be- 
lieve that  our  people  have,  what  I personally 
certainly  have,  a profound  and  hearty  admira- 
tion for  them;  an  admiration  for  their  great 
deeds  and  great  qualities,  an  ungrudging  re- 
spect for  their  national  character.  But  this  ad- 
miration and  respect  is  accompanied  by  the  firm 
conviction  that  it  is  not  for  the  advantage  of 
either  people  that  emigrants  from  either  country 
should  settle  in  mass  in  the  other  country.  The 
understanding  between  the  two  countries  on 
this  point  should  be  on  a basis  of  entire  mutu- 
ality, and  therefore  on  a basis  which  will  pre- 
serve unimpaired  the  self-respect  of  each  coun- 
try, and  permit  each  to  continue  to  feel  friendly 
good  will  for  the  other.  Japan  would  certainly 
object  to  the  incoming  of  masses  of  American 
farmers,  laborers,  and  small  traders ; indeed, 
the  Japanese  would  object  to  this  at  least  as 
strongly  as  the  men  of  the  Pacific  Coast  and 
Rocky  'Mountain  States  object  to  the  incoming 
in  mass  of  Japanese  workmen,  agricultural  la- 
borers, and  men  engaged  in  small  trades.  The 
Japanese  certainly  object  to  Americans  acquir- 
ing land  in  Japan  at  least  as  much  as  the  Ameri- 
cans of  the  far  Western  States  object  to  the 
Japanese  acquiring  land  on  our  soil.  The 
Americans  who  go  to  Japan  and  the  Japanese 
who  come  to  America  should  be  of  the  same 
general  class — that  is,  they  should  be  travelers, 
students,  teachers,  scientific  investigators,  men 
engaged  in  international  business,  men  sojourn- 
ing in  the  land  for  pleasure  or  study.  As  long 
as  the  emigration  from  each  side  is  limited  to 
classes  such  as  these,  there  will  be  no  settlement 
in  mass,  and  therefore  no  difficulty.” 

That  the  emigration  from  Japan  has  been  thus 
closely  limited  was  shown  in  September,  1909, 
by  the  issue  of  a statistical  circular  from  the 
office  of  the  Japanese  Consul-General  at  San 
Francisco,  dealing  in  tabulated  form  with  the 
arrivals  and  departures  from  Japan  for  the  year 
1908  and  for  the  first  six  months  of  the  year 
1909.  It  shows  that  the  number  of  the  excess 
arrivals  in  Japan  over  the  departures  for  1908 
was  1807,  and  for  the  first  six  months  of  the  pre- 
sent year  737,  making  a total  excess  of  arrivals 
in  Japan  over  departures  for  the  18  months  of 
2544.  The  circular  states  that  “ no  new  labour- 
ers are  now  leaving  Japan  for  American  terri- 
tory,” and  this  may  be  taken  as  the  official 
Japanese  reply  to  the  continued  assertions  of  the 
California  labour  unions  that  large  numbers  of 
coolies  are  still  reaching  the  country  by  way  of 
the  Canadian  and  Mexican  frontiers. 

Exclusion  of  Chinese.  — The  Law  and  its 
Administration. — The  Chinese  Resentment 
expressed  in  a Boycott.  — President  Roose- 
velt’s Vain  Appeal  to  Congress.  — Opinion 
of  Secretary  Straus.  — Resentful  feeling 
aroused  in  China  by  the  immigration  and  exclu- 
sion laws  of  the  United  States,  in  their  special 
application  to  incoming  Chinese  and  in  the  harsh- 
ness of  their  administration,  began  to  have  ex- 
pression at  Shanghai  in  May,  1905,  when  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  at  a meeting  of  the  merchant 
guilds  of  that  city  which  initiated  an  extensive 


boycotting  of  American  goods  and  of  everything 
connected  with  America.  A report  of  the  meet- 
ing and  of  its  recommendations  was  sent  to  all 
parts  of  the  Empire  and  elicited  a quick  and 
general  response.  The  undertaking  of  the  move- 
ment was  to  stop  the  buying  of  American  goods; 
to  socially  ostracise  tradesmen  who  continue  to 
haudle  them,  and  to  render  no  service  to  Ameri- 
cans in  China,  except  for  higher  pay  than  is  de- 
manded from  others.  This  boycotting  attitude 
of  large  numbers  in  China  was  persisted  in 
throughout  the  year,  and  not  only  made  itself 
felt  seriously  in  commercial  circles,  but  im- 
pressed the  American  public  with  a proper  sense 
of  the  indignities  they  were  allowing  to  be  im- 
posed on  a people  who  deserve  their  respect. 
The  President,  in  his  Message  to  Congress  at  the 
opening  of  the  session  in  December,  dealt  justly 
with  the  subject,  as  follows  : 

“The  conditions  in  China  are  such  that  the 
entire  Chinese  coolie  class,  that  is,  the  class  of 
Chinese  laborers,  skilled  and  unskilled,  legiti- 
mately come  under  the  head  of  undesirable  im- 
migrants to  this  country,  because  of  their  num- 
bers, the  low  wages  for  which  they  work,  and 
their  low  standard  of  living.  Not  only  is  it  to 
the  interest  of  this  country  to  keep  them  out, 
but  the  Chinese  authorities  do  not  desire  that 
they  should  be  admitted.  At  present  their  en- 
trance is  prohibited  by  laws  amply  adequate  to 
accomplish  this  purpose.  These  laws  have 
been,  are  being,  and  will  be,  thoroughly  en- 
forced. . . . But  in  the  effort  to  carry  out  the 
policy  of  excluding  Chinese  laborers,  Chinese 
coolies,  grave  injustice  and  wrong  have  been 
done  by  this  Nation  to  the  people  of  China,  and 
therefore  ultimately  to  this  Nation  itself.  Chi- 
nese students,  business  and  professional  men  of 
all  kinds  — not  only  merchants,  but  bankers, 
doctors,  manufacturers,  professors,  travelers, 
and  the  like  — should  be  encouraged  to  come 
here  and  treated  on  precisely  the  same  footing 
that  we  treat  students,  business  men,  travelers, 
and  the  like  of  other  nations.  Our  law's  and 
treaties  should  be  framed,  not  so  as  to  put  these 
people  in  the  excepted  classes,  but  to  state  that 
we  will  admit  all  Chinese,  except  Chinese  of 
the  coolie  class,  Chinese  skilled  or  unskilled  la- 
borers. There  would  not  be  the  least  danger 
that  any  such  provision  would  result  in  any  re- 
laxation of  the  law  about  laborers.  These  will, 
under  all  conditions,  be  kept  out  absolutely. 
But  it  will  be  more  easy  to  see  that  both  jus- 
tice and  courtesy  are  shown,  as  they  ought  to 
be  shown,  to  other  Chinese,  if  the  law  or 
treaty  is  framed  as  above  suggested.  Exami- 
nations should  be  completed  at  the  port  of  de- 
parture from  China.  For  this  purpose  there 
should  be  provided  a more  adequate  consular 
service  in  China  than  we  now  have.  The  ap- 
propriations, both  for  the  offices  of  the  consuls 
and  for  the  office  forces  in  the  consulates,  should 
be  increased. 

“As  a people  we  have  talked  much  of  the 
open  door  in  China,  and  we  expect,  and  quite 
rightly  intend  to  insist  upon,  justice  being 
shown  us  by  the  Chinese.  But  we  can  not  ex- 
pect to  receive  equity  unless  we  do  equity.  We 
can  not  ask  the  Chinese  to  do  to  us  what  we  are 
unwilling  to  do  to  them.  They  would  have  a 
perfect  right  to  exclude  our  laboring  men  if  our 
laboring  men  threatened  to  come  into  their 
country  in  such  numbers  as  to  jeopardize  the 


541 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


well  being  of  the  Chinese  population  ; and  as, 
mutatis  mutandis,  these  were  the  conditions 
with  which  Chinese  immigration  actually 
brought  this  people  face  to  face,  we  had  and 
have  a perfect  right,  which  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment in  no  way  contests,  to  act  as  we  have 
acted  in  the  matter  of  restricting  coolie  immi- 
gration. That  this  right  exists  for  each  country 
was  explicitly  acknowledged  in  the  last  treaty 
between  the  two  countries.  But  we  must  treat 
the  Chinese  student,  traveler,  and  business  man 
in  a spirit  of  the  broadest  justice  and  courtesy 
if  we  expect  similar  treatment  to  be  accorded 
to  our  own  people  of  similar  rank  who  go  to 
China.” — President' s Message  to  Congress,  Dec. 
5,  1905. 

No  effective  impression  on  the  moral  sense  or 
the  rationality  of  Congress  was  made  by  the 
President’s  appeal,  and  the  laws  which  are  con- 
temptuous of  national  treaties  and  indifferent  to 
the  national  honor  remain  on  the  statute  books 
unchanged.  That  others  than  the  President  in 
the  Federal  Administration  felt  the  wrong  and 
the  shame  of  the  law  which  it  had  to  adminis- 
ter, was  shown  by  an  article  from  the  pen  of 
the  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  pub- 
lished in  the  spring  of  1908.  The  following 
are  some  passages  from  the  article  : 

“ It  is  not  the  policy  of  the  Government  with 
reference  to  Chinese  immigration,  but  the  man- 
ner in  which  it  is,  of  necessity,  carried  out,  by 
reason  of  the  way  in  which  the  laws  are  framed, 
that  causes  constant  friction  and  dissatisfaction. 

. . . The  attitude  of  the  Chinese  Government 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  1904, 
after  the  convention  of  1894  had  been  in  force 
ten  years,  China  availed  herself  of  her  reserved 
right  and  formally  denounced  the  treaty,  refus- 
ing longer  to  be  a party  to  an  arrangement 
which,  as  carried  into  effect,  was  offensive  to 
her  national  pride.  . . . 

“ For  proof  of  the  feeling  of  the  Chinese 
people  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  boycott 
of  American  goods,  inaugurated  by  various 
trade  guilds  and  business  and  commercial  asso- 
ciations of  the  Empire  during  the  summer  of 
1905.  At  that  time  China  held  first  rank  among 
Oriental  countries  as  a consumer  of  American 
products.  In  that  year,  her  total  commerce 
amounted  to  $497,000,000,  of  which  $329,000,- 
000  were  imports ; $57,000,000,  or  more  than 
seventeen  per  cent.,  being  supplied  by  the 
United  States.  The  exports  from  the  United 
States  to  China  had  grown  to  these  proportions 
by  rapid  strides.  They  were  less  than  $3,000,- 
000  in  the  seventies.  They  only  reached  $7,500,- 
000  in  1886,  $12,000,000  in  1897,  $15,000,000  in 
1900,  $24,000,000  in  1902,  $57,000,000  in  1905. 
It  was  reasonable  to  believe  that  American  trade 
would  continue  to  progress  in  something  like 
the  same  ratio,  and  a larger  and  larger  share  of 
the  foreign  trade  of  China  accrue  to  the  United 
States.  Instead  of  that,  the  exports  of  the 
United  States  to  China,  according  to  our  statis- 
tics, fell  to  $44,000,000  in  1906,  and  to  $26,000,- 
000  in  1907. 

“It  is  not  necessary  to  attribute  the  decline 
wholly  to  the  boycott  of  1905,  but  a drop  in  our 
exportations  to  that  country  of  fifty  per  cent,  in 
two  years  is  sufficiently  startling  to  challenge 
attention.  But  on  higher  grounds  than  those  of 
mere  commercial  interest  should  the  frame  of  the 
laws  be  changed.  . . . 


"I  would  not  suggest  a change  in  the  estab- 
lished policy  of  rigidly  excluding  Chinese  labor- 
ers of  every  description,  both  skilled  and  un- 
skilled. The  policy  has  been  and  will  continue 
to  be  as  effectively  enforced  as  circumstances 
will  permit.  But,  at  a time  when  this  policy  of 
exclusion  has  been  so  thoroughly  applied  that 
there  remain  in  the  United  States  only  about 
70,000  Chinese  — less  than  one-tenth  of  one  per 
cent,  of  our  population — little  danger  need  be 
apprehended  from  a full  and  fair  reconsideration 
of  the  subject  and  a recasting  of  the  laws  upon 
a juster  basis.  . . . 

“By  making  admission  the  rule,  and  exclu- 
sion the  exception,  we  could  easily  preserve  the 
present  policy  in  all  its  integrity,  and  even 
strengthen  the  real  prohibitory  features  thereof, 
at  the  same  time  entirely  removing  a material 
cause  of  friction,  dissatisfaction  and  unnecessary 
humiliation  to  the  people  of  a friendly  nation.” 
— Oscar  S.  Straus  (Sec’y  of  Commerce  and 
Labor),  The  Spirit  and  Letter  of  Exclusion  ( The 
North  American  Review,  April,  1908). 

A much  stronger  expression  was  given  to  the 
shamed  feeling  of  honorable  Americans  on  this 
subject  by  the  veteran  diplomatist  and  former 
Secretary  of  State,  Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  in  an 
article  written  in  1906.  The  following  is  a pas- 
sage from  the  article  : 

“I  do  not  know  how  I can  better  illustrate 
the  kind  of  protection,  or  want  of  protection, 
extended  to  the  Chinese,  as  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution,  the  treaties,  and  the  solemn  pro- 
mises of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
than  by  recalling  a notorious  case  which  oc- 
curred, not  on  the  sand  lots  of  California,  not 
under  the  auspices  of  labor  agitators,  but  in  the 
enlightened  city  of  Boston  and  under  the  con- 
duct of  Federal  officials. 

“ The  following  narrative  is  condensed  from 
the  newspapers  of  that  city.  At  about  half  past 
seven  o’clock  on  the  evening  of  Sunday,  October 
11,  1902,  a number  of  United  States  officials  of 
Boston,  New  York,  and  other  cities  charged  with 
the  administration  of  the  Chinese  exclusion 
laws,  assisted  by  a force  of  the  local  police,  made 
a sudden  and  unexpected  descent  upon  the  Chi- 
nese quarter  of  Boston.  The  raid  was  timed 
with  a refinement  of  cruelty  which  did  greater 
credit  to  the  shrewdness  of  the  officials  than  to 
their  humanity.  It  was  on  the  day  and  at  the 
hour  when  the  Chinese  of  Boston  and  its  vicin- 
ity were  accustomed  to  congregate  iu  the  quar- 
ter named  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  friends 
and  enjoying  themselves  after  a week  of  steady 
and  honest  toil.  The  police  and  immigration 
officials  fell  upon  their  victims  without  giving 
a word  of  warning.  The  clubs,  restaurants, 
other  public  places  where  Chinese  congregated, 
and  private  houses  were  surrounded.  Every 
avenue  of  escape  was  blocked.  To  those  seized 
no  warrant  for  arrest  or  other  paper  was  read  or 
shown. 

“Every  Chinese  who  did  not  at  once  produce 
his  certificate  of  residence  was  taken  in  charge, 
and  the  unfortunate  ones  were  rushed  off  to  the 
Federal  Building  without  further  ceremony. 
There  was  no  respect  of  persons  with  the  offi- 
cials ; they  treated  merchants  and  laborers  alike. 
In  many  cases  no  demand  was  made  for  certifi- 
cates, the  captives  were  dragged  off  to  imprison- 
ment, and  in  some  instances  the  demand  was  not 
made  till  late  at  night  or  the  next  morning, 


542 


RACE  PROBLEMS 


RAILWAYS 


when  the  certificates  were  in  the  possession  of 
the  victims  at  the  time  of  their  seizure. 

“In  the  raid  no  mercy  was  shown  by  the  gov- 
ernment officials.  The  frightened  Chinese  who 
had  sought  to  escape  were  dragged  from  their 
hiding-places,  and  stowed  like  cattle  upon 
wagons  or  other  vehicles,  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
designated  place  of  detention.  On  one  of  these 
wagons  or  trucks  from  seventy  to  eighty  persons 
were  thrown,  and  soon  after  it  moved  it  was 
overturned.  A scene  of  indescribable  confusion 
followed,  in  which  the  shrieks  of  those  attempt- 
ing to  escape  mingled  with  the  groans  of  those 
who  were  injured.  . . . 

“ About  two  hundred  and  fifty  Chinese  were 
thus  arrested  and  carried  off  to  the  Federal 
Building.  Here  they  were  crowded  into  two 
small  rooms  where  only  standing  space  could 
be  had,  from  eight  o’clock  in  the  evening,  all 
through  the  night,  aud  many  of  them  till  late  in 
the  afternoon  of  the  next  day.  There  was  no 
sleep  for  any  of  them  that  night,  though  some 
of  them  were  so  exhausted  that  they  sank  to  the 
floor  where  they  stood.  Their  captors  seemed  to 
think  that  they  had  to  do  with  animals,  not  hu- 
man beings.  Some  of  them  were  released  during 
the  night,  when  relatives  brought  their  certifi- 
cates or  merchants  were  identified.  But  the 
greater  part  were  kept  till  the  next  day,  when 
the  publicity  of  the  press  brought  friends,  or 
relief  through  legal  proceedings.  . . . 

“ So  strong  was  the  indignation  of  the  respect- 
able citizens  of  Boston,  that  a large  public  meet- 
ing was  held  in  Faneuil  Hall  to  denounce  the 
action  of  the  immigration  officials  and  the  po- 
lice. ...  It  was  announced  by  the  immigration 
officials  that  their  raid  was  organized  under  the 
belief  that  there  were  a number  of  Chinese  in 
Boston  and  its  vicinity  unlawfully  in  the  United 
States,  and  this  method  was  adopted  for  discov- 
ering them.  The  official  report  of  the  chief 
officer  soon  after  the  event  showed  that  two 
hundred  and  thirty-four  Chinese  were  imprisoned, 
that  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  were  released 
without  trial  or  requirement  of  bail,  and  that 
only  five  had  so  far  been  deported,  but  that  he 
hoped  that  he  might  secure  the  conviction  and 


RACE-TRACK  GAMBLING.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Gambling. 

RADIO-TELEGRAPHY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention  : Electrical  : 
Telegraphy,  Wireless. 

RADIUM,  and  Radio-activity.  See  (in  this 
vol.) Science,  Recent:  Radium  ; also  Physical. 


deportation  of  fifty  ; as  a matter  of  fact,  how- 
ever, the  deportations  fell  much  below  that 
number.”  — J.  W.  Foster,  The  Chinese  Boycott 
( Atlantic  Monthly , Jan.,  1906). 

In  the  same  article  Mr.  Foster  recalled  facts 
connected  with  the  negotiation  of  the  Treaty 
of  1880  which  deepen  the  shame  to  the  United 
States  of  what  followed  : “In  communicating 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,”  he  said,  “ the  signa- 
ture of  the  treaty  of  1880,  the  American  com- 
missioners wrote  : ‘ In  conclusion,  we  deem  it 
our  duty  to  say  to  you  that  during  the  whole 
of  this  negotiation  the  representatives  of  the 
Chinese  Government  have  met  us  in  the  fairest 
and  most  friendly  spirit.  They  have  been,  in 
their  personal  intercourse,  most  courteous,  and 
have  given  to  all  our  communications,  verbal 
as  well  as  written,  the  promptest  aud  most 
respectful  consideration.  After  a free  and  able 
exposition  of  their  own  views,  we  are  satisfied 
that  in  yielding  to  the  request  of  the  United 
States  they  have  been  actuated  by  a sincere 
friendship  and  an  honorable  confidence  that  the 
large  powers  recognized  by  them  as  belonging 
to  the  United  States,  and  bearing  directly  upon 
the  interests  of  their  own  people,  will  be  exer- 
cised by  our  government  with  a wise  discretion, 
in  a spirit  of  reciprocal  and  sincere  friendship, 
and  with  entire  justice.’ 

“But  even  this  treaty,  which  had  been  ob- 
tained from  China  so  reluctantly,  yet  with  the 
generous  exhibition  of  friendship  on  her  part 
just  described,  did  not  prove  satisfactory  to  the 
increasing  demands  of  the  labor  unions.  Before 
ten  years  were  passed,  under  the  spur  and  ex- 
citement of  the  presidential  campaign  of  1888, 
and  upon  the  hesitation  of  the  Chinese  gov- 
ernment to  make  a further  treaty  modification, 
the  Scott  Act  was  passed  by  Congress,  which 
was  a deliberate  violation  of  the  treaty  of  1880, 
and  was  so  declared  by  the  Supreme  Court ; but 
under  our  peculiar  system  it  became  the  law  of 
the  land.  Our  government  had  thus  flagrantly 
disregarded  its  solemn  treaty  obligations.  Sen- 
ator Sherman,  then  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations,  stated  in  the  Senate  that 
we  had  furnished  China  a just  cause  for  war.” 


RADOLIN,  Prince  de  : Arrangement  with 
France  for  the  Algeciras  Conference.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

RAIGOSA,  Don  Genaro:  President  of 
Second  International  Conference  of  Amer- 
ican Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics, 


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Abyssinia:  French  Projects.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Abyssinia:  A.  D.  1902. 

Africa : A.  D.  1909.  — Progress  of  the  Cape 
to  Cairo  Line.  — A telegram  from  Broken  Hill, 
Northern  Rhodesia,  Nov.  10,  1909,  announced 
that  the  Cape-to-Cairo  Railroad  had  reached  the 
Congo  frontier  on  the  16th. 

Argentina-Chile:  A.  D.  1909.  — The  Trans- 
andine  Railway  Tunnel.  — The  great  work,  of 
boring  a tunnel  through  the  chain  of  the  Andes 
at  an  altitude  of  over  10,000  feet  above  sea  level 
for  the  trains  of  the  Transandine  Railway  was 
practically  completed  in  the  fall  of  1909.  ‘ ‘ Early 


in  April  next  the  rails  will  be  laid,  and  from 
then  onward  the  journey  from  Buenos  Ayres,  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  South  American  conti- 
nent, to  Valparaiso,  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  may 
be  undertaken  in  comfort  in  a railway  carriage 
all  the  year  round.  Up  to  the  present  time  pas- 
sengers from  the  east  have  had  to  leave  the  rail 
at  Las  Cuevas  and  proceed  by  a zigzag  road 
over  the  mountains  on  mule-back  or  in  coaches 
to  Caracoles,  the  rail  head  on  the  Chilian  side  — 
a journey  which  occupies  about  two  hours;  but 
this  route  is  only  open  during  the  summer 
months.  In  the  winter,  when  the  pass  is  closed 


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by  snow,  travellers  have  to  go  round  by  sea. 
The  route  under  the  Andes  will  effect  a saving 
of  about  twelve  days.  The  work  of  boring  the 
two-mile  tunnel  was  begun  four  years  ago  and 
has  presented  exceptional  difficulties.” — E.  Y. 
Eve.  Post. 

Australia:  Government  Ownership.  — Dif- 
ference of  Gauge.  — Each  State  having  its 
own.  — “Warfare  against  monopoly  is  easier 
in  Australia  than  in  some  other  countries  for 
the  reason  that  in  Australia  the  close  relation 
between  monopoly  and  transportation  is  gener- 
ally understood  and  is  not  an  issue.  Some  few 
and  for  the  most  part  small  railroad  projects, 
including  mining  and  timber  lines,  are  still  in 
private  hands.  All  the  other  railroads  are  pub- 
licly owned  and  publicly  operated.  So  far  the 
ownership  is  vested  in  the  several  states,  each 
having  its  own  system.  In  the  good  old  con- 
servative days  before  the  Labor  demon  raised 
its  head,  there  was  much  childish  jealousy 
among  the  different  governments.  In  the  con- 
servative view  the  destiny  of  Australia  was  not 
to  be  a nation  but  a handful  of  nice  little  colo- 
nies vying  with  one  another  in  expressing  loy- 
alty to  the  monarchical  idea  and  the  established 
order.  When  these  came  to  build  railroads  each 
colony  established  its  own  gauge  and  stuck 
thereto.  A more  preposterous  notion  never  be- 
witched the  human  mind,  but  the  truth  is  that 
a gauge  of  4 feet  8J  inches  in  New  South  Wales 
actually  seemed  a reason  (to  the  conservative 
intellect)  for  a gauge  of  5 feet  3 inches  in  Vic- 
toria and  a gauge  of  3 feet  6 inches  in  Western 
Australia.  The  annoyance,  delay,  and  expense 
resulting  to  through  traffic  make  the  thing 
seem  like  a section  of  Bedlam.  Between  Mel- 
bourne and  Sydney,  for  instance,  a line  with  an 
immense  business  and  with  otherwise  excellent 
accommodations,  you  must  change  cars  on  the 
frontier  and  all  the  freight  must  be  transferred. 
Eventually  the  federal  Government  is  to  take 
over  and  unify  the  systems  of  the  different 
states.  Considering  the  multiplicities  of  systems 
and  gauges,  the  task  that  will  then  confront  the 
federal  Government  will  not  be  for  a holiday.” 
— Charles  E.  Russell,  The  Uprising  of  the  Many , 
cli.  27  (Doubleday,  Page  & Co.,  N.  T. , 1907). 

Canada:  A.  D.  1903-1909. — The  Grand 
Trunk  Pacific  Railway.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Canada:  A.  D.  1903-1909. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Establishment  of  the  Board 
of  Railway  Commissioners  with  large  Reg- 
ulative Powers.  — In  Moody’s  Magazine  of  Jan- 
uary, 1906,  the  lion.  Robert  Bickerdike,  M.  P., 
of  Montreal,  gave  a favorable  account  of  the  op- 
eration of  the  Canadian  Act  of  two  years  before 
which  created  a Board  of  Railway  Commission- 
ers, taking  the  place  of  the  former  Railway 
Committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  exercising 
large  powers  of  control  over  rates,  construction 
of  road,  and  speed  of  trains.  “No  toll”  (that 
is,  freight  rate),  he  said,  “ may  be  charged 
which  unjustly  discriminates  between  different 
localities.  The  board  shall  not  approve  any 
toll  which  for  like  goods  or  passengers,  carried 
under  substantially  similar  conditions  in  the 
same  direction  over  the  same  line,  is  greater  for 
a shorter  than  a longer  distance,  unless  the  board 
is  satisfied  that,  owing  to  competition,  it  is  ex- 
pedient to  do  so.  Where  carriage  is  partly  by 
rail  and  partly  by  water,  and  the  tolls  in  a 
single  sum.  the  board  may  require  the  company 


to  declare,  or  may  determine,  what  portion  is 
charged  in  respect  of  carriage  by  rail,  to  prevent 
discrimination.  Freight  tariffs  are  governed  by 
a classification  which  the  board  must  approve, 
and  the  object  is  to  have  this  classification  uni- 
form. Railways  shall,  when  directed  by  the 
board,  place  any  specified  goods  in  any  stated 
class.  Tariffs  shall  be  in  such  form  and  give 
such  details  as  the  board  may  prescribe.  The 
maximum  mileage  tariff  shall  be  filed  with  the 
board  and  be  subject  to  its  approval ; when  ap- 
proved, the  company  shall  publish  it  in  the 
Canadian  Gazette,  the  official  publication.  As 
respects  this  act,  the  board  is  invested  with  the 
rights,  privileges,  and  powers  of  a superior 
court.  None,  therefore,  may  oppose  it.” 

A.  D.  1906. — Government  Ownership  and 
Operation  of  a Railway  Line.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1906-1907. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Projected  Railway 
from  the  Canadian  Northwest  to  Hudson 
Bay.  — In  a speech  at  Niagara  Falls,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1908,  the  Canadian  premier,  Sir  Wilfrid 
Laurier,  announced  positively  that  his  govern- 
ment had  undertaken  the  construction  of  a rail- 
way from  the  Canadian  Northwest  to  Hudson 
Bay ; that  surveyors  are  in  the  field  determining 
the  route,  and  that  plans  for  the  construction  of 
the  road  are  being  prepared.  For  a few  weeks 
in  the  year  this  will  give  another  outlet  to  the 
greatest  wheat  region  of  the  continent  for  its 
harvests  ; and  even  a few  weeks  will  afford  im- 
portant relief,  no  doubt,  to  the  pressure  of  its 
need.  Unfortunately,  the  passage  from  Hudson 
Bay  to  the  ocean,  through  Hudson  Strait,  is 
sealed  up  with  ice  during  much  the  greater  part 
of  the  year.  Quite  recently  there  were  reports 
of  the  return  of  a vessel  from  the  strait  which 
had  found  it  blocked  in  July. 

Notwithstanding  the  limit  thus  put  on  the 
usefulness  of  the  Hudson  Bay  route,  the  North- 
west is  counting  on  immediate  advantages  from 
it.  The  Manitoba  Free  Press  exclaims:  “To 
bring  uncounted  millions  of  acres  of  wheat  in 
Western  Canada  a thousand  miles  nearer  to  the 
market  in  Europe,  and  make  a saving  of  many 
millions  of  dollars  every  year  in  transportation 
charges,  thereby  ensuring  higher  prices  to  the 
farmers  of  the  Prairie  Provinces — this  is  what 
the  opening  up  of  the  Hudson  Bay  outlet  will 
achieve.  It  will  mean  a revolution  in  traffic 
routes  and  traffic  rates.  The  immense  amount 
of  territory  within  the  cost-saving  reach  of  Hud- 
son Bay,  the  New-World  Mediterranean,  will 
make  this  route  one  of  the  greatest  trade  arteries 
of  the  world.  It  will  place  the  grain-growers 
of  Western  Canada  in  control  of  the  markets  of 
the  world  by  making  possible  a great  reduc- 
tion in  the  cost  of  transportation.  This  saving 
will  be  brought  about  because  the  Hudson  Bay 
route  is  by  a very  considerable  distance  the 
shortest  route,  and  the  saving  is  in  the  rail  haul. 

. . . The  total  cultivable  area  in  Manitoba, 
Saskatchewan  and  Alberta  is  some  175,000,000 
acres.  Even  estimating  the  as  yet  uncultivated 
area  as  being  only  one-half  as  productive  as 
that  which  has  already  come  under  the  plow,  a 
tenfold  increase  of  the  present  production  is  to 
be  counted  upon.” 

“Roughly  speaking,”  says  a magazine  ar- 
ticle on  the  subject,  “ Churcliill  [one  of  the  pro- 
posed Hudson  Bay  terminals]  is  just  1000  miles 
from  the  grain  areas  of  Hill’s  roads.  New  York 


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is  2000  miles.  Churchill  is  1500  miles  from  Ore- 
gon. New  York  is  nearly  3000.  . . . The  har- 
bor itself  could  not  have  been  better  if  it  had 
been  made  to  order.  It  is  a direct  550-mile 
plain,  open  deep-water  sailing  from  the  west 
end  of  the  Straits,  — no  shoals,  no  reefs,  deep 
enough  for  the  deepest-draft  keel  that  ever 
sailed  the  sea.” 

Tentative  surveys  of  two  routes  from  Winni- 
peg were  undertaken  in  October,  1908,  and  a 
report  of  them  made  in  the  following  spring. 
They  were  favorable  to  the  project  on  either 
line.  That  to  Fort  Churchill  would  have  465 
miles  of  length  and  its  cost  was  estimated  at 
$11,608,000.  The  alternative  line,  to  Fort  Nel- 
son, at  the  mouth  of  Nelson  River,  would  be 
397  miles  long,  and  have  an  estimated  cost  of 
$8,677,000;  but  harbor  construction  at  Fort  Nel- 
son would  cost  heavily.  The  report,  however, 
recommended  the  latter  route.  Moreover, 
abundant  water  power  is  waiting  development 
along  the  Nelson  River,  which  might  result  in 
an  economical  electrification  of  the  road.  Fur- 
thermore, the  report  suggested  possibilities  of  a 
canal  along  the  river  from  Hudson  Bay  to  Lake 
Winnipeg,  and  from  the  latter  to  Winnipeg 
city,  through  which  ocean  craft  might  ulti- 
mately reach  the  Manitoba  metropolis. 

In  connection  with  this  projected  opening  of 
a commercial  route  from  America  to  Europe 
through  Hudson  Bay,  a Danish  writer  has  lately 
urged  the  Danish  Government  to  bring  Green- 
land into  touch  with  it. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Important  Ruling  by  the 
Railway  Commission,  affecting  American 
Railways.  — In  June,  1909,  an  important  de- 
cision of  the  Canadian  Railway  Commission 
was  announced,  “in  the  case  of  the  Dawson 
Board  of  Trade  against  the  Yukon  and  White 
Pass  Railway  Company,  an  English  Corpora- 
tion, laying  down  that  by  the  amendment  of 
the  Railway  Act  passed  last  session  all  rail- 
ways, whether  originating  in  the  United  States 
or  not,  are  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Cana- 
dian board.  The  point  involved  is  the  question 
of  rates  on  the  White  Pass,  as  to  which  counsel 
asserted  that  if  ordinary  rates  were  ordered  to 
prevail  it  would  be  impossible  to  pay  divi- 
dends. The  board  takes  time  to  consider  the 
question  of  rates  in  view  of  the  details  in- 
volved, but  orders  both  the  American  and  Cana- 
dian sections  of  the  line  to  file  figures  before 
the  board.  It  is  probable  that  the  rates  of  all 
American  railways  crossing  Canada  will  by  this 
decision  come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
board.  This  will  affect  the  Vanderbilt  lines, 
which  cross  the  Niagara  peninsula,  also  the  Hill 
lines,  which  enter  Canada  from  Washington, 
Oregon,  and  other  States.  Railway  men  regard 
the  decision  as  the  most  important  in  the  his- 
tory of  Canada,  because  it  gives  the  Canadian 
Commission  power  to  regulate  rates  on  Ameri- 
can railways  entering  Canada.” 

Central  Africa:  A.  D.  1909. — Lines  to 
Katanga.  — In  March,  1909,  the  Temps,  of 
Paris,  published  information  according  to  which 
the  work  of  constructing  the  railway  from  the 
Upper  Congo  to  the  great  Central  African  lakes 
was  making  such  progress  that  communication 
with  the  Katanga  mine  fields  would  probably 
be  established  by  the  end  of  1910.  The  Brit- 
ish South  Africa  lines,  also,  are  being  pushed 
toward  Katanga. 


Chile-Bolivia  : A.  D.  1909. — The  Arica- 
La  Paz  Railway. — According  to  a Press  de- 
spatch from  Santiago  de  Chile,  April  5,  1909,  a 
contract  for  the  great  railway  to  be  made  across 
the  Andes  from  Arica,  in  Chile,  to  La  Paz,  in 
Bolivia,  attaining  an  elevation  of  upwards  of 
12,000  ft.  and  having  a length  of  a little  over 
300  miles,  had  just  been  given  to  an  English 
firm.  The  actual  money  voted  for  the  scheme 
was  said  to  be  £3,000,000. 

China:  Extent  of  Railway  Travel. — Un- 
used Concessions.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China: 
A.  D.  1904. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — The  Hankau-Sze-chuan 
Railway  Loan.  — American  participation. 
See  China  : A.  D.  1904^1909. 

A.  D.  1909. — The  Fa-ku-menn  Railway 
and  the  Antung-Mukden  Railway  questions 
between  China  and  Japan.  See  China:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Chinese  Eastern  Rail- 
way.— New  Russo-Chinese  Agreement. — 
Municipalities  on  the  Line.  See  China:  A.  D. 
1909  (May). 

A.  D.  1909. — Opening  of  the  Peking-Kal- 
gan  Line.  — A purely  Chinese  undertaking. — 

The  opening,  October  2d,  1909,  with  grand  cere- 
monies, of  the  Peking-Kalgan  Railway,  was  an 
event  of  especial  pride  and  satisfaction  to  the 
Chinese  people.  It  has  been,  wrote  a newspaper 
correspondent,  “a  purely  Chinese  undertaking, 
the  chief  engineer  of  which,  Jeme  Tienyow,  a 
member  of  the  Institute  of  Civil  Engineers,  and 
every  employe  are  Chinese ; but  the  rails  and 
rolling  stock  are  foreign.  It  has  been  paid  for 
from  the  earnings  of  the  Northern  Railways, 
without  foreign  financial  assistance. 

“The  line,  the  length  of  which  is  122  miles, 
joins  Peking  with  the  important  trade  mart  of 
Kalgan,  piercing  the  Nankau  Pass  by  four  tun- 
nels, the  longest,  under  the  Great  Wall,  being 
3,580ft.  It  taps  extensive  coalfields  and  is  well 
and  economically  laid.  Already  the  traffic  is  as- 
tonishing and  will  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  pro- 
vince and  increase  the  earnings  of  the  Northern 
Railways. 

“ The  construction  of  the  line  has  given  train- 
ing and  experience  to  a body  of  young  Chinese 
engineers,  who  will  find  ready  employment  in 
the  future.  The  line  will  now  be  continued 
westwards  through  populous  country  to  Kwei- 
hua-clieng  and  the  Yellow  River,  a distance  of 
275  miles,  the  route  for  which  was  surveyed  last 
year.  This  line  will  also  be  paid  for  from  the 
earnings  of  the  Northern  Railways.” 

A.  D.  1909-1910.  — Proposal  to  neutralize 
Manchurian  Railways  and  to  internationally 
finance  a Chinchow-Aigun  Line.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1909-1910. 

England  : A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Adopted 
System  in  Great  Britain  for  pacific  Settle- 
ment of  Labor  Disputes  in  the  Railway  Ser- 
vice. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
England:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908.  — No  Passengers  killed  by 
Train  Accidents.  — The  British  public  had  the 
happiness  of  being  informed  that  no  passenger 
was  killed  by  a train  accident  on  the  railways  of 
Great  Britain  in  1908,  and  also  that  the  number 
of  passengers  injured  — 283 — was  not  only  251 
less  than  in  1907  and  345  less  than  in  1906,  but, 
like  the  number  of  killed,  was  less  than  any 
previously  recorded. 


545 


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France  : A.  D.  1908.  — Government  pur- 
chase of  the  Western  Railway. — In  June, 
1908,  the  French  Government  secured  legislat  ion 
authorizing  it  to  purchase  the  Western  Railway 
of  France,  which  adds  3100  miles  to  the  pre- 
vious 2500  miles  of  State-owned  railways.  The 
purchase  is  said  to  have  been  made  with  the 
expectation  “that  sufficient  pressure  will  be 
brought  on  the  other  railway  companies  to 
make  them  adopt  the  methods  of  management 
applied  by  the  State  to  its  railways.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Pensioning  of  State 
Railway  Employes.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Pov- 
erty and  Unemployment:  France. 

Mexico:  A.  D.  1906. — Nationalizing  of  the 
Mexican  Railway  System.  — Opening  of  the 
Tehuantepec  Railway. — “ 1906  was  a year 
of  railway  consolidations  in  Mexico.  In  March 
last,  the  National  Railway  of  Mexico  bought  the 
Hidalgo  Railway,  which  starts  from  the  capital, 
passes  through  the  important  mining  camp  of 
Pachuca,  and  will  ultimately  reach  the  port  of 
Tuxpam  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  But  by  far 
the  most  important  operation  of  the  year  along 
these  lines  was  announced  by  Finance  Minister 
Limantour  on  December  14.  The  Minister,  in 
an  address  to  Congress,  informed  that  body  that 
the  negotiations,  which  for  some  time  past  had 
been  in  progress,  for  the  reorganization  of  the 
finances  of  the  Mexican  Central  Railway,  had 
culminated  in  a plan  for  the  consolidation  of 
that  property  with  the  Mexican  National,  and 
the  incorporation  of  a new  company,  with  head- 
quarters in  the  City  of  Mexico,  to  own  and  op- 
erate the  merged  system.  Moreover,  the  Min- 
ister informed  the  legislature  that  the  Mexican 
government,  which  had  owned  a controlling 
interest  in  the  Mexican  National,  would  hold  an 
absolute  majority  of  the  stock  of  the  new  cor- 
poration. 

“The  transaction  is  an  important  one,  as  by 
it  the  Mexican  government  gains  unquestioned 
control  of  the  transportation  system  of  the  Re- 
public.”—F.  R.  Guernsey,  The  Tear  in  Mexico 
(Atlantic  Monthly , March , 1907). 

Early  in  November,  1906,  President  Diaz  for- 
mally opened  the  Tehuantepec  Railway.  The 
event  marks  the  completion  of  the  plan  first  pro- 
posed by  Cortez  four  hundred  years  ago,  when 
he  wrote  to  the  king  of  Spain  concerning  the 
feasibility  of  a canal  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific  by  this  route,  though  he  little  dreamt 
of  a railway. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Extended  Governmental 
Control  of  Railways. — “ The  most  important 
step  ever  taken  by  the  Mexican  Government  in 
connexion  with  transportation  was  completed  on 
February  1,  when  the  amalgamation  of  the  Na- 
tional lines  and  the  Mexican  Central  Railway 
became  operative.  With  this  achievement  the 
Government  secured  control  of  7,012  miles  of 
railvray,  thus  possessing  a majority  of  the  stock 
of  the  national  lines  and  70  per  cent,  of  the 
stock  of  the  Mexican  Central.  The  combination 
includes,  apart  from  the  Mexican  Central,  the 
National,  International  and  Interoceanic  lines. 
The  Government  likewise  controls  the  Vera  Cruz 
and  Pacific  Railroad,  with  265  miles,  and  the 
Tehuantepec  National,  with  206  miles.”  — Cor. 
London  Times,  July  16,  1909. 

Mono-Rail  System,  The  Brennan  Gyros- 
copic. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion : Railways. 


Netherlands:  Laws  against  Railway 

Strikes.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : Netherlands  : A.  D.  1903. 

New  York  : A.  D.  1907. — The  Public  Ser- 
vice Commissions  Act.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  State:  A.  D.  1906-1910;  and 
Public  Utilities. 

New  Zealand:  A.  D.  1909.  — No  more 

building  by  the  Government  of  Railways  not 
likely  to  pay  Interest  on  Cost.  — A despatch 
from  Wellington,  New  Zealand,  to  the  English 
Press,  Oct.  18,  1909,  reported  that  “the  Premier 
has  made  an  important  announcement  regarding 
his  future  railway  construction  policy.  He  said 
that  the  Government  would  not  undertake  the 
building  of  any  more  lines  that  were  likely  not 
to  pay.  If  the  people  wanted  such  lines  they 
would  have  to  guarantee  their  earnings  up  to  3 
per  cent.” 

Nigeria  : A.  D.  1909.  — Rapid  development 
of  the  Railway  System. — Early  in  1909  Press 
despatches  to  London  announced  that  “a  junc- 
tion had  been  effected  between  the  rails  pro- 
ceeding northwards  from  Lagos  and  the  rails 
proceeding  southward  from  Jebba  on  the  Niger 
River.  This  places  the  Niger  River,  at  a point 
some  500  miles  from  its  mouth,  in  direct  com- 
munication by  rail  with  the  town  of  Lagos,  the 
capital  of  Southern  Nigeria,  and  fulfils  the 
wishes  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lagos  that  ‘ the 
iron  horse  should  drink  of  the  waters  of  the  Ni- 
ger.”’ 

“The  completion  of  the  southern  branch  of 
the  Nigerian  railway  system,”  said  a correspond- 
ent, “as  far  as  Jebba  on  the  Niger  is  an  event 
of  considerable  significance  in  the  history  of 
British  action  in  West  Africa.  The  Anglo- 
French  Agreement  of  1898  secured  us  in  the 
possession  of  what  is  undoubtedly  the  most  in- 
teresting portion  of  West  Africa  ; interesting 
above  all  from  the  character  of  its  varied  in- 
habitants— the  agricultural  Yoruba,  the  keen 
Hausa  trader  and  manufacturer,  the  Fulani,  by 
turn  statesman  and  ruler  or  wandering  herds- 
man. To  this  region  — to  many  parts  of  it  at 
least — Islam  has  brought  its  schools,  its  litera- 
ture, and  an  effective  system  of  administra- 
tion.” 

Rhodesia:  Rapid  Extension  of  Railways. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Riiodesia. 

Switzerland:  A.  D.  1905.- — Completion  of 
the  Tunnel  under  the  Simplon  Pass.  — The 

tunnel  under  the  Simplon  Pass,  between 
Brigue,  Switzerland,  and  Iselle,  Italy,  was  fin- 
ished February  24th,  1905,  after  seven  years 
work  and  at  a cost  of  $14,000,000.  It  is  twelve 
miles  long,  — two  and  three-quarters  miles 
longer  than  the  St.  Gothard  tunnel.  It  opens 
direct  railway  communication  between  Paris 
and  Milan. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Government  Purchase  of  the 
St.  Gothard  Railway.  — The  St.  Gothard  Tun- 
nel and  Railway  were  built  under  an  agree- 
ment (1879)  with  the  Swiss  Government  under 
which  the  latter  reserved  the  right  of  buying 
the  St.  Gothard  within  thirty  years,  and  the 
price  arranged  was  twenty-five  times  the 
amount  of  the  net  profits  of  the  line  during  the 
last  ten  years  of  working.  The  right  was  exer- 
cised in  the  spring  of  1909,  and  thus  the  last  of 
the  principal  Swiss  lines  passed  into  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Government.  The  St.  Gothard 
Company  at  first  demanded  215,800,000  francs, 


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but  eventually  accepted  212,500,000  francs. 
The  Confederation  took  over  the  debt  of  the 
company  — 117,090,000  francs  ($23,418,000) 
with  3^  per  cent,  interest,  and  paid  six  million 
francs  for  expenses  of  the  issue  of  the  com- 
pany’s loans. 

Turkey:  A.  D.  1899-1909. — The  Bagdad 
Railway.  — In  January,  1902,  the  Turkish  Sul- 
tan signed  a convention  which  provides  a guar- 
antee, to  the  extent  of  12,000  francs  per  kilome- 
tre for  the  undertaking  of  the  Bagdad  Railway, 
to  build  which  a concession  had  been  obtained 
by  a German  syndicate  in  1899  (see,  in  Volume 
VI.  of  this  work,  Turkey:  A.  D.  1899  — Novem- 
ber). The  new  railway  was  to  be  an  extension 
of  the  existing  Anatolian  Railway,  starting  from 
the  terminus  of  the  latter  at  Konieh  and  run- 
ning, via  Bagdad,  to  some  point  on  the  Persian 
Gulf,  the  selection  of  which  was  left  for  future 
arrangement.  The  line,  with  its  branches,  was  to 
have  a length  of  2,500  kilometres  or  about  1550 
miles. 

A further  convention  respecting  this  project 
was  signed  in  March,  1903,  concerning  which 
the  following  statement  was  made  in  the  British 
Parliament  on  the  23d  of  that  month  by  the  Pre- 
mier, Mr.  Balfour:  “ A copy  of  the  convention, 
concluded  March  5,  1903,  between  the  Turkish 
Government  and  the  Anatolian  Railway  Com- 
pany is  in  our  possession.  It  leaves  the  whole 
scheme  of  railway  development  through  Asia 
Minor  to  the  Persian  Gulf  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  a company  under  German  control.  To  such 
a convention  we  have  never  been  asked  to  as- 
sent, and  we  could  not  in  any  case  be  a party 
to  it.” 

Mr.  David  Fraser,  a young  traveller  of  expe- 
rience, was  commissioned  by  the  Times  of  India 
in  1907  to  follow  the  proposed  route  of  the  Bag- 
dad Railway  and  report  on  its  prospects.  He 
started  from  Constantinople,  and  traversed  the 
completed  portion  of  the  line  to  where  it  breaks 
off  suddenly  some  ten  kilometres  east  of  Eregli, 
“with  its  pair  of  rails,”  he  wrote,  “gauntly 
projecting  from  the  permanent  way  and  pointing 
in  dumb  amazement  where  the  Taurus  shares 
the  horizon  with  the  very  skies.”  “ They  have 
now,”  said  the  London  Times  not  long  since, 
“been  pointing  thus  for  nearly  five  years,  to 
the  bewilderment  of  those  who,  not  knowing 
the  country,  imagined,  in  1904,  that  with  Ger- 
many determined  and  Turkey  desirous  to  push 
ahead,  the  Bagdad  line  would  go  forward  with 
inevitable  march  towards  its  distant  goal.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Damascus  to  Mecca.  — The 
Pilgrims’  Road.  — “The  Damascus  to  Mecca 
Railway  has  many  remarkable  features  which 
distinguish  it  from  other  lines.  Its  principal 
object  is  to  provide  a means  for  faithful  Mos- 
lems to  perform  their  pilgrimage  to  the  holy 
places  of  Mecca  and  Medina  with  a greater  de- 
gree of  comfort  than  formerly.  Its  inception 
is  due  to  the  initiative  of  the  present  Sultan, 
and  the  enthusiasm  created  by  its  first  an- 
nouncement brought  in  subscriptions  from  the 
faithful  in  all  parts  of  the  Islamic  world.” 

The  length  of  the  line  from  Damascus  to 
Mecca  is  1097  miles. 

“ The  gauge  of  the  line  is  the  somewhat  curi- 
ous one  of  1.05  meter  (3  feet  5|  inches),  which 
was  necessary,  when  the  line  was  first  com- 
menced, to  correspond  with  the  gauge  of  the 
Beirut-Damascus  line,  over  which  the  rolling 


stock  had  to  be  brought.”  — Col.  F.  R.  Maun- 
sell,  National  Geographic  Magazine,  Feb.,  1909. 

The  line  was  opened  to  Medina  early  in  the 
autumn  of  1908. 

United  States  of  Am.:  A.  D.  1870-1908. — 
Railway  Rate  Regulation.  — Its  slow  De- 
velopment. — “ Granger  ” Legislation  in  the 
Middle  West. — State  Commissions. — De- 
fiant Rebating.  — Tardy  Federal  Legisla- 
tion.— The  Interstate  Commerce  Act,  1887, 
1906.  — President  Roosevelt  on  the  subject. 
— The  creation  of  largely  capitalized  and  there- 
fore powerful  corporations  was  first  developed 
in  a rapid  and  extensive  way  by  the  modern 
enterprise  of  railway  building  ; and  the  railways 
became  soon  so  essentially  related  to  every  kind 
of  interest,  personal  or  general,  that  they  natu- 
rally gave  rise  to  the  earliest  of  the  specially 
modern  problems  of  public  policy  concerning 
corporations  which  required  to  be  solved.  For 
a long  period  society  had  no  call  to  defend  itself 
against  monopolistic  combinations  among  its 
railway  corporations ; because  it  was  long  before 
seriously  competitive  lines  of  rail  could  be  built. 
Each  served  its  own  belt  of  country ; but  each 
company  owning  and  managing  a line  held 
therefore,  in  itself,  a monopoly  of  the  transpor- 
tation agency  it  had  created,  and  could,  in  an 
unchecked  management  of  that  agency,  either 
wrong  its  whole  clientele  by  excessive  rates  of 
charge,  or  wrong  one  part  of  it  by  some  favor- 
itism of  unequal  rates.  Those  were  the  original 
abuses  of  opportunity  and  power  which  pro- 
voked defensive  measures  of  law.  Naturally 
the  earlier  undertakings  of  defence  in  the 
United  States  were  by  State  legislation,  since 
nearly  all  charters  of  incorporation  for  business 
purposes  have  been  derived  from  the  States. 
Wherever  the  operations  of  business  conducted 
under  such  charters  extend  over  more  than  a 
single  State,  the  constitutional  power  of  Con- 
gress to  “regulate  commerce  . . . among  the 
several  States”  gives  it  an  undoubted  right  to 
take  part  in  the  regulation  of  them ; but  it  was 
slow  to  exercise  that  right.  The  following 
abridgment  of  an  excellent  sketch  of  the  slow 
development  of  railway-rate  regulation  gives 
the  essential  facts.  It  is  quoted  from  exten- 
sively by  kind  permission  of  its  authors  and  of 
The  Boston  Evening  Transcript  for  which  it  was 
prepared : 

“ Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  fact  in  the 
whole  history  of  interstate  transportation  is 
that,  despite  flagrant  abuses,  Federal  regulation 
was  held  off  until  1887.  Within  the  States 
themselves  railroad  rates  had  been  often  sub- 
jected to  severe  regulation:  yet  even  the  public 
excitement  which  accompanied  the  ‘ granger  ’ 
legislation  between  1870  and  1880  did  not  result 
in  Federal  legislation.  In  several  States,  no- 
tably in  the  Middle  West,  during  that  epoch, 
detailed  statutes  were  passed  fixing  maximum 
rates  which  by  no  present  standard  could  be 
said  to  be  anything  but  outrageous.  In  those 
times  the  Federal  courts  held  that  they  would 
not  consider  legislation  as  confiscatory  if  it  left 
to  the  railroad  one  cent  of  net  profit  above  oper- 
ating expenses.  But  even  with  this  rule,  now 
almost  incredible,  it  was  found  in  the  next  dec- 
ade that  much  of  the  rate-fixing  under  the  State 
statutes  was  unconstitutional.  Nor  was  the 
situation  much  ameliorated  by  the  later  estab- 
lishment of  State  commissions,  for  many  of 


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them,  according  to  the  present  standards,  fla- 
grantly abused  their  powers.  . . . After  the  first 
outburst  more  conservative  counsels  generally 
prevailed.  The  movement  met  much  opposi- 
tion in  its  progress  throughout  the  country, 
and  although  commissions  were  generally  cre- 
ated in  the  East,  they  were  given  no  final  pow- 
ers over  rates.  Then  a reaction  set  in,  due  in 
part  to  the  prostration  of  the  Western  roads. 
. . . Much  wise  legislation  dates  from  this 
period,  and  many  State  commissions  acted  in  a 
moderate  spirit.  The  history  of  railroad  legis- 
lation in  these  seventeen  years  illustrated,  how- 
ever, the  slow  process  by  which  a popular 
movement  culminates  in  Federal  legislation  ; 
and  good  law  or  bad,  proper  action  or  impro- 
per action,  the  legislation  of  the  States  supplied 
experience  in  view  of  which  Congress  could 
act  wisely  when,  in  1887,  Federal  legislation 
became  inevitable.  That  this  legislation  had 
become  inevitable  was  due  very  largely  to  the 
continued  abuse  of  their  commercial  power  by 
the  railroad  managers.  For  several  years  pub- 
lic opinion  as  to  railroad  discrimination  had  be- 
come so  well  settled  as  to  work  a real  change  in 
the  common  law,  yet  the  railroad  officials  per- 
sistently defied  it.  Rebating,  which,  as  late  as 
1875,  was  at  common  law  merely  a doubtful 
practice,  by  1885  had  become  generally  ac- 
cepted as  an  illegal  business  ; but  this  change 
the  railroads  refused  to  recognize  in  any  other 
way  than  to  make  their  practices  more  secret. 
It  was  public  indignation  against  long  con- 
tinued illegal  discrimination  and  undue  pre- 
ference which  brought  down  upon  the  rail- 
ways the  inter-State  commerce  legislation  in 
1887.  The  wonder  is,  in  view  of  the  railway 
practices,  that  it  did  not  come  sooner.  But 
however  well  behaved  the  railways  might  have 
been,  Federal  regulation  would  have  come  in- 
evitably long  before  the  end  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  in  accordance  with  the  general  current 
of  public  opinion  that  public  services  could  no 
longer  go  without  governmental  regulation. 
Still  the  act  itself  as  finally  passed  was  really 
very  conservative,  when  the  nature  of  the  crisis 
is  considered.  . . . By  the  principal  provisions 
of  the  Interstate  Commerce  act  the  railways 
were  forbidden:  (1)  To  charge  unreasonable 
rates ; (2)  To  discriminate  between  persons  ; (8) 
To  give  preference  between  localities;  (4)  To 
charge  less  for  a long  haul  than  for  a shorter 
haul  included  within  it  ‘ under  substantially 
similar  circumstances.’  These  provisions  were 
undoubtedly  intended  by  the  majority  of  those 
who  framed  the  act  as  rather  radical  legislation, 
which  should  materially  affect  the  practice  of 
the  railroads ; but  the  conservative  force  of 
judical  decision  soon  modified  the  intended 
force  of  the  act.  From  the  outset  the  commis- 
sion claimed  that  it  not  merely  had  power 
under  the  act  to  forbid  any  unreasonable  rate 
upon  complaint  made,  but  that  also,  in  giving 
relief,  it  might  indicate  to  the  railroad  what 
should  be  the  reasonable  rate  thenceforth.  But 
within  ten  years  the  Supreme  Court  decided 
that  the  commission  had  no  power  to  fix  rates 
at  all.  This  was  a famous  victory  for  the  rail- 
road bar,  for  without  an  authoritative  statement 
by  the  commission  of  what  rate  it  would  regard 
as  reasonable,  even  a railroad  which  yielded 
obedience  to  the  decree  of  the  commission  with- 
out appeal  to  the  courts,  could  make  a slight 


reduction  in  the  rate,  and  any  dissatisfied  ship- 
per would  be  obliged  to  enter  again  into  an  ex- 
pensive and  dilatory  litigation.  In  this  way 
the  railroads  tired  out  objecting  shippers;  but 
in  the  process  they  stimulated  a widespread  de- 
mand for  a power  in  the  commission  to  fix  rates 
similar  to  that  given  to  many  State  commis- 
sions and  to  the  corresponding  body  in  Great 
Britain.  The  long  and  short  haul  clause  pro- 
vided that  exceptions  to  it  must  be  by  special 
dispensation  from  the  commission.  . . . But 
tucked  away  in  the  section  was  the  vague 
phrase,  ‘ under  substantially  similar  circum- 
stances,’ which  proved  its  destruction.  At  first 
the  commission  began  to  enforce  the  act  accord- 
ing to  its  obvious  reading,  and  to  grant  dis- 
pensations from  its  operation  on  petition  of  the 
railroad  in  proper  cases.  But  the  whole  effort 
of  the  railway  counsel  was  concentrated  upon 
the  courts,  and  it  was  finally  held  that  wher- 
ever there  was  competition  at  the  distant 
points,  the  conditions  were  dissimilar  with 
those  at  the  intervening  points  of  any  benefit 
from  the  clause.  Water  competition  was  first 
held  an  excuse  for  a lower  rate  for  the  longer 
haul.  Then  rail  competition  was  recognized. 
Next  potential  competition  over  existing  routes 
was  held  enough.  But  finally  the  courts  re- 
fused to  consider  the  mere  possibility  of  new 
routes.  . . . Commercial  cities  and  towns  were 
left  at  the  mercy  of  the  railways,  as  they  had 
been  before  the  act,  and  the  long  and  short-haul 
clause  became  a dead  letter.  This  was  a 
cause  of  most  bitter  complaint ; yet,  singularly 
enough,  when  the  amendments  of  1906  were 
adopted,  no  attempt  was  made  to  amend  this 
clause.  . . . Further  action  by  the  Federal 
Government  was  foreshowed  as  before  by  a 
very  considerable  body  of  legislation  through- 
out the  United  States,  between  1900  and  1905. 
In  many  States  there  was  an  unfortunate  re- 
crudescence of  the  ill-advised  ‘granger’  legis- 
lation, by  the  passing  of  statutes  fixing  maxi- 
mum rates ; but  this  time  it  was  passenger 
rates  which  were  chiefly  attacked,  while  be- 
fore it  had  been  freight  rates.  The  two-cent 
fare  was  a popular  programme  in  this  period, 
and  it  all  but  swept  the  country.  Some  legis- 
latures, however,  defied  it,  and  some  governors 
stood  out  against  the  legislatures.  . . . The 
legislation  of  this  period  had,  however,  another 
branch  which  was  well-advised.  It  is  the  gen- 
eral characteristic  of  this  legislation  that  it  con- 
fers on  the  railroad  commission  the  power, 
while  setting  aside  unreasonable  rates,  of  fixing 
a maximum  rate.  The  giving  of  such  power 
to  the  interstate  Commission  was  the  principal 
point  in  the  programme  for  further  Federal 
legislation.  One  other  general  power  that  has 
been  given  to  State  commissions  in  the  legis- 
lation since  1900  is  the  authority  to  compel 
railroads  to  furnish  proper  facilities,  together 
with  power  of  supervision  of  management  in 
other  respects,  which  is  adopted  in  the  Federal 
legislation  of  1906  in  an  experimental  way. 
Those  who  would  understand  the  Federal  legis- 
lation in  its  latest  form  should  study  the  most 
recent  railroad  regulation  in  Minnesota  and 
Wisconsin,  Indiana  and  New  York.  ...  As 
finally  adopted,  the  act  of  1906  [known  as  the 
Hepburn  Act]  is  in  form  of  a series  of  amend- 
ments to  the  original  act  of  1887.  . . . The 
main  object  in  most  of  the  legislation  was  to 


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strengthen  still  further  the  power  of  the  com- 
mission over  rates  and  rebates.  In  regard  to 
these,  the  amendments  affected  change  chiefly 
along  these  two  lines.  (1)  Power  is  given  to 
the  commission  to  fix  maximum  rates  in  cases 
where,  upon  complaint,  the  rates  fixed  by  the 
railroad  were  found  to  be  excessive.  This  in- 
cludes the  power  to  fix  joint  through  rates.  (2) 
Rebating  is  forbidden  under  heavy  penalties, 
civil  and  criminal,  both  to  the  railroad  and  to 
the  shipper;  and  the  cases  in  which  a reduced 
rate  can  be  given  arc  enumerated.” — Joseph 
II.  Beale  and  Bruce  Wyman,  Two  Tears  of  the 
Railroad  Rate  Law  ( Boston  Evening  Transcript, 
Oct.  10,  1908). 

It  was  through  no  fault  of  the  President  that 
effective  legislation  to  suppress  secret  rebates 
and  other  practices  of  favoritism  to  large  ship- 
pers by  the  railways  came  so  tardily  from  Con- 
gress, as  appears  above.  In  his  first  Message, 
of  December,  1901,  he  began  urging  the  needed 
amendments  to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  of 
1887,  saying  : “ That  law  was  largely  an  exper- 
iment. Experience  has  shown  the  wisdom  of 
its  purposes,  but  has  also  shown,  possibly,  that 
some  of  its  requirements  are  wrong,  certainly 
that  the  means  devised  for  the  enforcement 
of  its  provisions  are  defective.  . . . The  act 
should  be  amended.  The  railway  is  a public 
servant.  Its  rates  should  be  just  to  and  open 
to  all  shippers  alike.  The  Government  should 
see  to  it  that  within  its  jurisdiction  this  is  so 
and  should  provide  a speedy,  inexpensive,  and 
effective  remedy  to  that  end.  At  the  same  time 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  our  railways  are 
the  arteries  through  which  the  commercial  life- 
blood of  this  Nation  flows.  Nothing  could  be 
more  foolish  than  the  enactment  of  legislation 
which  would  unnecessarily  interfere  with  the 
development  and  operation  of  these  commercial 
agencies.  The  subject  is  one  of  great  impor- 
tance and  calls  for  the  earnest  attention  of  the 
Congress.” 

For  five  years  after  this  reasonable  and  most 
just  recommendation  was  addressed  to  Con- 
gress, the  special  interests  opposed  to  public 
interests  in  the  matter  were  represented  so  con- 
trollingly  in  that  body  that  the  impotences  of 
the  law  remained  uncured.  In  the  Presidential 
Message  of  1904  a more  imperative  language  on 
the  subject  was  used.  “It  is  necessary,”  said 
the  Chief  Magistrate,  “to  put  a complete  stop 
to  all  rebates.  Whether  the  shipper  or  the  rail- 
road is  to  blame  makes  no  difference ; the  rebate 
must  be  stopped,  the  abuses  of  the  private  car 
and  private  terminal-track  and  side-track  sys- 
tems must  be  stopped,  and  the  legislation  of  the 
Fifty-eighth  Congress  which  declares  it  to  be 
unlawful  for  any  person  or  corporation  to  offer, 
grant,  give,  solicit,  accept,  or  receive  any  re- 
bate, concession,  or  discrimination  in  respect  of 
the  transporation  of  any  property  in  interstate  or 
foreign  commerce  whereby  such  property  shall 
by  any  device  whatever  be  transported  at  a less 
rate  than  that  named  in  the  tariffs  published  by 
the  earner  must  be  enforced.  . . . The  Govern- 
ment must  in  increasing  degree  supervise  and 
regulate  the  workings  of  the  railways  engaged 
in  interstate  commerce ; and  such  increased  su- 
pervision is  the  only  alternative  to  an  increase 
of  the  present  evils  on  the  one  hand  or  a still 
more  radical  policy  on  the  other.  In  my  judg- 
ment the  most  important  legislative  act  now 


needed  as  regards  the  regulation  of  corporations 
is  this  act  to  confer  on  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  the  power  to  revise  rates  and  regu- 
lations, the  revised  rate  to  at  once  go  into  effect, 
and  to  stay  in  effect  unless  and  until  the  court 
of  review  reverses  it." 

Still  Congress  did  nothing  in  response  to  this 
demand,  which  was  the  demand  of  the  Ameri- 
can public,  uttered  by  its  chief  and  truest  re- 
presentative. Another  year  passed,  and  when 
the  next  annual  communication  of  counsel  from 
the  national  executive  to  the  national  legisla- 
ture came  forth,  all  other  topics  in  it  were  over- 
shadowed by  this.  The  force  of  argument, 
admonition,  and  pleading  in  the  Message  was 
fairly  overpowering,  and  it  went  to  a newly 
chosen  Congress  in  which  the  people  had  repre- 
sented themselves  with  somewhat  better  effect. 
The  result  was  the  amending  act  of  1906. 

In  the  energy  of  the  President’s  advocacy  of 
this  legislation  there  was  nothing  of  animosity 
to  the  railway  corporations.  His  most  impres- 
sive arguments,  for  example,  were  such  as 
these:  “ I believe  that  on  the  whole  our  railroads 
have  done  well  and  not  ill ; but  the  railroad  men 
who  wish  to  do  well  should  not  be  exposed  to 
competition  with  those  who  have  no  such  desire, 
and  the  only  way  to  secure  this  end  is  to  give 
to  some  government  tribunal  the  power  to  see 
that  justice  is  done  by  the  unwilling  exactly  as 
it  is  gladly  done  by  the  willing.  Moreover,  if 
some  Government  body  is  given  increased 
power  the  effect  will  be  to  furnish  authoritative 
answer  on  behalf  of  the  railroad  whenever  ir- 
rational clamor  against  it  is  raised,  or  whenever 
charges  made  against  it  are  disproved.  I ask 
this  legislation  not  only  in  the  interest  of  the 
public  but  in  the  interest  of  the  honest  railroad 
man  and  the  honest  shipper  alike,  for  it  is  they 
who  are  chiefly  jeoparded  by  the  practices  of 
their  dishonest  competitors.” 

A.  D.  1890-1902.  — Application  of  the 
Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law  of  1890  to  Railway 
Combinations  and  Poolings  of  Rates.  — The 
Trans-Missouri  Freight  Association  Case. — 
Decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  — Remarks 
of  the  Industrial  Commission.  — In  the  period 
between  1870  and  1880  the  widening  of  combi- 
nation and  organization  in  all  fields  of  heavily 
capitalized  industry  began,  especially  in  Amer- 
ica, to  attain  proportions  that  could  be  danger- 
ous to  social  interests  in  many  ways,  by  its  con- 
centration of  the  power  that  money  commands. 
Alarming  possibilities  of  monopoly,  of  oppres- 
sion to  labor,  of  political  corruption,  of  com- 
mercial tyranny  exercised  in  many  forms,  were 
all  involved.  At  the  same  time  the  processes 
working  in  this  matter  were  wholly  those  of  a 
natural  evolution,  and  were  shaping  human  in- 
dustry, very  plainly  and  surely,  to  perfected 
economic  conditions  and  results.  Serious  prob- 
lems in  government  were  thus  pressed  on  public 
attention  for  the  first  time.  How  to  realize  the 
economic  benefits  which  industrial  organization 
on  the  large  scale  can  produce,  and  which  are 
unattainable  without  it,  and  be  at  the  same  time 
securely  defended  in  all  social  and  common  in- 
terests against  selfishly  hostile  uses  of  the 
power  so  engendered,  became  then  a subject  of 
anxious  debate,  and  the  satisfying  answer  to  it 
has  not  yet  been  found. 

Railway  companies  were  now  no  longer  alone, 
as  corporations  that  challenge  the  exercise  of 


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public  authority  to  control  their  performance  of 
the  public  service  for  which  they  were  char- 
tered. The  growth  of  mammoth  organisms  of 
business  in  other  fields  — such,  for  example,  as 
the  Standard  Oil  Company  — had  reached  start- 
ling proportions,  and  the  power  of  oppression 
in  them  was  being  displayed.  Economists,  ju- 
rists, and  thoughtful  legislators  were  giving 
earnest  study  to  the  problems  they  raised.  The 
difficulty  of  the  problem,  in  the  United  States 
more  than  in  other  countries,  because  of  the  di- 
vided jurisdictions  in  government  under  the 
federal  system,  is  made  plain  by  Mr.  E.  Parma- 
lee  Prentice,  in  the  seventh  chapter  of  his 
treatise  on  “The  Federal  Power  over  Carriers 
and  Corporations.”  Before  Congress  attempted 
legislation  for  a general  control  of  commercial 
combinations  that  were  operative  in  the  country 
at  large,  there  was  much  searching  for  an  ade- 
quate ground  of  constitutional  power.  In  the 
first  instance  it  was  sought  for,  not  in  the  au- 
thority to  regulate  commerce,  but  in  the  taxing 
power,  or  the  right  of  government  to  protect 
itself  from  injury  to  the  operation  of  its  revenue 
laws.  When  this  was  given  up  there  were 
efforts  to  frame  an  act  “in  restraint  of  competi- 
tion in  the  production,  manufacture  or  sale  of 
goods  ‘ that  in  due  course  of  trade  shall  be 
transported  from  one  State’ to  another.”  But, 
says  Mr.  Prentice,  “a  statute  of  this  nature 
could  be  sustained  only  on  the  ground  of  an 
anticipating  and  continuing  jurisdiction  over 
every  article  which,  at  any  period  in  its  history 
— from  production  commenced  to  consumption 
completed  — had  ever  crossed,  or  would  cross, 
State  lines,  and  over  every  buyer  and  every 
seller  of  such  article.”  This,  too,  was  aban- 
doned, as  “an  attempt  to  do  the  impossible.” 
“ The  clause  relating  to  diversity  of  citizenship 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  bill  once  more  rested 
upon  the  narrow  power  to  regulate  commerce.” 
As  it  finally  passed  the  two  houses  of  Congress 
and  was  approved  by  the  President,  July  2d, 
1890,  this  much  discussed  and  much  litigated 
piece  of  legislation,  known  as  the  Sherman  Act, 
embodied  its  purpose  in  the  first  two  sections, 
which  read  as  follows: 

“Sec.  1.  Every  contract,  combination  in  the 
form  of  trust  or  otherwise,  or  conspiracy,  in  re- 
straint of  trade  or  commerce  among  the  several 
States,  or  with  foreign  nations,  is  hereby  de- 
clared to  be  illegal.  Every  person  who  shall 
make  any  such  contract  or  engage  in  any  such 
combination  or  conspiracy,  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction 
thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  fine  not  exceeding 
five  thousand  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  not 
exceeding  one  year,  or  by  both  said  punish- 
ments, in  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

“Sec.  2.  Every  person  who  shall  monopolize, 
or  attempt  to  monopolize,  or  combine  or  conspire 
with  any  other  person  or  persons,  to  monopdlize 
any  part  of  the  trade  or  commerce  among  the 
several  States,  or  with  foreign  nations,  shall  he 
deemed  guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and,  on  con- 
viction thereof,  shall  be  punished  by  fine  not 
exceeding  five  thousand  dollars,  or  by  impris- 
onment not  exceeding  one  year,  or  by  both  said 
punishments,  in  the  discretion  of  the  court.” 

“ In  a number  of  early  cases,”  says  the  writer 
already  quoted,  “the  act  was  applied  to  com- 
binations of  laborers  to  interrupt  the  free  pas- 
sage from  State  to  State,  the  defendants  in 


most  instances  being  railroad  employees.  At 
this  point  in  the  process  of  judicial  construction 
the  case  of  the  Freight  Association  [United 
States  v.  Trans-Missouri  Freight  Association] 
presented  to  the  Supreme  Court  the  question 
whether  the  act  applied  to  interstate  carriers. 
Of  the  intention  of  Congress  there  is  probably 
little  doubt.  Railroad  transportation  had  been 
covered  in  1887  by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act. 
The  Sherman  Act  of  1890  was  intended  to  cover 
not  transportation,  but  trade.” 

The  suit  of  the  United  States  against  the 
Trans-Missouri  Freight  Association,  the  Atchi- 
son, Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad  Co.,  and 
others,  was  brought  for  the  dissolution  of  an 
association  or  combination  alleged  to  be  in 
restraint  of  trade,  and  in  violation  therefore  of 
the  Act  of  July  2,  1890,  called  the  Sherman 
Anti-Trust  Law.  It  was  tried  originally  in 
November,  1892,  before  United  States  District 
Judge  Riner,  of  the  Kansas  District,  who  ruled 
that  the  law  did  not  apply,  and  dismissed  the 
case.  On  appeal  it  was  tried  again  with  the 
same  result  the  next  year  before  Circuit  Judge 
Sanborn  and  District  Judges  Shirasand  Thayer. 
Judges  Sanborn  and  Thayer  affirmed  the  judg- 
ment of  the  District  Court,  while  Judge  Shiras 
dissented.  The  question  then  went  for  final 
adjudication  to  the  Supreme  Court,  where  it 
was  argued  on  the  8th  and  9tli  of  December, 
1896,  and  decided  on  the  22d  of  March,  1897. 
The  opinion  of  the  Court,  delivered  by  Justice 
Peckham,  reversed  the  judgment  of  the  courts 
below,  affirming  that  the  Anti-Trust  Act  applies 
to  railroads,  and  that  it  renders  illegal  all  agree- 
ments which  are  in  restraint  of  trade.  The 
case  was  accordingly  remanded  to  the  Circuit 
Court  “for  further  proceedings  in  conformity 
with  this  opinion.”  Justices  White,  Field,  Gray, 
and  Shiras  dissented  from  the  opinion  of  the 
majority. 

“In  the  Final  Report  (transmitted  to  Congress 
in  February,  1902),  of  the  Industrial  Commission, 
created  by  Act  of  Congress  in  1898,  this  case  of 
the  Trans- Missouri  Freight  Association,  and  the 
general  status  at  that  time  of  questions  involved 
in  it,  are  discussed  at  length,  and  partly  as 
follows  : 

“It  is  of  peculiar  interest  to  note  that  this 
leading  case  was  decided,  not  upon  interpreta- 
tion of  the  interstate  commerce  act  itself,  but 
under  the  provisions  of  the  Sherman  anti-trust 
law  of  1890.  . . . Two  questions  were  plainly 
before  the  court:  First  whether  the  Sherman 
anti-trust  law  applied  to  and  covered  common 
carriers  by  railroad  ; and  secondly,  whether  the 
Trans-Missouri  Freight  Association  violated  any 
provision  of  that  act  by  being  an  unreasonable 
restraint  upon  trade.  The  court  itself  acknow- 
ledged that  it  was  doubtful  whether  Congress 
originally  intended  to  include  railroads  under 
the  prohibitory  provisions  of  the  anti  trust  law. 
Counsel  for  the  carriers  showed,  it  would  seem 
conclusively,  that  an  amendment  proposed  by 
Mr.  Bland  to  include  railroads  in  the  prohibition 
was  rejected.  The  dissenting  Supreme  Court 
justices  maintained  that  in  the  absence  of  a 
specific  application  of  the  anti-trust  law  to  rail- 
roads, inasmuch  as  the  anti-trust  law  was  a gen- 
eral act,  while  the  act  to  regulate  commerce, 
antedating  it  by  three  years,  was  specific,  the 
latter  exempted  the  railroads,  in  any  case,  from 
the  drastic  provisions  of  the  Sherman  Act 


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against  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade.  The 
court  refused  to  consider  other  than  mere  ques- 
tions of  law,  holding  that  if  pooling  were  ex- 
cepted it  was  the  province  of  Congress  to  take 
appropriate  action.  . . . 

“ It  has  very  frequently  been  asserted  that  a 
primary  cause  of  the  notable  tendency  toward 
railroad  consolidation  since  1898  was  the  defini- 
tive prohibition  of  all  varieties  of  traffic  contracts 
or  agreements  by  the  Trans-Missouri  Freight 
Association  decision  of  1897.  This  decision,  as 
has  already  been  indicated,  was  rendered  upon 
the  basis  of  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law,  without 
contemplation  of  the  prohibitive  provision  of 
the  Act  to  regulate  commerce  of  1887.  Accord- 
ing to  the  opinion  of  many  jurists,  in  fact,  the 
latter  act  could  not  reasonably  have  been  con- 
strued to  prohibit  many  of  the  traffic  agreements 
which  have  been  customary  between  carriers. 
It  has  been  urged  with  great  force  that  cooper- 
ation among  the  railroads  having  been  finally 
adjudged  illegal,  it  became  necessary  to  have 
recourse  to  a more  drastic  remedy,  namely,  con- 
solidation in  some  of  its  various  forms.  . . . The 
first  difference  to  be  noted  between  pooling  and 
consolidation  is  that  the  latter  is  much  more 
comprehensive  in  its  scope.  . . . Agreements 
for  the  division  of  traffic  constitute  but  the  mere 
machinery  by  which  a certain  result  is  to  be  at- 
tained. . . . Experience  has  abundantly  shown 
that  it  is  possible  for  railroads  to  maintain  a 
large  part  of  their  identity,  even  reserving  to 
themselves  the  power  to  make  rates  independ- 
ently, under  a pool,  in  exceptional  cases,  with- 
out thereby  entirely  nullifying  the  steadying 
influences  of  such  traffic  agreements.  Consoli- 
dation, however,  necessarily  involves  the  unifi- 
cation of  all  interests  as  between  railroads.  . . . 
In  brief,  pooling  may  still  permit  competition 
in  respect  to  facilities.  It  may  merely  eliminate 
the  ruinous  phases  of  competition  in  rates,  leav- 
ing still  in  force  the  healthful  influences  of  rea- 
sonable rivalry.  Consolidation  proceeds  to  the 
uttermost  to  stifle  competition  of  all  kinds, 
whether  in  respect  of  rates  or  of  facilities.  . . . 
A second  point  to  be  kept  in  mind  as  between 
the  effects  of  consolidation  and  pooling  lies  in 
the  fact  that  consolidation  can  never  hope  to 
accomplish  the  steadying  influence  upon  rates 
which  is  claimed  for  railroad  pools,  until  such 
time  as  every  railroad  within  a given  competi- 
tive territory  shall  have  been  bought  up  and 
absorbed.  ...  A division  of  territory  into  a 
number  of  specific  groups,  each  absolutely  mo- 
nopolized by  one  interest,  seems  to  be  the  only 
logical  outcome  of  the  consolidations  which 
have  been  already  accomplished.  . . . 

“ Pools  and  pooling  still  exist : although  out- 
wardly called  gentlemen’s  agreement  or  dis- 
guised in  some  other  way,  it  is  incontestable 
that  in  every  case  where  consolidation  has  not 
proceeded  to  its  uttermost  limits,  as  in  New 
England,  traffic  agreements  exist.  Railroad 
men  are  almost  unanimous  in  the  expression 
of  their  desire  to  have  the  inhibition  removed. 
Representatives  of  commercial  interests  have, 
in  the  main,  acceded  to  this  opinion.  As  has 
been  shown,  the  prohibition  was  not  contem- 
plated originally.  It  -was  included  in  the  act 
only  as  a concession  to  certain  opponents  of 
pooling  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  . . . 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  universally  recognized 
that  certain  dangers  to  the  shipper  are  incident 


to  such  action.  Railroad  pools  may,  and  cer- 
tainly have,  in  some  instances,  operated  either 
to  raise  rates,  or  to  maintain  them  in  face  of  a 
tendency  to  decline.  As  a consequence,  the  ma- 
jority of  these  appeals  for  remedial  legislation 
are  accompanied  by  a demand  that  pooling,  if 
once  more  permitted  by  law,  shall  be  subject  to 
governmental  approval  and  supervision.”  — 
Final  Report  of  the  Industrial  Commission,  pp. 
338-348. 

A.  D.  1901-1905. — The  Northern  Securi- 
ties Case. — Another  test  of  the  Sherman 
Act.  — The  question  of  the  Legality  of  Com- 
bination between  Corporations  through  a 
“ Holding  Company.”  — At  about  the  time 
when  the  Industrial  Commission  was  producing 
its  final  report,  from  which  the  above  is  taken, 
the  courts  of  the  United  States  were  called  on 
to  give  attention  to  another  mode,  distinctly 
different  from  either  “pooling”  agreements  or 
corporate  consolidation,  by  which  an  effective 
combination  of  railway  lines  could  be  secured. 
It  came  to  the  consideration  of  the  courts  in  the 
case  of  the  Northern  Securities  Company,  which 
was  famous  in  its  day.  Briefly  related,  the  case 
arose  as  follows: 

Although  the  Great  Northern  Railway  and 
the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  traverse  the  same 
Northwestern  section  of  the  United  States,  from 
the  Mississippi  River  and  the  western  extremity 
of  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  at  no 
great  distance  apart,  there  was  not  rivalry,  but 
a community  of  interest  between  them,  in  1901, 
when  the  corporations  to  which  they  belong 
became  joint  purchasers  of  the  Chicago,  Bur- 
lington and  Quincy  Railway  system,  in  order  to 
secure  for  each  of  them  a direct  connection  with 
Chicago,  under  their  joint  control.  This  achieve- 
ment of  the  powerful  railway  interests  con- 
trolled by  James  J.  Hill  was  followed  by  what 
is  known  in  Wall  Street  as  a “raid  ” on  the  stock 
of  the  Northern  Pacific,  by  the  Union  Pacific 
interests,  headed  by  E.  H.  Harriman,  with  the 
object  of  securing  votes  to  elect  the  next  board 
of  directors  in  that  corporation,  and  thus  control 
the  whole  Northern  transcontinental  combina- 
tion. The  outcome  of  the  fierce  struggle  was  a 
compromise,  from  which  issued  the  famous 
“holding  company”  known  as  the  Northern  Se- 
curities Company,  incorporated  on  the  12tli  of 
November,  1901,  under  the  accommodating  laws 
of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  The  term  “ holding 
company”  describes  precisely  the  function 
which  this  corporation  was  created  to  perform. 
In  the  language  of  its  charter,  “the  objects  for 
which  the  corporation  is  formed  are  : To  acquire 
by  purchase,  subscription  or  otherwise,  and  to 
hold  as  investment,  any  bonds  or  other  securi- 
ties or  evidences  of  indebtedness.  ...  To  pur- 
chase, hold,  sell,  assign,  transfer,  mortgage, 
pledge,  or  otherwise  dispose  of,  any  bonds  or 
other  securities  or  evidences  of  indebtedness 
created  or  issued  by  any  other  corporation.  . . . 
To  purchase,  hold  . . . etc.,  shares  of  capital 
stock  of  any  other  corporation  . . . and,  while 
owner  of  such  stock,  to  exercise  all  the  rights, 
powers  and  privileges  of  ownership,  including 
the  right  to  vote  thereon.” 

The  specific  plan  of  operation  was  set  forth 
in  a circular  issued  by  the  Northern  Securities 
Company,  on  the  22d  of  November,  1901,  to  hold- 
ers of  the  stock  of  the  Great  Northern  Railway 
Company,  which  said:  “The  Northern  Securi- 


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ties  Company,  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey,  with  an  authorized  capital 
stock  of  §400,000,000,  and  with  power  to  invest 
in  and  hold  the  securities  of  other  companies, 
has  commenced  business,  and  has  acquired  from 
several  large  holders  of  stock  of  the  Great 
Northern  Railway  Company  a considerable 
amount  of  that  stock.  A uniform  price  has 
been  paid  of  $180  per  share,  in  the  fully  paid 
stock  of  this  company,  at  par.  This  company 
is  ready  to  purchase  additional  shares  of  the 
same  stock  at  the  same  price,  payable  in  the 
same  manner,  and  will  accept  offers  made  on  that 
basis  if  made  within  the  next  sixty  days.” 

“It  seems,”  says  Professor  Meyer,  in  his 
“History  of  the  Northern  Securities  Case,” 
“that  the  capitalization  of  $400,000,000  was 
fixed  at  that  figure  in  order  to  cover  approxi- 
mately the  combined  capital  stock  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  and  Great  Northern  at  au 
agreed  price  apparently  based  upon  earning 
capacity.  The  par  value  of  the  outstanding 
capital  stock  of  the  Great  Northern  was  $123,- 
880,400,  and  that  of  the  Northern  Pacific 
amounted  to  $155,000,000.  The  Northern  Se- 
curities Company  purchased  about  seventy-six 
per  cent,  of  the  former  and  ninety-six  per  cent, 
of  the  latter,  on  the  basis  of  $115  per  share  of 
$100  of  Northern  Pacific  and  $180  per  share  of 
$100  of  the  Great  Northern.” 

From  the  side  of  the  railway  interests  con- 
cerned, this  holding  together  of  the  stocks  of 
the  two  corporations  which  owned  between 
them  the  connecting  Burlington  line  to  Chicago 
was  a necessary  business  transaction.  Their 
view  of  it  was  stated  subsequently  by  Mr.  Hill, 
in  testimony  given  during  proceedings  which 
tested  the  legality  of  the  holding  company, 
when  he  said:  “With  the  Northern  Pacific  as  a 
half-owner  in  the  shares  of  the  Burlington  and 
responsibility  for  one-half  of  the  purchase  price 
of  these  shares,  the  transfers  of  the  shares  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  or  the  control  of  the  Northern 
Pacific  to  an  interest  that  was  adverse  or  an 
interest  that  had  greater  investments  in  other 
directions,  the  control  being  in  the  hands  of 
companies  whose  interests  would  be  injured 
by  the  growth  and  development  of  this  country 
would,  of  course,  put  the  Great  Northern  in  a 
position  where  it  would  be  almost  helpless,  be- 
cause we  would  be,  as  it  were,  fenced  out  of  the 
territory  south  which  produces  the  tonnage  we 
want  to  take  west  and  which  consumes  the  ton- 
nage we  want  to  bring  east,  and  the  Great 
Northern  would  be  in  a position  where  it  would 
have  to  make  a hard  fight  — either  survive  or 
perish,  or  else  sell  out  to  the  other  interests. 
The  latter  would  be  the  most  business-like  pro- 
ceeding.” 

On  the  other  hand,  from  the  standpoint  of 
public  interests,  the  combination  looked  dan- 
gerous to  the  Northwestern  States,  as  being  a 
suppression  of  competition  and  a creation  of 
monopoly  in  railway  transportation,  and  it  was 
quickly  announced  that  the  Governor  of  Minne- 
sota had  determined  to  invite  the  Governors  of 
States  affected  by  the  transaction  to  a confer- 
ence, for  the  purpose  of  considering  “the  best 
methods  of  fighting  the  Northern  Securities 
Company’s  propositions  in  the  courts  and  by 
new  legislation,  if  necessary.”  The  result  of 
the  conference  was  a suit  undertaken  by  the 
State  of  Minnesota,  at  first  in  the  Supreme 


Court  of  the  United  States,  where  it  was  found 
to  be  impracticable,  but  finally  begun  in  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court.  This  State  action 
was  soon  followed  by  proceedings  taken  by  the 
Federal  Government.  Attorney-General  Knox 
was  asked  by  the  President  for  an  opinion  as  to 
the  legality  of  the  procedure  involved  in  the 
formation  of  the  Northern  Securities  Com- 
pany, and  replied  that,  in  his  judgment  it 
violated  the  provisions  of  the  Sherman  Act 
of  1890.  The  President  then  “directed  that  suit- 
able action  should  be  taken  to  have  the  ques- 
tion judicially  determined.”  Suit  was  begun 
accordingly  on  the  10th  of  March,  1902,  by  the 
United  States,  in  the  United  States  Circuit 
Court  at  St.  Paul,  against  the  three  companies, 
— Northern  Securities,  Great  Northern,  and 
Northern  Pacific.  Testimony  was  taken  in  St. 
Paul  and  New  York,  and  the  case  was  argued 
in  March,  1903,  at  St.  Louis,  before  a special 
trial  court,  composed  of  four  circuit  judges. 
The  decision  rendered  by  this  court,  the  four 
judges  concurring,  declared  the  transaction  ille- 
gal, and  enjoined  the  Northern  Securities  Com- 
pany from  performing  the  acts  that  it  was 
intended  to  perform.  This  decision  was  contra- 
dicted, however,  by  one  given  at  about  the  same 
time  in  the  suit  of  the  State  of  Minnesota,  which 
had  its  trial  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court 
for  the  District  of  Minnesota.  There  the  legal- 
ity of  the  formation  of  the  Northern  Securities 
Company  was  affirmed. 

Appeals  from  both  decisions  were  taken  to 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  that  of  the  special  trial 
court,  in  the  suit  of  the  Federal  Government, 
which  declared  the  procedure  involved  in  the 
formation  of  the  Northern  Securities  Company 
to  be  in  violation  of  the  Sherman  Act  of  1890, 
was  fully  sustained  by  a majority  of  the  Court, 
in  March,  1904.  In  the  opinion  of  the  majority 
of  the  justices,  “if  Congress  has  not,  by  the 
words  used  in  the  Act,  described  this  and  like 
cases,  it  would,  we  apprehend,  be  impossible  to 
find  words  that  would  describe  them”  [see, 
also,  Combinations,  Industrial  : United 

States:  A.  D.  1901-1906],  The  Court  below 
was  authorized  accordingly  to  execute  its  de- 
cree against  the  Securities  Company.  A little 
later  the  Supreme  Court  decided  in  the  Minne- 
sota State  suit  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction,  and 
sent  the  case  back,  to  be  remanded  to  the  State 
court  from  which  it  had  been  originally  re- 
moved. With  this  case  nothing  further  was 
done. 

In  connection  with  the  undoing  of  the  North- 
ern Securities  Company’s  operations,  to  recon- 
vey the  property  for  which  it  had  issued  its 
stock,  fresh  litigation  arose,  over  questions  that 
touched  the  construction  to  be  put  on  the  court’s 
decree.  This,  too,  went  up  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  was  decided 
there  in  March,  1905 ; but  it  has  no  important 
bearing  on  the  questions  involved  in  the  origi- 
nal case. 

In  the  final  chapter  of  his  history  of  the  case, 
Professor  Meyer  has  this  to  say  of  it:  “The 
chief  interest  of  the  Northern  Securities  case 
lies  in  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  involved 
and  in  the  variety  of  the  economic  and  legal 
problems  which  were  incidentally  drawn  into 
the  controversy.  From  the  point  of  view  of 
railway  organization  the  case  presents  little 
of  consequence,  except  that  railway  corporate 


552 


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organization,  in  the  process  of  metamorphosis 
or  evolution,  must,  avoid  the  technicality  of  the 
particular  type  of  holding  company  which  the 
Northern  Securities  Company  represented. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  railway  regulation 
and  the  relations  between  the  general  public 
interests  and  private  railway  management,  the 
case  has  no  significance  whatsoever,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  action  against  the  Securities  Com- 
pany arose  out  of  alleged  injurious  conse- 
quences to  the  public.  It  was  assumed  that 
competition  had  been  stifled,  without  first  ask- 
ing the  question  whether  competition  had  actu- 
ally existed ; and  whether,  if  competition  could 
be  perpetuated,  the  public  would  profit  by  it.” 

— Balthazer  Henry  Meyer,  A History  of  the 
Northern  Securities  Case  ( Bulletin  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wisconsin,  No.  142). 

A.  D.  1901-1909.  — The  Harriman  System. 

— Its  Creation.  — Its  Magnitude. — The 
Rapid  Rise  of  the  late  E.  H.  Harriman  to  Fi- 
nancial Power.  — On  the  death  of  the  late 
Edward  H.  Harriman,  which  occurred  on  the 
9th  of  September,  1909,  it  was  said  that  he  was 
the  absolute  dictator  of  75,000  miles  of  railroad 
in  the  United  States — -about  one-third  of  the 
country’s  total  mileage  of  rail  war's  — besides 
being  a leading  director  in  four  ocean  steamship 
lines,  two  trust  companies,  and  three  banks. 
Some  time  previously  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  in  the  report  of  its  investigation  of 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  management,  said  of 
him:  “Mr.  Harriman  may  journey  by  steam- 
ship from  New  York  to  New  Orleans,  thence 
by  rail  to  San  Francisco,  across  the  Pacific  Ocean 
to  China,  and,  returning  by  another  route  to  the 
United  States,  may  go  to  Ogden  by  anyone  of 
three  rail  lines,  and  thence  to  Kansas  City  or 
Omaha,  without  leaving  the  deck  or  platform 
of  a carrier  which  he  controls,  and  without  du- 
plicating any  part  of  his  journey.” 

In  the  same  report,  referring  to  one  of  the 
most  questionable  of  Harriman’s  financial  op- 
erations, the  Commission  remarked  that  it  was 
“rich  in  illustrations  of  various  methods  of  in- 
defensible financing,”  but  added  that  it  was 
no  part  of  the  Harriman  policy  to  permit  the 
properties  under  the  Union  Pacific  control  to 
degenerate.  “ As  railroads,”  it  was  said,  “ they 
are  better  properties  to-day,  with  lower  grades, 
straighter  tracks,  and  more  ample  equipment 
than  they  were  when  they  came  under  that 
control.  Large  sums  have  been  generously  ex- 
pended in  the  carrying  on  of  engineering  works 
and  betterments  which  make  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  service  and  the  permanent  value  of 
the  property.” 

On  the  occasion  of  Mr.  Harriman’s  death,  the 
New  York  Evening  Post,  reviewing  his  career, 
said  of  him  that  “his  worst  enemies  are  forced 
to  admit  that  as  a railroad  executive  he  had  no 
peer.  What  he  found  on  taking  charge  of  the 
Union  Pacific  was  two  dirt  ballasted  streaks  of 
rust.  The  stations  along  the  mountain  grades 
were  tumbled-down  shacks,  and  most  of  the 
equipment  was  fit  only  for  the  scrap  pile.  More- 
over, there  was  no  organization.  From  top  to 
bottom  of  the  staff  the  men  had  lost  heart.  In 
1898  the  Union  Pacific  was  suffering  from  bank- 
ruptcy, brought  on  by  years  of  political  and 
financial  intrigue.  But  when  Harriman  got  his 
grip  on  the  property  he  said  to  his  associates: 
‘We  will  rebuild  it  and  do  it  right  away.’ 


Harriman’s  plans  called  for  hundreds  of  millions 
of  dollars  for  new  rails,  lower  grades,  and  mod- 
ern cars,  locomotives,  and  terminals.  After  a 
struggle  the  Union  Pacific  directors  came  around 
to  his  way  of  thinking.” 

“ It  is  necessary  to  remember,”  said  the  Post, 
in  another  article,  “in  summing  up  the  Wall 
Street  side  of  Mr.  Harriman’s  history,  that  fif- 
teen years  ago  he  was  hardly  known,  even  in 
railway  circles;  that  ten  years  ago,  his  name 
would  have  conveyed  no  meaning  or  association 
to  the  general  public;  that  even  at  the  inception 
of  the  celebrated  Northern  Pacific  fight  of  1901 
[see  above,  under  date  of  1901-1905],  in  which 
he  was  actually  a chief  protagonist,  Wall  Street 
mentioned  his  name  only  incidentally  in  con- 
nection with  it.  The  fight,  as  the  Stock  Ex- 
change and  the  newspapers  then  saw  it,  was 
waged  between  the  ‘ Standard  Oil  interest,’  and 
the  ‘Morgan  interest,’  and  the  Union  Pacific’s 
chairman  cut  little  individual  figure  in  the 
public  view.” 

A.  D.  1903  (Feb.).  — Act  of  Congress  to 
Further  Regulate  Commerce  with  Foreign 
Nations  and  among  the  States,  known  com- 
monly as  “the  Elkins  Law.’’ — The  follow- 
ing are  the  essential  provisions  of  the  Act,  ap- 
proved February  19,  1903,  which  is  commonly 
referred  to  as  the  Elkins  Anti-Rebate  Law : 

“ The  willful  failure  upon  the  part  of  any  car- 
rier subject  to  said  Acts  to  file  and  publish  the 
tariffs  or  rates  and  charges  as  required  by  said 
Acts  or  strictly  to  observe  such  tariffs  until 
changed  according  to  law,  shall  be  a misde- 
meanor, and  upon  conviction  thereof  the  cor- 
poration offending  shall  be  subject  to  a fine  not 
less  than  one  thousand  dollars  nor  more  than 
twenty  thousand  dollars  for  each  offense ; and 
it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person,  persons, 
or  corporation  to  offer,  grant,  or  give  or  to 
solicit,  accept,  or  receive  any  rebate,  conces- 
sion, or  discrimination  in  respect  of  the  trans- 
portation of  any  property  in  interstate  or  for- 
eign commerce  by  any  common  carrier  subject 
to  said  Act  to  regulate  commerce  and  the  Acts 
amendatory  thereto  whereby  any  such  property 
shall  by  any  device  whatever  be  transported  at 
a less  rate  than  that  named  in  the  tariffs  pub- 
lished and  filed  by  such  carrier,  as  is  required 
by  said  Act  to  regulate  commerce  and  the  Acts 
amendatory  thereto,  or  whereby  any  other  ad- 
vantage is  given  or  discrimination  is  practiced. 
Every  person  or  corporation  who  shall  offer, 
grant,  or  give  or  solicit,  accept  or  receive  any 
such  rebates,  concession,  or  discrimination  shall 
be  deemed  guilty  of  a misdemeanor,  and  on 
conviction  thereof  shall  be  punished  by  a fine 
of  not  less  than  one  thousand  dollars  nor  more 
than  twenty  thousand  dollars.  In  all  convic- 
tions occurring  after  the  passage  of  this  Act 
for  offences  under  said  Acts  to  regulate  com- 
merce, whether  committed  before  or  after  the 
passage  of  this  Act,  or  for  offenses  under  this 
section,  no  penalty  shall  be  imposed  on  the  con 
victed  party  other  than  the  fine  prescribed  by 
law,  imprisonment  wherever  now  prescribed  as 
part  of  the  penalty  being  hereby  abolished. 
Every  violation  of  this  section  shall  be  prose- 
cuted in  any  court  of  the  United  States  having 
jurisdiction  of  crimes  within  the  district  in 
which  such  violation  was  committed  or  through 
which  the  transportation  may  have  been  con- 
ducted ; and  whenever  the  offense  is  begun  in 


553 


RAILWAYS 


RAILWAYS 


one  jurisdiction  and  completed  in  another  it  may 
be  dealt  with,  inquired  of,  tried,  determined, 
and  punished  in  either  jurisdiction  in  the  same 
manner  as  if  the  offense  had  been  actually  and 
wholly  committed  therein. 

“ In  construing  and  enforcing  the  provisions 
of  this  section  the  act,  omission,  or  failure  of 
any  officer,  agent,  or  other  person  acting  for  or 
employed  by  any  common  carrier  acting  within 
the  scope  of  his  employment  shall  in  every  case 
be  also  deemed  to  be  the  act,  omission,  or  fail- 
ure of  such  carrier  as  well  as  that  of  the  person. 
Whenever  any  carrier  flies  with  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  or  publishes  a particu- 
lar rate  under  the  provisions  of  the  Act  to  reg- 
ulate commerce  or  Acts  amendatory  thereto,  or 
participates  in  any  rates  so  filed  or  published, 
that  rate  as  against  such  carrier,  its  officers  or 
agents  in  any  prosecution  begun  under  this  Act 
shall  be  conclusively  deemed  to  be  the  legal 
rate,  and  any  departure  from  such  rate,  or  any 
offer  to  depart  therefrom,  shall  be  deemed  to  be 
an  offense  under  this  section  of  this  Act.”  — 
Statutes  at  Large  of  the  United  States,  Fifty -sev- 
enth Congress,  Session  IT,  chapter  708. 

In  comment  on  the  above  Act,  Professor  Rip- 
ley wrote,  sometime  after  its  passage: 

“Two  years  ago,  at  the  instance  of  the  rail- 
ways, which  were  desirous  of  stopping  large 
leakages  of  revenue  due  to  rate  cutting,  Congress 
enacted  the  so-called  Elkins  law.  This  was 
distinctly  a railway  measure.  Hence  the  ease 
and  quiet  of  its  passage.  It  roused  none  of  the 
corporate  watch  dogs  of  the  Senate,  ostensibly 
guardians  of  the  public  welfare.  Nor  was  it  a 
compromise.  There  was  no  need  of  compromise. 
Both  railways  and  shippers  were  agreed  in  the 
wish  to  eliminate  rebates.  Section  3 of  this 
law  of  1903  recites  ‘ that  whenever  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission  shall  have  reason- 
able ground  for  belief  that  any  common  carrier 
is  engaged  in  the  carriage  of  passenger  or  freight 
traffic  between  given  points  at  less  than  the 
published  rates  on  file,  or  is  committing  any 
discriminations  forbidden  by  law  ’ (our  italics), 
it  may  petition  any  circuit  judge  for  the  issu- 
ance of  an  injunction  summarily  prohibiting 
the  practice.  Such  a remedy  would  seem  to  be 
prompt,  efficient,  and  adequate.  It  is  the  basis 
of  the  universal  railway  testimony  that  no  fur- 
ther legislation  on  the  subject  is  needed,  but 
that  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  should 
quit  talking  and  get  down  to  business.  . . . 

“ That  the  Elkins  law  adds  nothing  to  the 
original  statute  of  1887  is  indisputable.  It  deals 
with  means,  not  ends.  It  provides  motive 
power,  but  not  intelligent  direction,  for  the 
wheels  of  justice.  The  law  remains  absolutely 
unchanged  in  its  definition  of  rights  and  wrongs.  ” 
— W.  Z.  Ripley,  President  Roosevelt’s  Railway 
Policy  ( Atlantic  Monthly,  Sept.,  1905). 

A.  D.  1905.  — International  Railway  Con- 
gress. — The  International  Railway  Congress 
had  its  meeting  of  1905  at  Washington,  on  the 
invitation  of  the  American  Railroad  Association. 
Between  three  and  four  hundred  American  rail- 
road men  were  in  attendance  during  the  Con- 
gress, which  lasted  from  May  4 to  May  13.  The 
delegates  from  oversea  numbered  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty,  and  included  representatives 
from  every  country  in  the  world.  Germany,  for 
the  first  time,  was  adequately  represented  in 
the  Congress;  while  at  no  previous  Congress 


were  there  so  many  delegates  from  Great  Britain 
and  from  British  colonies. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Reconstruction  of  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Intekstate  Commerce  Commission. 

A.  D.  1906-1909. — Decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  on  the  Constitu- 
tionality of  the  “Commodities  Clause”  of 
the  Hepburn  Act.  — The  Railroad  Monopoly 
of  the  Anthracite  Coal  Trade. — The  Act  of 
1906  (known  commonly  as  the  Hepburn  Act) 
which  amended  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act 
of  1887  (see  above,  under  date  of  1870-1908), 
contains  an  important  provision  which  was 
specially  intended  to  dissolve  the  monopolistic 
combination  by  which  a group  of  railroads  oper- 
ating in  'Pennsylvania  have  established  control 
of  the  mining  and  marketing,  as  well  as  the 
transportation  of  anthracite  coal.  This  was 
inserted  in  the  Act  on  motion  of  Senator  Elkins 
and  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  “Elkins 
Clause,”  sometimes  as  the  “Commodities 
Clause  ” of  the  Railway  Rebate  Act.  This 
clause  declared  it  to  be  unlawful  “ for  any  rail- 
road company  to  transport  from  any  State  to 
any  other  State  or  to  any  foreign  country  any 
article  or  commodity  other  than  timber  manu- 
factured, mined,  or  produced  by  it,  or  under  its 
authority,  or  which  it  may  own  in  whole  or  in 
part,  or  in  which  it  may  have  any  interest,  di- 
rect or  indirect,  except  such  articles  or  commod- 
ities as  may  be  necessary  and  intended  for  its 
use  in  the  conduct  of  its  business  as  a common 
carrier.” 

Since  1874  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania 
had  declared  that  “no  incorporated  company 
doing  the  business  of  a common  carrier  shall, 
directly  or  indirectly,  prosecute  or  engage  iD 
mining  or  manufacturing  articles  for  transporta- 
tion over  its  works;  nor  shall  such  company  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  engage  in  any  other  business 
than  that  of  common  carrier,  or  hold  or  acquire 
lands,  freehold  or  leasehold,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, except  such  as  shall  be  necessary  to  carry 
on  its  business.”  But  this  constitutional  pro- 
hibition had  not  sufficed  to  restrain  the  owners 
of  the  railways  which  tap  the  anthracite  coal 
district  from  acquiring  practical  ownership  of 
so  large  a part  of  its  mines  as  to  be  able,  by 
combinations  and  understandings  among  their 
managers,  to  monopolize  the  market  of  that 
most  important  commodity.  It  was  thought 
that  the  power  vested  in  the  General  Govern- 
ment to  regulate  the  commerce  in  coal  between 
Pennsylvania  and  other  States  might  be  brought 
into  exercise  against  this  anthracite  monopoly 
with  more  effect. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  1908,  the  “commodities 
clause  ” of  the  Hepburn  Act  became  operative, 
and  soon  thereafter  a suit  was  brought  in  the 
United  Slates  Circuit  Court  for  the  Eastern  Dis- 
trict of  Pennsylvania,  to  test  its  constitutional- 
ity. In  this  trial  of  the  question  the  Govern- 
ment met  defeat.  Two  of  the  three  Judges  of 
the  Court,  namely  Gray  and  Dallas,  filed  opinions 
against  the  constitutionality  of  the  enactment, 
their  colleague,  Judge  Buffington,  dissenting. 
The  case  went  then  on  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  there,  by  a judgment  so  nearly  unan- 
imous that  Judge  Harlan  alone  dissented  on  a 
single  point,  the  decision  of  the  Circuit  Court 
was  reversed  and  the  constitutionality  of  the  law 
upheld.  The  following  summary  of  its  opinion 


554 


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RAILWAYS 


was  given  out  by  the  Supreme  Court  at  the  time 
of  the  announcement,  May  3,  1909: 

“ (1.)  The  claim  of  the  government  that  the 
provision  contained  in  the  Hepburn  act,  ap- 
proved June  29,  1906,  commonly  called  the 
Commodities  Clause,  prohibits  a railway  com- 
pany from  moving  commodities  in  interstate 
commerce  because  the  company  has  manufac- 
tured, mined,  or  produced  them,  or  owned  them 
in  whole  or  in  part,  or  has  had  an  interest  direct 
or  indirect  in  them,  wholly  irrespective  of  the 
relation  or  connection  of  the  carrier  with  the 
commodities  at  the  time  of  transportation,  is 
decided  to  be  untenable.  It  is  also  decided  that 
the  provision  of  the  commodities  clause  relating 
to  interest,  direct  or  indirect,  does  not  embrace 
an  interest  which  a carrier  may  have  in  a pro- 
ducing corporation  as  the  result  of  the  owner- 
ship by  the  carrier  of  stock  in  such  corporation 
irrespective  of  the  amount  of  stock  which  the 
carrier  may  own  in  such  corporation,  provided 
the  corporation  has  been  organized  in  good  faith. 

“(2.)  Rejecting  the  construction  placed  by 
the  government  upon  the  commodities  clause, 
it  is  decided  that  that  clause,  when  all  its  pro- 
visions are  harmoniously  construed,  has  solely 
for  its  object  to  prevent  carriers  engaged  in 
interstate  commerce  from  being  associated  in 
interest  at  the  time  of  transportation  with  the 
commodities  transported,  and  therefore  the  com- 
modities clause  only  prohibits  railroad  compa- 
nies engaged  in  interstate  commerce  from  trans- 
porting in  such  commerce  commodities  under 
the  following  circumstances  and  conditions: 

“ (a)  When  the  commodity  has  been  manufac- 
tured, mined,  or  produced  by  a railway  com- 
pany, or  under  its  authority,  and  at  the  time 
of  transportation  the  railway  company  has  not 
in  good  faith  before  the  act  of  transportation 
parted  with  its  interest  in  such  commodity ; 

“ (b)  When  the  railway  company  owns  the 
commodity  to  be  transported  in  whole  or  in 
part ; 

“(c)  When  the  railway  company  at  the  time 
of  transportation  has  an  interest  direct  or  indi- 
rect in  a legal  sense  in  the  commodity,  which 
last  prohibition  does  not  apply  to  commodities 
manufactured,  mined,  produced,  owned,  etc., 
by  a corporation  because  a railway  company  is 
a stockholder  in  such  corporation. 

“Such  ownership  of  stock  in  a producing 
company  by  a railway  company  does  not  cause 
it  as  the  owner  of  the  stock  to  have  a legal  in- 
terest in  the  commodity  manufactured,  etc.,  by 
the  producing  corporation. 

“(3.)  As  thus  construed  the  commodities 
clause  is  a regulation  of  commerce  within  the 
power  of  Congress  to  enact.  The  contentions 
elaborately  argued  for  the  railroad  companies 
that  the  clause,  if  applied  to  preexisting  rights, 
will  operate  to  take  property  of  railroad  com- 
panies and  therefore  violate  the  due  process 
clause  of  the  Fifth  Amendment,  were  all  based 
upon  the  assumption  that  the  clause  prohibited 
and  restricted  in  accordance  with  the  construc- 
tion which  the  government  gave  that  clause 
and  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  which  prohi- 
bitions these  suits  were  brought. 

“As  the  construction  which  the  government 
placed  upon  the  act  and  seeks  to  enforce  is  now 
held  to  be  unsound,  and  as  none  of  the  conten- 
tions relied  upon  are  applicable  to  the  act  as 
now  construed,  because  under  such  construction 


the  act  merely  enforces  a regulation  of  com- 
merce by  which  carriers  are  compelled  to  disso- 
ciate themselves  from  the  products  which  they 
carry  and  does  not  prohibit  where  the  carrier 
is  not  associated  with  the  commodity  carried,  it 
follows  that  the  contentions  on  the  subject  of 
the  Fifth  Amendment  are  without  merit. 

“(4.)  The  exemption  as  to  timber,  etc.,  con- 
tained in  the  clause  is  not  repugnant  to  the 
Constitution. 

“(5.)  The  provision  as  to  penalties  is  sepa- 
rable from  the  other  provisions  of  the  act.  As 
no  recovery  of  penalties  was  prayed,  no  issue 
concerning  them  is  here  presented.  It  will  be 
time  enough  to  consider  whether  the  right  to 
recover  penalties  exists  when  an  attempt  to  col- 
lect penalties  is  made. 

“(6.)  As  the  construction  now  given  the  act 
differs  so  widely  from  the  construction  which 
the  government  gave  to  the  act.  and  which  it 
was  the  purpose  of  these  suits  to  enforce,  it  is 
held  that  it  is  not  necessary,  in  reversing  and 
remanding,  to  direct  the  character  of  decrees 
which  shall  be  entered,  but  simply  to  reverse 
and  remand  the  case  with  instructions  to  en- 
force and  apply  the  statute  as  it  is  now  con- 
strued. 

“ (7.)  As  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  Company 
is  engaged  as  a common  carrier  by  rail  in  the 
transportation  of  coal  in  the  channels  of  inter- 
state commerce,  it  is  a railroad  company  within 
the  purview  of  the  commodities  clause,  and  is 
subject  to  the  provisions  of  that  clause  as  they 
are  now  construed.” 

Six  railway  companies,  namely,  the  Delaware 
and  Hudson,  the  Erie,  the  Central  of  New  Jer- 
sey, the  Lackawanna,  the  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Lehigh  Valley,  were  involved  in  the  test  suit  on 
which  this  decision  was  given ; but  the  ruling 
will  affect  all  roads  engaged  in  coal  mining.  Jus- 
tice Harlan  dissented  from  that  part  of  the  deci- 
sion which  relates  to  the  ownership  of  stock  in 
a producing  company;  otherwise  the  opinion, 
announced  by  Justice  White,  was  the  opinion  of 
the  entire  Bench. 

By  ruling  that  “ ownership  of  stock  in  a pro- 
ducing company  by  a railway  company  does  not 
cause  it  as  the  owner  of  the  stock  to  have  a legal 
interest  in  the  commodity  manufactured,  etc., 
by  the  producing  company,”  the  court  appears 
to  have  made  further  legislation  necessary,  if  the 
companies  are  to  be  barred  from  controlling  the 
production  and  marketing  of  the  coal  through 
subsidiary  corporations. 

See,  also,  in  this  vol.,  under  Combinations, 
Industrial,  &c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1907. — Regulative  Legislation  in 
the  States.  — “ Never  in  the  history  of  railroad 
legislation  have  our  transportation  systems  run 
counter  to  a campaign  so  comprehensive,  wide- 
spread, and  disturbing  as  the  general  trend  of 
‘ regulation  ’ in  almost  every  State  Legislature 
in  session  during  1907.  It  seems  as  if  a legisla- 
tive tempest  against  the  railroads  had  been  un- 
loosed simultaneously  in  more  than  thirty  States 
upon  a given  signal.  The  welcome  accorded  it 
by  our  lawmakers  is  inexplicable,  unless  we  are 
prepared  to  admit  that  our  Government,  as  has 
been  charged  frequently,  is  one  of  impulse.  On 
this  hypothesis  it  is  readily  understood. 

“ Thirty-five  States,  in  all,  attempted  to  enact 
laws  reducing  freight  or  passenger  rates,  estab- 


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lisliing  railroad  commissions,  increasing  the 
powers  of  existing  commissions,  regulating  car 
service,  demurrage,  safety  appliances,  block  sig- 
nals, free  passes,  capitalization,  liability  for  ac- 
cidents to  employees,  hours  of  labor,  blacklist- 
ing, strikes,  etc.  . . . Uniformity  was  sought 
without  discrimination  or  foresight.  Railroads 
in  densely  populated  districts  and  those  in 
sparsely  settled  rural  localities  were  given  alike 
a two-cent  rate.  Worse  than  this:  roads  of  dif- 
ferent earning  power  in  the  same  State  were 
assigned  a level  rate.  The  prosperous  and  well- 
established  road  and  the  struggling  pioneer  were 
bracketed,  — to  sink  or  swim. 

“But  all  of  their  work  was  not  wasted.  Real 
constructive  legislation  was  enacted  in  many 
States  in  regard  to  corporate  control,  safety  ap- 
pliances, block  signals,  working  hours,  rights  of 
employees,  railroad  mergers,  valuation,  capital- 
ization, publication  of  rate  schedules,  etc.,  while 
in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  South  Dakota, 
Tennessee,  and  Wisconsin  the  rate  question  was 
given  fair  and  temperate  consideration.  . . . 

“ An  analysis  of  the  general  results  shows 
that  passenger  fares  were  either  actually  reduced 
or  affected  in  twenty-one  States : Alabama, 
Arkansas,  Georgia,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kan- 
sas, Maryland,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  Nebraska,  North  Carolina,  North 
Dakota,  Oklahoma,  Pennsylvania,  South  Da- 
kota, Virginia,  West  Virginia,  and  Wisconsin. 
Two-cent  rates  now  prevail  in  Arkansas,  Indi- 
ana, Illinois,  Minnesota,  Missouri,  Nebraska, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Wisconsin ; and  in  Ohio, 
since  1906  ; two-and-one-half-cent  rates  in  Ala- 
bama and  North  Dakota.  North  Carolina  has 
established  a two-and  one-quarter-cent  rate  ; 
West  Virginia,  a two-cent  rate  for  railroads  over 
fifty  miles  in  length  ; Iowa,  a sliding  scale  of 
from  two  to  three  cents  per  mile;  Michigan,  a 
two,  three,  and>  four  cent  rate;  Kansas,  Mary- 
land, and  Mississippi,  two-cent  rates  for  mileage 
books  ; the  railroad  commissions  of  Georgia  and 
South  Dakota  have  been  authorized  to  establish 
a two-cent  and  a two-and-one-half-cent  rate, 
respectively  ; and  Oklahoma  specifies  in  its  new 
constitution  a maximum  charge  of  two  cents  for 
passenger  fare.  Virginia’s  Corporation  Com- 
mission has  adopted  a two-cent  rate  for  trunk 
lines,  a three-cent  rate  for  minor  roads  and  a 
three-and-one-half-cent  rate  on  one  or  two  lines. 

“ Freight  charges  were  lowered  in  many 
States.  The  Commodity  Freight  Rate  law  of 
Minnesota  is  probably  the  most  scientific  and 
equitable,  and  is  being  used  by  many  Western 
roads  as  a basis.  Commissions  in  other  States 
have  adopted  it  as  a model. 

“ Laws  prohibiting  free  passes  were  enacted 
in  Alabama,  Indiana,  Kansas,  Maine,  Minnesota, 
Nebraska,  Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  York, 
Oklahoma,  Oregon,  South  Dakota,  and  Texas. 

“ Eleven  States  created  railroad  commissions  : 
Colorado,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Montana,  Nevada, 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  Oklahoma,  Oregon, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Vermont.  Sixteen  others 
gave  increased  power  to  existing  commissions, 
apart  from  rate  regulation  : Alabama,  Arkansas, 
Florida,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Minnesota,  Mis- 
souri, Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  North  Caro- 
lina, South  Carolina,  South  Dakota,  Texas, 
Washington,  and  Wisconsin.”  — Robert  Emmett 
Ireton,  The  Legislatures  and  the  Railways  (Rev. 
of  Reviews,  Aug.,  1907). 


A.  D.  1907.  — Limitation  of  Working 
Hours  for  Trainmen.  — An  Act  of  Congress 
passed  in  January,  1907,  prohibits  railways  en- 
gaged in  interstate  and  foreign  commerce  from 
requiring  or  permitting  those  of  their  employes 
who  have  to  do  with  the  movement  of  trains 
to  work  more  than  sixteen  hours  consecutively, 
or  more  than  an  aggregate  of  sixteen  in  each 
twenty-four  hours,  and  requires  that  when  an 
employe  shall  have  worked  for  sixteen  hours 
there  shall  follow  a period  of  rest  of  not  less 
than  ten  hours  before  he  shall  resume  his  du- 
ties. Certain  exceptions  are  made  to  provide 
for  accidents,  the  failure  of  trains  to  make  their 
regular  schedules,  connections,  etc.  Violation 
of  the  act  is  declared  to  be  a misdemeanor 
punishable  by  a fine  of  from  §100  to  §1,000, 
and  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  is 
charged  with  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  law. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Strike  on  roads  west  of  Chi- 
cago averted  by  Federal  Intermediation. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1907  (April). 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Limitation  of  State 
Authority  in  matters  of  Interstate  Com- 
merce.— Serious  collisions  between  Federal 
and  State  authority  which  occurred  in  1907,  in 
the  States  of  Alabama,  North  Carolina,  and 
Minnesota,  on  questions  relating  to  interstate 
railways  and  their  commerce,  were  cleared  by 
important  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  rendered  in  the  spring  of 
1908.  The  States  in  question  had  enacted  law’s 
which  had  the  effect  of  intimidating  railway 
companies  and  their  agents  from  appealing  to 
Federal  courts,  by  the  severity  of  the  penalties 
they  imposed.  Suits  undertaken  in  conse- 
quence against  the  State  officials  acting  under 
these  laws  raised  the  question  which  was  car- 
ried to  the  Federal  Supreme  Court.  The  bear- 
ing of  the  judgment  rendered  by  that  Court  in 
the  Minnesota  case,  Justice  Harlan  alone  dis- 
senting, is  indicated  by  two  passages  from  it, 
as  follows: 

“The  provisions  of  the  acts  relating  to  the 
enforcement  of  the  rates,  either  for  freight  or 
passengers,  by  imposing  such  enormous  fines 
and  possible  imprisonment  as  a result  of  an  un- 
successful effort  to  test  the  validity  of  the  laws 
themselves,  are  unconstitutional  on  their  face, 
without  regard  to  the  question  of  the  insuffi- 
ciency of  those  rates.’’ 

“If  the  act  which  the  State  Attorney-General 
seeks  to  enforce  be  a violation  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  the  officer  in  proceeding  under 
such  enactment  comes  into  conflict  with  the 
superior  authority  of  that  Constitution,  and  he 
is  in  that  case  stripped  of  his  official  or  re- 
presentative character  and  is  subjected  in  his 
person  to  the  consequences  of  his  individual 
conduct.  The  State  has  no  power  to  impart  to 
him  any  immunity  from  responsibility  to  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  United  States.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Decision  in  Armour  Pack- 
ing Company  Case.  - — A decision  by  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  the 
United  States  vs.  the  Armour  Packing  Com- 
pany covered  cases  in  which  identical  proceed- 
ings were  pending  against  three  other  packing 
companies  and  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and 
Quincy  Railroad  Company.  The  packing  com- 
pany had  contracted  with  the  railway  company 
for  a rate  from  the  Mississippi  to  New  York,  to 


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RAILWAYS 


continue  for  seven  months,  soon  after  which  the 
railway  company  tiled,  published,  and  posted  a 
much  higher  rate,  continuing,  however,  to  give 
transportation  to  the  packing  company,  on 
through  bills  of  lading  to  foreign  ports  for  the 
lower  rate  of  the  contract.  The  Supreme  Court 
sustained  the  Circuit  Court  in  deciding  this  to 
be  in  violation  of  the  law  against  discrimination 
in  rates,  since  that  law,  being  in  force  when  the 
contract  was  made,  was  necessarily  “read  into 
the  contract ’’and  “ became  part  of  it.” 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Passage  of  Act  re- 
lating to  the  Liability  of  Common  Carriers 
by  Railroad  to  their  Employes  in  Certain 
Cases.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Protection: 
Employers’  Liability. 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Supreme  Court  Deci- 
sion in  Case  of  Virginia  Railroads  vs.  the 
State  Corporation  Commission  of  Vir- 
ginia. — “Justice  Holmes  today  [November  30, 
1908]  announced  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  case  of  the  Vir- 
ginia railroads  versus  the  state  corporation  com- 
mission of  Virginia,  calling  into  question  the 
order  of  the  commission  fixing  a uniform  rate  of 
two  cents  a mile  for  carrying  passengers  in  the 
state.  The  decision  reversed  the  decision  of  the 
United  States  circuit  court  for  the  eastern  divi- 
sion of  Virginia  on  the  technical  ground  that 
the  railroads  should  have  appealed  from  the 
commission’s  order  to  the  supreme  court  of  Vir- 
ginia before  seeking  the  intervention  of  the  fed- 
eral courts.  In  effect  the  court  directs  that  the 
railroad  companies  take  their  case  to  the  state 
court  of  last  resort  and  that  in  order  to  prevent 
injustices  through  the  possible  application  of 
the  statute  of  limitations,  the  case  be  retained 
on  the  docket  of  the  United  States  circuit  court, 
by  which  it  was  originally  decided  favorably  to 
the  roads.”  — Washington  Despatch  to  the  Associ- 
ated Press. 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — The  Missouri  River 
Rate  Case.  — Permanent  Injunction  against 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission. — By 

an  order  made  on  the  24th  of  June,  1908,  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  forbade  the 
charging  of  a through  rate  on  first  class  matter, 
by  the  railroads,  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard  to 
the  Missouri  River  ($1.47  per  hundred  pounds), 
which  equalled  the  rate  charged  from  the  Atlan- 
tic to  the  Mississippi  (87  cents)  plus  the  rate 
from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Missouri  (60  cents). 
In  other  words,  the  Commission  sought  to  im- 
pose a through  rate  to  the  Missouri  which  would 
be  nme  cents  per  hundred  pounds  less  than  the 
sum  of  the  rates  charged  on  two  parts  of  the 
same  distance.  The  western  railway  companies 
affected  by  the  order  applied  to  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court,  at  Chicago,  for  a perma- 
nent injunction  to  restrain  its  enforcement. 
The  injunction  was  granted  on  the  24th  of  Au- 
gust, 1909,  Judges  Grosscup  and  Kohlsaat  con- 
curring in  the  decision,  Judge  Baker  dissenting. 

“The  question  raised,”  said  Judge  Grosscup, 
in  rendering  the  opinion,  “in  its  larger  aspects 
is  not  so  much  a question  between  the  shippers 
and  the  railroads  as  between  the  commercial  and 
manufacturing  interests  of  Denver  and  of  the 
territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  commercial  and  manufacturing 
interests  of  the  Missouri  River  cities  on  the 
other.  . . . 

“We  are  not  prepared  to  say  the  commission 


has  not  the  power  to  enter  upon  a plan  looking 
toward  a system  of  rates  wherein  the  rates  for 
longer  and  shorter  hauls  will  taper  downward 
according  to  distance,  providing  such  tapering 
is  both  comprehensively  and  symmetrically  ap- 
plied— applied  with  a design  of  carrying  out 
what  may  be  the  economic  fact,  that,  on  the 
whole,  it  is  worth  something  less  per  mile  to 
carry  freight  long  distances  than  shorter  dis- 
tances. 

“But  it  does  not  follow  that  power  of  that 
character  includes  power,  by  the  use  of  differ- 
entials, to  artificially  divide  the  country  into 
trade  zones  tributary  to  given  trade  and  manu- 
facturing centres,  the  commission  in  such  cases 
having  as  a result  to  predetermine  what  the 
trade  and  manufacturing  centres  shall  be;  for 
such  power,  vaster  than  any  one  body  of  men 
has  heretofore  exercised,  though  wisely  exerted 
in  specific  instances,  would  be  putting  into  the 
hands  of  the  commission  the  general  power  of 
life  and  death  over  every  trade  and  manufactur- 
ing centre  in  the  United  States.” 

In  the  dissenting  opinion  of  Judge  Baker  he 
said:  “The  question  is  not  whether  a lawful 
power  or  authority  has  been  shown  to  have  been 
wrongly  exercised,  but  whether  there  is  any 
law  at  all  for  the  power  or  authority  claimed 
and  exercised.”  He  found  the  necessary  law, 
and  added:  “ If  Congress  cannot  constitutionally 
make  a general  declaration  that  the  rates  shall 
be  reasonable  and  not  unjustly  discriminatory 
and  then  trust  an  executive  body  to  hear  evidence 
and  decide  questions  of  fact  respecting  reason- 
ableness and  just  discrimination,  the  power  of 
Congress  over  rates  would  be  worthless.” 

In  September  it  was  announced  that  the  Com- 
mission would  appeal  from  the  injunction  to  the 
Supreme  Court. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Seventh  Transconti- 
nental Line. — The  seventh  transcontinental 
line  of  railway  in  America,  the  Chicago,  Mil- 
waukee and  St.  Paul  system,  was  announced  as 
completed  on  the  1st  of  April,  1909.  As  its 
name  indicates,  it  is  an  extension  of  the  Chi- 
cago, Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul  system  by  a line 
fourteen  hundred  miles  long  from  Mobridge, 
South  Dakota,  to  Seattle  and  Tacoma,  in  the 
State  of  Washington. 

A.  D.  1909. — Fines  imposed  on  the  New 
York  Central  Railroad  Company.  — Fines 
aggregating  $134,000,  imposed  on  the  New 
York  Central  Railway  Company  by  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court  for  the  Southern  District 
of  New  Y^ork  for  rebates  granted  to  the  Ameri- 
can Sugar  Refining  Company  in  violation  of 
law,  were  affirmed  in  February,  1909,  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  were 
paid  on  the  12th  of  May. 

A.  D.  1909  (May-June). — The  Georgia 
Railroad  Strike.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems;  United  States:  A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1910.  — Special  Message  of  President 
Taft  touching  Interstate  Commerce.  — The 
important  Special  Message  addressed  to  Congress 
by  President  Taft  on  the  7th  of  January,  1910, 
recommendingamendatory  legislation  on  the  two 
subjects  of  interstate  commerce  and  the  com- 
binations called  “ trusts,”  opened  with  the  fol- 
lowing statement  : 

“ In  the  annual  report  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  for  the  year  1908  attention 
is  called  to  the  fact  that  between  July  1,  1908, 


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RATE  REGULATION 


and  the  close  of  that  year  sixteen  suits  had  been 
begun  to  set  aside  orders  of  the  commission 
(besides  one  commenced  before  that  date),  and 
that  few  orders  of  much  consequence  had  been 
permitted  to  go  without  protest;  that  the  ques- 
tions presented  by  these  various  suits  were  fun- 
damental, as  the  constitutionality  of  the  act 
itself  was  in  issue,  and  the  right  of  Congress  to 
delegate  to  any  tribunal  authority  to  establish  an 
interstate  rate  was  denied  ; but  that  perhaps  the 
most  serious  practical  question  raised  concerned 
the  extent  of  the  right  of  the  courts  to  review 
the  orders  of  the  commission ; and  it  was  pointed 
out  that  if  the  contention  of  the  carriers  in  this 
latter  respect  alone  were  sustained,  but  little 
progress  had  been  made  in  the  Hepburn  act  to- 
ward the  effective  regulation  of  interstate  trans- 
portation charges.  In  twelve  of  the  cases  re- 
ferred to,  it  was  stated,  preliminary  injunctions 
were  prayed  for,  being  granted  in  six  and  re- 
fused in  six. 

“ ‘ It  has  from  the  first  been  well  understood,’ 
says  the  commission,  ‘ that  the  success  of  the 
present  act  as  a regulating  measure  depended 
largely  upon  the  facility  with  which  temporary 
injunctions  could  be  obtained.  If  a railroad 
company,  by  mere  allegation  in  its  bill  of  com- 
plaint, supported  by  ex-parte  affidavits,  can 
overturn  the  results  of  days  of  patient  investiga- 
tion, no  very  satisfactory  result  can  be  expected. 
The  railroad  loses  nothing  by  these  proceedings, 
since  if  they  fail  it  can  only  be  required  to 
establish  the  rate  and  to  pay  to  shippers  the 
difference  between  the  higher  rate  collected  and 
the  rate  which  is  finally  held  to  be  reasonable. 
In  point  of  fact  it  usually  profits,  because  it  can 
seldom  be  required  to  return  more  than  a frac- 
tion of  the  excess  charges  collected.’ 

“In  its  report  for  the  year  1909  the  commis- 
sion shows  that  of  the  seventeen  cases  referred 
to  in  its  1908  report,  only  one  had  been  decided 
in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
although  five  other  cases  had  been  argued  and 
submitted  to  that  tribunal  in  October,  1909. 

“ Of  course,  every  carrier  affected  by  an  order 
of  the  commission  has  a constitutional  right  to 
appeal  to  a Federal  Court  to  protect  it  from  the 
enforcement  of  an  order  which  it  may  show  to 
he  prima facie  confiscatory  or  unjustly  discrim- 
inatory in  its  effect;  and  as  this  application  may 
be  made  to  a court  in  any  district  of  the  United 
States,  not  only  does  delay  result  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  order,  but  great  uncertainty  is 
caused  by  contrariety  of  decision.  The  questions 
presented  by  these  applications  are  too  often 
technical  in  their  character  and  require  a know- 
ledge of  the  business  and  the  mastery  of  a great 
volume  of  conflicting  evidence  which  is  tedious 
to  examine  and  troublesome  to  comprehend.  It 
would  not  be  proper  to  attempt  to  deprive  any 
corporation  of  the  right  to  review  by  a court 
of  any  order  or  decree  which,  if  undisturbed, 
would  rob  it  of  a reasonable  return  upon  its  in- 
vestment or  would  subject  it  to  burdens  which 
would  unjustly  discriminate  against  it  and  in 
favor  of  other  carriers  similarly  situated.  What 
is,  however,  of  supreme  importance  is  that  the 


decision  of  such  questions  shall  be  as  speedy  as 
the  nature  of  the  circumstances  will  admit,  and 
that  a uniformity  of  decision  be  secured  so  as  to 
bring  about  an  effective,  systematic,  and  scien- 
tific enforcement  of  the  commerce  law,  rather 
than  conflicting  decisions  and  uncertainty  of 
final  result. 

“For  this  purpose  I recommend  the  establish- 
ment of  a court  of  the  United  States  composed 
of  five  judges  designated  for  such  purpose  from 
among  the  circuit  judges  of  the  United  States, 
to  be  known  as  the  ‘ United  States  Court  of 
Commerce,’  which  court  shall  be  clothed  with 
exclusive  original  jurisdiction  over  the  follow- 
ing classes  of  cases : 

“(1.)  All  cases  forthe  enforcement,  otherwise 
than  by  adjudication  and  collection  of  a forfeit- 
ure or  penalty,  or  by  infliction  of  criminal  pun- 
ishment, of  any  order  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission  other  than  for  the  payment  of 
money. 

“(2.)  All  cases  brought  to  enjoin,  set  aside, 
annul,  or  suspend  any  order  or  requirement  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission. 

“ (3.)  All  such  cases  as  under  section  3 of  the 
act  of  February  19,  1903,  known  as  the  ‘ Elkins 
Act,’  are  authorized  to  be  maintained  in  a cir- 
cuit court  of  the  United  States. 

“ (4.)  All  such  mandamus  proceedings  as 
under  the  provisions  of  section  20  or  section  23 
of  the  Interstate  Commerce  law  are  authorized 
to  be  maintained  in  a circuit  court  of  the  United 
States. 

“Reasons  precisely  analogous  to  those  which 
induced  the  Congress  to  create  the  Court  of 
Customs  Appeals  by  the  provisions  in  the  tariff 
act  of  August  5,  1909,  may  be  urged  in  support 
of  the  creation  of  the  Commerce  Court.” 

Further  recommendations  of  the  Message  are 
summarized  in  the  following: 

Pooling  arrangements  as  to  rates  to  be  allowed 
under  direct  supervision  of  the  commission. 

The  commission  to  be  empowered  to  pass 
upon  freight  classifications. 

The  commission  to  be  empowered  to  hold  up 
new  rates  or  classifications  by  railroads  until  an 
inquiry  can  be  made  as  to  their  reasonableness. 
If  found  to  be  unreasonable,  the  commission 
may  forbid  the  increase. 

Shippers  to  be  given  the  choice  of  established 
routes  on  through  freight. 

From  and  after  the  passage  of  the  amend- 
ments, it  is  provided  that  no  railroad  shall  ac- 
quire any  stock  or  interest  in  a competing  line, 
except  that  where  a road  already  owns  50  per 
cent,  or  more  of  the  stock  of  another  road,  it  may 
complete  the  purchase  of  all  the  stock.  Also  in 
cases  where  one  road  is  operating  another  under 
a lease  of  more  than  twenty-five  years’  dura- 
tion, it  shall  have  a right  to  acquire  the  demised 
road.  Allowing  these  acquisitions  of  stock  does 
not  exempt  any  road  from  prosecution  under 
the  Anti-Trust  law. 

Stocks  must  be  issued  at  par  value  for  money 
paid  in  or  for  property  or  services,  rates  at  full 
value,  under  an  inquiry  by  the  Federal  author- 
ity, who  shall  supervise  all  stock  and  bond  issues. 


RAISULI,  The  Moorish  Brigand.  See 

(in  this  voh)  Morocco  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

RALLIES.  — A political  party  in  France 
said  to  be  made  from  fragments  from  the  former 
Bonapartists,  Orleanists,  and  Boulangerists. 


RAMSAY,  Sir  William.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science,  Recent:  Radium;  also,  Nobed  Prizes. 

RATE  REGULATION,  Railway.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Railways  : United  States:  A.  D. 
1870-1908. 


558 


RAYLEIGH 


REFERENDUM 


RAYLEIGH,  Lord.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

REBATE  RESTRICTION,  Railway. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1870-1908,  and  1903  (Feb.). 

RECIPROCITY  TREATY:  United 
States  and  Newfoundland:  The  Hay-Bond 
Treaty.  — Its  Amendment  to  Death  by  the 
United  States  Senate.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Newfoundland  : A.  D.  1902-1905. 

RECLAMATION  OF  ARID  LANDS. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural 
Resources  : United  States. 

RED  CROSS  SOCIETY,  The  American 
National. — By  an  Act  of  Congress  passed  in 
1904,  the  American  National  Red  Cross  was  in- 
corporated under  the  laws  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  brought  directly  under  Govern- 
ment supervision.  Its  charter  provided  that 
five  members  of  its  Board  of  Incorporators  were 
to  be  chosen  from  the  Departments  of  State, 
War,  Navy,  Treasury,  and  Justice.  Its  ac- 
counts were  to  be  audited  by  the  disbursing 
officer  of  the  War  Department.  The  entire  sup- 
port, however,  aside  from  the  income  from  a 
small  endowment,  comes  from  the  dues  of  indi- 
vidual members  and  voluntary  contributions. 
The  election  of  Mr.  Taft,  then  Secretary  of  War, 
as  the  first  president  of  the  reorganized  Red 
Cross,  emphasized  its  new  relationship  to  the 
Federal  Government  and  its  new  position  as  a 
body  of  really  National  scope.  At  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  Society  in  December,  1908, 
Mr.  Taft,  then  President-elect  of  the  United 
States,  consented  to  be  reelected  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Red  Cross  organization  in  the 
United  States. 

Throughout  all  the  many  calamities  of  the 
past  decade,  from  earthquake,  volcanic  erup- 
tion, fire,  flood,  war,  famine,  and  pestilence,  the 
Red  Cross  Society  has  always  been  instant  in 
readiness  for  effective  humaue  service,  from  al- 
most every  civilized  country  of  the  world,  and 
for  any  call  to  any  quarter  of  the  globe.  In  the 
United  States  it  has  lately  undertaken  a continu- 
ous and  permanent  service  in  connection  with 
the  anti-tuberculosis  crusade. 

In  Japan,  before  and  during  the  Russo-Jap- 
anese War. — “The  Red  Cross  Society  of  Japan 
is  by  no  means  merely  a copy  of  the  Red  Cross 
societies  of  Europe,  as  its  name  would  seem  to 
indicate  ; for  the  idea  of  assisting  the  wounded 
soldiers  and  allaying  the  suffering  caused  by 
war  arose  spontaneously  in  Japan.  . . . 

“In  1867,  two  years  before  the  Restoration, 
when  Japan  was  considered  a savage  country 
by  the  West,  and  when  she  possessed  neither 
railways  nor  telegraphs,  machinery,  etc.,  Count 
Sano,  an  enthusiastic  humanitarian,  was  sent  by 
the  Shogun  to  the  Exhibition  in  Paris,  where 
he  had  the  opportunity  of  studying  the  Red 
Cross  societies  of  various  countries.  Again,  in 
1873,  when  this  gentleman  was  ambassador  in 
Vienna,  he  carefully  observed  the  Red  Cross 
Society,  and  especially  its  activity  during  the 
Franco-German  War  of  1870.  When  the  Civil 
War  of  1877  broke  out  in  Japan,  Count  Sano 
was  back  in  his  native  country,  and  he  conceived 
the  idea  of  forming  a society  after  the  model  of 
the  European  Red  Cross  societies.  The  nobility 
of  Japan  received  his  ideas  most  favourably, 
and  a society  was  founded  which  was  called 
Hakuaisha  (Benevolent  Society).  . . . 


“ The  Mikado  countenanced  the  objects  of  the 
Society  and  assisted  it  in  every  way.  From 
1887  onward  he  gave  it  a yearly  contribution 
of  5,000  yen,  to  which  in  1888  a gift  of  100,000 
yen  was  added.  After  the  Chino-Japanese  War, 
the  Mikado’s  yearly  contribution  was  increased 
to  10,000  yen,  in  recognition  of  the  progress 
which  the  Society  had  made  and  of  the  great 
assistance  which  it  had  given  during  that  cam- 
paign. Besides  this  sum  he  contributes  yearly 
5,000  yen  io  the  Red  Cross  Society  for  the  pa- 
tients, and  from  time  to  time  makes  generous 
gifts  to  the  Society.  The  motto  of  the  Japan- 
ese Red  Cross  Society  is  ‘ Pay  your  debt  to  your 
country  by  helping  its  soldiers  ’ ; and  this  motto 
has  quickly  made  the  Society  immensely  popu- 
lar throughout  the  country.  . . . 

“The  war  with  China  of  1894-1895  demon- 
strated the  excellence  of  the  Japanese  Red  Cross 
Society,  and  proved  at  the  same  time  its  best 
advertisement,  for  at  the  end  of  1895  there  were 
more  than  160,000  members.  Since  the  Society 
had  proved  its  immense  practical  utility,  the 
number  of  its  members  rose  by  leaps  and 
bounds,  and  at  the  end  of  1898  there  were  570,- 
000  members,  and  the  yearly  receipts  had 
reached  1,582,622  yen  ; at  present  it  must  count 
about  1,000,000  members,  and  must  have  an 
income  of  at  least  3,000,000  yen,  or  about  £300,- 
000  per  annum,  a truly  enormous  sum  for  a 
country  like  Japan,  where  a yen  goes  about  as  far 
as  ten  shillings  go  in  Great  Britain.  The  latest 
available  figures  give  the  following  record : 
Number  of  members,  920,000;  funds  in  hand, 
£794,000  ; annual  income,  £231,000.”  — O.  Eltz- 
bacher,  The  Red  Gross  Society  of  Japan  ( Contem- 
porary Review,  September,  1904). 

REDEMPTORISTS  : Forbidden  to  teach 
in  France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D. 
1903. 

REFERENDUM,  Initiative  and  Recall : 
In  Switzerland.  — According  to  a report  on 
the  subject  made  to  the  State  Department  at 
Washington,  in  June,  1902,  by  the  United  States 
Minister  to  Switzerland,  the  Hon.  Arthur  S. 
Hardy,  down  to  that  time,  “since  the  referen- 
dum has  been  in  force,  226  Federal  laws  and 
resolutions  have  been  enacted,  of  which  40  were 
submitted  to  the  people,  14  by  the  compulsory 
and  26  by  the  optional  referendum.  The  people 
have  exercised  the  initiative  five  times  since  its 
adoption  in  1891,  rejecting  the  measures  pro- 
posed four  out  of  five  times.” 

In  the  United  States.  — “ The  first  State  to 
adopt  a constitutional  amendment  providing  for 
the  initiative  and  referendum  .was  South  Da- 
kota in  1898.  Next  came  Utah  (1900)  with  an 
amendment  which  is  not  self-executing,  and  the 
Legislature  has  not  so  far  passed  the  necessary 
enabling  act.  Oregon  followed  in  1902,  Mon- 
tana in  1906,  and  Oklahoma  in  1907.  South 
Dakota,  Oregon,  and  Oklahoma  have  also  ex- 
tended the  constitutional  amendments  so  as  to 
provide  for  the  initiative  and  referendum  in 
municipal  corporations.  Maine,  Missouri,  and 
North  Dakota  are  soon  to  vote  upon  constitu- 
tional amendments  embodying  the  initiative 
and  referendum  for  State  matters  ; and  Maine 
proposes  to  extend  this  right  to  municipal  cor- 
porations concerning  their  local  affairs.  In  1907 
Iowa  and  South  Dakota  each  enacted  a general 
law  under  which  cities  may,  if  they  so  choose, 
have  charters  embodying  the  general  features 


559 


REFERENDUM 


RHODESIA 


of  the  ‘ commission  plan  of  government,’  and 
acquire  with  them  the  right  to  have  the  initia- 
tive, the  referendum,  and  the  recall.  In  South 
Dakota  the  Constitution  specifically  gives  to 
the  people  the  right  of  the  initiative  and  refer- 
endum, but  in  Iowa  no  mention  thereof  is  made 
in  the  Constitution.  The  Supreme  Court  of 
Iowa,  however,  has  held  that  the  statute  con- 
ferring the  right  upon  cities  of  a certain  class 
to  adopt  a commission  plan  of  government 
which  included  the  initiative,  referendum,  and 
recall  was  constitutional,  as  the  State  Constitu- 
tion did  not  specifically  forbid  the  granting  of 
these  rights.  In  Texas  cities  of  a designated 
size  can  be  incorporated  by  special  act,  and 
since  Galveston  obtained  its  new  form  of  gov- 
ernment several  cities  of  Texas  have  been  given 
charters  by  special  acts,  some  embodying  the 
initiative,  referendum,  and  recall,  others  one  or 
two  of  these  rights,  and  some  none  of  them  or 
only  in  a modified  form.  The  recall  is  the  most 
recent  of  the  three  new  measures  of  relief.  Los 
Angeles  in  1903  seems  to  have  been  the  first 
city  to  have  made  the  recall  a part  of  its  city 
charter.  In  1905  San  Diego,  San  Bernardino, 
Pasadena,  and  Fresno,  California,  followed.  In 
1906  Seattle  joined  the  list,  and  in  1907  there 
were  added  Everett,  in  Washington,  and  six 
other  California  cities- — Santa  Monica,  Ala- 
meda, Long  Beach,  Vallejo,  Riverside  and  San  ( 
Francisco.  No  State  has  a constitutional  provi- 
sion for  the  recall.” — The  Outlook , Aug.  15,  1908. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1908,  the  Initiative  and 
Referendum  League  of  America  addressed  a 
memorial  to  Congress,  asking  for  the  passage  of 
a Bill  which  had  been  introduced  in  the  Senate 
(Senate  Bill  No.  7208),  “For  a modern  system 
whereby  the  voters  of  the  United  States  may 
instruct  their  National  Representatives,”  and, 
further,  for  the  passage  of  Senate  Joint  Resolu- 
tion No.  94,“  asking  the  States  to  establish  the 
machinery  for  taking  a referendum  vote  on 
national  issues  whenever  Congress  shall  so 
direct  * * 

REGENERADORES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

REGGIO:  Its  Destruction  by  Earthquake. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes:  Italy. 

REGIE,  The  San  Domingo.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  San  Domingo:  A.  D.  1901-1905. 

REGINA  : Capital  of  the  Province  of  Sas- 
katchewan. See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D. 

1905. 

REID,  George  Houston  : Premier  of  Aus- 
tralia. See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia:  A.  D. 
1903-1904. 

REID,  Sir  Robert  T.  : Lord  Chancellor  of 
England.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England:  A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

REINSCH,  Paul  S. : Delegate  to  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Re- 
publics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM:  Its  Limita- 
tions in  Russia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia.- 
A.  D.  1905  (April- Aug.),  and  1909  (June). 

RELIGIOUS  TEACHING,  in  State  Sup- 
ported Schools  : The  Controversy.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1903  ; Canada:  A.  D. 
1905;  Education:  England:  A.  D.  1902  and 

1906. 

RENAULT,  Louis.  See  (in  this  vol.)  No- 
bel Prizes. 


RENNENKAMPF,  General.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904H905  (Sept.-March). 

REPATRIATION  OF  THE  BOERS. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1902- 
1903. 

REPUBLIC,  The  Rescue  of  the  Steam- 
ship. See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Inven- 
tion : Electrical. 

RESCHAD,  Mohammed:  Raised  to  the 
Turkish  Throne.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

RESEARCH,  Original.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention:  Carnegie  Institu- 
tion. 

RESOURCES,  Conservation  of  Natural. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Conservation  of  Natural 
Resources, 

REVAL,  Disorders  in.  See  (io-  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.). 

REVOLUTION,  Persia.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia. 

Turkish.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

REYES,  Rafael:  President  of  Colombia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Colombia:  A.  D.  1905-1906, 
and  1906-1909. 

RHODES,  Cecil  J.:  His  death. — His  con- 
tinued Influence  in  South  Africa.  — His  Pol- 
icy carried  on  by  Dr.  Jameson.  See  South 

Africa:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

His  Will,  endowing  Scholarships  at  Ox- 
ford for  Students  in  the  British  Colonies  and 
the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion: Rhodes  Scholarships. 

RHODESIA:  A.  D.  1908.— Report  of  the 
British  South  Africa  Company. — The  annual 
report  of  the  directors  of  the  British  South  Af- 
rica Company,  presented  at  a meeting  of  share- 
holders in  London  in  February,  1909,  contained 
the  following  statements: 

“During  1908  there  has  been  a remarkable 
improvement  in  the  circumstances  of  Rhodesia. 
This  improvement  has  been  evident  in  every  de- 
partment of  trade  and  industry,  and  is  reflected 
in  the  returns  of  administrative  receipts,  rail- 
ways, mines  and  land.  It  was  pointed  out  last 
year  what  an  important  effect  even  a slight  in- 
crease in  general  prosperity  would  exercise  upon 
the  whole  financial  position,  and  the  figures 
now  available  show  that  this  view  was  correct. 
The  administrative  revenue  of  Southern  Rho- 
desia during  the  year  1908-9  will  suffice  to  cover 
administrative  expenditure  without  any  call 
whatever  upon  the  commercial  income  of  the 
company  ; the  shortages  of  the  railway  compa- 
nies in  respect  of  the  same  period  will  be  less  by 
£100,000  than  in  1907-8  ; during  the  year  ending 
31st  March,  1910,  large  additional  revenue  will 
be  derived  from  the  carriage  from  the  port  of 
Beira  of  the  materials  and  stores  for  the  exten- 
sion of  the  railway  into  the  Congo  territory. 

. . . The  negotiations  for  the  extension  north- 
wards of  the  Rhodesian  Railway  system  have 
been  brought  to  a successful  conclusion.  With 
the  cooperation  of  the  Tanganyika  Concessions 
(Limited)  a company  has  been  formed  called  the 
Rhodesia-Kantanga  Junction  Railway  and  Min- 
eral Company  (Limited),  which  will  construct  a 
standard  gauge  line  from  the  present  terminus  at 
Broken  Hill  to  a point  on  the  frontier  of  the 
Congo  Free  State;  from  the  frontier  to  the  Star 
of  the  Congo  Mine  the  line  will  be  constructed 
by  the  Compaguie  du  Chemin  de  Fer  du  Kan- 


560 


RHODESIA 


ROOSEVELT 


tanga.  . . . On  the  completion  of  the  first  section 
to  the  frontier,  Rhodesia  will  be  traversed  by  a 
trunk  line  from  south  to  north. 

“The  European  population  shows  a net  in- 
crease of  over  1,100  since  the  intermediate  cen- 
sus, in  September,  1907,  when  it  numbered 
14,018.  An  area  of  1,169,305  acres  of  land  has 
been  settled  and  occupied  during  the  past  year. 
The  output  of  gold  has  increased  from  £2,178,- 
886  in  1907  to  £2,526,037  in  1908.  Imports  have 
increased  by  about  £100,000  during  the  past 
year.’’ 

See,  also,  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1904. 

RIBEIRO,  Hintze.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Por- 
tugal : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

RICHMOND,  Virginia:  A.  D.  1907. — 
Great  Reunion  of  Confederate  War  Veter- 
ans.— Unveiling  of  Monument  to  Jefferson 
Davis.  — A great  gathering  of  the  surviving 
veterans  of  the  Confederacy,  to  the  number  of 
about  15,000,  at  Richmond,  late  in  May  and 
early  in  June,  was  brought  about  in  connection 
with  the  unveiling  of  an  impressive  monument 
to  Jefferson  Davis.  An  equestrian  statue  of 
General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  was  also  unveiled  on  one 
of  the  days  of  the  reunion. 

RIFF,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco  : 
A.  D.  1904-1909. 

RIGA,  Disorders  in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Rus- 
sia: A.  D.  1905  (Feb.-Nov.).  , 

RIKKEN  SEIYU-KAI.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1903  (June). 

RIO  DE  JANEIRO:  A.  D.  1903-1905. 
— Eradication  of  Yellow  Fever.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Public  Health  : Yellow  Fever. 

A.  D.  1906. — Third  International  Confer- 
ence of  American  Republics.  See  American 
Republics. 

RITCHIE,  C.  T.:  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer in  the  British  Government.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1902  (July). 

ROBERT,  Christopher  R. : Benefactor  of 
Robert  College.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : 
Turkey,  &c. 

ROBERT  COLLEGE:  Its  Influence  in 
Turkey  and  the  Balkan  States.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education  : Turkey,  &c. 

ROBERTS,  Sir  Frederick  Sleigh  Roberts, 
First  Earl:  On  the  British  Territorial  Force 
and  the  need  of  Compulsory  Military  Train- 
ing. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations 
for:  Military. 

ROCHAMBEAU  MONUMENT:  The  un- 
veiling at  Washington.  — Representatives 
of  the  families  of  Rochambeau  and  Lafayette 
invited  Guests  of  the  Nation.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States  : A.  D.  1902  (May). 

ROCKEFELLER,  John  D.  : Stupendous 
Endowment  of  the  General  Education  Board. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1902-1909. 

Gift  for  the  eradication  of  the  Hookworm 
Disease.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health  : 
The  Hookworm  Disease. 

ROCKEFELLER,  John  D.,  Jr. : Investing 
in  a Concession  in  the  Congo  State.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Congo  State:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

ROCKHILL,  W.  W. : Minister  to  China. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1901-1908. 

ROENTGEN.  See  Rontgen. 

ROGHI,  El.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Morocco: 
A.  D.  1909. 

ROJESVENSKY,  or  Rozhdestvensky, 


Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904- 
1905  (Oct.-May). 

ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.  See 

Papacy. 

ROMANA,  President  Eduardo  de.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Peru. 

ROME:  A.  D.  1903.  — General  Strike  of 
Workmen.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organi- 
zation: Italy. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Election  of  Ernesto  Nathan 
to  be  Mayor.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy:  A.  D. 
1909.. 

RONTGEN,  Wilhelm  Conrad  : Recipient 
of  Nobel  Prize.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

ROOSEVELT,  Theodore:  Becomes 
President  of  the  United  States  on  the  As- 
sassination of  President  McKinley.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Buffalo:  A.  D.  1901. 

On  the  Federal  Control  of  Corporations 
engaged  in  Interstate  Trade.  See  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c.  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1901-1903. 

On  Railway  Rate  Regulation.  See  Rail- 
ways: United  States:  A.  D.  1870-1908. 

His  intermediation  in  the  Anthracite  Coal 
Strike  of  1902.  See  Labor  Organization: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

Message  recounting  the  Circumstances  of 
the  Secession  from  Colombia  and  recognized 
Independence  of  Panama,  and  the  Treaty 
with  Panama  for  the  Building  of  the  Isth- 
mian Canal.  See  Panama  Canal. 

On  the  Wrong  done  to  the  Chinese.  See 
Race  Problems:  United  States:  A.  D.  1905- 
1908. 

On  the  Strike  of  the  Teamsters’  Union  at 
Chicago,  See  Labor  Organization:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1905  (April-July). 

Elected  President  of  the  United  States. 
See  United  States  : A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.  ). 

Mediation  between  Russia  and  Japan.  See 
Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.). 

Initial  Invitation  to  the  holding  of  the 
Second  Peace  Conference.  See  War,  the  Re- 
volt against  : A.  D.  1907. 

Account  of  Visit  to  Porto  Rico.  See  Porto 
Rico:  A.  D.  1906. 

On  the  Rendering  of  Aid  to  San  Domingo. 
See  San  Domingo:  A.  D.  1904-1907. 

On  the  Progressive  Taxation  of  Fortunes. 
See  Wealth,  The  Problems  of. 

Defense  of  Japanese  Treaty  Rights.  See 
Race  Problems  : United  States. 

Recommends  remission  of  part  of  Boxer 
Indemnity  to  China.  See  China:  A.  D.  1901- 
1908. 

On  the  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources. See  Conservation  of  Natural 
Resources:  United  States. 

Appointment  of  Country  Life  Commission, 
and  Message  on  its  Report.  See  United 
States:  A.  D.  1908-1909  (Aug. -Feb.). 

On  the  Japanese  Question  in  California. 
See  Race  Problems:  United  States  : A.  D. 
1904-1909. 

Recipient  of  Nobel  Prize  for  Promotion  of 
Peace.  — Its  devotion  to  the  Creation  of  a 
Foundation  for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial 
Peace.  See  Labor  Organization:  United 
States:  A.  D.  1907. 

Veto  of  the  Census  Bill.  See  Civil  Ser- 
vice Reform  : United  States. 


561 


ROOSEVELT 


ROSS 


Renunciation  of  Third  Term  Candidacy. 

See  United  States:  A.  D.  1904  (Nov.). 

Progress  of  Civil  Service  Reform  under 
his  Administration.  See  Civil  Service  Re- 
form: United  States. 

After  leaving  the  White  House.  — Shortly 
before  the  ending,  March  4,  1909,  of  his  second 
term  in  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
Mr.  Roosevelt  became  connected,  as  “ Con- 
tributing Editor,”  with  The  Outlook,  and  began 
the  discussion  of  current  topics  in  signed  arti- 
cles, published  in  that  weekly  magazine.  For 
some  time  it  had  been  known  that  Mr.  Roose- 
velt intended,  when  released  from  office,  to 
enjoy  a long  vacation  in  Central  Africa,  hunt- 
ing wild  game.  His  preparations  were  made 
before  he  left  the  White  House,  and  on  the 
20th  of  March,  to  correct  misunderstandings  as 
to  the  recreation  he  contemplated,  he  published 
the  following  announcement  in  The  Outlook  : 

“ I am  about  to  go  to  Africa  as  the  head  of 
the  Smithsonian  expedition.  It  is  a scientific 
expedition.  We  shall  collect  birds  and  mam- 
mals for  the  National  Museum  at  Washington, 
and  nothing  will  be  shot  unless  for  food,  or  for 
preservation  as  a specimen,  or  unless,  of  course, 
the  animal  is  of  a noxious  kind.  There  will 
be  no  wanton  destruction  whatever. 

“I  very  earnestly  hope  that  no  represent- 
ative of  any  newspaper  or  magazine  will  try  to 
accompany  me  or  to  interview  me  during  any 
portion  of  my  trip.  Until  I actually  get  to  the 
wilderness  my  trip  will  be  precisely  like  any 
other  conventional  trip  on  a steamboat  or  rail- 
way. It  will  afford  nothing  to  write  about, 
and  will  afford  no  excuse  or  warrant  for  any 
one  sending  to  any  newspaper  a line  in  refer- 
ence thereto.  After  I reach  the  wilderness  of 
course  no  one  outside  of  my  own  party  will  be 
with  me,  and  if  any  one  pretends  to  be  with 
me  or  pretends  to  write  as  to  what  I do,  his 
statements  should  be  accepted  as  on  their  face 
not  merely  false  but  ludicrous.  Any  statement 
purporting  to  have  been  made  by  me,  or  at- 
tributed to  me,  which  may  be  sent  to  newspa- 
pers should  be  accepted  as  certainly  false  and 
as  calling  for  no  denial  from  me.  So  far  as 
possible  1 shall  avoid  seeing  any  representative 
of  the  press,  and  shall  not  knowingly  have  any 
conversation  on  any  subject  whatever  with  any 
representative  of  the  press  beyond  exchanging 
the  ordinary  civilities  or  courtesies.  I am  a pri- 
vate citizen,  and  I am  entitled  to  enjoy  the 
privacy  that  should  be  the  private  citizen’s 
right.  My  trip  will  have  no  public  bearing  of 
any  kind  or  description.  It  is  undertaken  for 
the  National  Museum  at  Washington,  and  is 
simply  a collecting  trip  for  the  Museum.  It 
will  be  extremely  distasteful  to  me  and  of  no 
possible  benefit  to  any  human  being  to  try  to 
report  or  exploit  the  trip,  or  to  send  any  one 
with  me,  or  to  have  any  one  try  to  meet  me  or 
see  me  with  a view  to  such  reporting  or  exploit- 
ation. Let  me  repeat  that  while  I am  on 
steamer  or  railway  there  will  be  nothing  what- 
ever to  report ; that  when  I leave  the  railway 
for  the  wilderness  no  persons  will  have  any 
knowledge  which  will  enable  them  to  report 
anything,  and  that  any  report  is  to  be  accepted 
as  presumably  false.” — Theodore  Roosevelt. 

The  ex-President  took  steamer  from  New 
York  on  the  30th  of  March,  and  one  of  the 
journals  which  had  been  among  the  sharpest  of 


his  critics  and  opponents  for  years,  the  New 
York  Times,  had  this  to  say  of  him  that  day: 

“There  is  no  need  to  tell  him  that  he  will 
carry  with  him  wherever  he  goes  the  abiding 
affection  of  nearly  80,000,000  of  people.  They 
who  dislike  Colonel  Roosevelt,  or  think  they 
do,  scarcely  count  in  the  Census.  Wherever  he 
goes  he  will  make  friends  among  human  be- 
ings, and  impress  everybody  with  a reasonably 
high  yet  easily  appreciable  ideal  of  the  Ameri- 
can citizen.  Courage,  energy,  quick  co-ordina- 
tion of  muscle  and  brain,  persistent  alertness, 
boundless  sympathy,  and  good  fellowship  are 
characteristics  of  Colonel  Roosevelt.  Every- 
body likes  such  a man.” 

Returning  from  his  African  expedition  in  the 
spring  of  1910,  the  ex-President  accepted  invi- 
tations in  Europe  which  took  him  to  Naples, 
Rome,  Vienna,  Paris,  Brussels,  The  Hague, 
Christiania,  Berlin,  London,  and  was  received 
with  extraordinary  honors  at  every  capital. 

ROOT,  Elihu  : Secretary  of  War  and  Sec- 
retary of  State.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States:  A.  D.  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

Correspondence  relating  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Republic  of  Cuba.  See  Cuba: 
A.  D.  1901-1902. 

On  the  Alaska  Boundary  Commission.  See 

Alaska:  A.  D.  1903. 

Correspondence  on  American  Fishing 
Rights  on  the  Newfoundland  Coast.  See 
Newfoundland:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

Visit  to  South  American  Republics,  1906. 
— Address  at  the  Third  International  Con- 
ference of  American  Republics  in  Rio  de 
Janeiro.  See  American  Republics. 

Speech  in  1906  summarizing  recent  Gov- 
ernmental Action  against  Corporate  Wrong- 
doers. See  Combinations,  Industrial  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1906. 

Address  to  Central  American  Peace  Con- 
ference at  Washington.  See  Central  Amer- 
ica: A.  D.  1907. 

At  Peace  Congress  in  New  York.  See 
War  : The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

On  the  Japanese  Question  in  California. 

See  Race  Problems  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1904-1909. 

Exchange  of  Notes  with  Japan,  embody- 
ing a Declaration  of  Common  Policy  in  the 
East.  See  Japan  : A.  D.  1908  (Nov.). 

On  National  Duty  in  State  Legislation. 
See  Law  and  its  Courts  : United  States. 

ROSE,  Uriah  M.:  Commissioner  Plenipo- 
tentiary to  the  Second  Peace  Conference. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1907. 

ROSEBERY,  Archibald  F.  Primrose, 
Earl : Opposition  to  Home  Rule  for  Ire- 
land. See  (in  this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1 905— 
1906. 

On  the  State  of  Peace  in  Europe  and  the 
Preparations  for  War.  See  War,  TnE  Pre- 
parations FOR. 

To  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  Budget  of 
1909.  See  England:  A.  D.  1909  (April-Dec.). 

ROSEN,  Baron  Roman  : Russian  Ambas- 
sador at  Washington  and  Plenipotentiary 
for  negotiating  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Japan. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June- 
July). 

ROSS,  Dr.  Ronald.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 


562 


ROTA 


RUSSIA 


ROTA,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy  : 
A.  D.  1908. 

ROTATIVOS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Portu- 
gal : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

ROUMANIA:  A.  D.  1902.  — Oppression  of 
the  Jews.  — Remonstrance  of  the  United 
States.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and  Dan- 
ubian  States  : Roumania. 

ROUVIER,  Maurice:  Prime  Minister  of 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

Agreement  with  Germany  for  the  Con- 
ference at  Algeciras.  See  Europe  : A.  D. 
1905-1906. 


Fall  of  his  Ministry.  See  France  : A.  D. 
1906. 

ROWE,  Dr.  L.  S. : Delegate  to  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Re- 
publics. See  (in  this  vol.)  American  Repub- 
lics. 

ROZHDESTVENSKY,  or  Rojesvensky, 
Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D. 
1904-1905  (Oct.-May). 

RUEF,  Abraham.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Muni- 
cipal Government  : San  Francisco. 

RUNCIMAN,  Mr. : President  of  the  Eng- 
lish Board  of  Education.  — Statements.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Education:  England:  A.  D.  1909. 


RUSSIA. 


A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of  Population 
compared  with  other  European  Countries. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1901  (July).  — Russianizing  of  the 
Finnish  Army.  — Autocratic  Violation  of  the 
Constitution  of  Finland.  See  Finland:  A.  D. 
1901. 

A.  D.  1901-1904.  — Persistent  Occupation 
of  Manchuria,  despite  Treaty  with  China. 

— Japanese  Complaints  and  Demands.  See 
Japan:  A.  D.  1901-1904,  and  China:  A.  D. 
1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1901-1904.  — The  Disaffection  among 
the  Students  of  the  Universities.  — Famine  in 
Eastern  Districts,  and  Industrial  Depression 
in  the  Cities.  — Assassination  of  Sipiagin. 

— Advent  of  Plehve  to  Power.  — Atrocities 
of  his  Administration. — Witte,  Minister  of 
Finance.  — Assassination  of  Plehve.  In  Vol- 
ume VI.  of  this  work,  which  went  to  press  in 
the  spring  of  1901,  the  record  of  events  in  Russia 
was  brought  down  to  March  and  April  of  that 
year.  The  revolutionary  temper,  then  rapidly 
rising  in  heat  throughout  the  Empire,  found  its 
most  active  manifestation  among  the  students 
of  the  universities,  whose  outbreaks  of  disaffec- 
tion were  punished  mercilessly,  by  Siberian 
exile,  by  draft  into  the  army,  or  more  summa- 
rily by  the  Cossacks’  knout.  The  Tsar,  however, 
had  seemed  at  last  to  recognize  the  special  griev- 
ances of  the  students  and  to  wish  to  have  rem- 
edies found  for  them.  To  succeed  M.  Bogolie- 
poff,  the  late  Minister  of  Instruction,  whom  a 
student  had  shot  on  the  27th  of  February,  the 
Tsar  appointed  to  that  office  a General  Vannov- 
sky,  who  was  credited  with  having  a clear  and 
sympathetic  understanding  of  the  wrongs  to 
the  student  body  which  provoked  their  disor- 
derly conduct.  It  was  believed,  too,  that  full 
powers  had  been  given  to  him  for  reforming  the 
government  of  the  universities.  But,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  excellence  of  disposition  in 
General  Vannovsky  and  in  the  Tsar,  the  pro- 
jected reforms  were  so  obstructed,  in  some  man- 
ner, that  the  students  became  more  and  more 
openly  revolutionary  in  their  action,  and  the 
new  minister  resigned  in  the  second  year  of  his 
endeavors. 

A number  of  immediate  causes  of  misery  in 
the  Empire  were  now  added  to  the  many  causes 
which  a despotic  and  corrupt  government  kept 
always  in  operation.  Harvests  in  large  parts  of 
Eastern  Russia  had  failed,  bringing  the  horrors 
of  famine  on  some  24,000,000  people.  Simul- 


taneously with  this,  an  industrial  crisis  came, 
to  close  great  numbers  of  factories  and  shops 
and  to  create  a vast  army  of  the  unemployed. 
M.  Witte,  as  Minister  of  Finance,  had  been 
extraordinarily  skilful  and  successful  in  develop- 
ing new  industries  in  Russia ; but  had  done  so 
by  measures  of  unnatural  stimulation  which 
had  this  unfortunate  result.  High  tariffs  for  the 
protection  of  home  manufactures  from  foreign 
competition,  and  the  offer  of  attractive  induce- 
ments to  foreign  capital,  had  brought  about 
many  investments  which  proved  to  be  unprofit- 
able, and  the  time  had  come,  as  happens  always 
and  everywhere  in  such  cases,  when  the  un- 
sound structure  of  productive  enterprise  must 
collapse.  Thus  the  country,  having  all  of  its  in- 
dustrial centers  filled  with  suffering  unemployed 
workmen  and  many  of  its  rural  districts  filled 
with  starving  peasants,  was  a field  most  per- 
fectly prepared  for  the  seed  of  insurgent  passion 
which  countless  agents  were  now  busied  in  sow- 
ing. 

Students  and  workmen  became  associated  in 
flagrant  revolutionary  demonstrations,  flaunting 
the  red  flag  of  rebellion  and  singing  seditious 
songs,  at  St.  Petersburg,  Moscow,  Kieff,  Khar- 
koff,  Odessa,  and  other  cities,  fighting  vain  bat- 
tles with  savage  Cossacks  and  police.  To  excite 
the  peasantry  to  action,  a forged  ukase  was  cir- 
culated among  them,  in  the  districts  of  Poltava 
and  Kharkoff,  announcing  that  the  land, 
held  wrongly  by  the  nobles,  had  been  restored 
to  them  by  the  Tsar  ; that  they  could  take  pos- 
session of  it,  and,  with  it,  the  present  contents 
of  granaries  and  barns.  They  proceeded  accord- 
ingly to  strip  many  estates  (see  below,  Russia: 
A.  D.  1902),  and  suffered  piteously  from  the 
soldiery  that  came  in  haste  to  stop  their  deluded 
work.  It  was  at  this  time  that  M.  Witte  set 
on  foot  an  extensive  inquiry  into  agricultural 
conditions,  the  important  political  outcome  of 
which  will  be  spoken  of  later  on. 

On  the  15th  of  April,  1902,  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  M.  Sipiagin,  was  killed  by  a student 
named  Belmatcheff.  This  murderous  exploit  of 
the  revolutionary  terrorists  brought  a man  into 
power  who  gave  Russia  an  experience  in  the 
next  two  years,  of  heartlessness  and  foulness  in 
despotism  which  surpassed  all  that  it  had  known 
before. 

“Sipiagin,  when  Minister  of  the  Interior,  had 
already  brought  matters  so  far  by  his  reaction- 
ary policy  of  violence  that  the  news  of  his  as- 
sassination at  the  hands  of  Belmatcheff  was  re- 


563 


RUSSIA 


RUSSIA 


ceived  with  unmixed  joy  in  all  classes  of  Russian 
society.  But  the  fullest  proof  of  the  irreconcila 
bleness  of  autocracy  with  things  like  improve- 
ment and  progress  was  furnished  by  the  successor 
of  Sipiagin,  Von  Plehve,  who  soon  proved  him- 
self to  be  the  complete  personification  of  all  evil, 
heartlessness,  and  corruption.  . . . The  attention 
of  the  highest  circles  was  drawn  to  his  person 
when,  after  the  assassination  of  Alexander  II., 
he  conducted  the  prosecution  at  the  arraign- 
ment of  the  participators  in  the  deed.  Later,  on 
being  appointed  State  Secretary,  he  was  able, 
by  his  persistent  zeal  in  the  service  of  the  reac- 
tion, to  place  himself  on  a good  footing  with 
those  in  power,  particularly  with  the  Procurator 
of  the  Holy  Synod,  Pobiedonostseff,  who,  when 
the  policy  of  destroying  the  Finnish  constitution 
was  determined  upon,  found  a good  tool  in  Von 
Plehve.  In  the  anti-Finn  coup  d’etat  he  played 
a considerable  part,  particularly  as  member  of 
the  secret  committee  which  drafted  the  plan  for 
the  Russification  of  the  Finnish  Grand  Duchy, 
and  drew  up  the  manifesto;  while,  still  later, 
as  Secretary  for  Finland,  together  with  the  then 
Governor-General  Bobrikoff,  he  conducted  and 
carried  out  the  well-known  policy  of  suppres- 
sion. 

“As  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Von  Plehve  lost 
no  time  in  showing  what  policy  he  intended  to 
follow,  as  he  declared  the  general  dissatisfaction 
in  Russia  to  be  solely  the  result  of  the  conspir- 
acy and  machinations  of  a handful  of  evil  dis- 
posed persons,  who  could  easily  be  rendered 
incapable  of  harm  if  only  the  police  were 
sufficiently  strengthened  and  received  extensive 
powers.  . . . The  Minister  came  into  conflict, 
shortly  after  his  appointment,  with  a number 
of  his  colleagues,  especially  with  the  Finance 
Minister,  De  Witte,  who  had  previously  been 
practically  omnipotent,  and  with  the  Minister 
of  Justice,  Muravieff.  The  difference  with  the 
latter  hinged  on  the  question  of  the  treatment 
of  * political  criminals,’  the  trials  of  whom  Von 
Plehve  wished  to  allocate  to  a special  court- 
martial,  the  proceedings  being  conducted  with 
closed  doors,  whilst  the  Minister  of  Justice 
required  a public  trial  before  the  ordinary 
courts.  The  Tsar,  as  usual,  followed  the  most 
reactionary  counsel.  ...  Of  deeper  significance 
and  more  far-reaching  effects  was  the  conflict 
with  the  Finance  Minister,  who,  indeed  was 
far  more  menacing  to  Von  Plehve’s  exalted 
position.  Without  being  imbued  with  really 
liberal  views,  but  being  possessed  of  intelligence 
and  a clear  view  as  regards  all  social  phenom- 
ena, De  Witte,  doubtless  one  of  the  most  able 
statesmen  Russia  has  possessed  in  recent  times, 
recognized  that,  if  matters  in  the  Empire  con- 
tinued much  longer  in  the  same  way,  a catas- 
trophe was  unavoidable.  . . . 

“De  Witte  obtained  the  consent  of  the  Tsar  to 
the  formation  of  committees,  in  the  different 
parts  of  the  country,  consisting  of  representa- 
tives of  agriculture,  and  including  both  large 
estate  owners  aud  men  of  the  people,  to  whom 
was  allotted  the  task  of  declaring  their  views  as 
to  the  cause  of  the  decline  of  Russian  agricul- 
ture, and  of  indicating  steps  for  the  improvement 
of  agricultural  conditions.  De  Witte  himself 
urged  the  committees  to  express  themselves 
freely  and  openly  as  to  the  causes  of  the  prevail- 
ing misery,  and  as  to  the  means  of  remedying 
it.  But  in  all  probability  he  hardly  expected 


that  these  utterances  would  go  so  far  in  their 
openness  as  they  really  did.  Quite  a number 
of  committees  were  perspicacious  enough  to 
deal  not  merely  with  the  economical,  but  like- 
wise with  the  general  political  position,  though 
recognising  that  the  former  was  very  closely 
connected  with  the  latter.  In  this  way  the  ice 
was  broken.  One  committee  after  the  other 
criticised  the  existing  system  of  government 
with  astonishing  boldness,  and  required  an  un- 
conditional and  radical  change  therein.  ...  it 
was  the  representatives  of  the  zemtsvo  assemblies 
who  played  the  chief  part  in  the  agricultural 
committees,  and  consequently  hopes  began  to 
be  cherished  more  or  less  everywhere  that  these 
assemblies  would  now  receive  amplified  rights, 
and  that  in  this  way  the  basis  would  be  laid  for 
the  future  and  for  the  constitution  dreamt  of  by 
all.  Such  hopes  were,  however,  not  to  the  taste 
of  Von  Plehve,  the  new  Minister  of  the  Interior. 

. . . Finally  they  [the  committees]  were  dis- 
solved, without  having  achieved  any  other  re- 
sult than  a number  of  reports  which  had  been 
drawn  up  by  them,  and  which  ended  by  being 
pigeon-holed  in  one  record  office  or  the  other. 
Von  Plehve  had  conquered  the  Finance  Minis- 
ter. But  his  successs  was  a Pyrrhic  victory. 
At  one  stroke  he  converted  a large  number  of 
liberal  friends  of  reform  into  radical  adherents 
of  the  emancipation  movement,  while  to  all 
others  who  had  followed  the  proceedings  of  the 
agricultural  committees  with  interest  and  expec- 
tancy he  brought  home  a clear  apprehension  of 
the  fact  that  a regime,  under  which  the  will  or 
the  whim  of  an  irresponsible  official  could  bring 
to  naught  plans  having  for  their  object  the 
amendment  of  the  conditions  of  life  of  many 
millions  of  people,  could  never  contribute  to  the 
promotion  of  national  development.  Similar 
fruits  were  borne  by  Von  Plehve’s  policy  in 
many  other  directions.  . . . 

“Never  have  the  police  been  so  numerous 
or  so  powerful  as  under  Von  Plehve’s  regime; 
never  were  such  trifling  causes  sufficient  to  de- 
prive both  sexes  of  citizens  of  their  liberty,  to 
expose  them  to  ill-treatment,  and  to  send  them 
into  exile.  But  never,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
such  means  proved  to  be  more  powerless.  . . . 
The  so-called  ‘ Organisation  of  the  Struggle,’  the 
same  that  had  slain  the  previous  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  Sipiagin,  also  sentenced  to  death  the 
Governor  of  Ulfa,  Bogdanovitch.  ...  At  last 
Von  Plehve,  too,  was  overtaken  by  his  fate. 
On  the  28th  of  July,  1904,  a member  of  the 
‘ Organisation  of  the  Struggle  ’ threw  a bomb 
into  the  carriage  of  the  Minister  as  he  was  driv- 
ing towards  the  Warsaw  railway  station  in  St. 
Petersburg,  on  his  way  to  an  audience  with 
the  Tsar.  He  was  killed  instantaneously;  while 
the  assassin,  Sasonov,  and  a second  terrorist, 
Sickocki,  who  had  lent  him  assistance,  were 
arrested  and  condemned  to  twenty  and  eleven 
years  respectively  of  penal  servitude.”  — Iv. 
Zilliacus,  The  Russian  Revolutionary  Movement, 
cli.  16  (N.  Y.,  Dutton  and  Co.). 

A.  D.  1902.  — The  Political  Awakening  of 
the  Common  People.  — Ideas  of  the  Stund- 
ists.  — Peasants  taking  Possession  of  the 
Granaries. — Floggings  and  Butcheries  in 
Progress. — “ The  discontented  crowds  are  un- 
armed, their  only  weapons  are,  so  far,  shouts, 
banners  and  martyrdom  for  Liberty,  while  the 
auto-bureaucratic  regime  meets  these  with  the 


RUSSIA,  1902 


RUSSIA,  1903 


infliction  of  wounds  and  death.  Still  there  are 
features  in  this  uneven  struggle  which  are  of 
very  ill-omen  for  auto-bureaucracy.  Such  is, 
in  the  first  place,  the  hearty  compact  between 
the  factory  workers  and  the  masses  of  the  towns 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  forward  elements  of 
the  classes,  mainly  represented  by  students  of 
the  different  higher  educational  institutions,  on 
the  other.  Secondly,  there  is  the  persistency 
with  which  the  cries  ‘ Down  with  Autocracy  ! ’ 
‘Long  live  Liberty,’  are  now  resounding 
throughout  the  Empire  of  the  Tzars.  The 
shooters  are  invariably  beaten  down,  even  shot 
down,  as  we  shall  see  later  on  ; but  the  cry  is 
raised  again  and  again.  Revolutions  are,  un- 
fortunately, not  accomplished  by  shouts  alone; 
but  does  not  the  Tzar’s  Government  take  all 
possible  pains  to  teach  the  population  this 
simple  truth  ? . . . 

“ Merciless  wholesale  flogging  goes  on  in  the 
Poltava  province.  Rifles  have  also  been  used  ; 
and  a number  of  women  and  children  have  been 
wounded  and  several  peasants  shot  dead.  One 
of  the  bodies  had  fourteen  bullets  in  it.  In  the 
Kharkov  province  ‘peace  and  order’  has  been 
enforced  with  a still  greater  ‘ respect  to  uni- 
form and  arms.  ’ The  soldiers  themselves  state 
that  the  number  of  blows  doled  out  with  the 
bundles  of  birch  to  the  peasants  amounted  at 
times  to  250  per  person.  When  fleeing  from 
the  torture  eight  peasants  hit  on  a patrol.  The 
commanding  officer  being  drunk  ordered  ‘ fire!’ 
and  all  the  eight  unarmed  and  helpless  victims 
fell  dead ! 

“But  do  these  ‘ energetic  measures ’ produce 
the  desired  effect  ? In  the  village  of  Kourlak, 
Province  of  Voronezh,  the  same  merciless  flog- 
ging was  to  be  administered  to  all  its  inhab- 
itants. When  the  thirty -seventh  peasant  re- 
ceived his  portion  of  the  torture,  the  villagers, 
after  consultation,  declared  that  they  submitted. 
But  they  collected  carefully  all  the  birch-bun- 
dles which  served  for  the  execution.  ‘ They 
will  be  of  use  to  us,’  said  the  peasants,  ‘when 
we  shall  flog  you  ! ’ All  the  official  explanations 
given  them  by  the  authorities  on  this  occasion 
led  them  to  the  conclusion  that  the  administra- 
tion acknowledged  the  righteousness  of  their 
claims  on  the  land,  and  flogged  them  only  for 
using  wrong  means  for  its  recovery;  — that 
therefore  they  would  soon  have  the  upper  hand 
over  the  officials  and  landlords,  and  would  then 
flog  them  in  their  turn. 

“Nor  does  the  movement  in  the  Poltava  Pro- 
vince (see  above,  Russia.  A.  D.  1901-1904)  show 
any  sign  of  abatement.  According  to  the 
latest  private  information,  which  dates  from  the 
last  day  of  April,  the  peasant  movement  there 
does  not  at  all  bear  the  character  of  devasta- 
tion ; although  the  landlords  are  undoubtedly 
ruined  by  the  quiet  doings  of  the  villagers. 
There  is  no  pillaging.  The  peasants,  headed 
by  their  elective  elders,  open  the  granaries  of 
the  landlords  and  distribute  the  grain  among 
themselves  according  to  the  needs  of  each  fam- 
ily (the  well-to-do  receiving  nothing),  while  the 
remaining  grain,  if  any,  is  transferred  to  the 
communal  stores.  Part  of  this  appropriated 
grain  has  already  been  used  by  the  peasants  for 
sowing  their  own  fields,  as  well  as  those  they 
have  appropriated  from  the  gentry.  As  soon  as 
the  troops  are  marched  into  the  rebellious  lo- 
cality, they  take  possession  of  the  appropriated 


grain  still  remaining  in  the  communal  granaries, 
and  return  it  to  its  former  owners.  But  as  soon 
as  the  soldiery,  after  wholesale  flogging  of  the 
peasantry,  leave  the  locality,  the  peasants  again 
take  possession  of  the  landlords’  grain.  The 
prison  at  Poltava  is  crammed  with  peasants  and 
students,  and  yet  clandestine  manifestoes  are 
published  with  the  regularity  of  the  local  official 
paper,  and  are  distributed  even  among  the 
soldiery.  . . . 

‘ ‘ The  present  peasant  movement  is  not  con- 
fined to  the  three  provinces  already  mentioned. 
In  these  it  originated  simply  on  the  ground 
of  starvation,  and  similar  events  are  reported 
from  the  provinces  of  Koursk,  Ekaterinoslav 
and  Podolia ; also  in  those  of  Tomsk,  Tobolsk, 
etc.,  in  distant  Siberia,  where  governmental 
grain  stores  suffered  the  fate  of  the  landlords’ 
granaries  in  Europe.  But  the  tension  of  the 
peasants’  spirit,  their  utter  distrust  of  the  present 
Government,  and  their  readiness  to  take  justice 
into  their  own  hands  may  be  said  to  be  universal 
throughout  the  Empire. 

“ At  the  beginning  of  the  Social  Democratic 
movement  in  Russia  no  hopes  of  the  Russian 
peasant  were  cherished  by  its  leaders.  But 
powerful  agrarian  organisations  have  since 
sprung  up.”  — Felix  Yolkhovsky,  The  Russian 
Awakening  ( Contemporary  Review,  June,  1902). 

A.  D.  1902. — Russo-Chinese  Treaty  con- 
cerning Tibet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet:  A. D. 
1902. 

A.  D.  1903  (April).  — The  Massacre  of 
Jews  at  Kishineff.  — The  British  Vice-Consul 
at  Odessa,  Mr.  Bosanquet,  visited  Kishineff  in 
J uly,  to  learn  the  facts  of  the  barbarous  attack 
on  the  Jewish  population  of  that  town,  which 
had  been  made  by  a mob  in  the  previous  April. 
The  following  particulars  are  taken  from  his 
official  report,  published  soon  afterward  as  a Par- 
liamentary Paper:  “Theriots  began  on  Easter 
Sunday  (o.  s.),  (the  19th  April,  n.  s.),  in  the 
afternoon,  in  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  town 
. . . and  on  that  day  were  confined  to  the  or- 
dinary acts  of  a turbulent  crowd  — e.  g.,  the 
smashing  of  windows  and  door-panels  in  Jewish 
houses.  The  area  of  Sunday’s  disturbance  was 
comparatively  small.”  Early  the  next  morning 
they  began  afresh  in  the  same  quarter,  and 
spread  to  other  parts  of  the  town.  “ They  were 
directed  entirely  against  the  Jews.”  “Monday 
was  the  day  when  the  worst  crimes  were  com- 
mitted, and  these  were  perpetrated  by  bands  of 
rioters  in  different  parts  of  the  town.  Many 
people  believe  the  riots  to  be  the  work  of  organ- 
ized companies.” 

“ Besides  the  murders  committed,  the  interiors 
of  houses  were  utterly  dismantled,  pillows 
ripped  up,  Jewish  Scriptures  torn,  floors  de- 
stroyed, and  furniture  thrown  into  the  street; 
while  at  an  early  stage  wine  was  broached,  that 
which  was  not  drunk  pouring  into  the  street. 
The  local  authorities  took  no  effective  step  to 
stop  the  riots,  which  continued  unabated  till  4 
p.  m.,  or  later,  the  soldiers  meanwhile  being 
passive,  if  not  sympathetic,  spectators,  and  the 
police  contenting  themselves  with  the  arrest  of 
minor  criminals  ; then  the  Governor,  who  had 
remained  at  home  giving  orders  by  telephone, 
which  were  disregarded,  at  length  ventured  to 
sign  the  necessary  order  for  the  troops  to  be 
employed.  The  only  case  I heard  of  in  which 
the  latter  used  their  weapons  occurred  shortly 


RUSSIA,  1903 


RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


after  the  issue  of  the  Governor’s  order,  when  a 
Christian  boy,  pursuing  a Jew  with  a stone,  and 
refusing  to  desist,  was  knocked  down  and  bayo- 
neted by  soldiers.  An  eye-witness  of  the  scene 
related  the  facts  to  me.  This  boy  (with  one 
doubtful  exception)  was  the  only  Christian  killed 
in  the  disturbances.  If  resolute  action  had  been 
taken  by  the  authorities,  it  is  believed  that  the 
riots  could  have  been  checked  at  an  early  stage. 
The  more  usual  opinion  seems  to  be  that  all  the 
murders  occurred  on  Monday.  It  is  certain  that 
none  were  perpetrated  on  Sunday,  and  very 
doubtful  whether  any  took  place  after  the  order 
to  employ  the  troops  had  come  into  effect.  The 
disorders  did  not  entirely  cease,  as  next  day  (21st 
April)  houses  in  the  outskirts  were  pillaged ; 
but,  roughly  speaking,  the  riots  may  be  said  to 
have  ended  on  Monday.  Some  students  are  said 
to  have  taken  part  in  the  riots.” 

“Apparently  a feeling  existed  among  the 
lower  classes  that  the  Jews  ought  not  to  be  in  a 
majority  at  Kishineff.  The  fact  is  that  they 
form  about  50  per  cent,  of  the  population, 
which  amounts  to  some  115,000  inhabitants, 
the  other  half  consisting  two-thirds  of  Molda- 
vians, and  after  them  of  Russians,  Greeks,  Ar- 
menians, Poles,  Germans,  &c.” 

The  victims  of  these  melancholy  occurrences 
are  officially  estimated  at  41  Jews  killed,  or  who 
died  subsequently  of  wounds,  3 severely,  and 
300  slightly,  wounded.  Among  the  killed  was 
one  child  accidently  suffocated  by  its  mother. 
The  deaths  are  placed  by  another  (Jewish)  au- 
thority at  43,  including  2 young  children,  and 
by  some  even  as  high  as  47,  but  this  figure 
seems  to  include  persons  who  died  from  shock, 
and  not  directly  from  violence.  The  official 
estimate  of  deaths  is  identical  with  the  figure 
communicated  to  me  at  the  Jewish  hospital. 

“Three  hundred  and  eight  persons  have  al- 
ready been  convicted  of  thefts  and  other  minor 
offenses  [in  connection  with  the  riots],  and 
have  been  sentenced  to  terms  of  imprisonment 
ranging  from  one  week  to  three  months.  . . . 
The  accused  still  awaiting  trial  number  360. 
...  Of  the  above  prisoners  260  are  accused  of 
participation  in  the  riots  without  actual  violence 
and  are  out  on  bail  in  sums  ranging  from  200  to 
300  roubles.  Those  in  this  category  who  are 
found  guilty  will  be  sentenced  to  imprisonment 
without  hard  labour  in  the  Maison  Correction- 
nelle,  where  the  discipline  is  more  severe  than  in 
prison.  The  remaining  100  are  charged  with 
murder  in  addition  to  other  crimes,  and  those 
found  guilty  will  be  transported  to  undergo 
penal  servitude  in  the  Island  of  Sakhalin.” 

A.  D.  1903  (May-Oct.). — Intrigues  against 
Opening  Ports  in  Manchuria  to  Foreign 
Trade.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1903 
(May-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1903-1904. —Concert  with  Austria- 
Hungary  in  submitting  the  Miirzsteg  Pro- 
gramme of  Reform  in  Macedonia  to  Turkey. 
See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). — Opening  of  the 
War  with  Japan.  — Battles  at  the  Yalu. — 
First  operations  in  Manchuria.  — First  move- 
ments against  Port  Arthur.  See  Japan:  A. 
D.  1904  (Feb.-July). 

A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). — War  with  Japan: 
Japanese  Success  in  Manchuria.  — The  great 
battle  of  Liao-Yang.  See  Japan:  A.  D.  1904 

(July-Sept.). 


A.  D.  1904-1905. — Reforming  attempts  of 
Prince  Mirsky. — Meeting  of  Zemstvo  presi- 
dents. — The  Revolutionary  Workman.  — 
Father  Gapon.  — The  Appeal  to  the  T sar.  — 
The  answering  Massacre  of  “ Bloody  Sun- 
day.”— Assassination  of  Grand  Duke  Ser- 
gius. — Witte’s  practical  premiership.  — The 
Call  of  the  First  Duma. — The  General  Strike 
on  the  Railways. — The  Great  General  Strike. 
— The  Ukase  of  October  30,  called  the  Con- 
stitution of  Russia. — Beginning  of  Reaction. 
— The  Postal  Strike.  — F atal  Rising  at  Mos- 
cow. — The  hated  Plehve  was  succeeded  by 
Prince  Svyatopolk  Mirsky,  a broad-minded 
statesman,  who  began  earnest  efforts  to  set  the 
government  on  a different  course.  One  of  the 
first  measures  of  the  prince  was  to  win  authority 
from  the  Tsar  for  a meeting  of  the  presidents 
of  the  zemstvos,  or  provincial  councils,  which 
are  bodies  of  a considerably  representative  char- 
acter, exercising  a limited  power  in  their  rural 
districts  over  matters  of  sanitation,  public  roads, 
and  common  schools.  Ostensibly,  the  meeting 
was  to  concert  measures  of  relief  for  the 
wounded  in  the  war  with  Japan;  but  every- 
body knew  that  political  questions  could  not 
escape  discussion  if  such  a meeting  was  held. 

All  the  interests  that  uphold  autocracy,  aris- 
tocracy, and  bureaucracy  in  Russia  were  quick  to 
scent  danger,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  persuad- 
ing the  weak-willed  sovereign  to  recall  his  con- 
sent to  the  meeting.  In  his  feeble,  half-way 
manner  of  doing  things,  he  forbade  it  as  a pub- 
lic assembly,  but  allowed  its  members  to  meet 
unofficially  and  privately,  in  November,  with 
no  publication  of  their  discussions  or  acts.  They 
adopted  resolutions  setting  forth  a bold  demand 
for  a representation  of  the  people  in  their  gov- 
ernment, and  these  were  laid  before  the  Tsar. 
He  gave  a public  reply  to  them  on  the  26th  of 
December,  ignoring  the  demand  for  representa- 
tive institutions,  declaring  that  the  government 
must  remain  autocratic,  but  making  vague 
promises  of  reform  in  the  laws,  with  especial 
assurances  of  liberty  to  the  press  and  in  religion  ; 
but  everything  granted  must  flow  by  gracious 
favor  from  the  autocracy,  through  the  channels 
of  the  bureaucracy,  where  it  could  not  by  any 
possibility  run  true  and  clear.  The  words  of  the 
Tsar,  vague  as  they  were,  produced  some  en- 
couragement, and  a feeling  of  trust  in  his  good 
intentions  ; but  the  effect  was  soon  destroyed. 

It  was  at  about  this  time  that  Prince  Trubet- 
skoi, in  authority  at  Moscow,  addressed  a letter 
to  Prince  Mirsky,  from  which  the  following  was 
published  in  translation  soon  after  : 

“ Through  this  letter  I wish  to  explain  myself 
to  you,  and  ask  you  not  to  refuse  me  the  privi- 
lege of  representing  to  the  Emperor,  most 
humbly,  the  motives  which  prompted  me  to 
give  the  zemstvo  permission  to  assert  itself. 
According  to  public  opinion,  in  which  I concur 
unreservedly,  Russia  is,  at  present,  facing  an 
epoch  of  anarchy  and  revolutionary  movement. 
What  is  going  on  is,  by  far,  no  mere  agitation  by 
the  youth.  The  youth  stands  forth  only  as  a 
reflection  of  the  general  state  prevailing  in 
society.  This  state  is  most  dangerous  and  ter- 
rible for  our  entire  country,  as  well  as  for  all  of 
us,  and  particularly  so  for  the  holy  person  of 
the  Emperor.  It  is,  therefore,  the  duty  of  every 
truly  loyal  subject  to  ward  off  the  disastrous  ca- 
lamity with  any  and  all  means  at  his  disposal. 


RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


A short  time  ago,  I had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
received  by  the  Emperor,  and  to  tell  him, 
straightforwardly  and  truly,  to  the  best  of  my 
effort  and  knowledge,  about  the  present  state  of 
society.  I endeavored  to  explain  to  him  that 
what  is  going  on  is  not  a riot,  but  a revolution ; 
that  the  Russian  people  is  thus  being  drawn 
into  a revolution,  which  it  does  not  desire,  and 
which  can  be  forestalled  by  the  Emperor.  Yet 
there  is  but  one  way  out  of  it,  just  one,  aud  that 
is  by  the  Emperor  placing  confidence  in  the 
strength  of  society  and  of  the  masses.  In  the 
depths  of  my  soul  I am  firmly  convinced  that  if 
the  Emperor  only  wanted  to  confidently  group 
these  powers  around  himself,  Russia  would  free 
itself  from  all  the  terrors  of  the  impending  dis- 
turbance, aud  would  support  its  Czar,  his  will, 
and  his  absolute  sovereignty.  In  view  of  the 
state  of  mind  of  all  the  people,  who  are  filled 
with  fear  and  horror  over  the  things  referred  to 
above,  it  is  really  beyond  human  power  to  refuse 
them  to  speak  about  that  which  is  vexing  and 
tormenting  everybody  so  fearfully.” 

“The  opening  of  the  next  year  (1905)  was 
marked  by  the  appearance  of  a new  element  in 
revolution.  Certainly,  there  had  been  strikes 
and  riots  in  the  great  cities  before  ; there  had 
been  peasant  risings  and  other  forms  of  econo- 
mic agitation  in  various  parts.  But  as  a whole 
the  revolutionary  movement  as  such  had  been 
inspired,  directed,  and  even  carried  out  by  the 
educated  classes — the  students,  the  journalists, 
the  doctors,  barristers,  and  other  professional 
men.  It  had  been  almost  limited  to  that  great 
division  of  society  which  in  Russia  is  called 
‘The  Intelligence.’  ...  It  was  ‘the  Intelli- 
gence ’ who  hitherto  had  fought  for  the  re- 
volution. ...  At  length  the  first-fruits  of  their 
toilsome  propaganda,  continued  through  forty 
years,  were  seen,  and  the  revolutionary  work- 
man appeared. 

“ He  was  ushered  in  by  Father  George 
Gapon,  at  that  time  a rather  simple-hearted 
priest,  with  a rather  childlike  faith  in  God  and 
the  Tsar,  and  a certain  genius  for  organization. 
His  personal  hold  upon  the  working  classes  was 
probably  due  to  their  astonishment  that  a priest 
should  take  any  interest  in  their  affairs,  outside 
their  fees.  . . . Father  Gapon,  with  his  thin 
line  of  genius  for  organization,  had  gathered 
the  workmen’s  groups  or  trade  unions  of  St. 
Petersburg  into  a fairly  compact  body,  called 
‘ The  Russian  Workmen’s  Union,’ of  which  he 
was  President  as  well  as  founder.  In  the  third 
week  in  January  the  men  at  the  Putiloff  iron 
works  struck  because  two  of  their  number  had 
been  dismissed  for  belonging  to  their  union.  At 
once  the  Neva  iron  and  sliip-building  works,  the 
Petroffsky  cotton  works,  the  Alexander  engine 
works,  the  Thornton  cloth  works,  and  other 
great  factories  on  the  banks  of  the  river  or  upon 
the  industrial  islands  joined  in  the  strike,  and  in 
two  days  some  100,000  work-people  were  ‘out.’ 

“With  his  rather  childlike  faith  in  God  and 
the  Tsar,  Father  Gapon  organized  a dutiful 
appeal  of  the  Russian  wrorkmen  to  the  tender- 
hearted autocrat  whose  benevolence  was  only 
thwarted  by  evil  counsellors  and  his  ignorance 
of  the  truth.  The  petition  ran,  in  part,  as  fol- 
low's : — 

“‘We  workmen  come  to  you  for  truth  and 
protection.  We  have  reached  the  extreme  lim- 
its of  endurance.  We  have  been  exploited,  and 


shall  continue  to  be  exploited  under  your  bu- 
reaucracy. The  bureaucracy  has  brought  the 
country  to  the  verge  of  ruin  aud  by  a shameful 
war  is  bringing  it  to  its  downfall.  We  have 
no  voice  in  the  heavy  burdens  imposed  on  us. 
We  do  not  even  know  for  whom  or  why  this 
money  is  wrung  from  the  impoverished  people, 
and  we  do  not  know  liowr  it  is  expended.  This 
is  contrary  to  the  Divine  laws,  and  renders  life 
impossible.  It  is  better  that  we  should  all  per- 
ish, we  workmen  and  all  Russia.  Then  good 
luck  to  the  capitalists  and  exploiters  of  the 
poor,  the  corrupt  officials  and  robbers  of  the 
Russian  people ! 

“‘Throw  down  the  wall  that  separates  you 
from  your  people.  Russia  is  too  great  and  her 
needs  are  too  various  for  officials  to  rule.  Na- 
tional representation  is  essential,  for  the  people 
alone  know'  their  owm  needs.  Direct  that  elec- 
tions for  a constituent  assembly  be  held  by 
general  secret  ballot.  That  is  our  chief  peti- 
tion. Everything  is  contained  in  that.  If  you 
do  not  reply  to  our  prayer,  we  will  die  in  this 
square  before  your  palace.  We  have  nowffiere 
else  to  go.  Only  two  paths  are  open  to  us  — 
to  liberty  and  happiness  or  to  the  grave. 
Should  our  lives  serve  as  the  offering  of  suffer- 
ing Russia,  we  shall  not  regret  the  sacrifice,  but 
endure  it  willingly.’ 

“On  the  morning  of  Sunday,  January  22, 
1905,  about  15,000  working  men  and  women 
formed  into  a procession  to  carry  this  petition 
to  the  Tsar  in  his  Winter  Palace  upon  the  great 
square  of  government  buildings.  They  w'ere 
all  in  their  Sunday  clothes  ; many  peasants  had 
come  up  from  the  country  in  their  best  embroi- 
deries ; they  took  their  children  with  them.  In 
front  marched  Father  Gapon  and  two  other 
priests  wearing  vestments.  With  them  went 
the  ikons,  or  holy  pictures  of  shining  brass  and 
silver,  and  a portrait  of  the  Tsar.  As  the  pro- 
cession moved  along,  they  sang,  ‘ God  save  our 
people.  God  give  our  orthodox  Tsar  the  vic- 
tory.’ 

“So  the  Russian  workmen  made  their  last  ap- 
peal to  the  autocrat  whom  they  called  their 
father.  They  would  lay  their  griefs  before 
him,  they  would  see  him  face  to  face,  they 
would  hear  his  comforting  words.  But  the 
father  of  his  people  had  disappeared  into  space. 
As  the  procession  entered  the  square,  the  sol- 
diers fired  volley  after  volley  upon  them  from 
three  sides.  The  estimate  of  the  killed  and 
wounded  was  about  1500.  That  Sunday  — 
January  9th  in  Russian  style  — is  known  as 
Bloody  Sunday  or  Vladimir’s  Day,  after  the 
Grand  Duke  Vladimir  wTho  was  supposed  to 
have  given  the  orders.  Next  morning  Father 
Gapon  wrote  to  his  Union : ‘ There  is  no  Tsar 
now.  Innocent  blood  has  flowed  between  him 
and  the  people.’”  — Henry  W.  Nevinson,  The 
Dawn  in  Russia,  Introd.  (Harper’s,  N.  Y). 

If  the  atrocity  of  the  9th  of  January  was  in- 
tended to  terrorize  and  paralyze  the  opposition 
to  absolutism  it  failed.  It  maddened  the  more 
violent  revolutionists,  and  increasingly  desper- 
ate enterprises  of  assassination  were  provoked. 
The  provocation  was  made  greater  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  Trepoff,  notorious  for  brutality  of 
temper,  to  a newly  created  office,  of  Governor- 
General  of  St.  Petersburg.  On  the  17th  of  Feb- 
ruary the  Grand  Duke  Sergius,  uncle  to  the 
Tsar,  Governor-General  of  Moscow,  and  con- 


567 


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RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


spicuously  heartless  and  foul  in  his  exercise  of 
power,  was  assassinated  as  he  drove  through 
the  streets.  Strikes  and  riotous  outbreaks  were 
of  constant  occurrence  in  the  industrial  cities, 
especially  violent  in  Warsaw,  Lodz,  and  other 
Polish  towns. 

The  Tsar  issued  a piteous  manifesto  on  the 
3d  of  March,  appealing  for  a ‘ ‘ rally  round  the 
throne”  by  all  “who,  true  to  Russia’s  past, 
honestly  and  conscientiously  have  a care  for  all 
the  affairs  of  the  state  such  as  we  have  our- 
selves.” On  the  same  day  he  published  a re- 
script in  which  he  said  : “I  am  resolved  hence- 
forth, with  the  help  of  God,  to  convene  the 
worthiest  men,  possessing  the  confidence  of  the 
people  and  elected  by  them,  to  participate  in 
the  elaboration  and  consideration  of  legislative 
measures.”  But,  even  if  this  expressed  the  per- 
sonal disposition  of  the  weak-willed  sovereign, 
it  promised  nothing  to  correspond  to  it  in  the 
action  of  government ; as  was  shown  by  the 
promotion  of  Trepoff  to  be  Assistant-Minister 
of  the  Interior  and  Chief  of  Police.  Prince 
Mirsky,  baffled  in  his  undertakings  and  hope- 
less of  good  from  his  service,  had  resigned  the 
Ministry  of  the  Interior,  and  his  successor,  M. 
Buliguine,  held  the  office  but  a short  time. 
M.  Serguei  Yulievitch  Witte,  former  Minister 
of  Finance,  and  latterly  President  of  the  Im- 
perial Ministers,  now  acquired  a substantial 
premiership  in  the  administration,  which  does 
not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  his  office  before. 
Nothing  of  satisfaction  came  from  the  Decem- 
ber promises  of  reformed  law.  Bureaucratic 
commissions  were  understood  to  be  working  on 
measures  to  make  good  the  Tsar’s  word,  but 
months  passed  with  no  result.  There  were  fit- 
ful relaxations  of  the  censorship  of  the  press,  so 
capricious  that  no  editor  could  know  what  he 
might  and  might  not  say. 

In  April,  religious  liberty  was  proclaimed, 
with  special  rights  and  privileges  reserved  to 
the  Russian  orthodox  church.  M.  Witte  had 
advocated  a separation  of  the  church  from  the 
state  ; but  that  was  beyond  hope.  There  must, 
however,  have  been  an  important  weakening  of 
church  influence  in  the  government,  since  the 
long  despotic  procurator-general  of  the  Holy 
Synod,  M.  Pobiedonostzeff,  resigned  before  the 
close  of  the  year. 

Early  in  the  summer  the  heads  of  provincial 
zemstvos  held  another  meeting,  and  discussed 
the  popular  demand  for  a constitutional  and 
representative  government  without  restraint. 
Then  the  Czar  gave  them  a friendly  audience, 
and  declared  to  them  that  “ the  admission  of 
elected  representatives  to  works  of  state  will  be 
regularly  accomplished  ” ; but  this  was  followed 
speedily  by  an  official  explanation  that  his  ma- 
jesty’s remarks  must  not  be  understood  as  con- 
taining “any  indication  of  the  possibility  of 
modifying  the  fundamental  law  of  the  empire.” 
This  was  to  check  an  eager  leaping  of  the  public 
mind  to  high  hopes. 

On  the  19th  of  August  the  long  wavering  im- 
perial mind  seemed  brought  to  a definite  inten- 
tion at  last,  in  a proclamation  which  summoned 
a national  assembly,  or  duma,  to  meet  “not 
later  than  the  middle  of  January,  1906.” 

“The  Empire  of  Russia,”  said  the  Tsar  in  his 
preamble,  “is  formed  and  strengthened  by  the 
indestructible  solidarity  of  the  Tsar  with  the  peo- 
ple and  the  people  with  the  Tsar.  The  concord 


and  union  of  the  people  and  the  Tsar  are  a great 
moral  force,  which  has  created  Russia  in  th<^ 
course  of  centuries  by  protecting  her  from  all 
misfortunes  and  all  attacks,  and  has  constituted 
up  to  the  present  time  a pledge  of  unity,  inde- 
pendence, integrity,  material  well-being,  and  in- 
tellectual development.  Autocratic  Tsars,  our 
ancestors,  constantly  had  that  object  in  view, 
and  the  time  has  come  to  follow  out  their  good 
intentions,  and  to  summon  elected  representa- 
tives from  the  whole  of  Russia  to  take  a con- 
stant and  active  part  in  the  elaboration  of  laws, 
attaching  for  this  purpose  to  the  higher  state 
institutions  a special  consultative  body,  en- 
trusted with  the  preliminary  elaboration  and 
discussion  of  measures,  and  with  the  examina- 
tion of  the  state  budget.  It  is  for  this  reason 
that,  while  preserving  the  fundamental  law  re- 
garding autocratic  power,  we  have  deemed  it 
well  to  form  a State  Duma,  and  to  approve 
regulations  for  the  elections  to  this  Duma.” 

By  the  terms  of  the  call  it  will  be  seen,  “the 
fundamental  law  regarding  autocratic  power” 
was  preserved  with  care.  And,  said  the  pro- 
clamation, “ we  reserve  to  ourselves  entirely  the 
care  of  perfecting  the  organization  of  the 
duma.”  It  was  to  have  no  power  to  initiate 
legislation,  but  only  to  discuss  and  pass  judg- 
ment upon  measures  brought  before  it  by  the 
ministers  of  the  Tsar,  who  thus  held  fast  to 
the  substance  of  his  autocratic  power. 

The  Duma  was  to  consist  of  412  members, 
representing  50  governments  and  the  military 
province  of  the  Don,  and  only  28  members  repre- 
senting towns.  It  was  to  be  elected  for  five 
years,  unless  dissolved  sooner  by  the  Tsar.  Its 
meetings  were  to  be  secret,  except  as  the  presi- 
dent, in  his  discretion,  might  admit  the  reporters 
of  the  Press. 

The  limited  functions  proposed  for  the  Duma, 
and  the  indefinite  prescription  of  procedure  in 
its  election,  left  not  much  in  the  Tsar’s  project 
of  a national  assembly  to  satisfy  the  nation.  In 
September  a large  meeting  of  representatives  of 
the  zemstvos,  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  was 
held  privately  at  Moscow,  and  it  was  there 
agreed  that  they  should  exert  themselves  to  secure 
as  many  seats  in  the  coming  Duma  as  possible, 
with  a view  to  making  it  instrumental  in  the 
movement  for  something  better.  The  ultimate 
aim  of  present  endeavor  was  defined  in  a pro- 
gramme which  included  : a representative  na- 
tional legislature;  a systematic  budget  system; 
freedom  of  conscience,  speech,  press,  meeting 
and  association ; inviolability  of  person  and 
home ; equal  rights  of  all  citizens  ; equal  respon- 
sibility of  all  officials  and  citizens  under  the 
law ; the  abolition  of  passports. 

In  October,  on  the  21st,  the  workingmen  or- 
ganized their  first  great  general  strike,  on  the 
railways,  which  paralyzed  travel  and  traffic,  ex- 
cept as  the  government  could  operate  some  mili- 
tary trains.  The  strikers  made  bold  demands, 
presented  to  Witte  on  the  24th:  “The  claims 

of  the  working  classes,”  they  said,  “must  be 
settled  by  laws  constituted  by  the  will  of  the 
people  and  sanctioned  by  all  Russia.  The  only 
solution  is  to  announce  political  guarantees  for 
freedom  and  the  convocation  of  a Constituent 
Assembly,  elected  by  direct,  universal  and  se- 
cret suffrage.  Otherwise  the  country  will  be 
forced  into  rebellion.”  Witte  replied:  “ A Con- 
stituent Assembly  is  for  the  present  impossible. 


568 


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RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


Universal  suffrage  would,  in  fact,  only  give 
preeminence  to  the  richest  classes,  because  they 
could  influence  all  the  voting  by  their  money. 
Liberty  of  the  press  and  of  public  meeting  will 
be  granted  very  shortly.  I am  myself  strongly 
opposed  to  all  persecution  and  bloodshed,  and  I 
am  willing  to  support  the  greatest  amount  of 
liberty  possible.  . . . But  there  is  not  in  the 
entire  world  a single  cultivated  man  who  is  in 
favor  of  universal  suffrage.”  Two  days  after 
receiving  this  reply  the  Council  of  Labor  Dele- 
gates, or  “Strike  Committee,”  declared  a gen- 
eral strike  of  workmen  throughout  Russia,  and 
about  a million  workingmen  are  said  to  have 
taken  the  risk  of  starvation  by  dropping  work. 

No  doubt  it  was  that  evidence  of  determina- 
tion in  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  country 
which  drew  from  the  Tsar,  on  the  30  th  of  Octo- 
ber, the  famous  ukase  which  was  characterized 
hastily  at  the  time  as  “the  Magna  Cliarta  of 
Russia,”  “the  surrender  of  autocracy,”  the 
founding  of  constitutional  government.  In 
reality,  the  document  was  no  more  than  an  in- 
junction to  the  ministers  of  the  autocrat  to 
carry  out  his  ‘ ‘ absolute  will  ” in  certain  matters, 
most  of  which  were  set  forth  with  characteristic 
vagueness  of  terms.  The  following  is  a trans- 
lation of  the  entire  manifesto,  as  communicated 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  from 
its  embassy  at  St.  Petersburg : 

By  the  grace  of  God  we,  Nicholas  Second, 
Emperor  and  Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias,  Tsar 
of  Poland,  Grand  Duke  of  Finland,  etc. 

The  rioting  and  agitation  in  the  capitals  and 
in  many  localities  of  our  Empire  has  filled  our 
heart  with  great  and  deep  affliction.  The  wel- 
fare of  the  Russian  Emperor  is  united  with  the 
welfare  of  the  people,  and  its  troubles  are  his 
troubles.  The  agitation  which  has  broken  out 
may  bring  confusion  among  the  people  and 
threaten  the  entirety  and  unity  of  our  Empire. 

The  solemn  vow  of  the  imperial  service  com- 
mands us,  with  all  the  strength  of  intelligence 
and  of  our  power,  to  endeavor  to  stop  as  quickly 
as  possible  agitations  so  dangerous  to  the  Em- 
pire. In  ordering  the  competent  authorities  to 
take  measures  to  avert  the  disorders,  the  trou- 
bles, and  violence,  and  to  guard  peaceful  people 
who  are  eager  to  fulfill  quietly  the  duties  placed 
upon  them,  we  have  found  it  necessary,  in 
order  to  insure  the  proper  execution  of  the  gen- 
eral measures  marked  out  by  us,  to  unify  the 
action  of  the  supreme  government. 

We  lay  upon  the  government  the  fulfillment 
of  our  absolute  will : 

1.  To  grant  to  the  population  the  inviolable 
basis  of  free  citizenship,  on  the  ground  of  actual 
inviolable  personality,  freedom  of  conscience, 
speech,  meeting,  and  unions; 

2.  Without  stopping  the  intended  elections 
for  the  State  Duma,  to  include  now  in  the  par- 
ticipation of  the  Duma  as  far  as  possible,  in 
view  of  the  corresponding  short  term  which 
remains  before  the  convocation  of  the  Duma, 
those  classes  of  the  population  which  up  to  now 
were  entirely  deprived  of  the  right  to  vote  and 
to  allow  in  future  the  further  development  of 
the  element  of  a general  right  of  election  which 
is  to  be  established  by  new  legislation  ; and 

3.  To  establish  as  an  inviolable  rule  that  no 
law  shall  take  effect  without  its  confirmation  by 
the  State  Duma  and  that  the  persons  elected 
by  the  population  should  be  guaranteed  the 


possibility  of  actual  control  over  the  legal 
activity  of  the  persons  appointed  by  us. 

We  call  on  all  the  true  sons  of  Russia  to  re- 
member their  duties  toward  their  fatherland,  to 
assist  in  combating  these  unheard-of  agitations, 
and  together  with  us  to  unite  all  their  strength 
in  establishing  quietness  and  peace  in  their 
country. 

Given  in  Peterhof  on  the  17th  day  of  October 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1905  and  the  eleventh 
year  of  our  reign. 

(Signed  in  his  own  hand.) 

Nicholas. 

At  the  same  time,  the  ministers  of  the  auto- 
crat were  enjoined  to  “abstain  from  any  inter- 
ference in  the  elections  of  the  duma;”  they 
were  to  “ maintain  the  prestige  of  the  duma 
and  confidence  in  its  labors,  and  not  resist  its  de- 
cisions so  long  as  they  are  not  inconsistent  with 
the  historic  greatness  of  Russia.”  In  the  ex- 
ercise of  executive  power  they  should  embody 
“(1)  straightforwardness  and  sincerity  in  the 
confirmation  of  civil  liberty;”  “ (2),  a tendency 
toward  the  abolition  of  exclusive  laws  ; ” “ (3), 
the  coordination  of  the  activity  of  all  the  organs 
of  government ; ” “ (4),  the  avoidance  of  repres- 
sive measures  in  respect  to  proceedings  which 
do  not  openly  menace  society  or  the  state.” 

These  orders  and  injunctions  from  the  auto- 
cracy to  the  bureaucracy  were  to  be  the  consti- 
tution of  government  for  which  Russia  had 
made  demands.  They  did  not  satisfy  the  de- 
mand — or  satisfied  only  the  small  party  who 
were  afterwards  called  “Octobrists,”  because 
they  asked  for  no  more  than  was  granted  in  this 
ukase  of  October  30,  1905.  The  general  strike 
was  not  called  off,  but  demands  for  a Constitu- 
ent Assembly  were  reiterated  persistently.  Agi- 
tation was  kept  alive,  and  with  it  the  murderous 
warfare  waged  by  revolutionists  against  high 
officials  and  the  police.  At  the  same  time,  re- 
actionary officials  and  army  officers,  enraged  by 
what  the  Tsar  had  done,  stirred  up  mobs  in 
various  parts  of  the  country  to  attack  the  Jews, 
and  add  to  the  state  of  public  disorder,  thus  fur- 
nishing arguments  for  a fresh  resort  to  repres- 
sive measures  by  the  military  arm.  Presently 
there  were  serious  outbreaks  of  mutiny  in  army 
and  navy,  at  Odessa,  Kronstadt,  and  Sevastopol, 
and  all  the  foundations  of  public  order  seemed 
really,  for  a time,  to  be  breaking  up. 

It  is  evident  there  was  serious  alarm  in  the 
circles  of  the  autocracy.  Pobiedonostzeff,  the 
bigoted  Procurator  of  the  Holy  Synod,  and  Tre- 
poff,  the  savage  head  of  the  police,  resigned. 
On  the  4th  of  November  an  amnesty  to  political 
offenders  was  proclaimed,  and  the  ancient  liber- 
ties of  Finland  were  restored,  by  a decree  which 
abolished  that  of  February,  1899  (see,  in  Vol. 
VI.,  Finland),  and  that  also  annulled  a later 
military  law,  of  1901,  by  which  the  Finnish 
army  had  been  put  on  the  Russian  footing. 

These  signs  of  yielding  to  the  claims  "of  the 
nation  soon  gave  place,  however,  to  symptoms 
on  the  reactionary  side  of  revived  courage  and 
obstinacy  among  the  keepers  and  masters  of  the 
Tsar’s  mind  and  will.  A manifesto  on  the  12th 
of  November  declared  that  reforms  would  not 
be  possible  till  the  country  was  quieted.  An- 
other on  the  13th  proclaimed  martial  law  in 
Poland;  whereat  the  “strike  committee”  called 
another  strike  in  sympathy  with  Poland.  On 
the  14th  Witte  published  an  appeal  to  the 


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RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


workmen,  saying:  “Brothers!  Workmen!  Go 
back  to  your  work  and  cease  from  disorder. 
Have  pity  on  your  wives  and  children,  and  turn 
a deaf  ear  to  mischievous  counsels.  The  Tsar 
commands  us  to  devote  special  attention  to  the 
labor  question,  and  to  that  end  has  appointed 
a Ministry  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  which 
will  establish  just  relations  between  masters 
and  men.  Only  give  us  time,  and  I will  do  all 
that  is  possible  for  you.  Pay  attention  to  the 
advice  of  a man  who  loves  you  and  wishes  you 
well.”  The  renewed  strike  was  not  successful. 
Not  many  of  the  workingmen  would  face  the 
suffering  from  non-employment  which  they  had 
gone  through  already.  The  attempt  was  ended 
on  the  20th  ; but  the  Committee  which  called  it, 
in  annulling  the  order,  enjoined  the  workers  of 
the  Empire  to  organize  “ for  the  final  encounter 
between  all  Russia  and  the  bloody  monarchy 
now  dragging  out  its  last  days.” 

Meantime,  on  the  17th,  the  Tsar  sought  to 
conciliate  the  peasants  by  reducing  for  one  year 
the  payments  on  land  that  were  due  under  the 
land  distribution  which  went  with  emancipation 
in  1861  (see  Slavery,  Medieval  and  Modern  : 
Russia,  in  Vol.  IV.),  and  remitting  them  en- 
tirely after  January,  1907.  On  the  20th  of  No- 
vember a Peasants’  Congress  of  300  delegates 
met  in  Moscow  and  formulated  demands  for  the 
nationalization  of  land  and  for  a constituent 
assembly.  The  delegates  were  arrested.  An 
alarming  mutiny  in  the  fleet  and  army  at  Se- 
vastopol broke  out  on  the  26th,  but  it  was  soon 
suppressed.  Two  days  later  the  whole  body  of 
employees  in  the  postal  and  telegraphic  service 
at  Moscow  began  a most  troublesome  strike, 
which  spread  from  there  and  was  continued  for 
some  weeks.  Mr.  Nevinson,  who  was  in  Moscow 
at  the  time,  describes  it  in  one  of  his  chapters: 
“In  those  happy  weeks  when  freedom  still  was 
young  and  living,  two  things  ruled  the  country 
— speech  and  the  strike,  the  word  and  the  blow. 
The  strike  was  everywhere  felt.  No  letter  or 
telegram  went  or  came.  Each  town  in  Russia 
was  isolated,  and  the  whole  Empire  stood  sev- 
ered from  the  world.  ...  In  Moscow  the  cooks 
struck,  and  paraded  the  streets  with  songs  never 
heard  in  the  drawing-room.  The  waiters  struck, 
and  heavy  proprietors  lumbered  about  with 
their  own  plates  and  dishes.  The  nursemaids 
struck  for  Sundays  out.  The  housemaids  struck 
for  rooms  with  windows,  instead  of  cupboards 
under  the  stairs,  or  sections  from  the  water 
closets.  Schoolboys  struck  for  more  democratic 
masters  and  pleasanter  lessons.  Teachers  struck 
for  higher  pay.  . . . But  at  the  back  of  the 
strikes  and  all  the  revolutionary  movement  lay 
the  motive  force  of  speech.  . . . After  these 
centuries  of  suppression,  all  Russia  was  revel- 
ling in  a spiritual  debauch  of  words.” 

On  the  6th  of  December  General  Sakharoff, 
formerly  Minister  of  War  and  now  Governor- 
General  of  a district  on  the  Volga,  was  shot  by  a 
woman,  to  avenge  the  sufferings  he  had  caused 
to  the  peasants.  On  the  7th  the  Strike  Commit- 
tee called  on  the  workpeople  to  withdraw  their 
money  from  the  savings-banks;  and,  a little 
later,  a joint  manifesto,  issued  by  that  committee 
and  committees  of  Peasants,  Social  Democrats, 
and  Social  Revolutionists,  appealed  generally  to 
the  people,  not  only  to  withdraw  money  from 
the  savings  banks,  but  “ to  refuse  to  pay  taxes, 
or  to  take  bank-notes,  or  to  subscribe  to  loans,” 


as  a means  of  crippling  the  government  finan- 
cially. All  papers  which  published  this  mani- 
festo were  suppressed  and  their  editors  arrested. 

Then,  in  the  last  twelve  days  of  December, 
came  the  fatal  rising  at  Moscow,  which  the  gov- 
ernment, forewarned  by  its  spies,  precipitated, 
while  the  revolutionists’  preparations  were  but 
half  made,  and  which  it  crushed  mercilessly, 
with  ease.  From  a diary  of  the  occurrences  of 
these  tragical  days  at  Moscow,  given  in  the  re- 
port of  the  resident  American  Consul  to  Ambas- 
sador Meyer,  at  St.  Petersburg,  the  following 
entries  are  taken : 

“ December  24. — Barricades  were  continually 
built  during  days  and  nights.  The  revolution- 
ists were  in  hope  that  about  20,000  or  30,000 
workmen  from  the  factories  in  the  suburbs 
would  enter  the  city  and  join  them,  but  this  was 
not  accomplished,  as  the  military  forces  were 
sufficient  to  prevent  this.  The  revolutionists 
spread  a rumor  amongst  the  workmen  that  the 
soldiers  were  in  sympathy  with  the  strikers  and 
that  they  would  not  fire  on  the  mob  and  would 
join  their  ranks,  but  this  rumor  turned  out  to  be 
untrue,  as  the  troops  were  loyal  to  the  Govern- 
ment. . . . 

‘ ‘ December  27.  — At  6 o’clock  p.  m.  the  house 
where  the  chief  of  the  secret  police,  Mr.  Voilo- 
chenkoff,  resides,  was  surrounded  by  a revolu- 
tionary party  and  by  their  insistent  demands 
the  front  door  was  opened.  Six  men  rushed 
into  his  apartments  and  arrested  the  chief,  and 
read  the  death  sentence  of  the  revolutionary 
party  to  him.  His  wife  and  three  children 
pleaded  to  the  revolutionists  for  mercy,  but  the 
revolutionists  would  not  listen  to  their  pleading, 
and  they  gave  Mr.  Voilochenkoff  a short  time 
to  prepare  for  death  and  then  took  him  out  into 
a side  street  where  he  was  shot  to  death,  and  his 
body  left  in  the  street.  Disturbances  and  shoot- 
ing were  carried  on  in  the  different  parts  of  the 
city,  and  new  barricades  erected. 

“ December  31.  — The  troops  bombarded  the 
large  Prochoroff  spinning  mills,  where  a large 
number  of  revolutionists  made  their  last  stand. 
Many  houses  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mill  were 
either  burnt  down  or  wrecked  by  cannon  balls. 
Many  of  the  revolutionists  and  strikers  were 
killed,  wounded,  or  captured  and  the  weapons 
confiscated.  The  general  strike  has  been  called 
off.” 

This  was  practically  the  end  of  the  abortive 
rising.  On  the  5th  of  January,  1906,  Ambassa- 
dor Meyer  wrote  to  the  State  Department  at 
Washington: 

“ In  my  cable  of  December  25  I stated  that  al- 
though fighting  had  been  stubborn  and  gatling 
guns  had  been  used,  I believed  that  the  esti- 
mates so  far  given  out  as  to  loss  of  life  were 
much  exaggerated.  It  appears  now  that  I was 
correct  in  my  surmise,  for  in  a semi-official  state- 
ment given  by  one  of  the  papers,  from  statistics 
taken  at  all  the  hospitals  and  accident  bureaus, 
the  deaths  were  given  as  about  750  and  the 
wounded  as  a little  over  a thousand. 

‘ ‘ I am  glad  to  state  that  as  yet  I have  heard 
of  no  injuries  occurring  to  American  citizens  in 
Moscow;  in  fact  in  all  these  disturbances  that 
have  taken  place  in  the  various  cities  the  revo- 
lutionists and  strikers  have  refrained  in  all  in- 
stances from  attacking  foreign  consulates,  and 
I believe  this  also  applies  to  the  property  of 
foreign  individuals.” 


570 


RUSSIA,  1904-1905 


RUSSIA,  1905 


On  the  29th  of  January  Ambassador  Meyer 
wrote  to  Washington : “The  revolutionary  party 
seems  to  have  spent  its  force  for  the  time  being. 
Instead  of  aiding  reforms,  they  have  greatly 
hampered  them.  By  the  attempted  capture  of 
Moscow,  by  their  riots  and  rebellions  in  other 
parts  of  the  country,  followed  by  destruction  of 
life  and  property,  they  have  forced  the  Govern- 
ment into  repression  and  reactionary  methods 
in  order  to  restore  law  and  order.  All  this  has 
necessarily  caused  a delay  in  the  classification  of 
the  newly  enfranchised  voters  and  has  given  an 
excuse  for  a continued  waste  of  precious  time 
due  to  bureaucratic  formality. 

“Some  of  the  factions  are  finally  waking  up 
to  the  necessity  of  giving  attention  to  registra- 
tion and  a better  comprehension  of  the  coming 
elections.  The  Constitutional-Democratic  party 
have  decided  by  a large  majority  to  take  part 
in  the  elections  and  the  Douma.  The  Social 
Democrats  have  also  decided  to  participate.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Russian  Social-Revolution- 
aries, at  their  first  meeting  in  Finland,  lately, 
voted  in  favor  of  a boycott  of  the  elections. 

“At  its  last  meeting,  the  Constitutional- 
Democratic  party,  in  view  of  obstacles  to  free 
election  campaigning  which  the  local  authorities 
are  using  against  all  opposing  parties,  voted  to 
protest  against  the  government  policy,  which  in 
any  way  impeded  free  elections  to  the  Imperial 
Douma,  and  further  urged  the  most  energetic 
participation  of  its  members  in  the  approaching 
elections. 

“ At  a meeting  of  the  marshals  of  the  nobility, 
held  at  Moscow  last  week,  the  following  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  : 1.  That  the  final  settlement 
of  the  agrarian  question  should  be  made  the 
first  task  of  the  Douma.  2.  That  in  deciding 
the  agrarian  question,  it  should  be  based  on  the 
principle  of  inviolability  of  private  property.” 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — War  with  Japan: 
Siege  and  Surrender  of  Port  Arthur.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.)  and 
1904-1905  (May-Jan.) 

A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct. -May).  — War  with 
Japan:  Voyage  of  the  Baltic  Fleet. — Its 
Destruction  in  the  Battle  of  Tsushima.  See 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct. -May). 

A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept. -March).  — War 
with  Japan:  Campaign  in  Manchuria.  — 

From  the  Battle  of  Liao-Yang  to  the  end 
of  the  Battle  of  Mukden.  See  Japan:  A.  D. 
1904-1905  (Sept. -March). 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — General  Consequences 
in  Europe  of  the  Weakening  of  Russian 
Prestige  and  Power  by  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Action  with  other  Powers  in 
forcing  Financial  Reforms  in  Macedonia  on 
Turkey.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1905- 
1908. 

A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -Nov.).  — Naval  Mutiny. 
— Army  Revolt.  — Peasant  Risings.  — Con- 
flict in  the  Caucasus.  — The  most  serious  of 
the  revolutionary  outbreaks  of  the  year  was  that 
of  mutiny  in  the  navy.  “ Already  in  February 
the  sailors  of  the  Black  Sea  fleet,  instigated 
by  the  revolutionary  propaganda,  had  burned 
down  the  barracks  at  Sebastopol  and  assaulted 
their  officers,  and  on  June  27  the  crew  of  the 
‘ Kniaz  Potemkin,’  the  principal  battle-ship  of 
the  Black  Sea  fleet,  mutinied  at  sea  while  the 
squadron  of  which  it  formed  part  was  manoeu- 


vring, and  killed  nearly  all  its  officers.  The 
mutineers  were  in  league  with  the  working 
men  at  Odessa,  who  at  the  same  time  invaded 
the  harbor,  and,  accompanied  by  a riotous  mob, 
plundered  and  burnt  in  all  directions.  Pro- 
perty of  immense  value  was  consumed,  and  some 
of  the  troops  refused  to  fire  on  the  rioters. 
Ultimately  fresh  troops  were  brought  up,  the 
‘ Kniaz  Potemkin  ’ sailed  away  to  the  Rouma- 
nian port  of  Constanza,  where  it  was  surren 
dered  to  the  Roumanian  authorities,  who  gave 
up  the  ship  to  the  Russians,  and  the  crew  was 
landed  and  disarmed.  The  crew  of  another 
battle-ship,  the  ‘ Georgei  Pobiedonosets,’  took 
part  in  the  mutiny,  but  surrendered  to  the 
Russian  authorities  at  Odessa.  Riots  also  took 
place  at  the  same  time  at  the  seaports  of  Reval, 
Riga,  Libau,  and  Kronstadt,  where  the  dockers 
were  joined  by  the  navy  men  and  struck  for 
an  increase  of  wages.  . . . On  July  10  Count 
Schouvaloff,  Prefect  of  Police  at  Moscow,  was 
assassinated,  and  a general  strike  was  pro- 
claimed at  Minsk.  ...  In  the  Baltic  provinces 
the  peasants,  who  are  Letts,  constantly  attacked 
the  landed  proprietors,  who  are  German  in  race 
and  speech ; many  of  the  latter  were  killed,  the 
municipal  buildings  at  Reval,  Riga  and  Mittau 
were  sacked.  ...  In  September  the  conflict 
which  had  been  going  on  between  the  Tartars 
and  the  Armenians  in  the  Caucasus  culminated 
in  a series  of  horrible  massacres,  accompanied 
by  much  destruction  of  property.  At  Baku 
most  of  the  naphtha  wells  were  destroyed  by 
incendiary  fires,  and  very  much  of  the  oil  in- 
dustry was  ruined.  The  Tartars,  carrying  green 
banners,  proclaimed  a holy  war  against  the 
Armenians,  many  thousands  of  whom  were 
killed.  ...  On  November  25  an  organized  re- 
volt took  place  of  the  soldiers,  sailors  and 
workmen  of  Sebastopol.  There  was  no  rioting, 
but  several  officers  were  killed,  and  for  some 
days  the  town  was  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels. 
The  revolt  was  only  suppressed  on  November 
30,  when  a regular  battle  took  place  between 
the  rebels  and  20,000  troops  that  had  been 
brought  up  against  them.  Forts  and  loyal  ships 
fired  on  mutinous  ships,  and  the  barracks  held 
by  the  rebels  had  to  be  bombarded  before  they 
were  forced  to  surrender.  . . . Other  mutinies 
of  troops  took  place  at  the  same  time  at  War- 
saw and  in  other  places.” — The  Annual  Register 
1905,  pp.  313-323. 

A.  D.  1905  (April-Aug.).  — The  Tsar’s 
Decree  of  Religious  Liberty.  — Minister 
Witte’s  enlightened  Memorial. — The  Emp- 
tiness of  Results. —Early  in  May,  1905,  there 
was  announcement  that  the  Tsar,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  Russian  Easter  Day,  had  published 
a decree  proclaiming  absolute  religious  liberty 
to  all  his  subjects.  Previous  tolerance  of  all 
religions  in  Russia  had  been  subject  to  impor- 
tant limitations.  No  member  of  the  state 
church  could  leave  it  to  enter  another  without 
losing  all  his  civil  rights,  and  no  church  other 
than  the  Orthodox  could  proselyte.  Further- 
more, when  members  of  the  Russian  Church 
and  those  of  any  other  church  married,  it  was 
necessary  to  have  the  ceremony  performed  by 
an  Orthodox  priest,  and  the  law  insisted  that 
the  children  of  such  marriages  be  brought  up 
in  the  Orthodox  faith.  These  restrictions 
were  particularly  hard  on  the  Old  Believers,  as 
they  are  called,  — a body  which  separated  from 


571 


RUSSIA,  1905 


RUSSIA,  1900 


the  Orthodox  Church  two  and  a half  centuries 
ago  and  has  suffered  all  kinds  of  persecution. 
The  new  ukase  recognized  the  various  orders  of 
priesthood  among  the  Old  Believers,  and  gave 
them  the  right  to  celebrate  marriage.  To  all 
the  dissenting  sects  — Roman  Catholics,  Luther- 
ans, Jews,  and  others  — is  accorded  the  right  to 
erect  houses  of  worship  without  restriction. 

The  Tsar’s  decree  of  entire  religious  freedom 
was  known  soon  to  have  been  the  fruit  of  a re- 
markably broad  minded  memorial  addressed  to 
him  by  M.  Witte,  the  President  of  his  Council 
of  Ministers,  and  a translation  of  that  memorial 
was  published  in  the  May  issue  of  The  Contem- 
porary Review.  It  pictured  a state  of  paraly- 
sis in  the  Russian  Church,  consequent  on  its 
bondage  to  the  State.  “ Both  the  ecclesiastical 
and  the  secular  press,”  said  the  writer,  “re- 
mark with  equal  emphasis  upon  the  prevailing 
lukewarmness  of  the  inner  life  of  the  Church, 
— upon  the  alienation  of  the  flock,  particularly 
of  the  educated  classes  of  society,  from  its 
spiritual  guides;  the  absence  in  sermons  of  a 
living  word  ; the  lack  of  pastoral  activity  on 
the  part  of  the  clergy,  who  in  the  majority  of 
instances  confine  themselves  to  the  conduct  of 
divine  service  and  the  fulfillment  of  ritual  ob- 
servances ; the  entire  collapse  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal parish  community,  with  its  educational  and 
benevolent  institutions;  the  red-tapism  in  the 
conduct  of  diocesan  or  consistorial  business, 
and  the  narrowly  bureaucratic  character  of  the 
institutions  grouped  about  the  Synod.  It  was 
from  Dostoyevski  that  we  first  heard  that  word 
of  evil  omen,  ‘The  Russian  Church  is  suffering 
from  paralysis.’  ” 

This  condition  M.  Witte  attributes  to  the  po- 
sition in  which  the  Church  was  placed  by  Peter 
the  Great.  “ The  chief  aim  of  the  ecclesiastical 
reforms  of  Peter  I.  was  to  reduce  the  Church  to 
the  level  of  a mere  government  institution  pur- 
suing purely  political  ends.  And,  as  a matter 
of  fact,  the  government  of  the  Church  speedily 
became  merely  one  of  the  numerous  wheels  of 
the  complicated  government  machine.  On  the 
soil  of  an  ecclesiastical  government  robbed  by 
bureaucratism  of  all  personal  elements  the  dry 
scholastic  life-shunning  school  arose  spontane- 
ously. This  policy  of  coercing  the  mind  of  the 
Church,  though  it  may  have  been  attended  for 
the  moment  by  a certain  measure  of  political 
gain,  subsequently  inflicted  a terrible  loss. 
Hence  that  decline  in  ecclesiastical  life  with 
which  we  now  have  to  deal.” 

The  wise  President  of  the  Tsar’s  Council 
made  so  much  impression  on  the  mind  of  his 
master  as  to  draw  from  him  the  ukase  of  gen- 
eral religious  freedom  ; but  three  months  later, 
in  the  August  number  of  The  American  Review 
of  Reviews,  Dr.  E.  J.  Dillon,  whose  intimate 
knowledge  of  Russian  affairs  is  well  known,  de- 
scribed how  effectually  the  decree  had  been 
smothered  by  the  bureaucracy,  which  is  stronger 
than  the  Tsar.  He  wrote:  “ The  most  welcome 
of  all  the  concessions  emanating  from  the 
throne  was  that  which  Nicholas  II.  bestowed 
upon  his  subjects  last  Easter  Sunday.  Inspired 
and  drafted  by  M.  Witte,  it  was  at  first  spoken 
of  as  liberty  of  conscience,  but  was  soon  af- 
terward seen  to  amount  to  nothing  more  than 
religious  toleration.  And  since  then  the  bu- 
reaucracy has  touched  and  killed  it.” 

A.  D.' 1905  (June-Oct.). — Ending  of  the 


War  with  Japan.  — Mediation  by  the  Pre- 
sident cf  the  United  States. — The  Peace 
Treaty  of  Portsmouth.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1905-1907.  — The  Recent  Russian 
Political  Parties.  — As  explained  by  Mr. 
Maurice  Baring  in  his  interesting  book  entitled 
A Year  in  Russia,  the  crystallization  of  political 
parties  in  Russia  began  after  the  issue  of  the 
Manifesto  of  October,  1905.  The  most  impor- 
tant was  that  of  the  Constitutional  Democrats, 
nicknamed  the  “Cadets,”  a name  formed  from 
the  letters  “ K.  D.”  Similarly  the  party  called 
Social  Revolutionaries  are  nicknamed  “ S.  It’s.” 
and  the  Social  Democrats  “ S.  D’s.”  The  party 
of  the  Constitutional  Democrats  was  the  pro- 
duct of  a combination  of  Zemstvo  members  who 
had  previously  been  united  in  a “League  of 
Liberation  ” with  the  professional  classes,  whom 
Professor  Milioukov  had  brought  together  in 
a “Union  of  Unions,”  which  represented  the 
great  mass  of  educated  Russia  — the  “ Intelli- 
genzia.”  This  combination  of  the  professional 
class  with  the  Zemstvoists,  who  had  more  polit- 
ical experience  than  others  could  enjoy  in  Rus- 
sia, was  mainly  the  important  work  of  Professor 
Milioukov. 

A.  D.  1906.  — The  First  Duma. — Election 
of  Representatives.  — Its  Conflict  with  the 
Government  and  its  Dissolution.  — Rise  of 
M.  Stolypin.  — The  Instigated  Massacres 
(Pogroms).  — In  January,  1906,  when  the  Duma 
promised  by  the  Tsar  on  the  19th  of  the  previ- 
ous August  should  have  met,  the  conditions  in 
the  country  were  such  that  the  Government 
dared  not  permit  the  meeting  to  be  held,  and  it 
was  postponed  without  date.  After  some  weeks 
a more  submissive  state  of  order  was  restored, 
and  the  meeting  was  appointed  for  the  10th  of 
the  following  May.  The  elections  were  held  in 
March,  and  Ambassador  Meyer  described  the 
system  on  which  they  were  conducted  in  an 
extended  despatch  to  the  State  Department  at 
Washington,  from  which  the  following  is  bor- 
rowed : 

“ The  total  number  of  members  of  the  Duma, 
when  the  elections  shall  have  finally  been  com- 
pleted, will  be  501.  The  elections  are,  however, 
not  carried  on  the  same  day  throughout  the 
country.  Governors  and  vice-governors,  pre- 
fects of  cities  and  their  lieutenants  cannot  vote 
in  their  departments,  nor  can  members  of  the 
army  or  navy  who  are  on  active  service,  or 
persons  doing  police  duty  in  governments  or 
cities  when  elections  are  taking  place. 

“ The  voters  are  divided  into  classes,  and  that 
it  may  be  more  clearly  shown  I have  made  the 
following  table ; 


Peasants. 

Clergy | 

Cities  not  in  special  I 

list 1 

Volosts 

Workmen I 

Landed  proprietors 
and  special  cities. 


Delegates. 


Electors. 

Electors. 


Duma 

members. 


Duma 

members. 


“ From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  the  peasants 
are  in  a class  by  themselves  and,  as  a matter  of 
fact,  in  the  present  elections  are  not  given  an 
opportunity  of  expression,  as  it  is  the  volosts 
(elected  at  the  mir,  in  most  instances,  before 


572 


RUSSIA,  1900 


RUSSIA,  1900 


the  Duma  was  even  granted)  that  choose  the 
delegates.  The  volosts,  workmen,  clergy  (not 
lauded  proprietors),  voters  of  cities  (not  in  special 
list),  and  class  C of  lauded  proprietors,  all  choose 
delegates.  These  delegates,  in  turn,  select  elect- 
ors, as  do  also  landed  proprietors,  and  qualified 
voters  of  cities  on  the  special  list.  The  electors 
vote  for  Duma  members  in  their  appropriate 
electoral  college,  and  their  choice  is  confined  to  a 
member  of  their  own  body.  Therefore  in  every 
instance,  in  order  to  become  a member  of  the 
Duma,  a candidate  must  be  an  elector  and 
previous  to  that  a delegate,  except  in  the 
case  of  landed  proprietors  and  voters  of  special 
cities.  . . . 

“It  is  noticeable  that  the  large  cities  in  Eu- 
ropean Russia  are  limited  to  one  member  of  the 
Duma,  with  the  exception  of  Moscow  and  St. 
Petersburg,  the  former  having  an  allotment  of 
four  and  the  latter  of  six. 

“There  is  an  exceptional  provision  with  re- 
gard to  the  procedure  of  the  peasant  electors. 

. . . Elections  to  the  Duma,  with  the  exception 
cited  as  to  the  privilege  of  peasant  electors,  are 
finally  effected  in  the  governments  and  territo- 
ries by  the  government  electoral  college,  and  in 
the  cities  by  the  municipal  electoral  college.” 

Mr.  Meyer  reported  further  that  an  imperial 
manifesto  had  announced  that  the  Council  of 
the  Empire  would  in  future  “consist  of  an 
equal  number  of  elective  members  and  mem- 
bers nominated  by  the  Emperor.  It  will  be  con- 
voked annually  by  an  imperial  ukase  at  the 
same  time  with  the  Duma.  The  two  assemblies 
will  have  equal  legislative  powers,  and  each 
can  exercise  the  same  initiative  in  introduc- 
ing bills  or  interrogations.  Every  bill  must  be 
passed  by  both  houses  before  being  sent  to  the 
Tsar  for  his  signature  and  approval.  The  elected 
members  of  the  Council  will  be  eligible  for 
nine  years,  a third  being  reelected  every  three 
years.”  Of  the  98  elective  members  of  the 
Council  (one  half  of  the  body),  18  were  to  be 
chosen  from  the  nobles,  50  from  the  zemstvo  of 
each  government,  6 from  the  Orthodox  Church, 
6 from  the  universities,  12  from  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Council  of  Commerce  and  Industry, 
and  6 from  representatives  of  the  Polish  landed 
proprietors. 

On  the  7th  of  April  Ambassador  Meyer  wrote 
to  Washington  concerning  the  result  of  the 
elections  : ‘ ‘ The  success  of  the  Constitutional 

Democrats  has  made  a great  impression  on  the 
Government  and  created  considerable  nervous- 
ness. Witte  is  really  anxious  to  resign  and  go 
out  of  the  country  for  a much-needed  rest. 
But  he  assured  a mutual  friend  that  he  would 
stay  and  serve  the  Emperor  as  long  as  His  Ma- 
jesty desired.  The  elections  so  far  have  im- 
pressed upon  his  mind  the  want  of  confidence 
which  exists  among  the  people  as  to  his  admin- 
istration. As  he  is  without  any  supporters 
among  the  elected  members  of  the  Duma,  it  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  the  Emperor  will  be 
able  or  even  desirous  of  having  him  continue  to 
serve  as  premier  after  the  Duma  is  organized.” 

This  anticipation  proved  correct.  M.  Witte 
had  withdrawn  from  the  ministerial  premier- 
ship when  the  Duma  assembled  on  the  10th  of 
May,  and  M.  Goremykin  had  taken  his  place. 

There  was  conflict  between  the  Duma  and  the 
Government  from  the  moment  that  the  former 
adopted  its  reply  to  the  opening  speech  of  the 


Tsar.  With  unanimity  it  demanded  general 
amnesty  for  past  political  offenses,  abolition  of 
the  death  penalty,  suspension  of  martial  law, 
full  civil  liberty,  universal  suffrage,  abolition 
of  the  council  of  the  empire,  a review  of  the 
fundamental  law,  responsibility  of  ministers  and 
right  of  interpellation,  a forced  expropriation  of 
land,  and  a guarantee  of  rights  to  trade  unions. 

M.  Stolypin,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  now 
coming  to  the  front  of  ministerial  leadership, 
made  his  first  speech  in  the  Duma  on  the  21st 
of  June,  and  was  assailed  with  cries  of  “Mur- 
derer” and  “ Assassin  ” when  lie  defended  ille- 
gal acts  of  police  officials  and  provincial  gov- 
ernors, in  the  suppression  of  disorder,  and 
declared  his  determination  to  maintain  order. 
Among  the  replies  to  him  was  one  by  Prince 
Urussoff,  former  Assistant  Minister  of  the  In- 
terior, who  made  a powerful  attack  on  the  sinis- 
ter methods  of  the  Government  — the  “policy 
of  massacre,”  as  he  named  it  — declaring  that 
massacres  were  always  organized  by  secret 
forces.  “ Any  investigation,”  he  said,  “of  the 
so-called  ‘pogroms’  (massacres)  will  bring  the 
investigator  face  to  face  with  the  following  cer- 
tain symptoms;  they  are  identical  in  all  cases  ; 
Firstly,  a massacre  is  always  preceded  by  re- 
ports of  its  preparation,  accompanied  by  the 
circulation  of  appeals  exciting  the  population 
and  of  one  constant  kind  in  form  and  substance. 
They  are  accompanied  by  a certain  kind  of 
stormy  petrels  in  the  person  of  little  known 
representatives  of  the  dregs  of  the  population. 
Then,  too,  the  cause  of  the  massacre  as  officially 
announced  is  afterwards  always  without  excep- 
tion found  to  be  false.  Furthermore,  in  these 
massacres  there  is  always  to  be  found  a certain 
similarity  of  plan  which  gives  these  actions  the 
character  of  chance.  The  murderers  act  on  the 
assumption  of  some  kind  of  right,  as  though 
conscious  that  they  will  not  be  punished,  and 
only  continue  to  act  as  long  as  this  confidence 
remains  unshaken  — after  which  the  massacre 
stops  extraordinarily  quickly  and  easily.” 

What  Prince  Urussoff  had  intimated,  as  to  the 
instigation  of  the  massacres  from  high  circles 
was  declared  most  distinctly  and  positively, 
three  years  later,  by  Prince  Kropotkin,  in  a 
letter  to  the  London  Times  of  July  29,  1909. 
He  wrote  : “ Something  which  never  has  hap- 
pened anywhere  in  Western  Europe  happened 
then  in  Russia,  as  M.  Obninsky,  a member  of 
the  first  Duma,  says  in  a terrible  book  of  statis- 
tics he  has  published  in  1906  at  Moscow,  under 
the  title,  ‘ A Half-Year  of  the  Russian  Revolu 
tion.’  In  a hundred  different  cities  men  of  the 
so-called  ‘Black  Hundreds’  came  together  on 
some  public  square,  received  there  the  benedic- 
tion of  the  clergy,  sent  telegrams  to  the  Palace 
circles  in  St.  Petersburg,  received  answers  from 
them,  and  then  went  on  killing  the  Jews,  the 
Armenians,  the  Poles,  the  Russian  members  of 
the  Zemstvos,  and  Russian  ‘Intellectuals’  alto- 
gether, under  the  protection  of  the  military,  the 
local  police,  and  the  local  governors. 

“For  some  time  I could  not  believe  that  such 
'pogroms  could  have  been  organized  from  St. 
Petersburg  by  the  authorities.  Now  the  evi- 
dence is  overwhelming.  We  know  that  procla- 
mations inciting  to  pogroms  were  printed  by  the 
gendarmes  in  the  Secret  Police  offices,  we  know 
from  the  revelations  of  these  gendarmes  them- 
selves that  men  and  officers  were  sent  to  the 


573 


RUSSIA,  1906 


RUSSIA,  1906 


provinces  with  proclamations  and  arms  to  or- 
ganize the  pogroms  ; and  we  know  how  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Union  of  Russian  Men  were  petted 
and  given  money  by  the  Tsar  and  how  they  or- 
ganized murders,  wholesale  and  retail,  with  the 
aid  of  members  of  the  Secret  Police ; and  here 
is  the  net  result  which  I have  before  me  in  a 
long,  very  long,  list  compiled  by  the  Law  Re- 
view Pravo. 

“This  list  is  simply  horrifying.  The  Consti- 
tution manifesto  was  signed  on  October  30. 
The  same  day  took  place  the  pogrom  at  Tver ; 
the  Zemstvo  house  was  burnt,  and  24  persons 
were  wounded.  At  Moscow,  November  2,  30 
wounded ; Odessa,  October  31-November  3, 
more  than  1,000  killed  and  5,000  wounded; 
Kietf,  October  31,  150  killed,  100  wounded; 
Tomsk,  November  3,  150  killed  and  burned,  76 
heavily  wounded  (all  these,  by  the  way,  and 
many  others  are  Russian  towns);  Minsk,  100 
killed,  400  wounded  ; Tiflis,  November  2,  more 
than  100  killed  ; and  so  on,  and  so  on.  . . . The 
result  of  similar  campaigns  in  different  parts  of 
Russia  for  twelve  months  only  in  1905-1906  was 
— killed,  more  than  14,000;  executed,  about 
1,000  ; wounded  and  partly  died  from  wounds, 
about  20,000  ; arrested  and  imprisoned,  mostly 
without  judgment,  75,000.  This  last  figure 
was  given  in  the  Duma  by  Professor  Kovalev- 
sky on  May  2,  1906,  in  the  presence  of  M. 
Stolypin,  who  did  not  contest  it.” 

On  the  22d  of  July  the  Duma  was  dissolved 
by  imperial  command,  and  the  following  mani- 
festo to  the  people  was  published  by  the  Auto- 
crat on  the  following  day: 

“ Persons  selected  by  the  people  were  called 
to  the  legislature.  Trusting  in  the  goodness  of 
God,  believing  in  the  happy  and  grand  future  of 
our  people,  we  were  expecting  from  their  labors 
the  happiness  and  interest  of  the  country.  Great 
reforms  had  been  indicated  by  us  in  all  that 
concerns  the  life  of  the  people,  and  our  greatest 
care,  which  is  to  substitute  education  for  the 
ignorance  of  the  people  and  to  lessen  the  diffi- 
culties of  its  life  by  improving  the  conditions 
under  which  it  cultivates  the  ground,  was  fore- 
most. A painful  ordeal  was  reserved  to  our 
hopes.  The  elected  of  the  nation,  instead  of 
turning  their  attention  to  legislative  labors,  have 
entered  a field  that  was  closed  to  them,  and  have 
begun  to  investigate  the  doings  of  authorities 
established  by  us,  to  indicate  to  us  the  imper- 
fections of  fundamental  laws  that  can  only  be 
altered  by  our  imperial  will,  and  to  commit 
illegal  acts,  such  as  the  appeal  addressed  to  the 
people  of  the  Duma. 

“ The  peasants,  dazed  by  these  disorders, 
without  waiting  for  the  legal  improvement  to 
their  position,  gave  themselves  up,  in  a great 
number  of  governments,  to  pillage  and  theft,  re- 
fusing to  submit  to  the  law  or  to  legal  authori- 
ties. . . . 

“ By  dissolving  the  actual  Duma  of  the  Em- 
pire we  testify  to  our  unalterable  intention  of 
maintaining,  in  all  their  force,  the  laws  concern- 
ing the  establishment  of  that  institution,  and, 
consequently,  we  have  fixed,  by  our  ukase  given 
to  the  ruling  Senate  on  the  8th  July  instant,  the 
convocation  'of  the  new  Duma  on  the  20th  of 
February,  1907.” 

About  two  hundred  members  of  the  dissolved 
Duma  went  immediately  from  St.  Petersburg 
to  Yiborg,  in  Finland,  and  held  a meeting 


there,  from  which  they  published  an  address  to 
the  "Citizens  of  all  the  Russias,’’  signed  by  one 
hundred  and  sixty  of  their  number,  protesting 
against  the  opposition  which  the  Duma  had  en- 
countered from  the  Government  in  all  its  under- 
takings, and  practically  refusing  submission  to 
its  dissolution.  “In  the  place  of  the  present 
Duma,”  they  said,  “the  Government  promises 
to  convoke  a new  one  in  seven  months.  . . . 
For  seven  months  the  Government  will  act  as  it 
likes,  will  wrestle  with  the  movement  of  the 
people  in  order  to  obtain  a submissive  and  de- 
sirable Duma,  and  if  it  succeeds  in  entirely 
crushing  the  movement  of  the  people  it  will 
not  convoke  any  Duma  at  all.  Citizens,  stand 
firmly  by  the  trampled  rights  of  the  represent- 
atives of  the  people.  Stand  for  the  Duma  of 
the  Empire.  Russia  must  not  remain  one  day 
without  representatives  from  the  people.  We 
have  the  means  of  obtaining  this.  The  Gov- 
ernment has  not  the  right  without  our  consent 
to  collect  taxes  from  the  people,  nor  to  call  the 
people  to  military  service,  and  therefore,  now, 
when  the  Government  has  dissolved  the  Duma 
of  the  Empire,  it  is  your  right  to  refuse  to  sup- 
ply it  with  soldiers  or  money.  If  the  Govern- 
ment, in  order  to  secure  resources,  makes  loans, 
such  loans,  made  without  consent  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people,  will  henceforth  be 
invalid,  and  the  Russian  people  will  not  recog- 
nize them  and  will  not  pay  for  them.  Conse- 
quently, until  the  representatives  of  the  people 
are  convoked,  do  not  pay  a kopeck  into  the 
treasury  nor  send  a man  to  the  army.  Be  firm 
in  your  refusal ; stand  for  your  rights,  all  as 
one  man.  Against  the  united  and  absolute  will 
of  the  people  no  power  whatever  can  resist. 
Citizens,  in  this  compulsory  but  inevitable 
struggle  your  representatives  will  be  with 
you.” 

This  proved  to  be  futile  action.  The  Govern- 
ment was  prompt  in  arresting  and  imprisoning 
most  of  the  signers  of  the  appeal  to  the  people, 
and  none  of  them  was  allowed  to  be  returned  to 
the  Second  Duma  when  the  new  elections  were 
held.  Pending  that  election,  some  very  sub- 
stantial gifts  of  imperial  favor  were  made  to 
the  peasants,  to  win  their  good  will,  but  no- 
thing appears  to  have  been  remembered  of  the 
October  injunctions  of  the  Tsar  concerning  the 
“confirmation  of  civil  liberty.”  In  August, 
4,500,000  acres  of  crown  lauds  were  trans- 
ferred by  an  imperial  ukase  to  the  Peasants’ 
Bank,  for  sale  to  the  peasants  on  easy  terms; 
and  on  the  18th  of  October  another  ukase  re- 
leased them  to  a large  extent  from  the  re- 
straints of  the  communal  system,  and  decreed 
the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law.  The 
following  is  part  of  the  text  of  this  important 
decree,  as  communicated  in  translation  to  the 
American  government  by  Ambassador  Meyer, 
and  published  in  the  report  of  1906  on  Foreign 
Relations. 

“ The  Czar  orders,  on  the  basis  of  the  funda- 
mental law  of  1906,  that  the  following  reforms 
be  made  : 

“1.  To  accord  all  Russian  subjects,  without 
distinction  of  origin,  with  exception  of  the  abo- 
rigines, equal  rights  with  regard  to  the  state 
service  with  persons  of  noble  blood,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  abolish  all  special  privileges  of 
dress  due  either  to  official  position  or  to  the  ori- 
gin of  the  wearer. 


574 


RUSSIA,  1906 


RUSSIA,  1907 


“2.  Peasants  and  members  of  other  classes 
formerly  taxable  are  freed  (a)  from  the  presenta- 
tion of  discharge  papers  on  entering  an  educa- 
tional institution  or  the  civil  service;  further, 
from  personal  payment  in  kind  and  the  perform- 
ance of  communal  duties  during  the  whole  time 
the  persons  in  question  may  be  either  in  the 
educational  institution  or  civil  service;  (6)  from 
the  necessity  of  demanding  for  entry  into  holy 
orders  or  a monastery  the  permission  of  the  com- 
mune. 

“3.  The  compulsory  exclusion  of  peasant  and 
other  classes  formally  taxable  from  the  follow- 
ing ranks  and  careers  is  abolished ; (a)  From  en- 
tering the  civil  service;  ( b ) from  receiving  rank; 

(c)  from  receiving  orders  and  other  distinctions; 

( d ) from  attaining  learned  grades  and  honors; 

( e ) from  completing  educational  courses  and 
particularly  from  winning  higher  class  rights. 

“ In  all  these  cases  the  persons  in  question  are 
allowed  to  retain  all  the  rights  arising  from  their 
connections  with  their  commune,  as  well  as  the 
responsibilities  thereof,  until  they  have  freely 
withdrawn  from  the  commune  or  entered  into 
other  corporations  of  standing.  With  regard  to 
the  legal  standing  of  the  persons  in  question, 
there  shall  serve  as  a basis  the  regulations  of 
the  rank  or  profession  which  these  persons  have 
won.”  See,  also,  below,  A.  D.  1909  (April). 

Meantime,  extensive  plans  of  insurrection, 
with  naval  and  military  mutiny,  in  five  cities, 
had  been  formed  and  had  miscarried.  The  out- 
break was  premature  at  Sveaborg,  late  in  July, 
and  the  sailors  who  started  it  were  quicky  over- 
come. The  same  failure  occurred  at  Kronstadt, 
where  the  revolutionists  and  mutinous  troops 
took  Fort  Constantine  and  the  arsenal,  but 
found  no  ammunition  in  the  latter,  and  were 
defenseless  when  surrounded  by  loyal  forces. 
At  Libau,  Odessa,  and  Sevastopol  the  intended 
rising  was  given  up. 

On  the  25th  of  August  a desperate  plot  of 
wholesale  murder,  intended  to  include  M.  Stoly- 
pin  among  its  victims,  was  carried  out  by  the 
explosion  of  a horribly  destructive  bomb  at  the 
country  house  of  that  Minister,  on  Aptekarsky 
Island.  M.  Stolypin  was  holding  a reception, 
and  the  rooms  were  crowded  with  officials  and 
others,  when  four  conspirators,  three  of  them 
dressed  as  gendarmes,  drove  up  boldly,  and 
were  able,  either  to  enter  the  house  with  a bomb 
or  to  throw  it  through  a window.  The  effect  of 
the  explosion  was  so  horribly  destructive  that 
the  house  was  torn  to  pieces  and  thirty  people 
were  killed  outright  or  injured  mortally,  besides 
an  equal  number  that  received  curable  wounds. 
Two  of  the  Minister’s  children  were  among  the 
latter,  and  he  himself  received  slight  injuries. 
The  Governor  of  Penza,  M.  Ivoshoff,  who  stood 
near  him,  was  instantly  killed.  Two  of  the 
assassins  were  among  the  killed  and  f^ie  other 
two  were  wounded  and  captured.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  a young  woman  of  the  terrorist 
organization  slew  General  Min,  at  Peterhof  rail- 
way station,  by  shots  from  a revolver.  He 
had  been  active  in  suppressing  the  insurrection 
at  Moscow. 

In  October  Ambassador  Meyer,  after  a trip 
into  Poland  and  to  Odessa,  reported  as  the  re- 
sult of  his  observations:  “On  the  whole,  the 

revolutionary  movement,  for  the  time  being, 
has  lost  its  momentum.  A year  ago  it  was  on 
the  crest  of  the  wave.  Then  a strike  could  be 


ordered  and  put  in  force  without  any  difficulty, 
but  now  the  workmen  refuse  to  be  used  for  po- 
litical purposes  or  respond  to  the  whims  of  the 
agitator.  The  present  conditions  are  liable  to 
continue  until  the  next  Duma,  March  5.  Yes- 
terday, which  was  the  first  anniversary  of  Oc- 
tober 17  (Russian  Style),  it  had  to  be  given  out 
by  some  of  the  revolutionists  that  there  would 
be  strikes,  uprisings,  and  agitations  throughout 
the  country.  But  the  day  passed  off  quietly. 
Mr.  Stolypin  is  facing  with  much  courage  and 
resolution  the  stupendous  task  which  confronts 
him.  He  is  endeavoring  to  deal  fairly,  while  at 
the  same  time  it  is  necessary  to  reestablish  law 
and  order.” 

On  the  21st  of  December  Count  Alexei  Igna- 
tieff  was  assassinated  at  Tver,  while  attending  a 
meeting  of  the  provincial  zemstvo,  the  assassin 
stating  that  he  had  acted  under  orders  of  the 
Socialist  revolutionary  committee. 

A.  D.  1906  (April).  — Invitation  of  the  Na- 
tions to  a Second  Peace  Conference  by  the 
Tsar.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against;  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1906  (April).  — At  the  Algeciras 
Conference  on  the  Morocco  Question.  See 

Europe  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1907  (Aug.).  — Convention  with 

Great  Britain  containing  Arrangements  on 
the  subject  of  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and 
Tibet.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1907. — The  Second  Duma  and  its 
Early  Dissolution.  — Increase  of  Radicalism 
among  its  Members.  — The  New  Electoral 
Law,  under  which  a “Workable”  Third 
Duma  was  elected.  — M.  Stolypin’s  Policy. 

- — The  promise  that  a second  Duma  would  be 
summoned  to  meet  in  March,  1907,  was  ful- 
filled. Between  the  21st-  of  January  and  the 
end  of  February  elections  were  held,  with  re- 
sults that  were  exceedingly  disappointing  and 
irritating  to  the  imperial  government.  It  strove 
hard,  by  arbitrary  measures  and  vigorous  work- 
ing of  its  police,  to  suppress  the  Constitutional 
Democrats,  — the  party  which  it  fears  the  most. 
It  pursued  their  leaders  into  exile  or  imprison- 
ment, broke  up  their  meetings,  harassed  them 
so  in  the  canvass  and  the  election  that  the  return 
of  deputies  by  the  party  was  reduced  from  185 
in  the  First  Duma  to  108;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Socialist  representation  in  the  Second 
Duma  was  raised  above  that  in  the  First  from 
17  to  77,  and  the  Octobrists  elected  31  deputies, 
gaining  18  more  seats  than  they  had  filled  be- 
fore. On  the  whole,  as  a consequence,  the  Sec- 
ond Duma  held  more  radicalism  in  its  make-up, 
with  less  intelligence,  than  the  First. 

Its  meetings  were  opened  on  the  6th  of 
March,  and  soon  gave  evidence  that  the  antag- 
onisms in  the  body  were  too  extreme  for  any 
influential  political  work.  In  June  M.  Stoly- 
pin accused  most  of  the  Socialist  members  of 
being  parties  to  the  revolutionary  propaganda 
in  the  army  and  navy,  and  demanded  their  sus- 
pension by  the  Duma.  It  refused  to  suspend 
them  without  an  investigation  of  the  truth  of 
the  charge,  and  appointed  a committee  to  re- 
ceive such  evidence  as  the  government  could 
bring.  Thereupon  the  Tsar,  by  a manifesto 
published  on  the  16th  of  June,  dissolved  the 
Second  Duma  as  summarily  as  he  had  dissolved 
the  First,  ordered  new  elections,  to  begin  on  the 
14th  of  September,  and  summoned  the  Third 


575 


RUSSIA,  1907 


RUSSIA,  1907 


Duma,  then  elected,  to  meet  on  November 

14th. 

At  the  same  time  a new  electoral  law  was 
proclaimed,  in  flagrant  violation  of  the  so-called 
Constitution  of  October  30,  1905,  which  had  de- 
clared, as  an  “immutable  rule,”  established  by 
the  “inflexible  will  ” of  the  Tsar,  that  “no  law 
can  ever  come  into  force  without  the  approval 
of  the  State  Duma.”  The  new  law  was  planned 
carefully  and  skilfully  to  disfranchise  great 
numbers  in  the  classes  of  people  which  auto- 
cracy fears ; to  add  weight  to  the  votes  of  the 
classes  on  which  it  leans ; to  diminish  the  repre- 
sentation of  industrial  cities,  as  well  as  of  non- 
Russian  districts,  — Poland,  Siberia,  etc.,  — 
and,  generally,  to  make  a farce  of  the  pretended 
concession  of  representative  and  constitutional 
government  which  the  autocratic  court  had 
been  playing  for  the  amusement  of  the  country 
during  the  past  two  years. 

The  new  electoral  law  accomplished  its  pur- 
pose of  securing  a Duma  that  would  keep 
workable  relations  with  M.  Stolypin.  A very 
intelligent  English  publicist.  Dr.  Dillon,  who 
discusses  Foreign  Politics  every  month  in  the 
Contemporary  Review , whose  views  are  broadly 
liberal  as  a rule,  and  whose  acquaintance  with 
Russian  affairs  seems  to  be  specially  intimate, 
inclines  to  justify  the  measure  on  this  practical 
ground,  or,  rather,  to  accept  it  as  approved  by 
this  result.  When  the  make-up  of  the  Third 
Duma  had  become  known  he  wrote,  in  the  Con- 
temporary Review  of  December,  1907,  as  fol- 
lows: 

“M.  Stoly pin’s  electoral  law  has  been  criti- 
cised severely.  And,  to  be  frank,  one  must 
admit  that  from  the  point  of  view  of  men  who 
advocate  universal  manhood  suffrage  it  is  a 
mere  mockery.  For  it  suspended  the  right  of 
election  in  some  places,  arbitrarily  lessened  the 
number  of  representatives  in  certain  provinces, 
created  groups  of  electors,  and  authorised  Gov- 
ernment officials  to  decide  how  they  should  be 
formed  ; in  a word,  it  is  a means  of  manipulat- 
ing the  elections  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
having  a certain  stamp  of  men  returned  and  an- 
other type  of  men  eliminated.  To  say  that  the 
Chamber  which  has  resulted  from  these  expedi- 
ents is  not  the  elect  of  the  nation  is,  of  course, 
a truism.  It  is  not,  and  was  not,  meant  to  be 
this.  . . . The  data  respecting  the  intellectual 
and  social  status  of  the  newly  elected  are  still 
very  defective  and  untrustworthy.  But  so  far 
as  they  go,  they  show  that  among  the  men  who 
are  about  to  rescue  Russia  from  ruin  there 
are  : — 

“ Members  of  the  nobility 

Priests 

Merchants 

Peasants 

Petty  tradesmen 

Working-men 

Honorary  burghers 

Ex-officers 

Officials  

Zemstvo  workers 

Employees  of  municipalities 

Marshals  of  nobility 

Cantonal  elders  and  secretaries 

Men  who  have  been  educated  in  high  schools 
Men  who  have  been  educated  in  intermediate 

schools 

Mon  who  have  been  educated  in  primary  schools 

Members  educated  at  home 

Between  the  ages  of  25-30  

Between  the  ages  of  30-40  

Between  the  ages  of  40-50  

Between  the  ages  of  50-00  


157 

51 

22 

77 

6 

15 

8 

20 

66 

2# 

30 

21 

107 

82 

61 

23 

19 

81 

87 

47 


Between  the  ages  of  60-70  13 

Between  the  ages  of  70-80  l 

Members  of  the  Second  Duma  59 

Members  of  the  First  Duma 7 

Members  of  the  Council  of  the  Empire  ....  3 ” 

A month  later  the  same  writer  said  : 

“ The  Third  Duma  is  already  a month  old,  and 
has  as  yet  done  no  work,  has  not  even  organised 
itself.  Festina  lente  is  evidently  its  maxim, 
with  the  accent  on  the  second  word.  Debates 
there  have  been  not  a few,  but  they  were  as  the 
noise  of  sounding  brass  and  tinkling  cymbals. 
The  first  discussion  took  place  on  the  motion  to 
thank  the  Tsar  for  the  October  Manifesto,  which 
created  the  Legislative  Chamber.  A great  ma- 
jority of  the  deputies  — including  the  Constitu- 
tional Democrats,  who  are  adjusting  themselves 
to  their  environment  — were  in  favour  of  expres- 
sing their  gratitude,  but  they  could  not  agree 
how  to  call  the  institution  for  which  they  felt 
grateful.  Some  wanted  to  name  it  a Constitu- 
tion, others  ‘ a renovated  order  of  things.’  If  it 
is  a Constitution,  then  there  is  no  Autocrat,  the 
Octobrists  argued,  and  consequently  that  title  of 
the  Emperor  must  be  dropped.  ‘ If  we  are  bent 
on  thanking  the  Tsar,’  replied  the  Conservatives, 

‘ let  us  do  it  with  a good  grace.  Whatever 
name  we  may  give  to  the  present  regime,  the 
title  of  the  ruler  has  undergone  no  change.  He 
was  an  Autocrat  when  he  ascended  the  throne, 
and  he  is  an  Autocrat  to  day.  Proofs  ? They 
are  as  plentiful  as  blackberries.’  . . . 

“But  the  Constitutionalists  — and  among 
them  the  Octobrists  favoured  by  M.  Stolypin  — 
insisted.  ‘ By  the  Manifesto,’  they  argued,  ‘the 
Tsar  limited  his  authority  and  curtailed  his  pre- 
rogatives. Thus  it  is  no  longer  in  his  power  to 
issue  laws  without  the  approval  of  the  Duma  ; 
neither  can  he  abrogate  any  of  the  Organic 
Statutes.’  ‘You  are  mistaken,’  answered  the 
Monarchists.  ‘ Have  the  Organic  Statutes  not 
been  already  altered  ? Has  the  “immutable” 
electoral  franchise  not  been  changed  ? ’.  . . But 
the  Octobrists  stood  their  ground,  and  the  ad- 
dress was  voted  with  a flaw  in  the  Tsar’s  title. 
That  was  the  work  of  one  whole  day  and  part 
of  a night  — an  unlucky  day  — the  13th  Novem- 
ber Russian  style.  In  this  way  the  Duma  of- 
fered the  Sovereign  a pot  of  honey  mingled 
with  wormwood.  The  Premier  was  upset,  the 
Tsar  offended,  and  the  Monarchists  indignant. 
‘This,  then,’  the  Monarchists  exclaimed,  ‘is  M. 
Stolypin’s  Duma,  the  areopagus  which  is  to  pre- 
scribe remedies  for  the  Russian  nation  now  at 
death’s  door  ? ’ 

“Three  days  later  came  the  Premier  in  a quos 
ego  mood.  And  he  was  at  his  best.  Ever  since 
his  first  appearance  as  a public  orator,  M.  Stoly- 
pin has  kept  the  high  place  he  then  won.  His 
eloquence,  like  his  character,  is  manly,  and  his 
utterance  impressive.  His  look,  his  accents,  his 
gestures,  betoken  sincerity,  and  his  manner  is 
warm  with  the  heat  of  subdued  enthusiasm. 
On  this  historic  day  he  simply  electrified  the 
House,  captivated  his  adversaries,  and  extorted 
applause  from  his  bitter  enemies.  And  yet  he 
was  battling  with  the  Duma,  swimming  against 
the  current.  He  spoke  of  the  Autocratic  power 
and  of  the  Autocratic  Sovereign,  and  had  the 
satisfaction  of  being  interrupted  by  enthusiastic 
cheers.  . . . 

“ Happily  M.  Stolypin  is  a man  of  steadfast 
purpose  rather  than  brilliant  intellect,  for  his 
moral  qualities  may  stand  him  in  better  stead, 


576 


RUSSIA,  1907 


RUSSIA,  1909 


during  the  revolutionary  crisis  than  would  rare 
mental  gifts.  At  bottom  his  temper  is  Liberal 
rather  than  Conservative,  and  mainly  for  that 
reason  he  would  seem  to  have  been  chosen  to  be 
sexton  of  the  old  epoch  and  harbinger  of  the 
new.  . . . 

“No  fair-minded  man  can  doubt  the  sincerity 
of  M.  Stolypiu’s  Liberalism.  It  has  withstood 
the  test  of  time  and  the  pressure  of  unfavourable 
circumstance.  His  faith  in  Liberal  specifics  is 
so  firm  that  he  declines  to  diagnose  any  diseases 
that  call  for  more  drastic  remedies.  . . . M. 
Stolypin  is  at  present  the  only  influential  politi- 
cian in  Russia  who  is  working  efficaciously  for 
the  Liberal  cause.  He  is  systematically  remov- 
ing hindrances  to  Constitutionalism  which  are 
most  formidable  at  the  outset.  . . . 

“But  the  greatest  service  which  any  Minister 
could  render  a cause  was  performed  by  M.  Sto- 
lypin for  Liberalism  at  a time  when  it  depended 
on  him  either  to  lay  the  groundwork  for  a Con- 
stitutional fabric  or  to  establish  firm  Monarch- 
ical government.  And  for  that  service  he  de- 
serves, and  may  yet  receive,  a public  monument 
from  Democratic  Russia.  He  advised  the  Tsar 
to  summon  the  Third  Duma  soon  after  the  Sec- 
ond, and  to  issue  no  laws  in  the  meanwhile. 
That  was  really  the  turning  point  in  the  history 
of  Russia’s  Constitution,  the  magnum  opus  of 
M.  Stolypin’s  political  life.  And  lie  followed  it 
up  with  a step  more  extraordinary  and  decisive 
still.  He  himself  had  recourse  to  the  Autocratic 
power  which  it  is  the  tendency  of  his  policy  to 
annihilate,  and  he  used  it  for  the  purpose  of 
destroying  Autocracy.  That  surely  was  a coup 
de  maltre  which  entitled  the  Minister  to  the  un- 
dying gratitude  of  all  Liberal  Russia.  But  not 
a Liberal  uttered  a word  of  thanks.  This  deadly 
blow  was  struck  at  the  Autocracy  in  the  follow- 
ing way: 

“The  Electoral  Law  opened  the  portals  of  the 
Duma  chiefly  to  Democrats  and  other  irreconcil- 
able enemies  of  the  Monarchy,  and  so  long  as  it 
remained  in  force,  no  Duma  acceptable  to  the 
Government  was  possible.  Yet  it  could  not  be 
abrogated.  For,  together  with  the  Organic 
Statutes,  it  had  been  declared  part  of  the  un- 
changeable Constitution.  The  Tsar’s  hands, 
therefore,  were  tied,  his  word  was  pledged,  and 
the  result  was  a deadlock.  Autocratic  power 
could  not  be  wielded  anew  without  effecting 
a perilous  coup  d'etat.  Well,  the  Premier  ad- 
vised the  Crown  to  seize  once  more  the  sword  of 
the  Autocracy,  and  with  it  to  hew  off  the  branch 
on  which  the  Autocrat  was  sitting.  That  was 
the  true  significance  of  the  measure  against 
which  the  enemies  of  the  Autocracy  still  cry  out. 
For  the  object  directly  aimed  at  and  immedi- 
ately attained  by  this  coup  d'etat  was  the  creation 
of  the  Octobrist  Party,  whose  first  work  in  the 
Duma  was  to  declare  that  the  Autocracy  had 
gone  forever.”  — E.  J.  Dillon,  Foreign  Affairs 
(Contemporary  Renew , January,  1908). 

A.  D.  1907  (Nov.). — Treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  France,  Germany,  and  Norway, 
guaranteeing  the  Integrity  of  Norway.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — Action  in  Persia  during 
the  Constitutional  Revolution.  See  Persia. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Evasion  of  the  Conscription. 
See  War,  The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908.  — North  Sea  and  Baltic  Agree- 
ments. See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908. 


A.  D.  1908.  — Proxy  Parliamentary  Vote 
given  to  Women  of  Property.  See  Elective 
Franchise:  Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Policy  of  Prussia  in  her  Po- 
lish Provinces  dictated  by  her  relations  to 
Russia.  See  Germany:  A.  D.  1908  (Jan.). 

A.  D.  1908  (Sept.).  — Withdrawal  from  In- 
tervention in  Macedonia.  See  Turkey  : 
A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Attitude  toward  the 
Austrian  Annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina.— Was  the  Government  coerced  by 
German  Threats  ? See  Europe  : A.  D.  1908- 
1909  (Oct. -March). 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Exercise  of  Disputed 
Authority  in  Northern  Manchuria.  — The 
Kharbin  question.  See  China  : A.  D.  1909 
(May). 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Measures  for  the  De- 
struction of  the  Constitutional  Autonomy  of 
Finland.  See  Russia:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Oppressions  continued.  — 
Executions,  Imprisonment,  Exile,  Torture, 
Persecution.  — On  the  1st  of  August,  1909, 
a letter  was  addressed  to  the  British  Secretary 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  by  one  hundred 
and  eighty  men  of  distinction  in  Great  Britain, 
— Members  of  Parliament,  Peers,  Bishops  and 
other  clergymen,  University  professors,  authors, 
editors,  — asking  the  Government  to  exert  such 
influence  as  might  be  possible  with  that  of  Rus- 
sia, to  induce  a relaxation  of  the  system  of  re- 
pression still  maintained  in  that  unhappy  coun- 
try, and  to  ameliorate  the  dreadful  barbarities 
which  go  with  imprisonment  there.  “ We 
know,”  said  these  memorialists,  “ how  slow 
has  been  our  own  progress  in  the  past,  and  how 
many  points  in  our  present  condition  are  open 
to  independent  criticism.  We  are  conscious 
of  the  difficulties  that  attend  all  reforms,  and 
we  desire  that  no  feeling  of  impatience  should 
cause  us  to  withhold  our  sympathy  from  every 
sincere  attempt  to  promote  good  government 
among  a friendly  people. 

“It  is  in  no  spirit  of  ungenerous  remonstrance 
that  we  are  constrained  to  observe  that  for  four 
years  a system  of  repression  has  been  main- 
tained in  Russia,  wiiich  has  not  relaxed  its  se- 
verity though  the  evidences  of  any  organized 
revolutionary  movement  have  dwindled  and  dis- 
appeared. There  has  recently  been  an  announce- 
ment of  some  relaxation  in  particular  districts, 
but  the  greater  portion  of  the  Empire  remains, 
in  time  of  peace,  under  some  form  of  martial 
law.  The  number  of  capital  sentences  on  civil- 
ians for  the  period  between  October,  1905,  and 
December,  1908,  has  reached  4,002,  and  the 
number  of  executions  was  officially  stated  to  be 
2,118.  These  sentences  were  passed,  moreover, 
not  by  ordinary  civil  process,  but  by  excep- 
tional military  Courts.  The  number  of  persons 
in  exile  in  Siberia  and  Northern  Russia,  mostly 
punished  without  trial  by  administrative  pro- 
cess, under  a system  of  exile,  which  involves 
much  physical  suffering  and  privation,  was 
officially  reckoned  in  October  last  at  74,000. 

“ The  number  of  persons  exiled  without  trial 
under  administrative  decree  cannot  be  realized 
without  a serious  protest,  but  the  evidence 
which  has  reached  us  through  the  Press,  from 
trustworthy  witnesses,  and  above  all  from  the 
reports  of  the  debates  in  the  Duma,  has  per- 
suaded us  that  the  sufferings  of  those  who  re- 


577 


RUSSIA,  1909 


RUSSIA,  1909 


main  in  prison  justify,  nay,  require,  a stronger 
remonstrance.  Over  180,000  persons  — a total 
which  has  more  than  doubled  since  1905  — crim- 
inals and  political  offenders,  are  crowded  to- 
gether in  prisons  built  to  hold  107,000.  In  most 
of  these  prisons  epidemic  diseases,  and  espe- 
cially typhus,  are  prevalent  ; the  sick  and  the 
whole  lie  together— their  fetters  even  in  cases 
of  fever  are  not  removed.  In  some  prisons  the 
warders  systematically  beat  and  maltreat  the 
sick  and  the  whole  alike.  There  is  also  evi- 
dence of  more  deliberate  tortures,  employed  to 
punish  the  defiant  or  to  extract  confession  from 
the  suspect. 

“ Such  excesses  would  move  our  indignation 
were  all  the  victims  ordinary  criminals.  We 
desire  to  base  our  protest  on  the  ground  of 
simple  humanity ; but  it  is  none  the  less  impor- 
tant to  remember  that  many  of  these  prisoners, 
if  guilty  at  all,  are  suffering  for  acts  or  words 
which  in  any  constitutional  country  would  be 
lawful,  or  even  praiseworthy. 

“Our  object  in  addressing  you  is  to  draw 
your  attention  to  these  facts  and  to  place  on  re- 
cord the  impression  which  we  have  formed  of 
them.  That  no  direct  intervention  is  possible  we 
fully  realize,  nor  do  we  wish  to  enlarge  the  area 
of  international  controversy.  But  there  are  prob- 
ably means  by  which  a friendly  Government 
may  exert  an  influence  to  ameliorate  the  lot  of 
those  who  are  suffering  under  the  evils  which 
we  have  described.  The  infliction  of  such 
wrongs  upon  Russians  and  the  indignation 
which  they  excite  among  ourselves,  are  relevant 
and  important  factors  in  our  mutual  relations, 
of  which  the  two  Governments  should  be  fully 
informed.” 

Later  and  more  specific  facts,  illustrative  of 
the  arbitrary  and  barbarous  oppression  under 
which  the  Russian  people  are  still  suffering, 
were  given  in  The  Outlook  of  October  9,  1909, 
from  which  the  following  is  taken:  “In  the 

first  seven  months  of  1909  military  courts  sen- 
tenced 841  persons  to  death  in  Russia  and  up 
to  the  1st  of  August  381  of  the  persons  so  sen- 
tenced had  been  hanged  or  shot.  Nearly  all 
were  civil  or  political  offenders,  who,  in  a con- 
stitutional country,  would  have  been  tried  with 
proper  legal  forms  and  guarantees  in  the  regular 
civil  tribunals.  In  these  same  seven  months 
the  publishers  of  109  periodicals  in  Russia  were 
fined  in  the  aggregate  sum  of  54,425  rubles  for 
publishing  news  or  expressing  opinions  obnox- 
ious to  the  Government,  and  in  addition  to  these 
pecuniary  punishments  whole  editions  of  papers 
and  magazines  were  seized  and  destroyed,  print- 
ing offices  were  closed,  editors  were  arrested 
and  employees  were  exiled  — all  by  administra- 
tive process.  In  the  month  of  June,  1909,  three 
newspapers  were  suppressed  altogether,  and  in 
August,  1909,  the  St.  Petersburg  journal  Beitch 
(Speech),  the  organ  of  the  Constitutional  Dem- 
ocrats, was  fined  500  rubles  for  printing  a signed 
article  entitled  ‘ Suicide  in  the  Army,’  which 
was  based  wholly  on  reports  of  the  Ministry  of 
War. 

“ On  the  28th  of  May,  1909,  Mr.  Selden,  a St. 
Petersburg  publisher,  was  sentenced  to  six 
months  ’ imprisonment  in  a fortress  for  publish- 
ing one  of  Count  Tolstoy’s  books,  and  on  the 
17th  of  August,  1909,  the  Count’s  private  secre- 
tary, Mr.  N.  N.  Gusef,  was  exiled  by  adminis- 
trative process  to  the  province  of  Perm  for 


distributing  the  venerable  author’s  brochure 
entitled  ‘ Thou  Shalt  Do  No  Murder.’  In  July, 
1909,  Mr.  W.  Bogoras,  author  of  volume  eleven 
of  the  Memoirs  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History  (one  of  the  volumes  containing 
the  scientific  results  of  the  Jessup  North  Pacific 
Expedition),  was  sentenced  to  two  months'  im- 
prisonment for  describing  the  beating  of  citizens 
of  Tver  by  dragoons  in  1905,  a thing  that  he 
had  personally  witnessed.  . . . 

‘ ‘ In  August,  1909,  the  ‘ Authors  ’ and  Scien- 
tists’ Mutual  Benefit  Society,’  a benevolent 
organization  which  had  been  in  existence  for 
eighteen  years,  which  had  eight  hundred  mem- 
bers, and  which  included  most  of  the  writers 
and  scholars  of  Russia,  was  suppressed  by  order 
of  Premier  Stolypin,  for  the  ostensible  reason 
that  it  had  given  pecuniary  aid  to  an  indigent 
author  named  Vitasliefski  — a man  of  advanced 
age  who  had  once,  twenty  years  earlier,  been 
sent  to  Siberia  for  political  crime.  It  is  believed, 
however,  that  the  real  reason  for  the  suppression 
of  the  Society  is  the  fact  that  most  of  its  mem- 
bers are  liberals.  The  existing  Government  is 
extremely  intolerant  toward  social  organizations 
that  take  an  independent  or  critical  attitude  to- 
ward the  reactionary  policy  now  in  force.  On 
the  21st  of  July,  1909,  the  severest  form  of 
martial  law,  the  so-called  ‘ law  of  extraordinary 
defense,’  was  proclaimed  in  St.  Petersburg  for 
the  seventh  consecutive  time.  The  city  has 
been  under  some  form  of  martial  law  ever  since 
the  assassination  of  Alexander  II.  in  1881. 
Almost  the  only  encouraging  feature  of  the 
present  situation  in  Russia  is  the  fact  that  the 
members  of  the  Duma  are  still  allowed  to  talk, 
and  the  newspapers  are  still  permitted  to  publish 
verbatim  reports  of  the  debates.  The  lower 
honse  of  the  so-called  Parliament  has  no  inde- 
pendent power,  and  no  real  control  even  over 
the  finances  of  the  Empire  ; but  it  can  criticise, 
interpellate  the  Czar’s  Ministers,  and  promote  to 
some  extent  the  political  education  of  the  people. 

“ Three  years  ago  Premier  Stolypin  defined 
his  policy  as  ‘ progressive  reform,  with  the  re- 
storation of  order.’  He  has  partly  restored  order, 
by  hanging,  imprisoning,  or  exiling  to  Siberia 
a large  part  of  the  disorderly  population ; but 
his  reforms  have  ‘ progressed  ’ as  the  land-crab 
is  popularly  supposed  to  walk  — backward. 
Whether  he  is  wholly  to  blame  for  the  reaction- 
ary policy  that  he  is  enforcing,  or  whether  he 
acts  more  or  less  under  compulsion,  we  shall  not 
know,  perhaps,  until  he  retires  from  office  and 
follows  the  example  of  General  Kuropatkin  and 
General  Linevitcli  by  writing  his  memoirs.” 

On  the  trial,  in  May,  of  M.  Selden,  for  publish- 
ing and  distributing  Count  Tolstoi’s  pamphlets, 
“ Thou  shalt  not  Kill,”  “ A Letter  to  Liberals,” 
“ Christianity  and  Patriotism,”  the  venerable 
writer  addressed  a,  note  to  the  court,  challenging 
the  prosecution  of  himself,  instead  of  the  pub- 
lisher. “ As  these  pamphlets,”  he  wrote,  “were 
written  by  me  and  published  by  one  of  my 
friends,  not  only  with  my  consent  but  at  my 
desire,  M.  Selden  taking  a purely  passive  part 
in  the  affair,  all  the  measures  which  are  being 
taken  against  M.  Selden  should  logically  and  in 
equity  be  directed  against  me,  especially  because 
I have  repeatedly  declared,  and  now  declare 
again,  that  I consider  it  my  duty  to  my  con- 
science to  disseminate,  so  far  as  lies  in  my 
power,  the  pamphlets  in  question  as  well  as  my 


578 


RUSSIA,  1909 


RUSSIA,  1909 


other  works,  and  shall  continue  doing  so  as  long 
as  I am  able.  I feel  constrained  to  inform  you 
of  this,  and  ask  you  to  take  whatever  measures 
may  devolve  from  my  present  statement.” 

But  the  magistrate  did  not  venture  to  insti- 
tute proceedings  against  the  principal  in  the  of- 
fense, and  the  Government  took  no  notice  of  the 
challenge. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Revived  Censorship  of  the 
Press.  — Its  Stupidity.  — Gains  for  Free 
Speech  notwithstanding.  — ‘‘At  the  present 
time,  the  liberties  granted  less  than  four  years 
ago  are  mutilated.  The  censor  is  busy  once 
more.  The  Russian  journalist  isagain  compelled 
to  practice  the  arts  of  half-meaning,  insinuation, 
and  innuendo,  which  made  his  predecessors  of  a 
generation  ago  marvels  of  subtle  expression. 
But  that  is  only  when  a writer  would  say  every- 
thing he  wants  to  say.  Undoubtedly,  the  range 
of  the  permissible  has  grown  immensely  since 
the  early  days  of  even  Nicholas  II.  To  write  of 
labor  wars,  of  conspiracies,  of  constitutional 
liberties,  Russian  newspapers  need  no  longer 
confine  themselves  to  telegraphic  reports  of  for- 
eign strikes,  conspiracies,  and  constitutions. 
They  need  only  print  what  the  radicals  in  the 
Duma  utter.  Not  even  the  full  Duma’s  reports 
may  be  privileged  at  present,  but,  after  all,  the 
Russian  censor  is  a stupid  fellow.  The  censor- 
ship, like  the  autocracy  in  general,  is  inefficient, 
spasmodic,  allowing  to-day  what  it  prohibited 
yesterday,  or  even  allowing  in  one  column  what 
it  strikes  out  from  another.  St.  Petersburg  and 
Moscow  in  1890  had  eleven  daily  papers,  and 
twenty  weeklies.  In  1900  the  number  had  risen 
to  twenty-four  dailies  and  thirty-three  weeklies. 
In  all  Russia  there  were  then  287  periodical 
publications.  In  August,  1905,  the  number  had 
risen  to  1,630,  of  which  St.  Petersburg  alone  had 
534.  There  were  fifty  daily  papers  at  St.  Peters- 
burg and  twenty-five  at  Moscow  in  those  short 
days  of  freedom,  when  the  pent-up  speech  of 
ages  burst  out  in  Russia.  This,  of  course,  was 
inflation.  Periodicals  were  born  and  died  with 
the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun.  The  numerical 
strength  of  the  press  must  be  far  smaller  now. 
But  much  that  was  gained  for  freedom  of  speech 
in  those  stormy  days  has  not  been  lost.”  — 
New  York  Evening  Post,  March  23,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -July). — Dark  Secrets  of 
the  Russian  Police  and  Spy  System 
brought  to  Light.  — The  first  in  a series  of 
startling  disclosures  of  the  dark  secrets  of  the 
Russian  espionage  and  police  system  was  made 
in  January,  1909,  when  it  came  to  public 
knowledge  that  the  head  and  front  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary Socialists  of  the  Empire,  one  Azeff 
by  name,  had  been  discovered  by  his  associates 
to  be  a secret  agent  of  the  police;  had  been 
tried  and  condemned  by  a tribunal  of  their 
party,  at  Paris,  and  had  escaped  into  some  hid- 
ing place,  with  avenging  emissaries  in  pursuit, 
to  take  his  life.  A little  later  it  appeared  that 
a former  Director  of  the  Police  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Russian  Ministry  of  the  Interior, 
M.  Lopukhin,  had  been  arrested  for  treason,  on 
the  charge  of  having  betrayed  Azeff  to  the 
Revolutionists,  by  making  known  to  them  the 
double  part  that  the  latter  played,  as  a so-called 
agent  provocateur,  drawing  them  into  criminal 
plots  of  which  he  kept  the  police  informed. 

The  preliminary  trial  of  Lopukhin  occurred 
in  April,  and  it  was  stated  in  the  indictment 


then  published  that  Azeff  had  penetrated  into 
the  very  centre  of  the  Social  Revolutionary  ma- 
chinations, and  that  part  of  his  great  services 
to  the  Secret  Police  were  rendered  during  the 
period  that  M.  Lopukhin  occupied  the  post  of 
Director  of  the  Police  Department  in  the  Minis- 
try of  the  Interior  — i.e.,  from  May,  1902,  to 
March,  1905.  It  was  affirmed  that  M.  Lopuk- 
hin not  only  knew  of  the  existence  and  activity 
of  Azeff,  but  met  the  latter  more  than  once 
both  at  his  (M.  Lopukhin's)  house  and  at  one  of 
the  conspiratorial  headquarters  in  St.  Peters- 
burg. The  indictment  paid  a warm  tribute  to 
Azeff’s  ability  in  so  long  maintaining  his  con- 
nexion with  the  police  without  awakening  the 
suspicions  of  the  Social  Revolutionaries  as  to 
his  true  character.  It  was  eventually  re- 
marked, however,  that  the  plots  in  which  Azeff 
was  concerned  invariably  failed,  whereas  many 
of  the  others  succeeded,  and  accusations  of 
treachery  began  to  be  levelled  against  him.  In 
October,  1908,  a commission  of  inquiry  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  Social  Revolutionaries  in  Paris 
to  inquire  into  the  charges  brought  against 
Azeff.  Burtzeff,  editor  of  a revolutionary  or- 
gan, stated  before  this  tribunal  that  he  had 
seen  M.  Lopukhin,  who  had  informed  him  of 
Azeff’s  relations  with  the  Russian  police. 

M.  Lopukhin,  on  his  trial,  admitted  having 
given  this  information  to  Burtzeff,  but  ex- 
plained that  it  was  in  consequence  of  what  the 
latter  had  told  him  of  the  revolutionist  de- 
signs, including  a pending  plot  against  the  life 
of  the  Tsar.  He  then  felt  it  his  duty  to  un- 
mask Azeff,  lest  the  murders  which  might 
otherwise  have  followed  should  lie  on  his  con- 
science, and  when  the  revolutionaries  came  to 
him  for  confirmation  of  what  he  had  told  Burt- 
zeff he  found  it  impossible  to  retract  his  words. 
He  was  convicted,  however,  on  the  13th  of 
May,  and  sentenced  to  five  years  of  imprison- 
ment at  hard  labor,  with  the  loss  of  civil  rights. 
The  sentence  was  mitigated  subsequently,  and 
be  was  sent  to  exile  at  Krasnoyarsk,  Siberia, 
his  family  being  allowed  to  accompany  him. 

Prince  Urussoff,  whose  bold  speech  in  the 
First  Duma  on  the  instigation  of  massacres  is 
quoted  from  above  (A.  D.  1906),  is  a brother-in- 
law  of  M.  Lopukhin,  and  derived  from  him,  no 
doubt,  the  information  on  which  he  spoke. 

In  July,  a new  disclosure  of  the  character  of 
the  Russian  secret  service  police  was  made,  as 
revolting  as  that  in  the  Azeff  case.  A person- 
age known  as  M.  Harting,  chief  of  that  Russian 
service  in  Paris,  and  so  favorably  regarded  in 
the  French  capital  that  he  was  about  to  be  made 
an  officer  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  was  dis- 
covered to  have  been  the  leader  of  a plot  to  as- 
sassinate the  Tsar  Alexander  III.  in  1890,  dur- 
ing that  monarch’s  visit  to  Paris  ; that  he  then 
bore  the  name  of  Landesen;  that  he  had  escaped 
arrest  and  was  condemned  by  default  to  impris- 
onment for  five  years  ; that  he  subsequently, 
under  the  new  name,  secured  secret  service  em- 
ployment in  the  Russian  police.  All  this  was 
quickly  proved  to  be  fact  by  the  French  Govern- 
ment, and  officially  announced. 

A.  D.  1909  (April).  — The  Agrarian  Law. 
— On  the  basis  of  the  decree  relative  to  the 
communes  which  is  partly  described  above  (see 
A.  D.  1906),  a law  was  brought  into  force  by 
the  Government  in  1906,  known  as  the  law  of 
November  9,  which  supposedly  was  provisional 


579 


RUSSIA,  1909 


RUSSIA,  1909 


and  subject  to  ultimate  ratification  by  the 
Duma.  Writing  of  it  in  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  of  May  28,  1909,  S.  N.  Harper  says:  “This 
law  of  November  9 aims  directly  at  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  commune.  Before  this  law  a two- 
thirds  vote  of  the  commune  was  necessary  for 
the  granting  of  the  petition  of  a member  to  di- 
vide out.  Now  a local  police  official,  whom  by 
the  way  another  project  of  reform  abolishes  as 
irresponsible  and  a source  of  abuse,  can  over- 
ride the  vote  of  a commune  and  grant  the  peti- 
tion. A peasant  who  divides  out  receives  that 
portion  which  he  is  using  if  there  has  been  no 
redistribution  for  twenty-four  years.  If  there 
has  been  a redistribution  within  twenty-four 
years,  he  receives  what  he  would  receive  on  the 
basis  of  a new  redistribution  — what  this  would 
be  is  again  decided  by  the  official.  As  we  saw, 
no  equitable  reckoning  is  possible  here. 

“The  peasant  can  sell  this  land  which  he  re- 
ceives from  the  commune,  for  it  is  now  his 
private  property.  In  one  province  which  I vis- 
ited this  summer,  in  over  one-half  of  the  cases 
of  dividing  out  the  peasant  had  sold  his  land  im- 
mediately — usually  to  the  village  ‘ fist’  — the 
prosperous  village  usurer  and  boss  who  holds 
his  neighbors  in  his  fist.” 

The  law  was  operative  for  more  than  two 
years  before  it  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Duma,  in  April,  1909.  Of  the  parliamentary 
enactment  then  given  to  it  the  above  writer 
says:  “The  outcome  of  the  debates  was  cer- 
tain. It  had  been  secured  by  the  change  of 
the  electoral  law  for  the  third  Duma,  whereby 
the  landed  gentry  had  been  given  the  predom- 
inant vote.  . . . No  more  important  than  the 
vote  of  this  assembly  is  the  attitude  of  the 
country  at  large  toward  this  law.  The  landed 
gentry  are  naturally  for  this  measure.  The 
village  system  is  a source  of  danger  to  them. 
The  law  will  establish  ‘ peasant’  landlords,  whose 
interests  will  be  much  the  same  as  theirs. 
But  the  peasants  have  shown  quite  plainly  their 
hostile  attitude  toward  this  law.  Only  those 
peasants  who  are  economically  provided  for 
and  those  who,  for  one  reason  or  another,  have 
become  mere  hangers-on  of  the  local  police  offi- 
cials are  in  favor  of  the  law.  It  is  these  that 
have  taken  advantage  of  the  law,  with  the  sup- 
port of  the  local  official.  But  they  have  done 
so  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  other  peasants, 
only  their  economic  position  making  it  possible, 
and  their  friend  the  official  has  not  been  able  to 
prevent,  therefore,  the  other  peasants  from 
giving  a violent  character  to  their  protest. 
Those  who  have  insisted  on  dividing  out  have 
in  many  instances  been  burned  out  the  next 
week.” 

A.  D.  1909  (April-July).  — Advance  of 
Russian  Troops  into  Persia.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — New  Russo-Chinese 
Agreement,  establishing  Municipalities  on 
the  Line  of  the  Chinese  Eastern  Railway. 
See  China  : A.  D.  1909  (May). 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — “ Dreadnought  ” 
building.  See  War,  The  Preparations  for: 
Naval:  Russian. 

A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Stringent  Orthodoxy 
of  the  Tsar.  — A Press  despatch  from  St. 
Petersburg,  June  4,  1909,  reported:  “Premier 
Stolypin  spoke  in  the  Duma  to-day  in  defence 
of  the  government’s  draft  of  a law  dealing  with 


the  matter  of  changing  from  one  faith  to  an- 
other and  against  the  modifications  removing  all 
restrictions  introduced  in  committee.  He  said 
that  the  Emperor,  as  head  of  the  Orthodox 
Church,  could  not  suffer  backsliding  from  the 
orthodox  to  non-Christian  beliefs,  and  that  if 
such  amendments  were  incorporated  the  bill 
would  be  vetoed.  Continuing  he  defined  the  re- 
lations between  church  and  state.  He  conceded 
that  the  church  enjoyed  full  independence  in 
matters  of  creed  and  dogma,  but  insisted  on 
state  control.  The  speech  was  a brilliant  effort, 
but  it  fell  upon  cold  ears,  and  brought  out  no 
applause.  The  premier,  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  third  Duma,  found  himself  fight- 
ing for  a lost  cause  before  an  adverse  house.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.).  — Differing  Ac- 
counts of  Political  Conditions,  of  the  work  of 
the  Duma,  and  of  the  Disposition  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. — The  last  weeks  of  1909  brought 
from  observers  in  Russia  quite  differing  impres- 
sions and  representations  of  the  existing  political 
conditions.  Late  in  October  a St.  Petersburg 
correspondent  of  The  Evening  Post , New  York, 
wrote:  “Stolypin  has  given  Russia  a packed 
Duma,  the  predominant  party  in  which  is 
elected  by  130,000  rural  gentry,  who  were  un- 
able to  get  many  more  than  a dozen  members 
into  the  first  two  Dumas.  As  might  have  been 
expected,  this  Duma  has  done  nothing  for 
Russia.  Its  Land  law  has  not  been  accepted  by 
the  peasantry,  its  Religions  law  remains  a dead 
letter,  because,  according  to  the  premier,  the 
Tsar  refuses  to  sign  it.  There  will  be  a deficit 
of  about  one  hundred  million  in  the  new  budget, 
and  the  country  is  faced  by  bankruptcy. 

“But,  to  return  to  the  Duma,  it  has  been 
proved  during  the  last  session  that  the  people 
have  no  control  over  the  purse,  thanks  to  a 
‘ rule  ’ made  by  Count  Witte  before  the  meeting 
of  the  first  Legislature.  This  ‘ rule  ’ says  that  if 
the  Duma  and  the  Council  of  Empire  fail  to 
agree  on  the  budget,  then  the  figures  of  the 
former  year’s  budget  remain  in  force.  As  the 
Council  of  Empire  (or  Russian  upper  house) 
must  always  have  a reactionary  and  bureau- 
cratic majority,  the  Duma  has  no  control  of  the 
national  expenditure  and  never  can  have.  This 
was  brought  home  very  forcibly  to  the  lower 
house  during  the  last  session,  when  a humble 
suggestion  which  it  made  about  including  a 
sum  of  350  million  rubles  in  the  extraordinary 
expenditure  account  was  rejected  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Empire,  which  thus  taught  the  Duma  that 
it  has  no  control  over  even  the  most  important 
loan  operations.  When  the  Duma  (with  the 
strong  approval  of  even  such  conservative 
papers  as  the  Novoe  Vremya)  refused  to  sanction 
the  naval  budget  until  the  notoriously  corrupt 
Ministry  of  Marine  — the  ministry  accountable 
for  Tsushima — had  been  reformed,  the  govern- 
ment laughed  at  it,  and  got  the  necessary 
money  over  the  deputies’  heads.” 

Two  weeks  later  than  the  above  another  St. 
Petersburg  correspondent  was  writing  to  Lon- 
don: “ To  judge  from  to-day’s  proceedings  the 
present  session  of  the  Duma  bids  fair  to  surpass 
the  most  sanguine  hopes.  Having  disposed  of 
the  last  of  the  Agrarian  Bills  and  of  the  First 
Offenders  Act,  the  Duma  began  the  debate  on 
the  Bill  reforming  the  local  Courts.  This  mea- 
sure represents  the  foundation  of  all  political  re- 
form in  Russia. 


580 


RUSSIA,  1909 


ST.  LOUIS 


“ The  Duma  Committee,  after  35  sittings, 
adopted  a proposal  considerably  extending  the 
scope  of  the  Government  Bill  besides  providing 
for  the  re-establishment  of  elective  justices  of 
the  peace,  introduced  in  1804,  but  repealed  in 
1889  in  favour  of  the  arbitrary  jurisdiction  of 
the  Communal  Court  and  the  Zemsky  Natchal- 
nik  — both  long  ago  discredited  institutions. 
Just  as  the  Agrarian  reforms  are  calculated  to 
promote  the  private  ownership  of  land  and  re- 
spect for  the  rights  of  property,  so  the  reform  of 
the  local  Courts  will  inculcate  respect  for  the  law. 

“The  details  of  the  Bill  may  possibly  give 
rise  to  differences  with  the  Government  and  the 
Upper  House,  but  its  substantial  features  will 
be  doubtless  retained  in  the  ultimate  form  which 
will  receive  the  Imperial  sanction.” 

The  writer  of  this  had  communicated  to  his 
journal,  a few  days  previously,  the  following 
report  of  an  interview  with  “a  leading  member 
of  the  Government,”  and  apparently  gave  credit 
to  the  sentiment  it  expressed.  Said  the  Minister 
interviewed  : 

“You  ask  me  what  are  the  Government’s  in- 
tentions regarding  Poland.  I can  only  repeat 
what  I said  before  the  Joint  Commission  on  the 
Polish  Municipal  Reform  Bill,  which  is  to  be 
laid  before  the  Duma.  We  have  decided  to  give 
Poland  the  full  benefits  of  local  government 
consistent  with  the  interests  of  the  Empire,  but 
not  autonomy.  We  cannot  trust  the  Poles  to 
that  extent.  We  shall  introduce  a Bill  creating 
a separate  province  of  Holm,  where  the  great 
majority  of  the  population  is  of  Russian  stock, 
and  extend  to  it  the  system  of  mixed  Russian 
and  Polish  Zemstvos  to  be  introduced  in  the 
south-western  provinces. 


RUSSO-CHINESE  BANK.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  China:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 
RUTHERFORD,  Professor  Ernest.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Science,  Recent:  Radium;  also 
Nobel  Prizes. 

RYAN,  Thomas  F. : Investing  in  a Con- 
cession in  the  Congo  State.  See  (in  this  vol.) 


“I  am  satisfied  with  the  progress  of  agrarian 
reform.  You  have  seen  from  the  speech  of  M. 
Krivosliein  in  the  Duma  that  one  million  peas- 
ant households  (about  5,000,000  souls)  have  al- 
ready abandoned  the  communal  system. 

“ The  continuance  of  executions  is,  I know,  a 
source  of  criticism.  You  know  that  the  Em- 
peror has  given  orders  that  death  sentences 
should  be  confirmed  only  in  the  worst  cases. 
Unhappily,  I know  of  no  constitutional  method 
for  putting  down  revolution.  Russia  is  so  vast. 
It  has  taken  a long  time  to  bring  all  the  guilty 
to  trial.  I am  also  criticized  for  the  arbitrary 
acts  of  our  local  authorities,  but,  I ask  you, 
does  the  Government  derive  any  interest  from 
these  arbitrary  acts  ? 

“ Political  reforms?  Yes,  they  have  been  de- 
layed. But  what,  for  instance,  is  the  good  of 
hurrying  through  a Bill  on  the  liberty  of  the 
person  until  we  have  first  reformed  the  local 
Courts  ? 

“You  have  heard  and  read  the  statements  that 
the  Octobrists  have  quarrelled  with  the  Govern- 
ment ; you  have  also  been  told  that  Russia  is  on 
the  eve  of  a reaction.  Believe  neither.  The 
Octobrists  are  taking  a more  advanced  position. 
That  is  as  it  should  be.  It  is  better  for  the 
Duma  and  by  no  means  disagreeable  to  the  Gov- 
ernment.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.).  — Assassination  of  the 
Chief  of  the  Secret  Police.  — On  the  22d  of 
December  Colonel  Karpoff,  Chief  of  the  Secret 
Police,  was  killed  by  an  infernal  machine  at  a 
suburban  lodging  occupied  by  a certain  Vosk- 
resensky, who  is  supposed  to  be  a revolutionary 
and  a police  spy  like  Azeff. 


Congo  State:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

Purchase  of  Controlling  Stock  of  Equi- 
table Life  Assurance  Society.  See  Insur- 
ance, Life. 

Sale  of  interests  to  Morgan  & Co.  See 

Finance  and  Trade:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1909-1910. 


s. 


SADR  AZAM,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

SAGASTA,  Praxedes  Mateo:  Prime  Min- 
ister of  Spain.  — His  Death.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

SAGE  FOUNDATION,  The:  For  the 
Improvement  of  Social  and  Living  Condi- 
tions in  the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Social  Betterment:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1907. 

SAGE,  Mrs.  Russell:  Gift  to  Yale  Univer- 
sity. See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1910. 

ST.  GOTHARD  RAILWAY:  Acquisi- 
tion by  the  Swiss  Government.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways:  Switzerland. 

ST.  LOUIS,  MO.:  A.  D.  1900-1904. — 
The  Unearthing  of  Thievery  and  Corruption 
by  Attorney  Folk.  — Prosecutions,  Confes- 
sions and  Convictions.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government. 

A.  D.  1904. — The  Louisiana  Purchase  Ex- 
position.— Except  the  World’s  Columbian  Ex- 


position at  Chicago,  in  1893,  the  most  important 
of  the  industrial  exhibitions  that  have  been  or- 
ganized in  America  was  that  of  1904,  at  St. 
Louis,  which  commemorated  the  centennial  of 
the  Louisiana  Purchase  from  France.  The  Ex- 
position was  opened  on  the  30th  of  April  and 
closed  December  1st.  An  estimated  total  of 
$44,500,000  was  expended  upon  it  in  structures 
and  management,  of  which  sum  about  $22,000,- 
000  was  raised  by  the  Exposition  Company. 
The  remainder  was  the  expenditure  of  govern- 
ments, Federal,  State  and  Foreign,  and  of  con- 
cessionaires. The  total  attendance,  from  first  to 
last,  was  18,741,073.  The  receipts  fell  far  short 
of  the  expenditure,  and  subscribers  to  the  un- 
dertaking can  have  had  no  returns ; but  the 
public  gain  from  it  was  very  great.  About 
sixty  foreign  countries  and  colonies  and  nearly 
every  State  and  Territory  of  the  Union  were  re- 
presented in  the  exhibits. 

A distinguished  feature  of  the  Exposition  was 
the  remarkable  number  and  character  of  the 
gatherings,  international  and  national,  that  were 


ST.  LOUIS 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1901-1905 


brought  about  in  connection  with  it.  The  most 
notable  of  these  was  the  International  Congress 
of  Arts  and  Sciences,  which  opened  September 
19th.  “ This  Congress,”  said  President  Nicholas 
Murray  Butler,  of  Columbia  University,  in  an 
article  describing  its  plan,  “is  not  such  a series 
of  gatherings  as  took  place  at  Chicago  and  at 
Paris,  but  is  rather  a carefully  elaborated  plan 
to  educate  public  opinion,  and  the  world  of 
scholarship  itself,  to  an  appreciation  of  the  un- 
derlying unity  of  knowledge  and  the  necessary 
inter-dependence  of  the  host  of  specialties  that 
have  sprung  up  during  the  past  century.  . . . 
For  participation  in  this  congress  there  will  as- 
semble a large  body  of  the  world’s  greatest 
scholars.  They  will  come  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  contribute  surveys  of  their  several  de- 
partments of  knowledge,  planning  those  surveys 
so  as  to  emphasize  the  mutual  relations  of  all 
the  separate  arts  and  sciences.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — Meeting  of  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War:  The 
Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

ST.  MARK’S  CATHEDRAL,  at  Venice: 
Fall  of  the  Campanile.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venice:  A.  D.  1902. 

ST.  PETERSBURG:  Disturbances  in. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia. 

ST.  PIERRE:  Volcanic  Destruction  of 
the  City.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Volcanic  Erup- 
tions: West  Indies. 

ST.  VINCENT  ISLAND:  Volcanic 

Eruption 'of  La  Souffriere.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Volcanic  Eruptions:  West  Indies. 

SAKHAROFF,  General:  Assassination 
of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

SAKURAI,  Lieutenant  Tadayoshi,  The 
story  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904- 
1905  (May-Jan.). 

SALISBURY,  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  Mar- 
quis of:  Resignation  of  the  Premiership  in 
the  British  Government.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England:  A.  D.  1902  (July). 

SALONIKA:  A.  D.  1903.  — Dynamite  Ex- 
plosion by  Insurgents.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key: A.  D.  1902-1903. 

Center  of  the  “Young  Turk  ” organization. 
See  Turkey  : A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

SALOON  QUESTION.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Alcohol  Problem. 

SALT  TRUST,  Dissolution  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1906. 

SALTON  SEA,  The.  — At  a point  not  far 
from  where  it  runs  into  Mexican  territory  the 
Colorado  River,  for  a long  recent  period,  has 
been  deflected  by  bordering  sand  deposits  from 
a great  depression  in  the  neighboring  desert, 
known  as  the  Salton  Sink.  In  1901  an  irrigation 
company  began  works  for  supplying  water  from 
the  Colorado  to  lands  in  that  vicinity,  and  seems 
to  have  taken  no  proper  precautions  for  con- 
trolling the  flow  through  its  canals.  The  result 
was  a break  through  the  sand  hills,  into  the  Sal- 
ton Sink,  which  converted  it  for  the  time  being 
into  the  “Salton  Sea,”  — so  described  in  all  ac- 
counts of  the  catastrophe.  For  nearly  two  years 
the  flood  of  the  Colorado  was  poured  into  the 
Sink,  forming  a sea  or  lake  which  covered  an 
area  of  about  400  square  miles.  It  was  not  until 
February,  1907,  that  the  combined  exertions  of 
the  Southern  Pacific  Railway  Company,  the 
California  Development  Co.  (whose  works  pro- 


duced the  trouble)  and  the  engineers  of  the  U. 
S.  Reclamation  Service,  succeeded  in  returning 
the  Colorado  to  the  channel  it  had  escaped  from. 
Since  that  was  done  evaporation  has  been  stead- 
ily emptying  the  Sink,  at  the  rate  of  five  or  six 
feet  annually,  according  to  the  Chief  of  the 
Weather  Bureau,  which  has  maintained  a sta- 
tion there.  At  the  end  of  a year  of  observations 
he  was  reported  as  saying:  “We  will  get  the 
data  we  want  within  another  year  probably  and 
then  we  can  cut  off  the  Salton  Sea  station.  The 
evaporation  data  we  expect  to  obtain  will  be 
valuable  for  calculations  on  irrigation  works  and 
reservoirs.” 

SALVADOR.  See  Central  America. 

SAM,  Theresias  Simon:  President.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Haiti  : A.  D.  1902. 

SANBORN,  Judge  Walter  H. : Opinion  in 
Suit  for  the  Dissolution  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Company.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations, 
Industrial,  &c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1906- 
1909. 

SANTIAGO,  Chile:  First  Pan-American 
Scientific  Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science 
and  Invention  : International  Congresses. 

SAN  DOMINGO:  A.  D.  1901-1905.  — Fi- 
nancial Conditions.  — Dissipation  of  Rev- 
enues. — “ Many  years  ago  the  government, 
being  unable  to  raise  money  on  ordinary  secu- 
rity, adopted  the  practice  of  vesting  the  power 
of  collection  in  its  creditors.  Duties  are  settled 
in  pagares,  or  promissory  notes,  duly  indorsed, 
and  payable  usually  in  a month  or  two  months. 
In  order  to  secure  loans,  these  pagares  were 
handed  over  to  the  creditor,  who  collected  the 
money  directly  from  the  importer  or  exporter. 
This  expedient,  which  was  designed  to  protect 
the  creditor  against  the  government  itself  as 
well  as  against  its  enemies,  was  in  vogue  when 
the  government  in  1888  sought  financial  relief 
in  Europe.  Such  relief  was  obtained  from 
Westendorp  & Company,  bankers,  of  Amster- 
dam, who  in  that  year  underwrote  and  issued, 
at  83-J  per  cent. , 6 per  cent,  gold  bonds  of  the 
Dominican  government  to  the  amount  of  £770,- 
000  sterling,  the  government  creating  a first 
lien  on  all  its  customs  revenues,  and  authoriz- 
ing the  Westendorps  to  collect  and  receive  at 
the  custom-houses  all  the  customs  revenues  of 
the  republic.  Under  this  contract,  which  was 
ratified  by  the  Dominican  Congress,  the  West- 
endorps created  in  Santo  Domingo  an  establish- 
ment, commonly  called  the  ‘ Regie,’  which 
collected  the  duties  directly  from  the  importer 
and  exporter  and  disbursed  them,  the  Westen- 
dorps sending  out  from  Europe  the  necessary 
agents  and  employees.  It  was  further  stipu- 
lated that  the  Westendorps  should,  in  case  of 
necessity,  have  the  right  to  constitute  a Euro- 
pean commission,  which  it  was  understood  was 
to  be  international  in  character.  The  power  of 
collection  and  disbursement  was  exercised  by 
the  Westendorps  down  to  1893,  when  it  was 
transferred  to  the  San  Domingo  Improvement 
Company,  of  New  York,  which  continued  to 
exercise  it  till  January,  1901,  when  the  com- 
pany was,  by  an  arbitrary  executive  decree  is- 
sued by  President  Jimenez,  excluded  from  its 
function  of  collecting  the  revenues,  though  its 
employees  were  permitted  to  remain  in  the  cus- 
tom-houses till  the  end  of  the  year. 

“As  an  assurance  to  the  foreign  creditor, 
whose  legal  security  was  thus  destroyed,  Jime- 


582 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1901-1905 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1904-1907 


nez  constituted  in  the  same  decree  a ‘ Commis- 
sion of  Honorables,’  with  whom  the  sums  due 
to  foreign  creditors,  including  the  American 
companies,  were  to  be  deposited  ; but  their  ca- 
pacity as  depositaries  was  not  destined  to  be 
tested.  Late  in  1901,  it  became  known  that  out 
of  the  reported  revenues  of  the  year,  amounting 
to  §2,126,453,  the  percentages  for  the  domestic 
debt  had  not  been  set  aside,  and  that  no  pay- 
ment had  been  made  on  the  floating  interior 
debt,  but  that  the  Jimenez  ‘revolutionary’ 
claims  had  been  paid  without  previous  warrant 
of  law,  and  that  there  existed  a deficit.  Since 
that  time,  with  the  exception  of  comparatively 
small  amounts,  nothing  whatever  has  been  paid 
to  the  foreign  creditor.  The  omission,  how- 
ever, has  not  been  due  to  lack  of  revenues.  It 
has  .been  due  to  conditions  which,  if  all  the 
debts  of  the  republic  were  with  one  stroke 
wiped  out,  would  continue  to  prevent  the  gov- 
ernment from  meeting  its  ordinary  expenses. 
The  revenues  have  been  seized  and  dissipated 
by  the  government  and  its  enemies  in  ‘ war  ex- 
penses,’ and  in  the  payment  of  1 asignaciones’ 
and  ‘revolutionary  claims.’  . . . That  foreign 
governments  will  stand  by  and  permit  such  con- 
ditions to  continue  cannot  be  expected.  They 
have  already  manifested  their  desire  to  inter- 
vene.”— John  Bassett  Moore,  Santo  Domingo 
and  the  United  States  ( American  Review  of 
Reviews,  March,  1905). 

A.  D.  1901-1906. — Participation  in  Second 
and  Third  International  Conferences  of 
American  Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Amer- 
ican Republics. 

A.  D.  1904-1907.  — Years  of  almost  Inces- 
sant Disorder  and  repeated  Revolutions. — 
Jimenez,  Vasques,  Wos  y Gil,  Morales  and 
Caceres  in  succession  at  the  Head  of  Gov- 
ernment. — Menace  from  the  Creditors  of 
the  Republic.  — Appeal  to  the  United  States. 
— American  Treaty.  — President  Roosevelt 
on  the  Situation.  — The  assassination  of  Presi- 
dent Heureaux  and  the  election  of  President 
Jimenez  are  related  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work 
(see  Dominican  Republic).  Jimenez’s  rule  was 
not  long,  and  he  gave  way  to  a provisional  gov- 
ernment, under  General  Vasques,  which  was  up- 
set by  a revolt  that  broke  out  in  March,  1903, 
and  which  planted  General  Wos  y Gil  so  obvi- 
ously in  power  that  his  Government  was  recog- 
nized by  the  United  States  in  October.  But  the 
rapidly  revolving  wheel  of  political  events 
seems  to  have  soon  whirled  Wos  y Gil  out  and 
brought  Jimenez  back,  to  be  tossed  into  private 
life  again  in  1904  by  General  Carlos  F.  Morales, 
of  whom  Mr.  Sigimund  Krausz  gave  a most  fa- 
vorable account  in  The  Outlook,  of  Sept.  17, 1904. 
“The  common  idea,”  said  Mr.  Krausz,  “that 
the  population  of  Santo  Domingo  consists  ex- 
clusively of  a horde  of  savages,  and  that  the 
generals  and  politicians  causing  the  kaleido- 
scopic sequence  of  revolutions  are  of  the  same 
class,  and,  without  exception,  uneducated  brutes 
and  degenerates,  is  quite  erroneous,  and  has 
been  created  for  the  sake  of  sensationalism, 
largely  by  journalists  and  magazine  writers 
without  personal  knowledge  of  Dominican 
conditions,  or  by  native  exiles  who,  naturally, 
are  always  enemies  of  the  party  in  power.  . . . 
While  it  is  true  that  the  vast  majority  of  the 
Dominican  people  in  the  interior  of  the  island 
live  in  a fearful  state  of  ignorance,  superstition, 


and  even  barbarism,  caused  by  many  decades  of 
internal  warfare,  there  is,  however,  also  a class 
of  natives  who  certainly  ought  not  to  be  thrown 
in  the  same  pot  with  them.  These  are  the  better 
citizens  of  the  capital  and  the  larger  coast  towns, 
among  whom  are  many  intelligent  and  educated 
men  who  had  the  advantage  of  fairly  good 
schools  and  intercourse  with  foreigners.  Among 
this  class  are  a number  who  have  received  all  or 
part  of  their  education  abroad,  who  speak  two 
or  three  languages,  and  who,  in  their  social  in- 
tercourse and  manners,  may  safely  be  pro- 
nounced gentlemen.  They  follow  the  occupa- 
tions of  merchants,  planters,  lawyers,  physicians, 
etc.,  and  while,  as  a rule,  they  keep  aloof  from 
politics,  it  is  from  their  strata  of  society  that 
spring  most  of  the  military  and  political  leaders 
of  Santo  Domingo.  There  are  few  of  these  men 
who,  by  their  appearance,  betray  the  strain  of 
negro  blood  in  them,  and  the  type  is  hardly  dis- 
tinguishable from  that  of  Latin-Americans  in 
general. 

‘ ‘ Carlos  M.  Morales  belongs  to  the  better 
class  of  Dominicans  mentioned  before,  masters 
French,  English,  and  Spanish  fluently,  and  has 
the  advantage  of  an  ecclesiastical  education  in  a 
seminary  of  Santo  Domingo  City.  He  was,  in 
fact,  for  eight  years  a priest,  before  disagree- 
ment with  various  dogmas  of  the  Church  and 
the  desire  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  political 
affairs  of  his  country  induced  him  to  throw 
aside  the  cassock.  He  is  a close  student  of 
West  Indian  conditions,  and  well  acquainted 
with  the  affairs  of  the  world  in  general.  While 
being  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  United  States 
and  its  institutions,  and  sincerely  desiring  its 
political  friendship,  he  is  at  the  same  time  the 
strongest  opponent  of  any  policy  that  would 
tend  to  make  Santo  Domingo  a political  de- 
pendency of  Uncle  Sam,  either  in  the  form  of 
annexation  or  a protectorate.” 

Morales  was  soon  beset  with  claims  from  in- 
sistent foreign  creditors,  on  account  of  debts 
which  his  predecessors  had  incurred,  and  which 
they  had  left  nothing  to  satisfy.  Several  Euro- 
pean governments  were  threatening  forcible 
measures  to  secure  payment  for  their  subjects, 
and  Morales  asked  for  help  from  the  United 
States.  The  situation  and  its  outcome  were  re- 
ported subsequently  to  Congress  by  President 
Roosevelt,  as  follows  : 

“ The  conditions  in  Santo  Domingo  have  for 
a number  of  years  grown  from  bad  to  worse 
until  a year  ago  all  society  was  on  the  verge  of 
dissolution.  Fortunately,  just  at  this  time  a 
ruler  sprang  up  in  Santo  Domingo,  who,  with 
his  colleagues,  saw  the  dangers  threatening  I 
their  country  and  appealed  to  the  friendship  of 
the  only  great  and  powerful  neighbor  who 
possessed  the  power,  and  as  they  hoped  also  the 
will,  to  help  them.  There  was  imminent  danger 
of  foreign  intervention.  The  previous  rulers  of 
Santo  Domingo  had  recklessly  incurred  debts, 
and  owing  to  her  internal  disorders  she  had 
ceased  to  be  able  to  provide  means  of  paying 
the  debts.  The  patience  of  her  foreign  creditors 
had  become  exhausted,  and  at  least  two  foreign 
nations  were  on  the  point  of  intervention,  and 
were  only  prevented  from  intervening  by  the 
unofficial  assurance  of  this  Government  that  it 
would  itself  strive  to  help  Santo  Domingo  in 
her  hour  of  need.  In  the  case  of  one  of  these 
nations,  only  the  actual  opening  of  negotiations 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1904-1907 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1905-1907 


to  this  end  by  our  Government  prevented  the 
seizure  of  territory  in  Santo  Domingo  by  a Euro- 
pean power.  Of  the  debts  incurred  some  were 
just,  while  some  were  not  of  a character  which 
really  renders  it  obligatory  on,  or  proper  for, 
Santo  Domingo  to  pay  them  in  full.  But  she 
could  not  pay  any  of  them  unless  some  stability 
was  assured  her  Government  and  people. 

“ Accordingly  the  Executive  Department  of 
our  Government  negotiated  a treaty  under 
which  we  are  to  try  to  help  the  Dominican 
people  to  straighten  out  their  finances.  This 
treaty  is  pending  before  the  Senate.  In  the 
meantime  a temporary  arrangement  has  been 
made  which  will  last  until  the  Senate  has  had 
time  to  take  action  upon  the  treaty.  Under 
this  arrangement  the  Dominican  Government 
has  appointed  Americans  to  all  the  important 
positions  in  the  customs  service,  and  they  are 
seeing  to  the  honest  collection  of  the  revenues, 
turning  over  45  per  cent  to  the  Government  for 
running  expenses  and  putting  the  other  55  per 
cent  into  a safe  depositary  for  equitable  division 
in  case  the  treaty  shall  be  ratified,  among  the 
various  creditors,  whether  European  or  Ameri- 
can. . . . 

“ Under  the  course  taken,  stability  and  order 
and  all  the  benefits  of  peace  are  at  last  coming 
to  Santo  Domingo,  danger  of  foreign  interven- 
tion has  been  suspended,  and  there  is  at  last  a 
prospect  that  all  creditors  will  get  justice,  no 
more  and  no  less.  If  the  arrangement  is  termi- 
nated by  the  failure  of  the  treaty  chaos  will 
follow ; and  if  chaos  follows,  sooner  or  later 
this  Government  may  be  involved  in  serious 
difficulties  with  foreign  governments  over  the 
island,  or  else  may  be  forced  itself  to  intervene 
in  the  island  in  some  unpleasant  fashion. 
Under  the  proposed  treaty  the  independence  of 
the  island  is  scrupulously  respected,  the  dan- 
ger of  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  by  the 
intervention  of  foreign  powers  vanishes,  and 
the  interference  of  our  Government  is  mini- 
mized, so  that  we  shall  only  act  in  conjunction 
with  the  Santo  Domingo  authorities  to  secure 
the  proper  administration  of  the  customs,  and 
therefore  to  secure  the  payment  of  just  debts 
and  to  secure  the  Dominican  Government 
against  demands  for  unjust  debts.  The  pro- 
posed method  will  give  the  people  of  Santo 
Domingo  the  same  chance  to  move  onward  and 
upward  which  we  have  already  given  to  the 
people  of  Cuba.  It  will  be  doubly  to  our  dis- 
credit as  a nation  if  we  fail  to  take  advantage 
of  this  chance  ; for  it  will  be  of  damage  to  our- 
selves, and  it  will  be  of  incalculable  damage  to 
Santo  Domingo.”  — President’s  Message  to  Con- 
gress, December  5,  1905. 

Twenty  days  after  the  above  was  sent  to 
Congress  President  Morales  was  a fugitive  from 
his  capital,  expelled  by  a sudden  revolutionary 
movement  in  which  Vice-President  Caceres  and 
most  of  the  Morales  Cabinet  appear  to  have 
taken  a leading  part.  Some  fighting  occurred  ; 
but  the  Morales  forces  were  beaten  decisively 
in  the  first  week  of  January,  1906,  and  their 
General,  Rodrigues,  was  killed.  Morales, 
wounded,  sought  protection  at  the  American 
Legation  and  resigned  the  Presidency,  January 
12.  Caceres  succeeded  to  the  office,  and  a 
treaty  of  peace  between  the  contending  parties 
was  signed  on  the  17th,  on  board  an  United 
States  vessel  of  war.  The  new  Government  of 


San  Domingo  adhered  to  the  arrangement  made 
by  Morales  with  the  United  States. 

As  ratified  ultimately,  in  the  spring  of  1907, 
by  the  United  States  Senate  and  the  Dominican 
Congress,  the  treaty  provided  for  the  conver- 
sion of  the  embarrassed  republic’s  debt  and  the 
floating  of  a new  issue  of  bonds,  through  the 
agency  of  a firm  of  New  York  bankers  which 
had  undertaken  the  management  of  the  affair; 
while  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  by 
its  agents,  was  to  continue  its  supervision  of 
the  collection  of  revenue. 

A.  D.  1905-1907. — The  American  Receiv- 
ership of  Dominican  Revenues.  — The  Mo- 
dus Vivendi  of  1905  and  the  Treaty  of  1907. 
— The  working  of  the  Arrangement.  — “By 
the  modus  vivendi  of  March  31,  1905,  it  was 
provided  that  until  the  Dominican  Congress 
and  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  should  act 
upon  the  convention  of  February  7,  1905,  the 
President  of  the  Dominican  Republic,  on  the 
nomination  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  should  appoint  a person  to  receive  the 
revenues  of  all  the  custom-houses  of  the  Re- 
public. Of  the  net  revenues  collected,  45  per 
cent  was  to  be  turned  over  to  the  Dominican 
Government,  and  used  in  administrative  ex- 
penses. The  remainder,  less  the  expenses  of  col- 
lection, was  to  be  deposited  in  a bank  in  New 
York  to  be  designated  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  remain  there  for  the 
benefit  of  all  creditors  of  the  Republic,  Domini- 
can as  well  as  foreign,  and  not  to  be  withdrawn 
before  the  Dominican  Congress  and  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  should  have  acted  upon 
the  convention  then  pending.  During  the  oper- 
ation of  the  modus  vivendi  all  payments  were  to 
be  suspended,  without,  however,  in  any  way 
interfering  with  or  changing  the  substantial 
rights  of  creditors.  This  modus  vivendi  went  into 
effect  on  April  1,  1905.  Under  the  receivership 
created  by  this  modus  vivendi  there  has  been 
collected,  to  August  31,  1907,  $7,183,397.56. 
Of  this  amount  45  per  cent  was  turned  over  to 
the  Dominican  Government,  and  $3,318,946.97, 
to  bear  interest  while  on  deposit,  has  been  re- 
mitted to  New  York.  This  is  in  striking  con- 
trast with  the  results  of  the  customs  operations 
of  former  years,  when,  having  control  of  the 
entire  revenues  of  the  Republic,  the  Dominican 
Government  had  not  only  been  unable  to  pay 
its  current  expenses,  but  found  its  apparent 
public  debt  increased  at  an  average  rate  of 
almost  $1,000,000  a year  for  some  thirty  odd 
years.  The  convention  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Dominican  Republic,  signed  at 
Santo  Domingo  City  on  February  8,  1907,  was 
transmitted  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  on  February 
19,  1907,  by  the  President,  for  ratification,  and 
was  ratified  on  the  25th  of  the  same  month. 
After  formal  ratification  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Dominican  Republic, 
ratifications  were  exchanged  July  8,  1907,  and 
formal  proclamation  made  by  the  President  on 
the  25tli  of  the  same  month.  Regulations  have 
been  drawn  up  for  the  application  of  its  pro- 
visions. The  treaty  sets  forth  that  the  debts  of 
the  Dominican  Republic  amount  to  more  than 
$30,000,000,  nominal  or  face  value,  which  have 
been  scaled  down  by  a conditional  adjustment 
and  agreement  to  some  $17,000,000,  including 
interest,  in  the  payment  of  which  the  Govern- 
ment has  requested  the  assistance  of  the  United 


SAN  DOMINGO,  1905-1907 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1901-1909 


States.  The  latter  agrees  to  give  this  assist- 
ance subject  to  certain  conditions  set  out  in  the 
treaty,  the  principal  among  which  are  (a)  the 
President  of  the  United  States  shall  appoint 
the  general  receiver  of  the  Dominican  customs 
and  his  assistants ; and  (b)  that  the  Dominican 
Government  shall  provide  by  law  for  the  pay- 
ment to  such  general  receiver  of  all  the  customs 
duties  of  the  Republic.  The  money  collected 
is  to  be  applied  as  follows:  (1)  To  paying  the 
expenses  of  the  receivership;  (2)  to  the  pay- 
ment of  interest  on  bonds  issued  by  the  Do- 
minican Government  in  connection  with  the 
settlement  of  its  debts;  (3)  to  the  payment  of 
the  annual  sums  provided  for  amortization 
of  said  bonds,  including  interest  upon  all  bonds 
held  in  the  sinking  fund ; (4)  to  the  purchase 
and  cancellation  or  the  retirement  and  cancella- 
tion, pursuant  to  the  terms  thereof,  of  any  of 
said  bonds  as  may  be  directed  by  the  Domini- 
can Government,  and  (5)  the  remainder  to  be 
paid  to  the  Dominican  Government.  On  the 
1st  day  of  each  calendar  month  the  sum  of 
$100,000  is  to  be  paid  over  by  the  receiver  to 
the  fiscal  agent  of  the  loan,  and  the  remaining 
collection  of  the  last  preceding  month  paid  over 
to  the  Dominican  Government,  or  applied  to 
the  sinking  fund  for  the  purchase  or  redemption 
of  bonds,  as  the  Dominican  Government  shall 
direct.  Should  the  revenues  thus  collected  ex- 
ceed $3,000,000  for  any  one  year,  one-half  of 
the  surplus  is  to  be  applied  to  the  sinking  fund 
for  the  redemption  of  bonds.” — Report  of  the 
Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  Oct.  31, 
1907  ( Abridgment , Message  and  Documents, 
1907,  p.  797). 

SAN  FRANCISCO:  A.  D.  1901-1909.  — 

Water  Supply.  — The  Hetch  Hetchy  Project. 

— “Under  this  name  is  designated  a plan  for 
obtaining  a water  supply  for  the  city  of  San 
Francisco  from  the  head  waters  of  the  Tuolumne 
River  in  the  Sierra  Nevada  mountains.  The 
Hetch  Hetchy  Valley  is  one  of  the  most  widely 
known  regions  of  the  high  Sierras,  second  only 
to  Yosemite  in  scenic  interest.  It  is  formed 
by  a widening  of  the  gorge  of  the  Tuolumne 
River,  about  30  miles  westerly  from  the  crest  of 
the  Sierras.  It  is  thus  described  in  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey,  21st  Annual  Report. 

“ ‘ The  valley  proper  is  about  three  and  one- 
half  miles  long  and  of  a width  varying  from 
one-quarter  to  three-quarters  of  a mile.  The 
rugged  granite  walls,  crowned  with  spires  and 
upon  battlements,  seem  to  rise  almost  perpen- 
dicular upon  all  sides  to  a height  of  2500  feet 
above  this  beautiful  emerald  meadow. 

“ ‘The  Tuolumne  River  leaves  this  valley  in 
a very  narrow  granite  gorge,  the  sides  of  which 
rise  precipitously  for  800  or  more  feet,  thus 
providing  naturally  a most  favorable  site  for 
a masonry  dam.’  As  the  result  of  exhaustive 
investigations,  in  1901,  having  reference  to  the 
procuring  of  an  adequate  water  supply  for  the 
City  of  San  Francisco,  that  city,  through  its 
proper  officers,  selected,  surveyed,  filed  upon 
and  made  application  for  the  reservoir  rights  of 
■way  in  the  Hetch  Hetchy  Valley  and  Lake 
Eleanor,  which  lie  within  the  reservation  known 
as  Yosemite  National  Park.  These  reservoir 
sites  were  recognized  and  surveyed  as  such  by 
the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  in  1891, 
and  the  survey  filings  and  application  were  made 
in  conformity  with  the  act  of  Congress  of  Febru- 


ary 15,  1901,  relating  to  rights  of  way  through 
certain  parks,  reservations  and  other  public 
lands. 

“ Lake  Eleanor  is  situated  136  miles  east  of 
San  Francisco  on  the  west  slope  of  the  Sierra 
Nevada  Mountains.  It  is  about  300  acres  in 
extent  and  lies  in  a broad,  fiat  valley  enclosed 
by  precipitous  walls  of  granite,  narrowing  at 
the  lower  end  of  the  valley.  It  is  4,700  feet 
above  sea  level  and  receives  the  direct  drainage 
from  83  square  miles,  and  by  a diverting  canal 
6 tniles  long  from  103  square  miles  additional 
of  uninhabitable  mountain  slopes  which  reach 
an  altitude  of  11,000  feet,  and  receive  a mean 
annual  precipitation  of  from  40  to  50  inches, 
most  of  which  is  snow.  About  a mile  and  a 
quarter  below  the  lake,  the  valley  closes  into  a 
granite  walled  gorge  and  offers  an  excellent  site 
and  material  for  a dam.  . . . 

“Hetch  Hetchy  reservoir  (site)  is  about  140 
miles  from  San  Francisco  on  the  main  fork  of 
the  Tuolumne  River  and  is  about  3,700  feet 
above  sea  level.  It  receives  the  drainage  from 
452  square  miles  of  the  uninhabitable  slopes 
of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  reaching  to  elevations  of 
over  13,000  feet.  . . . 

“ The  Hetch  Hetchy  project  proposes  to  con- 
duct the  water  liberated  from  these  reservoirs 
by  way  of  the  gorge  of  the  Tuolumne  River  16 
miles  and  thence  by  canals,  tunnels  and  pipes.” 
— Frederick  H.  Clark,  Head  of  History  Dept., 
Lowell  High  School. 

The  application  of  the  City  to  the  United 
States  Government  for  the  Lake  Eleanor  and 
Hetch  Hetchy  reservoir  sites  was  denied,  in  the 
first  instance  (1903),  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Inte- 
rior, the  Hon.  A.  E.  Hitchcock,  but  subsequently 
granted,  on  a reopening  of  the  case  and  a rehear- 
ing, by  Secretary  James  R.  Garfield,  in  whose  de- 
cision, rendered  May  11,  1908,  the  considerations 
for  and  against  the  proposed  use  of  these  famous 
seats  of  natural  beauty  and  sublimity  were  dis- 
cussed at  length  and  concluded  to  have  the 
greater  weight  in  favor  of  the  application. 

One  stipulation  made  by  Secretary  Garfield  was 
that  within  two  years  the  City  should  submit 
the  question  of  water  supply  to  the  vote  of  its 
citizens,  as  contemplated  in  its  Charter.  This 
wasdone  on  November  11,  1908,  and  the  votersof 
San  Francisco,  notwithstanding  the  strenuous 
efforts  of  the  private  water  company,  recorded 
their  approval  of  the  Hetch  Hetchy  Project  by 
the  overwhelming  vote  of  34,950  for,  to  5708 
against  the  proposition.  At  the  same  election  a 
sale  of  municipal  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $600,- 
000  was  authorized  in  order  to  enable  the  City 
to  proceed  to  perfect  its  titles.  These  bonds 
have  been  sold  and  at  this  date  (June,  1909)  the 
acquisition  of  the  required  land  is  under  way. 

Almost  passionate  protests  and  pleadings 
against  this  use  of  the  beautiful  Hetch  Hetchy 
Valley  have  been  uttered  by  John  Muir,  the 
word-painter  of  “ The  Mountains  of  California,” 
and  many  earnest  voices  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  have  been  joined  to  his  in  the  expostu- 
lation. Mr.  Muir  writes  : “It  is  impossible  to 
overestimate  the  value  of  wild  mountains  and 
mountain  temples.  They  are  the  greatest  of 
our  natural  resources,  God's  best  gifts  ; but  none, 
however  high  and  holy,  is  beyond  reach  of  the 
spoiler.  These  temple  destroyers,  devotees  of 
ravaging  commercialism,  seem  to  have  a perfect 
contempt  for  Nature,  and  instead  of  lifting  their 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1901-1909 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906 


eyes  to  the  mountains,  lift  them  to  dams  and 
town  skyscrapers.  Dam  Hetcii  Hetchy!  As 
well  dam  for  water-tanks  the  people’s  cathe- 
drals and  churches,  for  no  holier  temple  has 
ever  been  consecrated  by  the  heart  of  man. 

“Excepting  only  Yosemite,  Iletch  Hetchy  is 
the  most  attractive  and  wonderful  valley  within 
the  bounds  of  the  great  Yosemite  National 
Park  and  the  best  of  all  the  campgrounds. 
People  are  now  flocking  to  it  in  ever-increasing 
numbers  for  health  and  recreation  of  body  and 
mind.  Though  the  walls  are  less  sublime  in 
height  than  those  of  Yosemite,  its  groves,  gar- 
dens, and  broad  spacious  meadows  are  more 
beautiful  and  picturesque.  It  is  many  years 
since  sheep  and  cattle  were  pastured  in  it,  and 
the  vegetation  now  shows  scarce  a trace  of  their 
ravages.  Last  year  in  October  I visited  the 
valley  witli  Mr.  William  Keith,  the  artist.  He 
wandered  about  from  view  to  view,  enchanted, 
made  thirty-eight  sketches,  and  enthusiastically 
declared  that  in  varied  picturesque  beauty 
Hetch  Hetchy  greatly  surpassed  Yosemite.  It 
is  one  of  God’s  best  gifts,  and  ought  to  be  faith- 
fully guarded.” 

When  this  work  went  to  press,  in  May,  1910, 
Secretary  Ballinger  was  giving  hearings  on  the 
question  of  revoking  the  permit  to  San  Francisco. 

A.  D.  1901-1909.  — The  Struggle  with  Po- 
litical Corruption.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Munici- 
pal Government  : San  Francisco. 

A.  D.  1902. — The  Chinese  Highbinder 
Associations.  — Report  of  the  Industrial 
Commission  on  their  Criminal  and  Danger- 
ous Character.  — “Investigations  made  under 
the  directions  of  the  Industrial  Commission  re- 
veal the  dangerous  importance  to  be  attached  to 
the  existence  of  the  so-called  associations  of 
‘highbinders’  among  the  Chinese  population 
of  San  Francisco.  It  is  variously  estimated 
that  of  the  total  number  of  Chinese  in  that  city, 
amounting  to  25,000  or  30,000,  there  are  about 
1,000  members  of  the  highbinder  associations 
who  represent  the  worst  class  of  criminals. 
Many  of  them  have  been  compelled  to  flee  from 
their  native  country  on  account  of  crimes  com- 
mitted there.  They  are  organized  under  the  sem- 
blance of  benefit  societies,  but  for  the  purpose  of 
blackmail  and  violation  of  the  immigration  laws. 
They  impose  fines  arbitrarily  upon  the  hard- 
working and  prosperous  Chinese,  and  enforce 
their  decrees  through  criminal  violence  and 
even  assassination.  They  nullify  the  judgment 
of  American  courts  through  their  own  secret 
tribunals  and  their  paid  assassins;  they  make  a 
business  of  bringing  to  the  United  States  slave 
girls  and  coolie  laborers,  and  through  their 
system  of  intimidation  it  is  difficult,  and  often 
impossible,  to  secure  witnesses  who  will  testify 
to  the  truth.  It  is  generally  believed  by  those 
who  have  given  attention  to  this  matter,  that  if 
the  country  could  be  rid  of  this  criminal  class 
of  Chinese,  and  the  highbinders  societies  be 
permanently  suppressed,  one  of  the  greatest  fac- 
tors in  the  commission  of  fraud  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Chinese  exclusion  laws  would  be 
eliminated.  An  eminent  authority  asserts  that 
fully  75  per  cent  of  all  the  frauds  committed  at 
the  present  time  against  the  exclusion  law  can 
be  traced  directly  to  the  highbinder  associa- 
tions. So  perfect  is  the  organization  of  these  so- 
cieties, and  so  thorough  their  reign  of  terrorism, 
that  the  efforts  of  the  authorities  to  suppress 


them  have  never  been  successful.  The  only 
thing  which  they  fear  above  all  others,  holding 
it  in  greater  dread  than  our  laws,  our  courts,  and 
jails,  is  deportation  to  China.  The  only  deci- 
sive remedy  in  that  case  is  legislation  through 
Congress,  which  should  render  aliens  who  are 
members  of  such  societies,  or  any  society  hav- 
ing for  its  purpose  the  commission  of  crime  or 
the  violation  of  our  laws,  liable  to  deportation. 
What  is  true  of  the  highbinders  of  San  Fran- 
cisco is  probably  true  also  of  certain  anarchis- 
tic societies  which  are  recruited  from  Europe.” 
— Final  Report  (1902 ) of  the  Industrial  Commis- 
sion, p.  1009. 

A.  D.  1906. — The  Earthquake  Shock  of 
April  18,  1906. — The  Geological  Explana- 
tion.— Stupendous  Destruction  by  Fire  fol- 
lowing the  Earth  Tremor.  — Conditions 
produced  by  the  Fire.  — Relief  Measures.— 
“ On  the  morning  of  April  18,  1906,  the  coastal 
region  of  Middle  California  was  shaken  by  an 
earthquake  of  unusual  severity.  The  time  of 
the  shock  and  its  duration  varied  slightly  in 
different  localities,  depending  upon  their  posi- 
tion with  reference  to  the  seat  of  the  disturb- 
ance in  the  earth’s  crust;  but  in  general  the 
time  of  the  occurrence  may  be  stated  to  be  5h 
12m  a.  m , Pacific  standard  time,  or  the  time  of 
the  meridian  of  longitude  120°  west  of  Green- 
wich ; and  the  sensible  duration  of  the  shock 
was  about  one  minute. 

“The  shock  was  violent  in  the  region  about 
the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  and  with  few  excep- 
tions inspired  all  who  felt  it  with  alarm  and 
consternation.  In  the  cities  many  people  were 
injured  or  killed,  and  in  some  cases  persons 
became  mentally  deranged,  as  a result  of  the 
disasters  which  immediately  ensued  from  the 
commotion  of  the  earth.  The  manifestations 
of  the  earthquake  were  numerous  and  varied.  . . . 
Springs  were  affected  either  temporarily  or  per- 
manently, some  being  diminished,  others  in- 
creased in  flow.  Landslides  were  caused  on 
steep  slopes,  and  on  the  bottom  lands  of  the 
streams  the  soft  alluvium  was  in  many  places 
caused  to  crack  and  to  lurch,  producing  often 
very  considerable  deformations  of  the  surface. 
This  deformation  of  the  soil  was  an  important 
cause  of  damage  and  wreckage  of  buildings  sit- 
uated in  such  tracts.  Railway  tracks  were 
buckled  and  broken.  In  timbered  areas  in  the 
zone  of  maximum  disturbance  many  large  trees 
were  thrown  to  the  ground  and  in  some  cases 
they  were  snapt  off  above  the  ground. 

“The  most  disastrous  of  the  effects  of  the 
earthquake  were  the  breaking  out  of  fires  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  destruction  of  the  pipe 
systems  which  supplied  the  water  necessary  to 
combat  them.  Such  fires  caused  the  destruc- 
tion of  a large  portion  of  San  Francisco,  as  all 
the  world  knows;  and  they  also  intensified  the 
calamity  due  to  the  earthquake  at  Santa  Rosa 
and  Fort  Bragg.  The  degree  of  intensity  with 
which  the  earthquake  made  itself  felt  by  these 
various  manifestations  diminished  with  the  dis- 
tance from  the  seat  of  disturbance,  and  at  the 
more  remote  points  near  the  limits  of  its  sen- 
sibility it  was  perceived  only  by  a feeble  vibra- 
tion of  buildings  during  a brief  period. 

“The  area  over  which  the  shock  was  percep- 
tible to  the  senses  extends  from  Coos  Bay,  Ore- 
gon, on  the  north,  to  Los  Angeles  on  the  south, 
a distance  of  about  730  miles  ; and  easterly  as 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906 


far  as  Winnemucca,  Nevada,  a distance  of  about 
300  miles  from  the  coast.  The  territory  thus 
affected  has  an  extent,  inland  from  the  coast,  of 
probably  175,000  square  miles.  If  we  assume 
that  (he  sea-bottom  to  the  west  of  the  coast  was 
similarly  affected,  which  is  very  probably  true, 
the  total  area  which  was  caused  to  vibrate  to 
such  an  extent  as  to  be  perceptible  to  the  senses 
was  372,700  square  miles.  Beyond  the  limits  at 
which  the  vibrations  were  sufficiently  sharp  to 
appeal  to  the  senses,  earth  waves  were  propa- 
gated entirely  around  the  globe  and  were  re- 
corded instrumentally  at  all  the  more  important 
seismological  stations  in  civilized  countries. 

“Various  manifestations  of  the  earthquake 
above  cited,  including  the  cracking  and  defor- 
mation of  the  soil  and  incoherent  surface  forma- 
tions, were  the  results  of  the  earth  jar,  or  com- 
motion of  the  earth’s  crust.  The  cause  of  the 
earthquake,  as  will  be  more  fully  set  forth  in 
the  body  of  this  report,  was  the  sudden  rupture 
of  the  earth's  crust  along  a line  or  lines  extend- 
ing from  the  vicinity  of  Point  Delgada  to  a 
point  in  San  Benito  County  near  San  Juan;  a 
distance  in  a nearly  straight  course,  of  about 
270  miles.  For  a distance  of  190  miles  from 
Point  Arena  to  San  Juan,  the  fissure  formed  by 
this  rupture  is  known  to  be  practically  continu- 
ous. Beyond  Point  Arena  it  passes  out  to  sea, 
so  that  its  continuity  with  the  similar  crack  near 
Point  Delgada  is  open  to  doubt;  and  the  latter 
may  possibly  be  an  independent,  tho  associated, 
rupture  parallel  to  the  main  one  south  of  Point 
Arena.  It  is  most,  probable,  however,  that  there 
is  but  one  continuous  rupture.  The  course  of 
the  fissure  for  the  190  miles  thru  which  it  has 
been  followed  is  nearly  straight,  with  a bearing 
of  from  N.  30°  to  40°  W.,  but  with  a slight  gen- 
eral curvature,  the  concavity  being  toward  the. 
northeast,  and  minor  local  curvatures.  The  fis- 
sure for  the  extent  indicated  follows  the  old  line 
of  seismic  disturbance  which  extends  thru  Cali- 
fornia from  Humboldt  County  to  San  Benito 
County,  and  thence  southerly  obliquely  across 
the  Coast  Ranges  thru  the  Tejon  Pass  and  the 
Cajon  Pass  into  the  Colorado  Desert.”  — Report 
of  the  California  State  Earthquake  Investigation 
Commission , v.  1,  pp.  1-2. 

The  Great  Conflagration. — -General  Fred- 
erick Funston,  commanding  the  U.  S.  troops  at 
San  Francisco,  lost  no  time  in  ordering  them  out 
for  service  in  the  emergency,  and  his  report 
gives  many  interesting  particulars  of  the  strug- 
gle with  outbreaking  and  spreading  fires,  in 
which  they  took  an  heroic  part. 

“By  9 a.  m.,”  he  wrote,  “the  various  fires 
were  merging  into  one  great  conflagration,  and 
were  approaching  the  Palace  Hotel,  Grand  Ho- 
tel, Call  Building,  Emporium,  and  other  large 
buildings  from  the  south.  . . . By  the  morning 
of  the  19tli  the  fire  had  destroyed  the  main  por- 
tion of  the  wholesale  and  retail  section  of  the 
city,  and  was  actively  burning  on  a line  from 
about  the  corner  of  Montgomery  avenue  and 
Montgomery  street  southwest  on  an  irregular 
line  to  Van  Ness  avenue  at  Golden  Gate  avenue. 

. . . The  progress  of  the  fire  was  very  slow.  It 
averaged  not  more  than  one  block  in  two  hours. 

. . . By  the  night  of  the  19th  about  250,000 
people  or  more  must  have  been  encamped  or 
sleeping  out  in  the  open  in  the  various  military 
reservations,  parks,  and  open  spaces  of  the  city. 

“On  the  night  of  the  19th,  when  the  fire 


reached  Van  Ness  avenue,  Col.  Charles  Morris, 
Artillery  Corps,  in  command  of  the  troops  in 
that  portion  of  the  city,  authorized  Capt.  Le 
Vert  Coleman  to  destroy  a number  of  buildings 
far  enough  ahead  of  the  fire  to  make  a clearing 
along  Broadway,  Franklin  and  Gough  streets, 
which  space  the  fire  was  unable  to  bridge,  and 
in  this  manner  was  stopped  after  it  had  crossed 
Van  Ness  avenue  and  the  fire  department  seemed 
powerless.  It  is  my  opinion  that  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  work  done  at  this  place  the  entire 
Western  Addition  of  the  city  would  have  been 
destroyed. 

“ By  the  morning  of  the  20th  the  Western 
Addition,  as  that  part  of  the  city  lying  west  of 
Van  Ness  avenue  is  called,  was  considered  safe, 
except  from  the  danger  arising  from  a very 
threatening  conflagration  working  along  the 
slopes  of  Russian  Hill  toward  that  part  of  Van 
Ness  avenue  lying  north  of  Broadway.  All  day 
of  the  20th  an  heroic  fight  was  made  by  the  sol- 
diers, sailors,  firemen,  and  citizens  to  stop  this 
fire,  which  had  a frontage  of  about  half  a mile, 
and  was  working  its  way  slowly  against  the 
wind.  A number  of  buildings  were  destroyed 
here  by  high  explosives,  and  back  firing  was 
resorted  to.  The  fight,  at  this  place  was  greatly 
aided  by  water  pumped  from  the  bay  at  Fort 
Mason.  . . . 

“ By  the  most  tremendous  exertions  the  flames 
were  prevented  from  crossing  Van  Ness  avenue 
between  that  port  (Fort  Mason)  and  the  point 
where  they  had  once  crossed  and  been  fought 
out.  By  the  morning  of  the  21st  the  Western 
Addition  was  considered  safe,  and  the  advancing 
flames  south  from  the  Mission  district  had  been 
stayed ; but  a rising  wind  caused  the  fire  to  turn 
northeastward  from  Russian  Hill  and  destroy  a 
portion  of  the  city  along  the  bay  shore  that  had 
hitherto  been  spared.” 

Of  the  work  of  dynamiting  that  was  done, 
mainly  by  the  soldiers,  Major  General  A.  W. 
Greeley,  in  a special  report,  says:  “ The  author- 
ity for  demolitions  was  in  every  case  derived 
from  the  Mayor  or  his  representatives.  During 
all  of  the  18th  and  until  the  afternoon  of  the 
19th  the  city  authorities  withheld  their  permis- 
sion to  blow  up  any  buildings,  except  those  in 
immediate  contact  with  others  already  ablaze. 
Consequently,  although  we  were  able  to  check 
the  fire  at  certain  points,  it  outflanked  us  time 
and  again,  and  all  our  work  had  to  be  begun 
over  in  front  of  the  fire.  ...  By  [afternoon  of 
April  19tli]  the  Mayor  gave  permission  to  take 
more  drastic  measures  to  stop  the  fire.” 

After  the  Fire.  — Of  conditions  after  the  fire 
General  Greeley  gives  a vivid  description,  partly 
as  follows:  “On  April  18  this  was  a city  of 
500,000  inhabitants,  the  commercial  emporium 
of  the  Pacific  coast,  a great  industrial  and  man- 
ufacturing center,  adorned  with  magnificent 
buildings,  equipped  with  extensive  local  trans- 
portation, provided  with  the  most  sanitary  appli- 
ances, and  having  an  abundant  water  supply. 
On  April  21  these  triumphs  of  human  effort,  this 
center  of  civilization,  had  become  a scene  of  in- 
describable desolation,  more  than  200,000  resi- 
dents having  fled  from  the  burnt  district  alone, 
leaving  several  hundred  dead  under  its  smolder- 
ing ashes.  . . . 

“The  burnt  area  covered  3,400  acres,  as 
against  2,100  in  Chicago  and  50  in  Boston.  . . . 
Even  buildings  spared  by  the  fire  were  dam- 


587 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906-1909 


aged  as  to  chimneys,  so  that  all  food  of  the  en- 
tire city  was  cooked  over  camp  tires  in  the  open 
streets. 

“ Two  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  peo- 
ple were  not  only  homeless,  losing  homes  and 
all  personal  property,  but  also  were  deprived  of 
their  means  of  present  sustenance  and  future  live- 
lihood. Food,  water,  shelter,  clothing,  medicines, 
and  sewerage  were  all  lacking.  Failing  even 
for  drinking  purposes,  water  had  to  be  brought 
long  distances.  Every  large  bakery  was  de- 
stroyed or  interrupted.  While  milk  and  country 
produce  were  plentiful  in  the  suburbs,  local 
transportation  was  entirely  interrupted  so  that 
even  people  of  great  wealth  could  obtain  food 
only  by  charity  or  public  relief.” 

Loss  of  Life  and  Property. —General  Gree- 
ley “gives  the  loss  of  life  in  San  Francisco,  in- 
cluding some  who  subsequently  died  from  in- 
juries received,  as  304  known  and  194  unknown. 
In  addition,  415  persons  were  seriously  injured. 
Estimates  of  the  value  of  property  destroyed 
made  up  from  the  reports  of  settlements  by  the 
insurance  companies  are  given  as  follows  in 
Best’s  Special  Report  on  San  Francisco  Losses 
and  Settlement,  published  in  New  York,  Feb. 
25,  1907  : ‘ The  total  loss  to  insurance  institu- 
tions throughout  the  world  was  from  $220,000,- 
000  to  $225,000,000.  It  is  probable  that  the 
sound  value  of  the  property  represented  by  this 
loss  was  nearly  or  quite  $100,000,000  greater 
than  the  last  named  figure,  so  that  this  confla- 
gration takes  rank  as  the  largest  in  history  in 
point  of  values  destroyed.  The  loss  fell  on 
243  insurance  institutions,  plus  those  foreign 
companies  (twenty  or  more  in  number)  which 
have  made  no  report  to  us.’  ” 

Maintenance  of  Order. — “After  the  arrival 
of  state  troops  ordered  into  service  by  the  gov- 
ernor of  California,  five  separate  organizations 
were  maintaining  order  in  San  Francisco  — the 
municipal  police,  the  national  guard  of  Califor- 
nia, the  United  States  navy,  citizens’  commit- 
tees, and  the  United  States  army.  Under  this 
multiplied  control  it  was  inevitable  that  some 
clashes  of  authority  should  occur,  and  that  citi- 
zens should  at  times  feel  hampered  by  excess 
of  regulation.  ‘ It  bears  testimony,’  says  Gen- 
eral Greeley,  ‘to  the  judgment  and  forbearance 
of  the  personnel  enforcing  order  and  to  the  sen- 
sible, law-abiding  qualities  of  the  people  of  San 
Francisco,  that  during  such  prolonged  and  des- 
perate condition  of  affairs  there  should  have 
been  but  nine  deaths  by  violence.  All  killed 
were  men,  and  four  of  the  cases  have  been  the 
subject  of  investigation  under  the  civil  law.’ 

Relief  Measures.  — “Invaluable  service  of 
relief  was  rendered  by  the  railway  companies, 
the  Southern  Pacific,  under  the  personal  direction 
of  President  E.  T.  Harriman,  and  the  Atchison, 
Topeka  and  Santa  Fe,  giving  free  transporta- 
tion over  their  lines  from  April  18th  to  the  26th, 
and  affording  every  possible  facility  for  the  for- 
warding of  relief  supplies.  The  ferries  and  sub- 
urban lines  did  the  same. 

‘ ‘ Food,  clothing  and  tents  furnished  by  Pacific 
coast  cities  began  to  pour  in,  followed  quickly 
by  similar  supplies  from  more  distant  points 
and  by  the  War  Department  of  the  United 
States  under  special  appropriation  promptly 
made  by  Congress.  The  proper  handling  and 
distribution  of  these  vast  quantities  of  material 
and  the  control  of  the  refugee  camps  that  filled 


the  public  parks  devolved  upon  the  military 
authorities.  Relief  service  was  promptly  sys- 
tematized by  the  army  officers,  ably  assisted 
after  the  opening  week  by  Dr.  Edward  T. 
Devine,  special  representative  of  the  National 
Red  Cross.  After  July  2 the  army  was  with- 
drawn from  the  refugee  camps  and  the  re- 
lief work  passed  under  the  control  of  the  Red 
Cross  and  citizens’  organizations.  Mr.  J.  D. 
Phelan  of  San  Francisco,  chairman  of  the  Fi- 
nance Committee  of  the  Relief  and  Red  Cross 
Funds,  thus  commends  the  services  of  the  army 
in  its  management  of  the  relief  operations  : ‘As 
citizens  we  feel  that  the  army  in  time  of  peace 
has  demonstrated  its  efficiency  and  usefulness 
as  it  has  in  our  days  of  trouble  signalized  its 
splendid  qualities  on  the  field  of  battle.’ 

Behavior  of  the  People.  — “General  A.  W. 
Greeley  in  his  special  report  thus  characterizes 
the  behavior  of  the  people  of  San  Francisco. 

‘ It  is  safe  to  say  that  nearly  200,000  persons 
were  brought  to  a state  of  complete  destitution, 
beyond  the  clothing  they  wore  or  carried  in 
their  arms.  The  majority  of  the  community 
was  reduced  from  conditions  of  comfort  to  de- 
pendence upon  public  charity,  yet  in  all  my  ex- 
periences I have  never  seen  a woman  in  tears, 
nor  heard  a man  whining  over  his  losses.  Be- 
sides this  spirit  of  cheerful  courage,  they  exhib- 
ited qualities  of  resourcefulness  and  self-respect 
which  must  command  the  admiration  of  the 
world.  Within  two  months  the  bread  line,  which 
at  first  exceeded  300,000,  was  reduced  to  a com- 
parative handful — less  than  5 per  cent,  of  the 
original  number.’  ” — Frederick  H.  Clark,  Head 
of  History  Dept.,  Lowell  High  School. 

A.  D.  1906. — Segregation  of  Oriental 
Children  in  Public  Schools. — Resentment 
of  Japanese.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race  Prob- 
lems : United  States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1906  (April-Oct.).  — During  and 
after  the  Suppression  of  Saloons.  See  Al 
cohol  Problem:  Casual  Occurrences. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — The  Rebuilding  of  the 
Shattered  and  Burned  City.  — Improvements 
in  the  Reconstruction.  — “The  great  fire  of 
April,  1906,  practically  obliterated  the  business 
section  of  San  Francisco.  Vast  heaps  of  brick 
and  stone  and  iron  beams,  twisted  and  bent, 
filled  the  area  where  the  great  hotels,  banks  and 
mercantile  establishments,  wholesale  and  retail, 
had  stood.  The  opportunity  to  correct  original 
errors  and  to  make  improvements  in  the  ground 
plan  of  this  portion  of  the  city  was  at  once 
recognized.  People  said  to  one  another  : ‘ Lon- 
don, Chicago,  and  Baltimore  have  bitterly  re- 
gretted, since  their  great  fires,  that  they  did  not 
improve  their  streets.  Are  we  to  fail  to  take 
advantage  of  their  mistakes?’  A Citizens’ 
Committee  on  Reconstruction  was  appointed  ; 
many  valuable  suggestions  were  brought  to- 
gether ; and  an  expert  engineer  was  directed  to 
study  the  plans  and  make  practical  estimates  of 
the  cost  of  the  more  important  improvements. 
A set  of  most  commendable  changes  was  thus 
brought  to  the  point  of  authoritative  adoption. 
These  changes  included,  particularly,  the 
widening  of  streets  needed  for  main  thorough- 
fares, extension  of  a few  main  streets  so  as  to 
facilitate  the  distribution  of  traffic,  the  extension 
of  shipping  facilities  along  the  water  front,  and 
improving  the  thoroughfares  leading  thereto. 
The  opportunity  of  making  these  improvements 


588 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1900-1909 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1900-1909 


while  the  whole  area  was  destitute  of  buildings 
was,  of  course,  never  likely  to  recur. 

“At  this  point  the  whole  matter  came  to  a 
standstill.  It  was  the  misfortune  of  San  Fran- 
cisco at  this  critical  moment  to  be  under  a mu- 
nicipal administration,  wholly  incompetent  and 
corrupt.  Private  enterprise  was  strained  to  the 
utmost  in  the  effort  to  recover  from  the  great 
losses,  and  from  the  want  of  governmental  initi- 
ative, all  projects  of  municipal  improvement 
failed  for  the  time.  Under  a reformed  city- 
government  after  1907,  a great  deal  of  munici- 
pal work  was  undertaken  which  will  be  indi- 
cated below. 

“Rebuilding  of  private  structures  is  a won- 
derful record  of  courage,  energy  and  resource- 
fulness. The  first  stage  was  the  rushing  up  of 
temporary  wooden  structures,  — any  sort  of  a 
building  that  would  afford  shelter  and  permit 
the  resumption  of  business.  For  the  most  part 
the  lumber  yards  of  San  Francisco  were  un- 
touched by  the  fire,  and  thus  the  city  had  a con- 
siderable stock  of  material  for  immediate 
operations.  Van  Ness  Avenue  and  other  former 
residence  streets  were  soon  lined  with  one-story 
wooden  buildings  over  which  appeared  the  well- 
known  names  of  down-town  firms. 

“The  second  stage  in  reconstruction  was  the 
removal  of  the  ruins  left  by  earthquake  and  fire. 
The  business  section  of  the  former  city  was  con- 
structed mainly  of  brick.  Whether  from  igno- 
rance or  prejudice  the  former  building  laws  of 
San  Francisco  did  not  permit  the  use  of  concrete 
except  for  floors  and  foundations.  Only  a few 
of  the  more  recently  constructed  buildings  were 
of  steel.  Thus  the  first  great  problem  was  pre- 
sented by  the  standing  brick  walls. 

“ For  a few  days  the  use  of  dynamite  for  the 
overthrow  of  standing  walls  was  permitted,  and 
in  this  way  much  additional  damage  was  done 
to  buildings  not  wholly  ruined  by  the  earth- 
quake and  fire.  Subsequently  it  was  found  to 
be  far  more  systematic  and  advantageous  as  well 
as  safer  to  pull  down  the  standing  walls  by 
means  of  wire  cables  and  stationary  engines. 
Pulling  down  old  walls  became  for  a time  a 
trade  in  itself. 

“Thousands  of  men  found  employment  in 
cleaning  the  old  bricks  and  stacking  them  up 
for  use  in  rebuilding.  For  the  removal  of  the 
vast  quantities  of  debris,  — twisted  pipe  and 
beams,  broken  brick  and  crumbled  plaster,  tem- 
porary railways  were  constructed  over  the  level 
down-town  district,  and  elaborate  plans  were 
made  for  a wholesale  business  by  steam  trans- 
portation. There  was  trouble  over  loading  fa- 
cilities, however,  and  the  greater  quantity  was 
carried  away  by  two  horse  dump-wagons,  the 
material  being  used  for  filling  in  low  lands 
along  the  water  front  and  elsewhere.  All  Cali- 
fornia felt  the  demand  for  horses  and  wagons 
that  this  great  work  created. 

“Immediately  after  the  fire  the  work  of  revis- 
ing the  building  laws  was  taken  up.  Fortu- 
nately this  task  received  the  intelligent  guidance 
of  a citizens’  committee  composed  of  local 
builders,  architects  and  engineers.  The  build- 
ing regulations  were  rescued  from  their  contra- 
dictions and  confusion,  and  a clear,  systematic 
ordinance  was  secured.  The  most  notable  for- 
ward step  was  the  authorization  of  reinforced 
concrete  buildings. 

“Architects  and  engineers  interested  in  the 


problems  of  reconstruction  organized  a ‘ Struc- 
tural Association’  as  a clearing-house  for  im- 
proved building  methods.  The  utmost  pains 
were  taken  to  study  the  effects  of  the  earthquake 
and  the  conflagration  in  order  to  secure  every 
possible  advantage  from  the  lessons  inculcated. 
The  results  of  this  study  may  be  summarized  as 
follows. 

“ Steel  frame  buildings  (Class  A)  were 
perfectly  able  to  resist  the  effects  of  earthquake 
shock  of  the  severity  of  the  disturbance  of  1906, 
and  when  properly  protected,  to  endure  the  test  of 
conflagration  as  well.  Concrete,  both  plain  and 
reinforced,  rose  rapidly  in  favor  as  structural 
material.  Opinion  as  to  the  continued  use  of 
brick  in  construction  was  divided,  but  on  ac- 
count of  the  need  of  brick  in  the  cheaper  build- 
ings, there  was  no  tendency  toward  its  fall- 
ing into  disuse.  Wired  glass,  that  is,  plate  glass 
in  which  a mesh  of  fine  wire  netting  is  embedded 
has  been  brought  into  favor,  the  idea  being  that 
when  this  glass  is  subjected  to  great  heat  it  may 
crack,  but  will  not  fall. 

“Along  with  the  improved  methods  of  con- 
struction, the  rebuilding  of  office  and  business 
structures  afforded  an  opportunity  of  moderniz- 
ing them.  Merchants  went  so  far  as  to  form  a 
‘Down-Town  Association’  which  held  weekly 
meetings  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  prob- 
lems of  rehabilitation  and  of  taking  advantage 
of  every  suggestion  for  improvement.  The  new 
buildings  have  been  perfected  in  lighting  and 
sanitation  and  in  exterior  finish  and  interior 
arrangements  have  been  brought  up  to  the 
standard  of  the  world’s  best  types.  Thus  the 
business  district  of  the  new  city  has  been  made 
immeasurably  superior  in  durability,  cleanliness 
and  appearance,  to  what  it  was  before  the  fire. 

“ The  amount  of  reconstruction  that  has  been 
done  is  shown  in  the  following  table  taken  from 
the  San  Francisco  Chronicle  of  April  18,  1909, 
which  summarizes  the  work  done  in  three  years. 
The  table  was  compiled  from  the  municipal 
records. 


“Private  building  operations,  April  18,  1906 
April  18,  1909: 

Number.  Cost. 

Class  A . . 

. . 82 

$19,391,982 

Class  B . . 

. . 109 

8,042,831 

Class  C . . 

. 1,369 

42,416,072 

Frame  . . . 

. 12,352 

50,962,813 

Alterations  . 

. 6,334 

9,528,310 

Total . . 

. $130,344,008 

“Class  A — -buildings  having  steel  frames; 
stone,  brick  or  concrete  facing,  fire-proof  floors. 
— Completely  fire-proof. 

“Class  B — buildings  of  reinforced  concrete, 
brick  or  stone,  with  steel  beams  entering  into 
the  main  walls,  — fire-proof. 

“Class  C — brick,  stone  or  concrete  buildings 
with  floors  and  floor-framework  of  wood. 

“As  the  actual  cost  usually  exceeds  the  esti- 
mate that  goes  into  the  public  record  by  about 
15  per  cent,  it  would  be  proper  to  estimate  the 
cost  of  all  this  construction  at  §150,000,000.  Of 
this  amount  it  is  estimated  that  less  than  $10,- 
000,000  has  been  furnished  from  outside  of  San 
Francisco,  — local  capital  having  proven  itself 
sufficient  for  this  vast  work.  Within  this  same 
period  the  public  service  corporations  have  ex- 
pended nearly  $20,000,000  in  reconstruction,  — 
the  greatest  work  being  the  practical  rebuilding 


589 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  1906-1909 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


of  the  street-car  lines.  For  municipal  recon- 
struction the  city  has  repaved  nearly  all  of  the 
business  streets  and  has  voted  bonds  for  $18,200,- 
000.  From  the  funds  thus  provided  permanent 
improvements  of  great  importance  are  now 
(August,  1909)  in  progress. 

“The  election  authorizing  the  sale  of  bonds 
was  held  on  May  11,  1908.  The  purposes  for 
which  these  bonds  were  issued  are  thus  an- 
nounced by  the  Public  Utilities  Committee  of 
the  Board  of  Supervisors: 

“ ‘Fire  Protection  Bonds,  $5,200,000,  for  the 
installation  of  an  extensive  high  pressure  water 
system  which  will  give  superior  fire  protection 
to  the  greater  part  of  the  thickly  built  portion  of 
the  city,  and  designed  to  be  the  most  serviceable 
of  its  kind  in  the  world.  With  this  installed  it 
will  be  almost  impossible  for  a conflagration  to 
ever  again  visit  the  city. 

“ ‘ Sewer  Bonds,  $4,000,000,  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a complete  sewer  system  which  will  dis- 
charge the  sewage  in  a manner  that  will  per- 
fectly safeguard  the  health  of  the  city. 

“ ‘School  Bonds,  $5,000,000,  for  the  construc- 
tion of  school-houses  to  the  number  of  more  than 
thirty,  replacing  those  destroyed  by  fire  in  April, 
1906,  and  providing  sites  and  additional  struc- 
tures in  districts  now  inadequately  supplied. 

“‘Hospital  Bonds,  $2,000,000,  for  the  con- 
struction of  modern  hospitals. 

“ ‘Hall  of  Justice  Bonds,  $1,000,000,  for  the 
construction  of  buildings  for  the  police  and  other 
departments  of  the  city  government. 

“ ‘ Garbage  System  Bonds,  $1,000,000,  for  the 
construction  of  modern  works  for  the  disposal 
of  the  city’s  waste  in  a sanitary  manner. 

“ ‘ With  these  improvements  the  City  of  San 
Francisco  will  be  equipped  with  public  works 
that  will  insure  it  a prominent  place  in  the  cities 
of  the  world  in  respect  to  all  things  that  go  to 
make  stability  and  give  permanence  to  the  com- 
munity as  a great  trade  and  industrial  center.’ 
The  rapid  recovery  of  San  Francisco  from  the 
losses  of  the  great  fire  is  further  shown  by  the 
following  comparison  of  values  from  the  Asses- 
sors Reports : 


Value  of  Taxable  Property. 

1905.  1906.  1908. 

Real  Estate  . . $304,136,185  $237,082,752  $258,642,215 
Buildings  . . . 97,830,165  50,250,480  90,996,500 

Personal  Property  122,264,596  88,805,510  103,912,469 

Total  ....  $524,230,946  $376,138,742  $453,551,184 

— Frederick  H.  Clark,  Head  of  History  Dept., 
Lowell  High  School. 

A.  D.  1908  (July).  — Visit  of  the  Battle- 
ship Fleet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Pre- 
parations for  : Naval. 

SANITARY  UNDERTAKINGS.  See 
Public  Health. 

SANTOS-DUMONT,  A.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Aeronau- 
tics. 

SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU  MINIS- 
TRY. See  (in  this  vol.)  France  : A.  D.  1906. 

SARTO,  Giuseppe,  Cardinal:  Elected 

Pope.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D.  1903 
(July-Aug.). 

SASKATCHEWAN:  Organized  as  a 

Province  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Canada  : A.  D.  1905. 

SAXONY:  A.  D.  1906.  — Political  Re- 
form. See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise: 
Germany  : A.  D.  1906. 

SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN  SOLI- 
DARITY. See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  In- 
ternational Interchanges. 

SCHMITZ,  Eugene  E.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government:  San  Francisco. 

SCHOOL  CHILDREN,  Underfed.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  Problems  of. 

SCHOOL  PEACE  LEAGUE,  The 
American.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Re- 
volt against:  A.  D.  1908. 

SCHOOLS.  See  Education. 

SCHOUVALOFF,  Count,  Assassination 
of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feb.- 
Nov.). 

SCHREINER,  W.  P.:  Opposition  to  Dis- 
franchisement of  Colored  Natives  in  South 
Africa.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa: 
A.  D.  1908-1909. 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION,  RECENT. 


Aeronautics:  The  Development  of  the 
Aeroplane  and  the  Dirigible  Balloon.  — To 

be  lifted  from  the  earth  by  an  inflated  sack  of 
gas  lighter  than  air,  and  be  drifted  with  it  by 
the  winds,  was  an  interesting  experience  for  a 
few  adventurous  people,  after  the  Mongolfiers, 
in  1783,  had  found  it  could  be  done ; but  the 
practical  advantages  from  it  were  slight,  so 
long  as  the  voyager  of  the  air  had  no  slightest 
control  of  his  journeying.  The  possibility  of 
such  control  only  came  within  the  range  of  in- 
ventors’ dreams  when  motor  enginery  had  been 
carried  far  towards  the  promise  of  much  power 
with  little  weight.  The  promise  was  half  a 
century  behind  its  fulfilment,  however,  when 
Henri  Giffard,  the  notable  French  engineer,  is 
said  to  have  constructed  a balloon  which  lacked 
nothing  but  the  adequately  light  and  vigorous 
motor  in  order  to  be  as  dirigible  as  any  of  the 
present  day.  But  the  needed  motor  began  to 
take  form,  and  success  in  the  propulsion  of  bal- 
loons on  steered  courses,  with  some  independ- 


ence of  the  winds,  began  to  be  realized,  in  the 
experiments  of  Count  Zeppelin,  in  Germany, 
and  of  M.  Santos-Dumont  in  France,  beginning 
about  1898. 

Before  that  date,  however,  invention  had 
been  started  on  bolder  lines,  seeking  independ- 
ence of  the  clumsy  gas-bag,  and  striving  to 
mount  the  air  as  the  bird  does,  by  pushing 
against  it  the  inclined  planes  of  his  wings. 
Otto  Lilienthal,  in  Germany,  began  experi- 
ments to  that  end  in  1893.  He  had  no  motor  ; 
but  starting  from  a height,  and  “making  judi- 
cious use  of  the  movement  of  the  wind,”  he  ac- 
complished gliding  flights  of  about  1200  feet, 
and  the  machines  lie  constructed  were  sugges- 
tive of  ideas  to  the  experimenters  who  followed 
him.  He  was  killed  by  a fall  in  1896.  Many 
were  then  working  at  the  problem  of  aerial 
flight  without  the  lifting  force  of  light  gases. 
Some  studied  it  scientifically  and  some  attacked 
it  in  the  rough  manner  of  sheer  empiricism. 
Of  the  former,  in  the  United  States,  were  Oc- 


590 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


tave  Chanute,  the  engineer,  and  Professor 
Samuel  P.  Langley,  the  astronomer  and  physi- 
cist of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  ; in  England 
there  was  Sir  Hiram  Maxim.  These  gentlemen 
arrived  at  no  practical  success  iu  their  own  ex- 
perimenting, but  they  furnished  good  guidance 
to  the  work  of  their  more  fortunate  successors. 
A little  later  the  scientific  students  of  the  prob- 
lem were  joined  by  the  inventor  of  the  tele- 
phone, Alexander  Graham  Bell.  And  then 
came  the  two  workers  who  advanced  from  em- 
piricism to  science  in  their  undertaking,  and 
who  won  the  first  great  successes  by  a happy 
combination  of  the  two. 

The  brothers  Orville  and  Wilbur  Wright 
have  told,  in  an  article  contributed  to  The  Cen- 
tury Magazine,  how  they  were  stirred  to  serious 
interest  in  the  aviation  problem  in  1896  and  be- 
gan to  read  what  Langley,  Chanute,  Mouillard 
and  others  had  written  on  it.  Entering,  purely 
as  a sport,  on  experiments  in  gliding  flight,  on 
Lilienthal’s  lines,  they  became  fascinated  by 
the  pursuit.  From  the  first  they  appear  to 
have  chosen  what  is  known  as  the  biplane 
structure  for  their  machines,  the  invention  of 
which  they  credit  to  a previous  inventor,  Wen- 
ham,  whose  design  of  it  had  been  improved  by 
String-fellow  and  Chanute.  To  this  construc- 
tion, of  two  planes,  one  above  the  other,  for 
supporting  surfaces,  they  have  steadfastly  ad- 
hered. 

At  the  outset  of  their  experimenting  the 
Wrights  found  a difficulty  in  the  balancing  of 
“ flyers”  which  previous  workers  did  not  seem 
to  have  treated  seriously  enough,  and  they  set- 
tled themselves  to  the  conquest  of  it  at  once. 
This  and  other  problems  soon  carried  them 
from  empirical  testing  into  scientific  studies, 
which  occupied  several  years.  They  found 
that  the  accepted  measurements  of  wind  pres- 
sure, on  given  plane  surfaces  exposed  at  differ- 
ent angles,  were  unreliable,  and  they  applied 
themselves  to  the  making  and  tabulating  of 
measurements  of  their  own.  It  was  not  until 
this  work  had  given  them  “ accurate  data  for 
making  calculations,  and  a system  of  balance 
effective  in  winds  as  well  as  in  calms,”  as  well 
as  the  necessary  data  for  designing  an  effective 
screw  propeller,  that  they  felt  themselves  pre- 
pared “ to  build  a successful  power-flyer.” 

So  far,  these  thorough-going  workers  at  the 
problems  of  aviation  had  been  experimenting 
with  a machine  designed,  as  they  said,  “to  be 
flown  as  a kite,  with  a man  on  board,”  or  with- 
out the  man,  “operating  the  levers  through 
cords  from  the  ground.”  Their  active  experi- 
menting began  in  October,  1900,  at  Kitty 
Ilawk,  North  Carolina.  In  1901  they  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Mr.  Chanute,  and  he  spent 
some  weeks  with  them,  observing  and  encour- 
aging their  work.  In  September  and  October, 
they  say,  “ nearly  one  thousand  gliding  flights 
were  made,  several  of  which  covered  distances 
of  over  600  feet.  Some,  made  against  a wind 
of  thirty-six  miles  an  hour,  gave  proof  of  the 
effectiveness  of  the  devices  for  control.”  Late 
in  1903  they  had  reached  the  point  of  testing  a 
power-machine,  and  sailed  into  the  air  with  it 
for  the  first  time  on  the  17th  of  December  in  the 
presence  of  five  lookers-on.  “The  first  flight,” 
they  tell  us,  “lasted  only  twelve  seconds:  a 
flight  very  modest  compared  with  that  of  birds  ; 
but  it  was,  nevertheless,  the  first  in  the  history 


of  the  world  in  which  a machine  carrying  a 
man  had  raised  itself  by  its  own  power  into  the 
air  iu  free  flight,  had  sailed  forward  on  a level 
course,  without  reduction  of  speed,  and  had 
finally  landed  without  being  wrecked.  The  sec- 
ond and  third  flights  were  a little  longer,  and 
the  fourth  lasted  fifty -nine  seconds,  covering  a 
distance  of  852  feet  over  the  ground  against 
a twenty-mile  wind.” 

Iu  the  spring  of  1904  the  experimenting 
of  the  Wright  Brothers  was  transferred  from 
Kitty  Hawk,  N.  C.,  to  a prairie  not  far  from 
their  home,  at  Dayton,  Ohio.  There  they  over- 
came final  difficulties  in  the  maintaining  of 
equilibrium  when  turning  their  machine  in  cir- 
cles of  flight ; and  then,  at  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber, 1905,  they  suspended  experiments  for  more 
than  two  years,  which  they  spent  in  business 
negotiations  and  in  the  construction  of  new 
machines.  Their  experimenting  was  not  re- 
sumed until  May,  1908  (again  at  Kitty  Hawk). 
At  this  time  it  was  directed  to  the  testing  of 
the  ability  of  their  machine  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  a contract  with  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment to  furnish  a flyer  capable  of  carrying 
two  men  and  sufficient  fuel  supplies  for  a flight 
of  25  miles,  with  a speed  of  forty  miles  an  hour. 

Meantime,  during  the  two  years  of  suspended 
experimenting  by  the  Wrights,  other  workers  in 
Europe  and  America  had  been  approaching  their 
successes,  so  far  as  to  be  competitors  for  the  im- 
portant prizes  now  offered  very  plainly  for  win- 
ning iu  the  aviation  field.  M.  Santos-Dumont, 
turning  his  attention  from  dirigible  balloons  to 
aeroplanes,  had  made,  at  Paris,  the  first  public 
flight  on  that  side  of  the  ocean ; and  though  he 
covered  no  more  than  220  yards,  it  was  a long 
stride  in  practical  success.  Henry  Farman, 
Louis  Bleriot,  M.  Delagrange,  in  France,  Glenn 
H.  Curtiss  and  A.  M.  Herring,  in  the  United 
States,  were  making  ready  to  dispute  honors 
with  the  Dayton  aviators,  of  whose  actual 
achievements  the  public  knew  little,  as  yet. 

On  all  sides  there  was  readiness  for  surprising 
and  astonishing  the  public  in  1908.  Farman,  at 
Paris,  in  March,  exceeded  a flight  of  two  miles; 
Delagrauge,  at  Milan,  in  June,  covered  ten 
miles,  and  more  ; Farman,  in  July,  raised  his  re- 
cord to  eleven  miles,  and  Delagrange  carried  his 
to  fifteen  and  a half  in  September.  The  Wrights 
had  made  flights  that  ranged  from  eleven  to 
twenty-four  miles  in  the  fall  of  1905;  and  now, 
in  their  renewed  trials  of  1908,  these  distances 
were  more  than  doubled.  Wilbur  Wright  went 
abroad,  to  exhibit  their  machine  in  France  and 
elsewhere,  while  Orville,  iu  September,  sub- 
mitted it  to  official  tests  at  Fort  Myer,  near 
Washington.  There,  on  different  days  in  that 
month,  rounding  circuits  of  the  parade  ground, 
he  made  time  records  of  continuous  flight  that 
ran  from  56  to  74  minutes,  travelling  estimated 
distances  that  stretched  in  one  instance  over 
fifty-one  and  a third  miles.  These  trials  at  Fort 
Myer  were  interrupted  sadly  by  an  accident, 
from  the  breaking  of  a propeller-blade,  which 
caused  the  machine  to  drop  to  the  ground  while 
in  flight.  Lieutenant  T.  E.  Selfridge,  U.  S.  A., 
who  rode  with  Mr.  Wright  at  the  time,  was 
killed,  and  Air.  Wright  suffered  a broken  leg. 

Wilbur  Wright,  meantime,  was  entering  on 
great  triumphs  in  France.  At  Le  Mans,  on  the 
21st  of  September,  he  traversed  68  miles  in  a 
continuous  flight  of  a little  more  than  an  hour 


591 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


and  a half.  This  achievement  was  far  surpassed 
by  him  on  the  18th  of  December,  when  95  miles 
were  travelled  in  an  hour  and  fifty-four  minutes, 
and  again,  on  the  31st  of  December,  when  the 
stay  in  the  air  was  prolonged  to  two  hours,  nine 
minutes  and  some  seconds,  and  the  distance 
covered  was  76^  miles. 

These  records  of  the  Wrights  for  time  of  con- 
tinuous flight  were  beaten  by  a number  of 
European  competitors,  as  will  be  shown  below. 
Otherwise,  the  records  of  1909  show  no  very 
marked  advauce  beyond  those  of  1908 ; but  the 
year  had  excitements  in  aviation,  connected  es- 
pecially with  attempted  flights  over  the  English 
Channel.  Hubert  Latham,  a recent  French 
practitioner  in  aviation,  was  the  first  to  venture 
this  leap  through  the  air  from  France  to  Eng- 
land. His  machine  was  described  as  being  an 
Antoinette  monoplane,  designed  by  M.  Levevas- 
seur.  He  launched  it  from  Calais  in  the  early 
morning  of  July  19,  and  traversed  about  six 
miles  of  the  passage  when  his  motor  failed  and 
he  fell  to  the  water,  unhurt,  and  was  rescued  by 
an  attendant  steamer.  Six  days  after  Latham's 
failure,  on  the  25th  of  July,  Louis  Bleriot,  us- 
ing another  monoplane  machine,  made  the  cross- 
ing with  brilliant  success,  flying  from  Calais  to 
Dover,  21  miles,  in  23  minutes,  and  winning  the 
prize  of  £1000  which  the  Daily  Mail,  of  London, 
had  offered  for  the  performance  of  the  feat.  M. 
Latham  then  repeated  his  attempt  and  was  un- 
fortunate again,  his  motor  giving  out  after  it 
had  carried  him  within  two  miles  of  the  Dover 
shore. 

Orville  Wright,  at  this  time,  July  27,  was 
demonstrating  at  Fort  Myer  the  ability  of  his 
aeroplane  to  carry  two  persons  in  a well-sus- 
tained flight.  With  Lieutenant  Frank  P.  Lahm, 
of  the  Signal  Corps,  as  a passenger,  and  having 
President  Taft  among  his  spectators,  he  made  a 
flight  of  an  hour,  twelve  minutes  and  forty  sec- 
onds, accomplishing  upwards  of  fifty  miles  at  an 
average  speed  of  forty  miles  an  hour.  A day 
or  two  afterwards  he  carried  Lieutenant  Benja- 
min D.  Foulois  over  the  ten  mile  course  from 
Fort  Myer  to  Alexandria  at  a speed  of  more  than 
forty -two  miles  an  hour. 

In  the  last  week  of  August  the  first  race 
meeting  for  heavier-than  air  flying  machines  oc- 
cured  at  Rheims,  France,  and  a dozen  aviators 
from  France,  England  and  America  competed 
for  large  prizes  in  long  distance  and  duration 
flights.  A number  of  new  records  was  made, 
and  new  names  acquired  note.  Louis  Paulhan 
kept  the  air  for  two  hours  and  forty-three  min- 
utes with  a Voisin  biplane,  covering  83  miles. 
Hubert  Latham  surpassed  this  in  distance  and 
speed,  making  96  miles  in  two  hours  and  eight- 
een minutes ; and  this  again  was  beaten  by 
Henri  Farman,  who  travelled  118  miles,  remain- 
ing in  the  air  over  three  hours.  M.  Latham 
used  the  Antoinette  monoplane,  and  M.  Farman 
a biplane  of  his  own  design.  Mr.  Glenn  H.  Cur- 
tiss won  the  prize  for  speed,  doing  18  miles  in 
twenty-five  minutes  and  forty-five  seconds. 

Orville  Wright  had  now  gone  abroad  and  his 
brother  had  returned  to  America.  In  August 
and  September  the  former  gave  exhibitions  at 
Berlin,  breaking  some  of  his  own  records,  carry- 
ing a passenger  in  his  machine  for  an  hour  and 
thirty-five  minutes,  on  the  18th  of  September, 
and  rising,  on  the  1st  of  October,  to  an  unex- 
ampled height,  believed  to  have  exceeded  1000 


feet.  This,  however,  was  greatly  exceeded  in 
January,  1910,  by  Hubert  Latham,  at  Mour- 
melon,  France,  who  rose  to  3280  feet,  and  by 
Louis  Paulhan,  at  Los  Angeles,  California, 
4165  ft.  On  the  3d  of  October  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Germany  was  his  companion  in  a 
short  flight. 

Meantime  Wilbur  Wright,  in  America,  had 
endeavored  to  supply  one  of  the  spectacles  ar 
ranged  for  the  IIudson-Fulton  celebration  at 
New  York;  but  the  intended  programme  of 
aviation  was  spoiled  by  forbidding  winds.  He 
did,  however,  make  one  astonishing  flight,  on 
the  4th  of  October,  from  Governor’s  Island,  up 
the  Hudson  to  Grant’s  tomb,  and,  on  his  return, 
passing  over  the  British  battle-ships  then  lying 
in  the  river.  The  distance  travelled  was  about 
twenty  miles  and  the  time  of  the  journey 
thirty-three  minutes  and  a half.  Unfortunately 
it  was  unexpected,  and  was  seen  by  a small 
part  only  of  the  millions  who  had  been  watch- 
ing several  days  for  a flight.  On  the  next  day 
Mr.  Wright  made  the  statement  that  no  more 
public  exhibitions  would  be  given  by  his 
brother  or  himself.  “ Hereafter,”  he  said,  “ we 
shall  devote  all  our  efforts  to  the  commercial 
exploitation  of  our  machines,  and  fly  only  as  a 
matter  of  experiment,  to  test  the  value  of  what- 
ever changes  we  decide  to  make  in  the  con- 
struction.” 

Turning  now  back  to  the  development  of 
the  motor-propelled  and  dirigible  balloon,  we 
find  that  field  of  aeronautics  very  nearly  mo- 
nopolized at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth 
century,  so  far  as  the  public  saw  it,  by  the 
Brazilian  millionaire,  A.  Santos-Dumont,  who 
spent  his  time  and  his  wealth  at  Paris  in  bal- 
looning. The  French  Government  had  been  au- 
thorizing army  experiments  in  dirigible  balloon- 
ing since  1884,  and  a motor-driven  air-ship  of 
that  description,  designed  by  Captain  Renard, 
and  named  -‘La  France,”  had  made  a trip  from 
Chalais-Meudon  to  Paris  and  return  in  Septem- 
ber, 1885,  being  the  first  balloon  ever  navigated 
back  to  its  starting  point ; but  not  much  in  the 
same  line  to  excite  public  interest  appears  to 
have  been  done  in  the  next  sixteen  years.  Then, 
on  the  19th  of  October,  1901,  a lively  stir  of  in- 
terest everywhere  was  excited  by  the  exploit  of 
Santos-Dumont,  in  navigating  his  balloon  from 
St.  Cloud  to  and  around  the  Eiffel  Tower  and 
back  to  the  starting  point.  He  had  done  the 
same  privately  three  months  before,  at  a very 
early  morning  hour  of  July  12,  on  which  occa- 
sion he  broke  his  rudder  at  an  early  stage  of  the 
journey,  descended  in  the  Trocadero  Gardens, 
made  repairs  and  then  went  on  doing  the  whole 
round  in  an  hour  and  six  minutes,  including  the 
stop. 

Expectation,  however,  that  controllable  navi- 
gation of  the  air,  in  average  conditions  of  wind, 
might  really  be  an  approaching  and  not  very 
distant  fact,  cannot  be  said  to  have  had  much 
awakening  in  the  world  until  the  performances, 
in  1908,  of  Count  Zeppelin’s  huge  airship,  440 
feet  in  length,  called  Zeppelin  No.  IV.,  which 
enclosed  numerous  envelopes  of  gas  in  a rigid 
aluminum  frame.  On  the  2d  of  July,  1908,  he 
drove  this  great  balloon  from  Friedrichshafen, 
on  Lake  Constance,  to  Luzerne,  248  miles, 
within  twelve  hours.  Starting  again  from 
Friedrichshafen,  August  4,  intending  a 500 
mile  trip,  he  made  a lauding  at  Oppenheim,  260 


592 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


miles  distant,  returned  thence  to  Stuttgart,  and 
finally  to  Echterdingen,  where  a hurricane 
storm  wrecked  his  airship  completely,  causing 
its  motor  to  explode.  Public  sympathy  with 
the  veteran  aeronaut  and  public  faith  in  his 
work  were  so  strong  that  a fund  was  raised 
promptly  by  subscription  for  the  building  of 
another  of  his  costly  balloons. 

With  this  he  was  ready  for  new  voyages  in 
the  spring  of  1909,  and  started  from  Fried- 
richshafen  on  the  30th  of  May,  carrying  two 
engineers  and  a crew  of  seven,  travelled  456 
miles  to  Bitterfield,  where,  without  landing,  he 
turned  back  ; but  landed  later  near  Goeppin- 
gen,  receiving  a slight  injury  to  the  balloon 
in  landing  by  contact  with  a tree.  The  whole 
distance  travelled  was  about  850  miles,  in  37 
hours.  Late  in  August  the  Count  accom- 
plished a long  desired  voyage  from  his  head- 
quarters on  Lake  Constance  to  Berlin  ; but  was 
forced  to  land  at  Nuremberg  for  repairs,  and 
again  at  Bitterfield,  disappointing  the  great 
crowds  which  waited  at  Berlin,  till  late  at  night 
on  the  29th,  with  the  Emperor,  to  welcome  his 
arrival.  When  he  came,  the  next  day,  how- 
ever, the  public  enthusiasm  showed  no  cooling. 
“He  was  received,”  says  a despatch  from  Ber- 
lin, “ with  all  the  honours  which  the  Court  and 
capital  could  pay  him,  and  his  triumphal  entry 
into  the  city  this  afternoon  as  the  honoured 
guest  of  the  Emperor,  was  not  merely  a dra- 
matic success  but  a national  demonstration.” 
And  now,  from  this  glancing  survey  of 
achievement  thus  far  in  the  navigation  of  the 
air,  with  and  without  help  from  the  levitation 
of  gas,  what  expectations  of  further  achieve- 
ment can  we  reasonably  indulge  ? Here  is  one 
answer,  from  a notably  scientific  mind, — that 
of  the  late  Simon  Newcomb,  the  astronomer  : 
“It  would  seem  that,  at  the  present  time, 
the  public  is  more  hopeful  of  the  flying-machine 
than  of  the  dirigible  balloon.  The  idea  that 
because  such  a machine  has  at  last  been  con- 
structed which  will  carry  a man  through  the  air, 
there  is  no  limit  to  progress,  is  a natural  one. 
But  to  judge  of  possibilities,  we  must  advert  to 
the  distinction  already  pointed  out  between  ob- 
stacles interposed  by  nature,  which  cannot  be 
surmounted  by  any  invention,  and  those  which 
we  may  hope  to  overcome  by  possible  mechanical 
appliances.  The  mathematical  relations  between 
speed,  sustaining  power,  strength  of  material, 
efficiency  of  engine,  and  other  elements  of  suc- 
cess are  fixed  and  determinate,  and  cannot  be 
changed  except  by  new  scientific  discoveries, 
quite  outside  the  power  of  the  inventor  to 
make.  That  the  gravitation  of  matter  can  in 
any  way  be  annulled  seems  out  of  the  question. 
Should  any  combination  of  metals  or  other  sub- 
stances be  discovered  of  many  times  the  stiff- 
ness and  tensile  strength  of  the  fabrics  and 
alloys  with  which  we  are  now  acquainted,  then 
might  one  element  of  success  be  at  our  com- 
mand. But,  with  the  metals  that  we  actually 
have,  there  is  a limit  to  the  weight  of  an  engine 
with  a given  driving  power,  and  it  may  be 
fairly  assumed  that  this  limit  is  nearly  reached 
in  the  motors  now  in  use.  . . . Owing  to  the 
levity  of  the  air,  the  supporting  surface  must 
have  a wide  area.  We  cannot  set  any  exact 
limit  to  the  necessary  spread  of  sail,  because 
the  higher  the  speed  the  less  the  spread  re- 
quired. But,  as  we  increase  the  speed,  we  also 


increase  the  resistance,  and  therefore  we  must 
have  a more  powerful  and  necessarily  heavier 
motor.  . . . Bearing  in  mind  that  no  limit  is  to 
be  set  to  the  possible  discovery  of  new  laws  of 
nature  or  new  combinations  of  the  chemical 
elements,  it  must  be  understood  that  I disclaim 
any  positive  prediction  that  men  will  never  fly 
from  place  to  place  at  will.  The  claim  I make 
is  that  they  will  not  do  this  until  some  epoch- 
making  discovery  is  made  of  which  we  have 
now  no  conception,  and  that  mere  invention  has 
nearly  reached  its  limit.  It  is  very  natural  to 
reason  that  men  have  done  hundreds  of  things 
which  formerly  seemed  impossible,  and  there- 
fore they  may  fly.  But  for  every  one  thing 
seemingly  impossible  that  they  have  succeeded 
in  doing  there  are  ten  which  they  would  like  to 
do  but  which  no  one  believes  that  they  can 
do.  No  one  thinks  of  controlling  wind  or 
weather,  of  making  the  sun  shine  when  we 
please,  of  building  a railroad  across  the  Atlantic, 
of  changing  the  ocean  level  to  suit  the  purposes 
of  commerce,  of  building  bridges  of  greater  ex- 
tent than  engineers  tell  us  is  possible  with  the 
strength  of  the  material  that  we  have  at  com- 
mand, or  of  erecting  buildings  so  high  that  they 
would  be  crushed  by  their  own  weight.  Why 
are  we  hopeless  as  to  all  these  achievements, 
and  yet  hopeful  that  the  flying-machine  may  be 
the  vehicle  of  the  future,  which  shall  transport 
us  more  rapidly  than  a railroad  train  now 
does?  It  is  simply  because  we  all  have  so  clear 
a mental  view  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
reaching  such  ends  as  those  just  enumerated 
that  we  do  not  waste  time  in  attempting  to  sur- 
mount them,  and  we  are  hopeful  of  the  flying- 
machine  only  because  we  do  not  clearly  see  that 
the'  difficulties  are  of  the  same  nature  as  those 
we  should  encounter  in  erecting  a structure 
which  would  not  be  subject  to  the  laws  of 
mechanics. 

“ I have  said  nothing  of  the  possible  success 
of  the  flying-machine  for  the  purposes  of  mili- 
tary reconnaissance  or  any  other  operations  re- 
quiring the  observer  to  command  a wide  view 
of  all  that  is  on  the  landscape.  This  is  a tech- 
nical subject  which,  how  great  soever  may  be 
its  national  importance,  does  not  affect  our 
daily  life.” — Simon  Newcomb,  The  Prospect  of 
Aerial  Navigation  ( North  Am.  Review,  March, 
1908). 

Here  is  another,  from  Thomas  A.  Edison,  the 
inventor : “ In  ten  years  flying  machines  will  be 
used  to  carry  mails.  They  will  carry  passen- 
gers, too,  and  they  will  go  at  a speed  of  100 
miles  an  hour.  There  is  no  doubt  of  this.” 
These  are  the  words  of  Mr.  Edison  in  an  inter 
view  published  in  the  Neio  York  Times,  August 
1st,  1909.  But  while  he  is  sure  that  the  “ flying 
machine  has  got  to  come,”  he  is  not  at  all  sure 
that  it  will  come  along  the  lines  pursued  in  the 
present  experiments.  “The  flying  problem 
now  consists  of  75  per  cent,  machine  and  25  per 
cent,  man,”  he  said,  “ while  to  be  commercially 
successful  the  flying  machine  must  leave  little 
to  the  peculiar  skill  of  the  operator  and  must  be 
able  to  go  out  in  all  weathers.”  He  continued: 
“ If  I were  to  build  a flying  machine  I would 
plan  to  sustain  it  by  means  of  a number  of  rap 
idly  revolving  inclined  planes,  the  effect  of 
which  would  be  to  raise  the  machine  by  com- 
pressing the  air  between  the  planes  and  the 
earth.  Such  a machine  would  rise  from  the 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


ground  as  a bird  does.  Then  I would  drive  the 
machine  ahead  witli  a propeller.” 

Mr.  Edison  believes  it  is  a question  of  power. 
“ Is  it  not  thinkable  that  a method  will  be  dis- 
covered of  wirelessly  transmitting  electrical 
energy  from  the  earth  to  the  motor  of  the  ma- 
chine in  mid-air  ? ” He  asked  and  answered  his 
own  question,  saying: — “ There  is  no  reason  to 
disbelieve  that  it  can  and  will  be  done.”  He 
added,  however,  that  there  was  great  room  for 
improvement  in  explosive  engines.  “ Any  day 
we  are  likely  to  read  that  somebody  has  made 
picric  acid  or  something  else  work  — done  some 
little  thing  that  will  transform  the  flying  ma- 
chine from  a toy  into  a commercial  success.” 
And  when  it  is  perfected,  he  says,  the  flying 
machine  may  end  war  by  becoming  a means  of 
attack  that  cannot  be  resisted. 

Agriculture:  Dry  Farming  in  the  West. 

— For  twenty  consecutive  years,  in  scores  of 
places  from  the  James  River  to  the  Arkansas, 
Mr.  H.  W.  Campbell,  of  Lincoln,  Nebraska,  the 
pioneer  “dry  farmer”  of  Arid  America,  “has 
been  uniformly  successful  in  producing  without 
irrigation  the  same  results  that  are  expected 
with  irrigation,  with  comparatively  little  addi- 
tional expense,  but  not  without  a great  deal  more 
watchfulness  and  labor.  What  Western  people 
have  become  accustomed  to  calling  the  ‘ Camp- 
bell system  of  dry  farming  ’ consists  simply  in 
the  exercise  of  intelligence,  care,  patience,  and 
tireless  industry.  It  differs  in  details  from  the 
‘good-farming’  methods  practised  and  taught 
at  the  various  agricultural  experiment  stations ; 
but  the  underlying  principles  are  the  same. 

“These  principles  are  two  in  number.  First 
to  keep  the  surface  of  the  land  under  cultivation 
loose  and  finely  pulverized.  This  forms  a soil 
mulch  that  permits  the  rains  and  melting  snows 
to  percolate  readily  through  to  the  compacted 
soil  beneath  ; and  that  at  the  same  time  prevents 
the  moisture  stored  in  the  ground  from  being 
brought  to  the  surface  by  capillary  attraction, 
to  be  absorbed  by  the  hot,  dry  air.  The  second 
is  to  keep  the  sub-soil  finely  pulverized  and 
firmly  compacted,  increasing  its  water-holding 
capacity  and  its  capillary  attraction  and  placing 
it  in  the  best  possible  physical  condition  for  the 
germination  of  seed  and  the  development  of 
plant  roots.  The  ‘dry  farmer’  thus  stores  water 
not  in  dams  and  artificial  reservoirs,  but  right 
where  it  can  be  reached  by  the  roots  of  growing 
crops. 

“Through  these  principles,  a rainfall  of  twelve 
inches  can  be  conserved  so  effectively  that  it 
will  produce  better  results  than  are  usually  ex- 
pected of  an  annual  precipitation  of  twenty-four 
inches  in  humid  America.  The  discoverer  and 
demonstrator  of  these  principles  deserves  to 
rank  among  the  greatest  of  national  benefac- 
tors.”— John  L.  Cowan,  Dry  Farming  the 
Hope  of  the  West  ( Century  Magazine,  July,  1906). 

“It  is  difficult  for  one  who  is  used  to  the  com- 
monplace methods  of  tilling  the  soil  which  ob- 
tained a quarter  of  a century  ago  to  believe  that 
a new  method  has  been  discovered  which  will 
triple  and  quadruple  the  results  of  the  old  sys- 
tem in  those  parts  of  the  country  in  which  the 
rainfall  is  somewhat  restricted.  The  imagina- 
tion cannot  immediately  grasp  the  statement 
that  dry  farming  methods  would  lift  the  Kansas 
wheat  crop  from  75,000,000  to  216,000,000  bush- 
els. Y#et  this  is  a fact. 


“ If  the  mind  of  the  eastern  farmer  can  grasp 
this  tremendous  fact  he  will  be  ready  to  credit 
the  statement  that  there  are  millions  of  acres  in 
the  western  country  which  were  until  a few 
years  ago  regarded  as  utterly  worthless,  but 
which  are  now  cheap  at  $25  an  acre.  To  the 
wheat  industry  alone  of  the  western  country 
the  proved  fact  of  the  value  of  dry  farming 
means  more  than  any  other  development  fact  in 
the  agricultural  history  of  this  country.  What 
is  true  of  increased  yields  in  dry  farming  is 
equally  true,  and  in  a larger  degree,  perhaps, 
with  respect  to  irrigation.  For  years  the  gov- 
ernment has  been  warning  the  country  that  the 
increased  production  of  wheat  is  not  keeping 
pace  with  the  increased  consumption. 

“ Should  this  continue  it  would  mean  that  ere 
long  the  United  States  would  be  compelled  to 
draw  a part  of  its  wheat  supply  from  the  Cana- 
dian Northwest.  It  would  also  mean  that  the 
United  States  would  lose  the  export  wheat  trade 
with  the  Orient,  which  is  bound  to  increase 
rapidly.  It  is  not  generally  known  that  the 
400,000,000  people  in  China  are  being  educated 
to  the  use  of  wheat  and  other  cereals  than  rice, 
and  that,  therefore,  the  demand  for  wheat  will 
continue  to  increase.  . . . 

“ One  of  the  facts  which  Mr.  Harriman  real- 
ized far  in  advance  of  any  one  else  and  which 
was  an  important  factor  in  his  transportation 
plans  was  the  possibilities  of  dry  farming  as 
well  as  irrigation,  Before  he  began  to  talk 
much  about  these  subjects  he  set  about  to  pre- 
pare his  system  to  reap  the  first  and  most  sub- 
stantial part  of  the  results  of  dry  farming  and 
of  irrigation.  Other  railroad  builders  are  now 
beginning  to  realize  that  Mr.  Harriman  is  pre- 
pared to  transport  the  products  of  the  West,  of 
the  Northwest  and  the  Southwest  between  al- 
most any  parts  of  this  country,  as  well  as 
through  many  ports  from  San  Francisco  to  the 
South  Atlantic  ports,  including  one  or  two  on 
the  western  coast  of  Old  Mexico.  Although 
he  and  former  President  Roosevelt  were  at  war 
in  many  respects,  it  was  Mr.  Harriman  that 
gave  the  former  President  much  of  the  informa- 
tion he  acquired  regarding  the  boundless  re- 
sources of  the  West.  By  doing  so  he  caused 
the  government  to  work  even  more  energeti- 
cally than  it  had  been  working  for  the  conser- 
vation of  the  nation’s  resources.” — Chicago 
Record- Herald,  July  11,  1909. 

Anniversary  Celebrations. — The  eightieth 
birthday  of  Dr.  Rudolph  Virchow,  founder  of 
cellular  pathology,  was  celebrated  on  the  13th 
of  October,  1901,  by  a remarkable  assemblage 
of  distinguished  physicians  and  surgeons  from 
many  countries,  who  made  pilgrimages  to  Ber- 
lin to  do  him  honor. 

The  centenary  of  the  birth  of  Charles  Darwin, 
and  the  semi-centennial  year  of  the  publication, 
in  1859,  of  his  work  on  “The  Origin  of  Spe- 
cies,” were  commemorated  in  every  part  of  the 
world ; but  the  great  collective  demonstration 
of  honor  to  Darwin’s  memory,  organized  by 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  his  alma  mater, 
was  a tribute  of  surpassing  impressiveness.  As 
described  by  the  London  Times,  on  the  opening 
day  of  this  extraordinary  celebration,  June  22, 
1909,  “the  whole  learned  world,  from  Chile  to 
Japan,”  was  joined  in  the  homage  paid.  “Some 
of  those  who  will  be  present,”  said  The  Times, 
“were  his  comrades,  most  of  them  have  been 


SCIENCE  ANI)  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


in  some  measure  his  working  contemporaries. 
Two  hundred  and  thirty-five  universities,  acade- 
mies, and  learned  bodies  at  home  and  abroad 
have  nominated  delegates  to  represent  them; 
and  of  these  107  are  situated  in  foreign  countries 
and  British  dominions  outside  the  United  King- 
dom. Thirty  of  the  most  famous  institutions 
in  Germany,  thirty  In  the  United  States,  four- 
teen in  France,  ten  in  Austria-Hungary,  eight 
in  Italy,  as  many  in  Sweden,  seven  in  Russia, 
and  lesser  numbers  in  seven  other  foreign  coun- 
tries have  honoured  the  occasion  by  naming 
some  of  their  most  distinguished  members  to 
take  part  in  it.  The  distant  seats  of  learning  in 
the  younger  British  countries  have  responded 
with  not  less  cordiality;  seven  in  Canada,  seven 
in  Australia,  five  in  New  Zealand,  and  the  same 
number  in  South  Africa  have  appointed  dele- 
gates ; India  and  Ceylon  are  represented  by 
eight..  Within  the  United  Kingdom  68  univer- 
sities and  societies  are  lending  their  support  ; 
and,  in  addition  to  the  appointed  delegates,  there 
are  some  200  invited  guests,  who  include  men 
eminent  in  every  walk  of  life.  . . . No  such 
academic  tribute  as  the  present  festival  has 
ever  been  paid  to  the  memory  of  an  individual 
within  so  short  a time  of  his  own  life.” 

The  commemorative  exercises  of  the  occasion 
were  continued  through  three  days. 

Astronomy:  The  Astronomy  of  the  Invisi- 
ble.— “ The  discovery  of  double  and  multiple 
stars  from  the  effects  of  the  gravitational  attrac- 
tion on  their  luminous  components  is  known  as 
the  ‘ Astronomy  of  the  Invisible.’  It  was  first  sug- 
gested by  the  illustrious  Bessel  about  1840.  . . . 
The  greatest  extension  of  the  Astronomy  of  the 
Invisible  has  been  made  by  Professor  Campbell, 
of  the  Lick  Observatory.  In  the  course  of  the 
regular  work  on  the  motion  of  stars  in  the  line 
of  sight,  carried  out  with  a powerful  spectro- 
scopic apparatus  presented  to  the  Observatory 
by  Hon.  D.  O.  Mills,  of  New  York,  he  has  in- 
vestigated during  the  past  five  years  the  motion 
of  several  hundred  of  the  brighter  stars  of  the 
northern  heavens.  . . . With  such  unprecedented 
telescopic  power  and  a degree  of  precision  in  the 
spectrograph  which  can  be  safely  depended 
upon,  it  is  not  unnatural  that  some  new  and 
striking  phenomena  should  be  disclosed.  These 
consisted  of  a large  number  of  spectra  with 
double  lines,  which  undergo  a periodic  displace- 
ment, showing  that  the  stars  in  question  were  in 
reality  double,  made  up  of  two  components, 
moving  in  opposite  directions,  — one  approach- 
ing, the  other  receding  from  the  Earth.  There 
were  thus  disclosed  spectroscopic  binary  stars, 
systems  with  components  so  close  together  that 
they  could  not  be  separated  in  any  existing  tele- 
scope, yet  known  to  be  real  binary  stars  by  the 
periodic  behaviour  of  the  lines  of  the  spectra  so 
faithfully  registered  on  different  days.  . . . 

‘‘Campbell’s  work  at  the  Lick  Observatory 
derives  increased  importance  from  its  systema- 
tic character,  which  enables  us  to  draw  some 
general  conclusions  of  the  greatest  interest.  He 
has  thus  far  made  known  the  results  of  his  study 
of  the  spectra  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  of  the 
brighter  stars  of  the  northern  heavens.  Out  of 
this  number  he  finds  thirty-one  spectroscopic 
binaries,  or  one  ninth  of  the  whole  number  of 
objects  studied.  ...  It  seems  certain  that  a 
more  thorough  study  will  materially  increase 
the  number  of  spectroscopic  binaries ; and  Pro- 


fessor Campbell  thinks  one  sixth,  or  even  one 
fifth,  of  all  the  objects  studied  may  eventually 
prove  to  be  binary  or  multiple  systems.  Suchi 
an  extraordinary  generalization  opens  up  to> 
our  contemplation  an  entirely  new  view  of  the 
sidereal  universe.  . . . 

“If  we  accept  the  conclusion  that  with  our 
finest  telescopes,  in  the  best  climates,  on  the  av- 
erage one  star  in  twenty -five  is  visually  double, 
it  will  follow  from  Campbell’s  work  on  some 
three  hundred  stars  that  five  times  that  number 
are  spectroscopically  double.  Thus,  although 
over  a million  stars  have  been  examined  visu- 
ally, and  some  five  thousand  interesting  systems 
disclosed  by  powerful  telescopes,  the  concluded 
ratio  would  give  us,  at  last  analysis,  four  mil- 
lion visual  systems  among  the  hundred  million 
objects  assumed  to  compose  the  stellar  universe. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  large  ratio  of  spectro- 
scopic binaries  to  the  total  number  of  stars  ex- 
amined by  Campbell  would  lead  us  to  conclude 
that  in  the  celestial  spaces  there  exist  in  reality 
no  less  than  twenty  million  spectroscopic  binary 
stars!  Could  anything  be  more  impressive  than 
the  view  thus  opened  to  the  human  mind?  . . . 

“It  may  indeed  well  be  that  the  dark  and  un- 
seen portion  of  the  universe  is  even  greater  than 
that  which  is  indicated  by  our  most  powerful 
telescopes.  Half  a century  ago  Bessel  remarked: 

‘ There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  luminosity  an 
essential  quality  of  cosmical  bodies.  The  visibil- 
ity of  countless  stars  is  no  argument  against  the 
invisibility  of  countless  others.’”  — T.  J.  J.  See, 
Recent  Progress  in  Astronomy  (Atlantic  Monthly, 
Jan.,  1902). 

Biological:  Mendel’s  Law  of  Variation  in 
Species.  — “ Gregor  Mendel  was  Abbot  of 
Briinn  in  Moravia  when  Darwin  was  at  work 
on  the  Origin.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  had 
any  unusual  interest  in  the  problem  of  evolu- 
tion ; indeed,  his  main  concern  was  with  an  es- 
sentially pre-Darwinian  question,  — the  nature 
of  plant  hybrids.  With  this  problem  as  an  avo- 
cation from  his  serious  clerical  duties,  the  abbot 
busied  himself  in  the  garden  of  his  cloister ; 
a leisurely,  clear-headed,  middle-aged  church- 
man in  whom  a great  scientist  was  spoiled. 
For  eight  years  he  experimented  with  varieties 
of  the  common  pea,  and  in  1865  communicated 
to  the  Society  of  Naturalists  in  Briinn  the  sub- 
stance of  the  discovery  which  is  hereafter  to  be 
known  as  Mendel’s  law,  ‘ the  greatest  discovery 
in  biology  since  Darwin.’  Unfortunately,  at 
that  time,  the  Briinn  Society,  like  the  rest  of 
the  world,  had  other  things  on  its  mind.  . . . 
Somehow  or  other,  Mendel’s  discovery  escaped 
attention  until  four  years  ago  [1900],  when  De 
Vries  reached  it  independently.  Two  years 
later  Mr.  Bateson,  who  had  been  among  the 
first  to  realize  its  significance,  made  a transla- 
tion of  the  two  original  papers.  . . . Since  then, 
Mendel’s  Law  has  been  found  to  hold  for  a con- 
siderable number  of  cases,  both  among  animals 
and  plants,  but  most  unaccountably  not  to 
work  for  a few  others  ; so  that,  as  yet,  no  one 
knows  how  nearly  universal  it  may  prove  to  be, 
nor  how  it  is  to  be  reconciled  with  the  older 
Law  of  Ancestral  Heredity  of  Gal  ton.  . . . 

“One  illustration  will  serve  to  make  clear  the 
practical  workings  of  Mendel’s  principle.  If  a 
single  rough-coated  guinea-pig  of  either  sex  be 
introduced  into  a colony  of  normal  smooth- 
coated  individuals,  all  its  offspring  of  the  first 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


generation  will  be  rough-coated  like  itself.  In 
the  next  generation,  if  one  of  the  parents  is 
smooth  and  the  other  rough,  the  young  will  be 
half  of  one  sort  and  half  of  the  other,  but  if 
both  parents  are  rough,  three  quarters  will  take 
the  ‘dominant’  rough  coat.  In  the  next,  and 
all  subsequent  generations,  one  half  of  these 
rough-coated  individuals  which  had  one  smooth- 
coated  grandparent,  and  one-third  of  those 
which  had  two  smooth-coated  grandparents, 
which  were  not  mated,  will  drop  out  the  * reces- 
sive’ smootli-coatedness,  and  become,  in  all  re- 
spects, like  their  original  rough-coated  progeni- 
tor, even  to  having  only  rough-coated  young, 
no  matter  what  their  mates  may  have.  Thus 
Mendel’s  law,  though  by  no  means  simple,  is 
very  precise.  The  essential  part  of  his  great 
discovery  is  that  in  each  generation  of  plants  or 
animals  of  mixed  ancestry,  a definite  proportion 
lose  one  half  of  their  mingled  heritage,  and  re- 
vert, in  equal  numbers,  to  one  or  other  of  the  pure 
types.” — E.  T.  Brewster,  Some  Recent  Aspects 
of  Darwinism  (Atlantic  Monthly,  April,  1904). 

The  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washing- 
ton.-— Promotion  of  Original  Research. — 
The  following  information  relative  to  the  found- 
ing, the  plan  and  the  work  of  the  Carnegie  In- 
stitution of  Washington,  is  derived  from  the,-, 
authorities  of  the  Institution  : 

The  Institution  was  founded  by  Mr.  Andrew 
Carnegie,  January  28,  1902,  when  he  gave  to 
a board  of  trustees  §10,000,000  in  registered 
bonds,  yielding  5 per  cent  annual  interest.  To 
this  endowment  fund  an  addition  of  $2,000,000 
was  made  by  Mr.  Carnegie  on  December  10, 
1907.  The  Institution  was  originally  organized 
under  the  laws  of  the  District  of  Columbia  as 
the  Carnegie  Institution.  Subsequently,  how- 
ever, it  was  incorporated  by  an  act  of  Congress, 
approved  April  28,  1904,  under  the  title  of  the 
Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington.  The  arti- 
cles of  incorporation  declare,  in  general,  “that 
the  objects  of  the  corporation  shall  be  to  en- 
courage in  the  broadest  and  most  liberal  manner 
investigation,  research,  and  discovery,  and  the 
application  of  knowledge  to  the  improvement 
of  mankind.”  By  the  act  of  incorporation  the 
Institution  was  placed  under  the  control  of  a 
board  of  twenty-four  trustees,  all  of  whom  had 
been  members  of  the  original  board  referred  to 
above. 

The  President  of  the  Institution  is  Dr.  Robert 
S.  Woodward,  formerly  of  the  faculty  of  Co- 
lumbia University.  The  Chairman  of  its  Board 
of  Trustees  is  Dr.  John  S.  Billings,  Director  of 
the  New  York  Public  Library.  The  Board  in- 
cludes such  notable  members  as  William  H. 
Taft,  Elihu  Root,  Seth  Low,  Andrew  D.  White, 
Dr.  S.  Weir  Mitchell,  Henry  L.  Iligginson  and 
President  Henry  S.  Pritchett. 

Since  the  object  of  the  Institution  is  the  pro- 
motion of  investigation  “in  the  broadest  and 
most  liberal  manner,”  many  projects  in  widely 
different  fields  of  inquiry  have  been  considered, 
or  are  under  consideration,  by  the  Executive 
Committee.  These  projects  are  chiefly  of  three 
classes,  namely  : 

First,  large  projects  or  departments  of  work 
whose  execution  requires  continuous  research 
by  a corps  of  investigators  during  a series  of 
years.  Ten  such  departments  have  been  estab- 
lished by  the  Institution.  . . . 

Secondly,  minor  projects  which  may  be  car- 


ried out  by  individual  experts  in  a limited  period 
of  time.  Many  grants  in  aid  of  this  class  of 
projects  have  been  made. 

Thirdly,  research  associates  and  assistants. 
Under  this  head  aid  has  been  given  to  a consid- 
erable number  of  investigators  possessing  ex- 
ceptional abilities  and  opportunities  for  research 
work. 

An  annual  appropriation  is  made  for  the  pur- 
pose of  publishing  the  results  of  investigations 
made  under  the  auspices  of  the  Institution,  and 
for  certain  works  which  would  not  otherwise  be 
readily  printed.  Its  publications  are  not  dis- 
tributed gratis,  except  to  a limited  list  of  the 
greater  libraries  of  the  world.  Other  copies  are 
offered  for  sale  at  prices  only  sufficient  to  cover 
the  cost  of  publication  and  transportation  to 
purchasers.  Lists  are  furnished  on  application. 

Since  its  organization  in  1902,  about  one 
thousand  individuals  have  been  engaged  in 
investigations  under  the  auspices  of  the  Institu- 
tion and  there  are  at  present  nearly  five  hun- 
dred so  engaged.  Ten  independent  departments 
of  research,  each  with  its  staff  of  investigators 
and  assistants,  have  been  established.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  larger  departments  of  work,  organ- 
ized by  the  Institution  itself,  numerous  special 
researches,  carried  on  by  individuals,  have  been 
subsidized.  Seven  laboratories  and  observato- 
ries, for  as  many  different  fields  of  investigation 
and  in  widely  separated  localities,  have  been 
constructed  and  equipped.  A building  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.,  for  administrative  offices  and  for 
storage  of  records  and  publications,  is  now 
approaching  completion.  A specially  designed 
ship  for  ocean  magnetic  work  has  just  been 
completed  and  started  on  her  first  voyage. 

Mr.  George  lies,  in  his  “ Inventors  at  Work,” 
describes  and  characterizes  the  aims  and  guid- 
ing principles  of  the  Institution  as  follows:  “ In 
its  grants  for  widely  varied  purposes  the  policy 
of  the  Institution  is  clear:  only  those  inquiries 
are  aided  which  give  promise  of  fruit,  and  in 
every  case  the  grantee  requires  to  be  a man  of 
proved  ability,  care  being  taken  not  to  duplicate 
work  already  in  hand  elsewhere,  or  to  essay 
tasks  of  an  industrial  character.  Experience  has 
already  shown  it  better  to  confine  research  to  a 
few  large  projects  rather  than  to  aid  many  minor 
investigations  with  grants  comparatively  small. 

“One  branch  of  work  reminds  us  of  Mr.  Car- 
negie’s method  in  establishing  public  libraries 
— the  supplementing  of  local  public  spirit  by  a 
generous  gift.  In  many  cases  a university*  or 
an  observatory  launches  an  inquiry  which  soon 
broadens  out  beyond  the  range  of  its  own  small 
funds;  then  it  is  that  aid  from  the  Carnegie  In- 
stitution brings  to  port  a ship  that  otherwise 
might  remain  at  sea  indefinitely.  Let  a few 
typical  examples  of  this  kind  be  mentioned;  — 
Dudley  Observatory,  Albany,  New  York,  and 
Lick  Observatory,  California,  have  received  aid 
toward  their  observations  and  computations; 
Yerkes  Observatory,  Wisconsin,  has  been 
helped  in  measuring  the  distance  of  fixed  stars. 
Among  other  investigations  promoted  have 
been  the  study  of  the  rare  earths  and  the  heat- 
treatment  of  some  high-carbon  steels.  The 
adjacent  field  of  engineering  has  not  been 
neglected:  funds  have  been  granted  for  experi- 
ments on  ship  resistance  and  propulsion,  for  de- 
termining the  value  of  high  pressure  steam  in 
locomotive  service.  In  geology  an  investiga- 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


tion  of  fundamental  principles  has  been  fur- 
thered, as  also  the  specific  problem  of  the  flow 
of  rocks  under  severe  pressure.  In  his  remark- 
able inquiry  into  the  economy  of  foods.  Pro- 
fessor W.  O.  Atwater,  of  Wesleyan  University, 
Middletown,  Connecticut,  has  had  liberal  help. 
In  the  allied  science  of  preventive  medicine  a 
grant  is  advancing  the  study  of  snake  venoms 
and  defeating  inoculations. 

“At  a later  day  the  Institution  may  possibly 
adopt  plans  recommended  by  eminent  advisers 
of  the  rank  of  Professor  Simon  Newcomb,  who 
points  out  that  analysis  and  generalization  are 
to-day  much  more  needed  than  further  observa- 
tions of  a routine  kind.  He  has  also  had  a 
weighty  word  to  say  regarding  the  desirability 
of  bringing  together  for  mutual  attrition  and 
discussion  men  in  contiguous  fields  of  work, 
who  take  the  bearings  of  a great  problem  from 
different,  points  of  view." — George  lies,  Inven- 
tors at  Work,  p.  276  ( Doubleday , Page  & Co. 
N.  T.). 

Electrical:  A New  Electric  Phenomenon. 

— Writing  recently  in  the  London  Times,  Pro- 
fessor Silvanus  P.  Thompson  has  described  a 
discovery  of  effects  which  “appear  to  point  to  a 
true  electric  momentum.’’  “To  two  men,  Pro- 
fessor Nipher,  of  St.  Louis,  and  Dr.  Mathias 
Cantor,  of  Wurzburg,  the  question  seems  to 
have  occurred  whether,  if  a flow  of  electricity  is 
caused  abruptly  to  turn  its  path  round  a sharp 
corner,  anything  is  observable  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  sharp  corner,  that  would  suggest  a 
momentum  of  the  electric  corpuscles.  Nipher 
employed  as  conductor  a sharply-bent  splinter 
of  bamboo,  carrying  a high-tension  discharge 
from  a large  influence  machine.  Cantor  used  a 
thin  metallic  film  of  gold  or  platinum  formed  by 
deposition  on  the  faces  of  a glass  plate  bevelled 
to  a sharp  edge;  the  current  being  provided  by 
a battery.  Nipher,  investigating  by  photo- 
graphic plates,  discovered  that  the  current  pass- 
ing the  sharp  corner  emitted  radiations  akin 
to  the  X-rays,  and  capable  of  giving  shadow 
pictures,  even  through  ebonite  T\  of  an  inch 
thick.  He  has  also  used  thin  metal  wires  bent 
into  a series  of  sharp  corners,  and  finds  that  at 
every  corner  some  of  the  electrons  leave  the 
wire,  tefiding  to  persevere  in  their  original 
direction  of  movement  rather  than  undergo  a 
sudden  change  of  direction.  Cantor,  exploring 
electrically  with  a wire  attached  to  a charged 
insulated  electrometer,  found  the  electrometer 
discharged  by  the  emanations  (or  radiations) 
from  the  acute  angle  of  his  conducting  film. 
Later,  but  without  knowledge  of  what  Nipher 
had  accomplished,  Cantor  also  exposed  a photo- 
graphic plate  to  the  angle  of  the  film,  and  found 
it  marked  with  streaks  as  if  charged  particles 
had  left  the  angle  in  a particular  direction. 
Both  experimenters  had  already  made  numerous 
observations  under  different  circumstances  before 
publishing  their  results.  Nipher’s  discovery  was 
communicated  to  the  American  Philosophical 
Society  in  the  early  summer,  and  an  account  of 
his  work  appeared  in  Science  of  July  17  last 
[1909] . Cantor’s  observations  were  announced  to 
the  German  ‘ Naturforscher  ’ meeting  at  Cologne 
on  September  23. 

“If,”  remarks  Professor  Thompson,  “we  ac- 
cept the  modern  doctrine  that  all  inertia  in  what 
we  call  matter  is  due  to  the  magnetic  field  sur- 
rounding a moving  charge  of  electricity,  this 


newly-discovered  effect  takes  its  natural  place 
beside  the  other  known  effects.” 

Telegraphy  : The  Printer  System. — The 
Electrical  Review  of  January  2,  1909,  gave  the 
following  account  of  the  extent  to  which  the 
“ printer  system  ” of  telegraphy  had  then  come 
into  use  in  the  United  States:  “Over  fifty 
printer  circuits  are  now  in  regular  operation  on 
the  Western  Union  lines,  between  leading  busi- 
ness centres  of  the  United  States,  and  additional 
wires  are  being  equipped  as  fast  as  the  printer 
apparatus  can  be  installed.  This  is  a system  of 
rapid  automatic  telegraphy  by  which  telegrams 
are  transmitted  at  a high  rate  of  speed  and 
received  at  their  destination  printed  on  the 
regular  message  forms  by  a typewriter  auto- 
matically operated  by  the  electrical  impulses 
transmitted  over  the  wire.  The  appearance  of 
the  message  as  received  is  identical  with  a mes- 
sage turned  out  by  the  most  expert  typewriter 
operator  on  Morse  circuits.  The  messages  are 
ready  for  delivery  as  soon  as  they  come  off 
the  wire,  and  the  only  attention  required  by  the 
typewriter  as  it  receives  the  messages  from 
the  wire  is  that  of  removing  the  blank  when 
the  message  is  completed  and  supplying  a fresh, 
sheet  to  the  machine  for  the  next  message.” 

Wireless  Telegraphy.  — A Statement  front 
Marconi.  — “Up  to  the  commencement  of  1902 
the  only  receivers  that  could  be  practically  em- 
ployed for  the  purposes  of  wireless  telegraphy 
were  based  on  what  may  be  called  the  coherer 
principle  — - that  is,  the  detector,  the  principle 
of  which  is  based  on  the  discoveries  and  obser- 
vations made  by  S.  A.  Varley,  Professor  Hughes, 
Calsecchi  Onesti,  and  Professor  Branly.  Early 
in  that  year  the  author  was  fortunate  enough 
to  succeed  in  constructing  a practical  receiver 
of  electric  waves,  based  on  a principle  different 
from  that  of  the  coherer.  . . . The  action  of 
this  receiver  is  in  the  author’s  opinion  based 
upon  the  decrease  of  magnetic  hysteresis, 
which  takes  place  in  iron  when  under  certain 
conditions  this  metal  is  exposed  to  high  fre- 
quency oscillations  of  Hertzian  waves.  . . . 

“This  detector  is  and  has  been  successfully 
employed  for  both  long  and  short  distance 
work.  It  is  used  on  the  ships  of  the  Royal 
Navy  and  on  all  trans-Atlantic  liners  which  are 
carrying  on  a long-distance  news  service.  It 
has  also  been  used  to  a large  extent  in  the  tests 
across  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  . . . The  adoption 
of  this  magnetic  receiver  was  the  means  of 
bringing  about  a great  improvement  in  the 
practical  working  conditions  of  wireless  tele- 
graphy by  making  it  possible  to  do  away  with 
the  troublesome  adjustments  necessary  when 
using  coherers,  and  also  by  considerably  in- 
creasing the  speed  at  which  it  is  possible  to 
receive,  the  speed  depending  solely  on  the  abil- 
ity of  the  individual  operators.  Thus  a speed 
of  over  30  words  a minute  has  been  easily  at- 
tained. . . . 

“ In  the  spring  of  1903  the  transmission  of 
news  messages  from  America  to  the  London 
Times  was  attempted,  and  the  first  messages 
were  correctly  received  and  published  in  that 
newspaper.  A breakdown  in  the  insulation  of 
the  apparatus  at  Cape  Breton  made  it  neces- 
sary, however,  to  suspend  the  service,  and, 
unfortunately,  further  accidents  made  the  trans- 
mission of  messages  unreliable,  especially  dur- 
ing the  spring  and  summer.  In  consequence  of 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


this,  the  author’s  company  decided  not  to  at- 
tempt the  transmission  of  any  more  public 
messages  until  such  time  as  a reliable  and  con- 
tinuous service  could  be  maintained  and  guar- 
anteed under  all  ordinary  conditions.  ...  In 
October,  1903,  it  was  found  possible  to  sup- 
ply the  Cunard  steamship  Lucania  during  her 
entire  crossing  from  New  York  to  Liverpool 
with  news  transmitted  direct  to  that  ship  from 
Poldhu  and  Cape  Breton.”  — G.  Marconi,  Re- 
cent Advances  in  Wireless  Telegraphy  ( Annual 
Report  Smithsonian  Institution,  1905-6,  pp.  137- 
142). 

The  Real  Problem. — “ It  is  well  to  remem- 
ber that  the  year  1903  is  the  earliest  date  at 
which  radio-telegraphy  could  be  regarded  as 
really  workable,  and  of  material  practical  utility. 
Previous  to  then,  ‘ wireless  ’ working  was  very 
uncertain,  but  in  that  year  tuning  devices  were 
introduced,  the  principle  of  which  was  origi- 
nally due  to  Sir  Oliver  Lodge ; and  it  is  these 
that  have  made  so  much  difference  in  the  appli- 
cation of  Hertzian  waves  for  the  purposes  of  te- 
legraphy. Practical  success  in  radio-telegraphy 
should  not,  in  fact,  be  judged  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  distance  at  which  signals  can  be  sent 

— or  received  — but  rather  from  the  standpoint 
of  non-interference  and  secrecy.  The  essential 
element  in  wireless  telegraphy  — above  all  others 

— is,  indeed,  a discriminating  ■ or  selective 
method.  For  the  main  purposes  of  radio-tele- 
graphy, immunity  from  interference  by  syntony 
is  essential.  Thus  a selective  system  in  time  of 
war  would  be  invaluable;  a non-selective  system 
almost  worse  than  useless.  Syntonic  wireless 
telegraphy  entails  in  the  first  place,  a similar 
rate  of  oscillation,  or  time — i.  e.,  a similar  wave 
length  — at  the  sending  and  receiving  ends.  In- 
deed, the  real  problem  in  wireless  telegraphy  is 
to  arrange  the  receiving  apparatus  so  that  it  is 
alive  to  notes  of  one  definite  frequency,  or  pitch, 
but  deaf  to  any  other  notes,  even  though  of  but 
slightly  different  pitch.  This  is  effected  by  the 
proper  adjustment  of  inductance  and  capacity, 
as  first  shown  by  Sir  Oliver  Lodge.  ...  It  is, 
however,  at  present,  impossible  to  secure  really 
complete  secrecy  from  any  method  of  open  wave 
radiation.  A radio-telegraphist,  with  the  right 
apparatus  and  a knowledge  of  the  tune,  could 
upset  any  system  of  Hertzian  wave  telegraphy. 
It  should,  therefore,  he  clearly  understood  that 
there  are,  as  yet,  definite  limits  to  the  practical 
results  of  tuning  for  securing  absolute  selectiv- 
ity and  secrecy.”  — Charles  Bright,  The  Useful 
Sphere  for  Radio-  Telegraphy  ( Westminster  Re- 
view, April,  1908). 

Singular  Unexplained  Phenomena.  — 

Speaking  at  Stockholm,  Sweden,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  receiving  the  Nobel  Prize,  in  December, 
1909,  Mr.  Marconi  gave  the  following  account 
of  some  unexplained  phenomena  that  are  expe- 
rienced in  the  working  of  radio-telegraphy.  lie 
said  that  “a result  of  scientific  interest  which  he 
first  noticed  during  the  tests  on  the  steamship 
Philadelphia  and  which  was  a most  important 
factor  in  long  distance  radio-telegraphy  was  the 
very  marked  and  detrimental  effect  of  daylight 
on  the  propagation  of  electric  waves  at  great 
distances,  the  range  by  night  being  usually  more 
than  double  that  attainable  during  daytime.  He 
did  not  think  that  this  effect  had  yet  been  satis- 
factorily investigated  or  explained.  . . . He 
was  now  inclined  to  believe  that  the  absorption 


of  electric  waves  during  the  daytime  was  due  to 
the  ionization  of  the  gaseous  molecules  of  the 
air  effected  by  ultra-violet  light,  and  as  the  ultra- 
violet rays  which  emanated  from  the  sun  were 
largely  absorbed  in  the  upper  atmosphere  of  the 
earth,  it  was  probable  that  the  portion  of  the 
earth’s  atmosphere  which  was  facing  the  sun 
would  contain  more  ions  or  electrons  than  that 
portion  which  was  in  darkness,  and  therefore, 
as  Sir  J.  J.  Thomson  had  shown,  this  illumi- 
nated and  ionized  air  would  absorb  some  of  the 
energy  of  the  electric  waves.  Apparently  the 
length  of  wave  and  amplitude  of  the  electrical 
oscillations  had  much  to  do  with  this  interesting 
phenomenon,  long  waves  and  small  amplitudes 
being  subject  to  the  effect  of  daylight  to  a much 
smaller  degree  than  short  waves  and  large  am- 
plitudes. . . . 

“For  comparatively  short  waves,  such  as 
were  used  for  ship  communication,  clear  sun- 
light and  blue  skies,  though  transparent  to  light, 
acted  as  a kind  of  fog  to  these  waves.  ...  It 
often  occurred  that  a ship  failed  to  communicate 
with  a near-by  station,  but  could  correspond 
with  perfect  ease  with  a distant  one.  . . . Al- 
though high  power  stations  were  now  used  for 
communicating  across  the  Atlantic,  and  mes- 
sages could  be  sent  by  day  as  well  as  by  night, 
there  still  existed  short  periods  of  daily  occur- 
rence during  which  transmission  from  England 
to  America,  or  vice  versa,  was  difficult.” 

Transatlantic  Service.  — “The  Transatlan- 
tic wireless  service  was  inaugurated  in  October, 
1907,  between  Ireland  and  Canada,  the  charges 
being  reduced  from  Is.  per  word  for  business 
and  private  messages  and  5d.  per  word  for 
Press  messages  to  5d.  and  2|d.  respectively, 
these  charges  not  including  the  land  line  charges 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  . . . 

“ The  first  wireless  messages  across  the  Atlan- 
tic were  sent  from  the  Canadian  station  at  Table 
Head,  in  Cape  Breton,  in  1902.  This  station 
was  afterwards  removed  to  its  present  site,  five 
miles  inland,  and  there  greatly  enlarged.  Ever 
since  1902  Mr.  Marconi  has  been  conducting  ex- 
periments and  making  new  discoveries  and  im- 
provements until,  at  the  present  day,  wireless 
telegraphy  across  the  Atlantic,  over  a distance 
of  2000  miles,  is  an  assured  success.  . . . Press 
traffic  . . . was  started  on  October  17,  1907.  On 
February  3,  1908,  the  service  was  extended  to 
private  and  business  telegrams  between  Mon- 
treal and  London.  The  number  of  words  trans- 
mitted during  the  past  year  is  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  300,000.”  — Correspondence  of  the 
London  Times,  June  25,  1909. 

Equipments  at  Sea.  — Extent  of  the  Ser- 
vice. — Compulsory  Legislation  Pending.  — 
“Although  an  installation  was  carried  on  the 
St.  Paul  for  one  trip  in  1899,  the  credit  of  being 
the  pioneers  in  the  use  of  wireless  telegraphy 
on  the  ocean  belongs  to  the  North-German 
Lloyd  and  Cunard  Companies.  The  first  vessel 
fitted  was  the  Kaiser  Wilhelm  der  Grosse,  and 
the  lead  of  the  Germans  was  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  the  English  company.  Both  vessels 
were  fitted  by  the  Marconi  Company,  which 
has  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  company 
to  equip  vessels  on  a commercial  basis.  . . . 
The  Marconi  Company  alone  has  up  to  the  pre- 
sent fitted  nearly  200  merchant  ships,  while  the 
United  Wireless  Telegraph  Company  has  fitted 
nearly  170  ships.  . . . 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


“A  very  large  number  of  vessels  engaged  in 
the  coasting  trade  of  America  and  on  the  Great 
Lakes  are  fitted  with  wireless  telegraphy;  the 
American  list  shows  that  133  vessels  are 
equipped,  while  a statement  issued  by  the  United 
Wireless  Telegraph  Company  shows  31  other 
vessels  to  have  beeu  fitted  up  to  April  2,  be- 
sides 15  Great  Lake  steamers  either  fitted  or  in 
course  of  equipment.  . . . 

“Nearly  500  warships  belonging  to  nine  dif- 
ferent countries  have  been  fitted,  or  are  in  course 
of  equipment,  with  radio-telegraphy.  Accord- 
ing to  the  American  list  the  United  States  Navy 
has  been  foremost  among  the  navies  of  the 
world  in  the  use  of  ‘ wireless.’  On  October  1 
last  173  United  States  warships  were  fitted  with 
various  systems.  The  Berne  lists,  issued  up  to 
May  1 last,  show  Great  Britain  to  have  157  ves- 
sels equipped,  Germany  80,  Netherlands  11, 
Denmark  9,  and  Spain  5. 

“In  February  last  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives  passed  a Bill  providing  that 
‘ every  ocean  passenger  steamer  certified  to  carry 
50  passengers  or  more,  before  being  granted  a 
clearance  for  a foreign  or  domestic  port  100 
miles  or  more  distant  from  the  port  of  her 
departure  from  the  United  States,  shall  be 
equipped  with  an  efficient  radio-telegraph  in- 
stallation, and  shall  have  in  her  employ  and  on 
board  an  efficient  radio-telegrapher.’  . . . The 
Bill,  it  is  understood,  will  be  considered  by  the 
Senate  in  the  autumn,  and  will  it  is  thought  be 
passed  after  it  has  undergone  some  slight  modi- 
fication. Following  the  example  of  the  United 
States  Congress  a Bill  has  been  introduced  in 
the  Canadian  House  of  Commons.  . . . An 
Italian  Iloyal  Decree  dated  March  14  last  pro- 
vides that  all  vessels  of  whatever  nationality 
clearing  from  Italian  ports  with  emigrants  shall 
carry  a wireless  installation.  So  far  as  this 
country  [Great  Britain]  is  concerned  no  legisla- 
tive action  is  likely  to  take  place,  at  least  for 
the  present.” — Correspondence  of  the  London 
Times,  July  2,  1909. 

The  Cry  that  brought  Help  to  the  Steam- 
ship “Republic.”  — On  the  23d  of  January, 
1909,  the  service  of  the  wireless  telegraph  to 
imperilled  ships  was  illustrated  by  an  incident 
which  thrilled  the  world.  In  a dense  fog,  off 
the  island  of  Nantucket,  26  miles  distant,  the 
steamship  “Republic,”  of  the  White  Star  Line, 
was  struck  amidships  by  an  Italian  liner,  the 
“Florida.”  Two  passengers  on  the  former 
were  killed  and  two  were  seriously  injured, 
while  four  sailors  of  the  other  were  killed. 
Both  steamers  were  shattered  to  the  sinking 
point,  but  the  state  of  the  “ Republic”  was  the 
worse.  Fortunately  she  was  equipped  with  the 
wireless  apparatus  for  telegraphy,  and  its  oper- 
ator, “Jack”  Binns,  was  a man  equal  to  the 
emergency.  His  appealing  signals,  “ C.  Q.  D.” 
(“  Come  Quick!  Danger”),  were  flashed  out  into 
all  surrounding  space,  and  brought  many  re- 
sponses from  sea  and  shore  ; but  then  came  the 
difficulty  of  finding  the  sinking  ships  in  the 
black  fog.  The  first  rescuing  vessel  to  reach 
their  vicinity  was  the  “ Baltic  ” of  the  “White 
Star  Line,”  and  she  was  helped  in  her  groping 
to  them,  not  only  by  the  ceaseless  exchange  of 
wireless  messages,  but  by  the  sounding  of  the 
submarine  bell  of  the  Nantucket  lightship. 
The  “ Baltic”  was  fitted  with  receivers  for  tak- 
ing guidance  from  these  bells,  as  her  Captain 


described  afterwards  in  a published  account  of 
his  search.  “ On  my  ship,”  he  said,  “ there  are 
two  apertures  on  either  side  of  the  bow,  which 
you  might  call  submarine  ears.  They  are  con- 
nected by  wires  with  a telephone  receiver  on 
the  bridge.  By  listening  at  this  telephone  and 
switching  the  instrument  from  the  starboard 
‘ear’  to  the  port  ‘ear’  and  back  again,  you  can 
hear  the  faint  tones  of  the  lightship’s  submarine 
bell  when  you  get  in  range  of  it.  If  the  tone 
is  louder  through  the  starboard  ‘ ear  ’ than 
through  the  port  ‘ear,’ you  know  the  lightship 
is  on  your  starboard  side.  If  the  tone  is  exactly 
the  same  through  both  ‘ears,’  you  know  the 
lightship  is  dead  ahead.  This  apparatus  helped 
me  greatly.” 

Nevertheless,  the  “Baltic’s”  search  for  the 
“Republic”  went  on  through  twelve  hours, 
like  that  of  “ a hound  on  the  scent,”  as  the  Cap- 
tain described  it.  Meantime,  the  passengers  of 
the  ‘ ‘ Republic  ” had  been  transferred  to  the 
“Florida,”  which  seemed  well  afloat,  and  the 
“Baltic”  now  took  everybody  from  both,  the 
total  exceeding  1500.  The  “Republic”  was 
then  towed  toward  Martha’s  Vineyard,  but  sank 
a few  miles  from  land,  her  Captain  remaining 
until  the  last  minute  on  board.  The  conduct  of 
all  connected  with  the  peril  and  the  rescue  was 
fine,  and  none  more  so  than  that  of  the  sleepless 
and  tireless  operator  of  the  wireless  telegraph. 

Marconi  Coast  Stations  in  Great  Britain 
taken  over  by  the  British  Government.  — 
The  following  announcement  was  made  by  the 
British  Postmaster  General  in  the  House  of 
Commons  on  the  30th  of  September,  1909  : — “I 
am  glad  to  say  that  arrangements  have  been 
completed  with  the  Marconi  Company  for  the 
transfer  to  the  Post  Office  of  all  their  coast  sta- 
tions for  communication  with  ships,  including 
all  plant,  machinery,  buildings,  land,  and 
leases,  &c. , and  for  the  surrender  of  the  rights 
which  they  enjoy  under  their  agreement  with 
the  Post  Office  of  August,  1904,  for  licences  or 
facilities  in  respect  of  coast  stations  intended 
for  such  communication. 

“In  addition,  the  Post  Office  secures  the 
right  of  using,  free  of  royalty,  the  existing 
Marconi  patents  and  any  future  patents  or  im- 
provements, for  a term  of  14  years,  for  the  fol- 
lowing purposes:  — Communication  for  all  pur- 
poses between  stations  in  the  United  Kingdom 
and  ships,  and  between  stations  on  the  mainland 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  on  the  one  hand 
and  outlying  islands  on  the  other  hand,  or  be- 
tween any  two  outlying  islands;  and  (except 
for  the  transmission  of  public  telegrams)  be- 
tween any  two  stations  on  the  mainland;  and 
on  board  Post  Office  cable  ships.  The  inclusive 
consideration  to  be  paid  to  the  company  is 
£15,000. 

“The  arrangement  is  in  no  sense  an  exclusive 
one.  All  the  stations  will,  under  the  Interna- 
tional Radio-Telegraphic  Convention,  be  open 
for  communication  equally  to  all  ships,  what- 
ever system  of  wireless  telegraphy  they  may 
carry  ; and  the  Post  Office  will  be  free  to  use  or 
to  experiment  with  any  system  of  wireless  tele- 
graphy at  its  discretion.  All  inland  communi- 
cation of  messages  by  wireless  telegraphy  will 
be  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  Post  Office. 
The  company  will  retain  the  licence  for  their 
long-distance  stations  at  Poldhu  and  Clifden, 
which  are  primarily  intended  for  shore-to-shore 


599 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


communication  with  America.  Arrangements 
have  also  been  made  with  Lloyd’s  for  the  trans- 
fer to  the  Post  Office  of  their  wireless  stations 
for  communication  with  ships,  and  for  the  sur- 
render of  all  claims  to  licences  for  such  commu- 
nication.” 

Notes  of  Recent  Progress. — A despatch 
from  Seattle,  March  5,  1909,  reported  that  “the 
steamship  Aid  Maru  of  the  Nippon  Yusen  Kai- 
sha  fleet  accomplished  her  recent  passage  from 
Yokohama,  Japan,  to  Puget  Sound,  a distance 
of  4,240  miles,  without  losing  communication 
with  wireless  stations  on  either  the  Japanese 
or  American  coasts.  The  accomplishment  was 
made  possible  by  relaying  messages  through 
other  vessels  of  the  company,  which  were 
picked  up  between  the  Aki  Maru  and  the  coast. 
The  Aki  Maru  was  able  to  communicate  directly 
with  the  Japanese  coast  stations,  when  she  was 
1,400  miles  away.” 

According  to  Paris  correspondence  of  the 
London  Daily  Telegraph,  quoted  in  the  New 
York  Evening  Post  of  August  21,  “wireless 
messages  from  New  York  are  now  received  or 
intercepted  almost  daily  by  the  military  station 
on  the  Eiffel  Tower.  Occasionally  radio  tele- 
grams have  also  been  received  from  Canada, 
which,  it  is  believed,  forms  a record  in  wireless 
telegraphy.  The  communications  are  at  pre- 
sent only  of  a desultory  nature,  but  the  officer, 
Commandant  Ferie,  who  is  in  charge  of  the  sta- 
tion, hopes  to  be  able  soon  to  organize  a regular 
service  for  government,  and,  perhaps,  also  for 
commercial,  purposes.  The  new  apparatus 
which  is  now  beiug  set  up  in  the  underground 
office  on  the  Champ  de  Mars  will  be  more 
powerful  than  any  preceding  ones,  and  will  be 
ready  probably  by  the  end  of  next  month. 
Wireless  messages  will  then  be  exchanged  regu- 
larly between  Paris  and  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
United  States,  and  perhaps  also  with  Canada.” 

Electro-Chemistry  : The  Study  of  the  In- 
finitely Little.  — “A  new  branch  of  physical 
chemistry  has  lately  been  developed  from  the 
study  of  the  infinitely  little  which  promises  to 
be  the  most  important  science  of  the  future ; for 
it  deals  most  intimately  with  the  problems  of 
life.  This  subject  is  called  electro-chemistry. 
It  is  based  upon  the  effect  of  electricity  in 
revealing  the  important  reactions  and  motions 
of  the  smallest  particles  of  matter.  The  lit- 
erature of  this  subject  in  current  periodicals 
already  exceeds  that  of  any  other  department  of 
physical  science.  Until  a comparatively  late 
day,  heat  and  light  were  considered  the  princi- 
pal agents  which  chemists  employed  to  study 
the  reactions  of  matter.  In  the  new  subject  of 
electro-chemistry,  electricity  occupies  the  first 
place,  as  a destroyer  and  a readjuster;  and  heat 
and  light  are  merely  subordinate  parts  of  its 
manifestations,  differing  from  it  only  in  length 
of  waves  in  the  ether.  The  to-and-fro  mo- 
tion, which  is  our  incontestable  fact,  is  an  elec- 
trical vibration.  When  we  consider  the  investi- 
gations in  electro-chemistry,  we  perceive  that 
the  most  important  actions  of  electricity  are  not 
those  we  are  conscious  of  in  their  great  practical 
applications ; it  is  rather  in  subtle  and  silent  ef- 
fects that  it  works  its  greatest  changes  on  life 
and  matter.” — John  Trowbridge,  The  Study  of 
the  Infinitely  Small  ( Atlantic  Monthly , May, 
1902). 

Entomological  Study:  What  we  Owe  to 


it  ? — Practical  Affairs.  — “ The  insect  friends 
and  enemies  of  the  farmer  are  getting  attention. 
The  enemy  of  the  San  Jose  scale  was  found  near 
the  Great  Wall  of  China,  and  is  now  cleaning 
up  all  our  orchards.  The  fig-fertilizing  insect 
imported  from  Turkey  has  helped  to  establish 
an  industry  in  California  that  amounts  to  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  tons  of  dried  figs  annually, 
and  is  extending  over  the  Pacific  coast.  A par- 
asitic fly  from  South  Africa  is  keeping  in  subjec- 
tion the  black  scale,  the  worst  pest  of  the  orange 
and  lemon  industry  in  California.”  — Message  of 
President  Roosevelt  to  Congress,  1904. 

“The  business  man,  always  on  the  outlook 
for  a dividend,  has  sometimes  complained  that 
some  of  our  inquiries  do  not  seem  to  him  practi- 
cal, but  he  must  have  patience  and  faith.  A few 
years  ago  no  knowledge  could  seem  so  useless 
to  the  practical  man,  no  research  more  futile  than 
that  which  sought  to  distinguish  between  one 
species  of  a gnat  or  tick  and  another ; yet  to-day 
we  know  that  this  knowledge  has  rendered  it 
possible  to  open  up  Africa  and  to  cut  the  Panama 
canal.”  — A.  E.  Shipley,  on  Research  in  Zoology, 
at  Meeting  of  British  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Science,  1909. 

Esperanto.  — Dr.  Zamenhof,  a Russian  phy- 
sician, inventor  of  the  proposed  international 
language  called  Esperanto,  published  his  first 
pamphlet  on  the  subject  in  1887;  but  it  was  not 
until  ten  years  later  that  the  prospect  of  its  ex- 
tensive use  as  such  began  to  be  realized.  “It 
was  well  received,  first  in  Russia,  then  in  Nor- 
way and  Sweden.  Then  it  was  taken  up  in 
France,  by  M.  de  Beaufront.  The  latter  had 
himself  invented  an  artificial  language,  but 
gave  it  up  as  soon  as  he  became  acquainted 
with  the  admirable  work  of  his  Russian  compe- 
titor. He  is  the  man  who  forced  the  world  at 
large  to  stop  and  seriously  consider  Esperanto 
as  the  solution  of  the  great  problem  proposed 
by  men  like  Roger  Bacon,  Descartes,  Pascal, 
Leibnitz,  Locke,  Condillac,  Voltaire,  Diderot, 
and  so  many  others.  From  France  it  went  to 
Germany,  Austria,  Switzerland,  Italy,  and 
finally  to  England,  where  thirty  societies  of  Es- 
perantists  were  created  within  a little  over  a 
year.  . . . 

“ The  general  principle  upon  which  Dr.  Za- 
menhof has  worked  is  this:  to  eliminate  all  that 
is  accidental  in  our  national  languages,  and  to 
keep  what  is  common  to  all.  In  consequence, 
and  strictly  speaking,  he  invents  nothing  ; he 
builds  entirely  with  material  that  has  been  in 
existence  for  a long  time.  Here,  then,  is  the 
way  in  which  he  proceeds  regarding  the  various 
elements  that  are  necessary  to  the  formation  of 
a language. 

“ The  Sounds.  Sounds  that  are  peculiar  to 
one  language  are  eliminated.  The  English  th 
and  w are  not  found  in  French  or  German,  there- 
fore they  are  dropped.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
French  u,  the  German  it,  and  the  French  nasals 
do  not  exist  in  English  ; they  too  are  dropped. 
The  Spanish  fl  and  j,  and  the  German  eh,  have 
the  same  fate.  Thus,  only  sounds  which  are 
found  everywhere  are  kept,  and  no  one  will 
have  any  difficulty  about  pronunciation,  no 
matter  to  what  country  he  belongs.  Spelling  is 
of  course  phonetic  : one  and  the  same  sound  for 
one  letter.  There  are  no  mute  letters,  as  in 
French;  neither  are  there  double  letters.  . . . 

“ The  Accent  is  always  on  the  penultimate 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


syllable.  Esperanto  reminds  one  of  Italian, 
when  spoken,  and  has  proved  extremely  melo- 
dious for  singing. 

"The  Vocabulary.  The  principle  of  interna- 
tionalism is  applied  here  in  a most  ingenious 
fashion.  Dr.  Zamenhof  proceeded  thus : he 
compared  the  dictionaries  of  the  different  lan- 
guages, and  picked  out  first  those  words  which 
are  common  to  them  all.  lie  spelled  them  ac- 
cording to  the  phonetic  system,  dropped  the 
special  endings  in  each  idiom,  and  adopted 
them  as  root-words  in  his  proposed  language. 

. . . Then  he  picked  out  those  which  appear  in 
most  languages,  although  not  in  all.  . . . For 
the  remaining  words,  — and  there  are  compara- 
tively few  left, — which  are  never  the  same  in 
the  different  languages,  Dr.  Zamenhof  selected 
them  in  such  a manner  as  to  make  the  task  of 
acquiring  Esperanto  equally  difficult  or  equally 
easy  for  all  concerned.  ” — A.  Schinz,  Esperanto : 
the  Proposed  Universal  Language  ( Atlantic 
Monthly , Jan.,  1906). 

The  sixth  international  Congress  of  teachers 
and  promoters  of  Esperanto  is  appointed  to  be 
held  at  Washington  in  1910.  An  influential 
Esperanto  Association  has  been  organized  in 
the  United  States,  under  the  presidency  of  Dr. 
D.  O.  S.  Lowell,  of  the  Boston  Latin  School. 

Eugenics:  The  Science  and  Art  of  being 
Well-born.  — “We  know  that  the  old  rule,  ‘ In- 
crease and  multiply,’  meant  a vast  amount  of 
infant  mortality,  of  starvation,  of  chronic  dis- 
ease, of  widespread  misery.  In  abandoning  that 
rule,  as  we  have  been  forced  to  do,  are  we  not 
now  left  free  to  seek  that  our  children,  though 
few,  should  be  at  all  events  fit,  the  finest,  alike 
in  physical  and  psychical  constitution,  that  the 
world  has  seen  ? 

“ Thus  has  come  about  the  recent  expansion 
of  that  conception  of  eugenics  — or  the  science 
and  art  of  being  well-born,  and  of  breeding  the 
human  race  a step  nearer  towards  perfection  — 
which  a few  among  us,  and  more  especially  Mr. 
Francis  Galton,  have  been  developing  for  some 
years  past.  Eugenics  is  beginning  to  be  felt  to 
possess  a living  actuality  which  it  was  not  felt 
to  possess  before.  Instead  of  being  a benevolent 
scientific  fad,  it  begins  to  present  itself  as  the 
goal  to  which  we  are  inevitably  moving.  . . . 
Human  eugenics  need  not  be,  and  is  not  likely 
to  be,  a cold-blooded  selection  of  partners  by 
some  outside  scientific  authority.  But  it  may 
be,  and  is  very  likely  to  be,  a slowly  growing 
conviction  — first  among  the  more  intelligent 
members  of  the  community,  and  then  by  imita- 
tion and  fashion  among  the  less  intelligent 
members  — that  our  children,  the  future  race, 
the  torch-bearers  of  civilisation  for  succeeding 
ages,  are  not  the  mere  result  of  chance  or  Pro- 
vidence, but  that,  in  a very  real  sense,  it  is 
within  our  grasp  to  mould  them,  that  the  salva- 
tion or  damnation  of  many  future  generations 
lies  in  our  hands,  since  it  depends  on  our  wise 
and  sane  choice  of  a mate.  . . . 

“Eventually,  it  seems  evident,  a general  sys- 
tem, whether  private  or  public,  whereby  all 
personal  facts,  biological  and  mental,  normal 
and  morbid,  are  duly  and  systematically  regis- 
tered, must  become  inevitable  if  we  are  to  have 
a real  guide  as  to  those  persons  who  are  most  fit 
or  least  fit  to  carry  on  the  race.  Unless  they  are 
full  and  frank,  such  records  are  useless.  But  it 
is  obvious  that  for  a long  time  to  come  such  a 


system  of  registration  must  be  private.  . . . 
Through  the  munificence  of  Mr.  Galton  and  the 
co-operation  of  the  University  of  London  the 
beginning  of  the  attainment  of  these  eugenic 
ideals  has  at  length  been  rendered  possible. 
The  senate  of  the  University  has  this  year  ap- 
pointed Mr.  Edgar  Schuster,  of  New  College, 
Oxford,  to  the  Francis  Galton  Research  Scholar- 
ship in  Natural  Eugenics.  It  will  be  Mr. 
Schuster’s  duty  to  carry  out  investigations  into 
the  history  of  classes  and  of  families,  and  to  de- 
liver lectures  and  publish  memoirs  on  the  subject 
of  his  investigations.  It  is  a beginning  only, 
but  the  end  no  man  can  foresee.’’  — Havelock 
Ellis,  Eugenics  and  St.  Valentine  ( Nineteenth 
Century,  May,  1906). 

The  Gasoline  Engine.  — Writing  in  1905, 
in  an  article  entitled  “The  Age  of  Gasoline,” 
contributed  to  the  American  Review  of  Reviews, 
Mr.  F.  K.  Grain,  M.  E.,  gave  this  brief  account 
of  the  rapid  development  of  its  use  as  a pro- 
ducer of  power,  threatening  to  supersede  coal : 
“ About  fifteen  years  ago  we  first  began  to  hear 
much  of  the  gasoline  engine,  which  was  then  in 
a very  crude  state.  Its  possibilities,  however, 
were  so  attractive,  and  the  field  for  its  use  so 
large,  — practically  unlimited,  — that  inventors 
and  manufacturers  at  once  bent  their  energies 
to  its  development,  with  the  result  that  the  gas- 
oline engine  has  reached  a degree  of  perfection 
in  the  past  few  years  that  is  surprising  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  designers  were  working  out 
a new  problem  in  a practically  unknown  field, 
and  consequently  had  no  data,  theoretical  or 
practical,  of  any  value  to  assist.  . ..Asa  mo- 
tive power,  utilized  by  means  of  the  internal- 
combustion  engine,  gasoline  is  at  this  time  revo- 
lutionizing travel,  through  the  automobile.  The 
automobile,  in  turn,  has  been  the  means  of 
adapting  gasoline  to  propulsion  of  railway 
trains,  as  this  form  of  power  is  found  especially 
useful  on  short  lines  where  the  traffic  is  light. 
Several  railroads  are  now  building  gasoline 
motor  cars  of  considerable  size.  . . . 

“The  gasoline  engine  as  now  made  is  an  adap- 
tation of  the  steam  engine,  employing  the  gas 
produced  by  gasoline  as  a means  of  energy. 
Contrary  to  the  general  understanding,  the  gas 
or  gasoline  engine  is  but  a high-pressure  caloric 
motor.  The  power  in  the  gasoline  motor  is  de- 
rived by  igniting  the  gas  produced  in  the  cylin- 
der, which  in  turn  by  its  heat  expands,  the 
atmosphere  imparting  energy  to  the  piston  by 
its  expansion.  A common  error  is  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  explosion  of  the  gas  produces  the 
power,  the  same  as  a blow  from  a hammer, 
whereas  it  is  the  heat  generated  by  the  ignition 
of  the  compressed  gases  acting  expansively.” 

One  of  the  speakers  at  a Congress  of  Applied 
Chemistry  held  in  London  in  May,  1909,  said 
that  it  seemed  almost  certain  that  for  most  pur- 
poses on  land  the  internal  combustion  engine 
would  before  long  replace  the  steam  engine,  at 
any  rate  for  moderate  powers ; for  whereas  the 
best  types  of  the  latter  furnish  only  about  12  per 
cent,  of  the  energy  of  the  fuel  in  the  form  of 
work,  the  former  can  ordinarily  be  made  to  yield 
25  per  cent. , and  in  the  case  of  the  Diesel  en- 
gine the  return  is  as  much  as  37  per  cent. 

Interferometer,  The  : Principle  of  the  In- 
vention of  Professor  Michelson  for  Infinites- 
imal Measurements. — Suggestion  of  an 
Unvarying  Unit  of  Measurement.  — “In  the 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


measurement  of  length  or  motion  a most  refined 
instrument  is  the  interferometer,  devised  by  Pro- 
fessor A.  A.  Michelson,  of  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago. It  enables  an  observer  to  detect  a move- 
ment through  one  five-millionth  of  an  inch.  The 
principle  involved  is  illustrated  in  a simple  ex- 
periment. If  by  dropping  a pebble  at  each  of 
two  centres,  say  a yard  apart,  in  a still  pond, 
we  send  out  two  systems  of  waves,  each  system 
will  ripple  out  in  a series  of  concentric  circles. 
If,  when  the  waves  meet,  the  crests  from  one  set 
of  waves  coincide  with  the  depressions  from  the 
other  set,  the  water  in  that  particular  spot  be- 
comes smooth  because  one  set  of  waves  destroys 
the  other.  In  this  case  we  may  say  that  the 
waves  interfere.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  crests 
of  waves  from  two  sources  should  coincide,  they 
would  rise  to  twice  their  original  height.  Light- 
waves sent  out  in  a similar  mode  from  two  points 
may  in  like  manner  either  interfere,  and  produce 
darkness,  or  unite  to  produce  light  of  double 
brilliancy.  These  alternate  dark  and  bright 
bands  are  called  interference  fringes.  When  one 
of  the  two  sources  of  light  is  moved  through  a 
very  small  space,  the  interference  fringes  at  a 
distance  move  through  a space  so  much  larger 
as  to  be  easily  observed  and  measured,  enabling 
an  observer  to  compute  the  short  path  through 
which  a light-source  has  moved.  . . . Many  di- 
verse applications  of  the  interferometer  have 
been  developed,  as,  for  example,  in  thermometry. 
The  warmth  of  a hand  held  near  a pencil  of  light 
is  enough  to  cause  a wavering  of  the  fringes.  A 
lighted  match  shows  contortions.  . . . When 
the  air  is  heated  its  density  and  refractive  power 
diminish:  it  follows  that  if  this  experiment  is 
tried  under  conditions  which  show  a regular  and 
measurable  displacement  of  the  fringes,  their 
movement  will  indicate  the  temperature  of  the 
air.  This  method  has  been  applied  to  ascertain 
very  high  temperatures,  such  as  those  of  the 
blast  furnace.  Most  metals  expand  one  or  two 
parts  in  100,000  for  a rise  in  temperature  of 
one  degree  centigrade.  When  a small  specimen 
is  examined  the  whole  change  to  be  measured 
may  be  6nly  about  t inch,  a space  requir- 
ing a good  microscope  to  pei-ceive,  but  readily 
measured  by  an  interferometer.  It  means  a 
displacement  amounting  to  several  fringes,  and 
this  may  be  measured  to  within  of  a fringe 
or  less ; so  that  the  whole  displacement  may  be 
measured  to  within  a fraction  of  one  per  cent. 
Of  course,  with  long  bars  the  accuracy  attain- 
able is  much  greater. 

“The  interferometer  has  much  refined  the  in- 
dications of  the  balance.  In  a noteworthy  ex- 
periment Professor  Michelson  found  the  amount 
of  attraction  which  a sphere  of  lead  exerted  on 
a small  sphere  hung  on  an  arm  of  a delicate 
balance.  The  amount  of  this  attraction  when 
two  such  spheres  touch  is  proportional  to  the 
diameter  of  the  large  sphere,  which  in  this  case 
was  about  eight  inches.  The  attraction  on  the 
small  ball  on  the  end  of  the  balance  was  thus 
the  same  fraction  of  its  weight  as  the  diameter 
of  the  large  ball  was  of  the  diameter  of  the 
earth,  — something  like  one  twenty-millionth. 
So  the  force  to  be  measured  was  one  twenty- 
millionth  of  the  weight  of  this  small  ball.  In 
the  interferometer  the  approach  of  the  small 
ball  to  the  large  one  produced  a displacement  of 
seven  whole  fringes.”  — George  lies,  Inventors  at 
Work,  pp.  214-218  ( Doubleday , Page  & Co. , N.Y.). 


International  Congresses  of  Science.  — The 

most  notable  of  the  gatherings  at  St.  Louis  in 

1904,  connected  with  the  Louisiana  Purchase 
Exposition,  was  the  Congress  of  Arts  and 
Science,  for  some  account  of  which  see  (in  this 
vol.)  St.  Louis:  A.  D.  1904. 

Hardly  less  important  from  some  points  of 
view  was  the  meeting  of  the  First  Pan-American 
Scientific  Congress,  at  Santiago,  Chile,  begin- 
ning on  the  25tli  of  December,  1908.  It  had  been 
preceded  by  three  scientific  congresses  of  the 
Latin-American  states,  at  Buenos  Aires  in  1898, 
at  Montevideo  in  1901,  and  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  in 

1905.  The  Pan-American  comprehensiveness 
was  given  to  a fourth  one  by  an  official  invita- 
tion from  the  Chilean  Government  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  to  send  delegates 
to  the  meeting,  and  a further  invitation  from  the 
Chilean  Committee  of  Organization  to  fifteen  of 
the  prominent  universities  of  the  United  States 
to  do  the  same.  The  response  to  the  invitation 
was  cordial,  and  both  of  the  American  conti- 
nents were  well  represented  at  the  Congress.  The 
programme  of  topics  for  discussion  included  a 
number  of  historically  and  politically  scientific 
questions  of  specially  American  interest,  such, 
for  example,  as  the  following: 

‘ ‘ An  explanation  of  the  reasons  why  the  colo- 
nies of  English  America  were  able  to  unite  into 
a single  state  after  they  had  attained  their  inde- 
pendence, while  those  of  Spanish  America  never 
succeeded  in  establishing  a permanent  union. 

“The  extent  to  which  America  has  come  to 
possess  a civilization,  as  well  as  interests  and 
problems,  different  from  those  of  Europe. 

“ Given  the  special  circumstances  of  the  states 
of  the  New  World,  woidd  it  be  feasible  to  create 
an  American  international  law?  and  if  so,  upon 
what  bases  should  it  rest,  and  how  should  it  be 
composed  ? ” 

The  Moving  Picture  Show. — The  Millions 
entertained  by  it  in  the  United  States.  — In 

1908,  in  the  United  States,  “the  moving-picture 
show  drew  an  attendance  of  4,000,000  daily,  a 
total  attendance  of  more  than  a billion;  or  an 
average  of  one  visit  a month  to  this  form  of 
amusement  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in 
the  whole  country.  Already  this  infant  indus- 
try has  developed  to  a point  where  §50,000,000 
is  invested  in  it,  and  7,000  moving-picture  houses 
are  scattered  over  the  country.  Of  the  larger 
cities,  Chicago  has  at  present  313  moving-picture 
shows,  and  probably  will  have  500  before  the 
end  of  the  present  year.  New  York  has  300,  St. 
Louis  205,  Philadelphia  186,  San  Francisco  131, 
Pittsburgh  90,  and  Boston  31.  Hundreds  of 
smaller  cities  and  towns  have  from  one  to  a 
dozen,  and  the  craze  has  extended  to  Mexico, 
Central  and  South  America,  and  the  Panama 
Canal  Zone.  Nearly  1,000,000  feet,  or  190  miles, 
of  films  are  shown  every  day  in  the  United 
States.  . . . Making  of  these  films  is  in  itself 
an  enormous  business.  The  organization  which 
controls  them  not  only  has  agents  photographing 
scenes  in  every  part  of  the  world,  but  maintains 
theatres  and  out-of-door  establishments,  where 
complete  plays  and  all  sorts  of  other  activities 
are  presented  before  the  camera.”  — N.  Y.  Even- 
ing Post. 

Opsonins  : A remarkable  new  Discovery  in 
Biology.  — Discovery  of  the  functions  of  the 
white  corpuscles  found  in  the  blood  of  animals 
was  begun,  it  is  said,  by  Dr.  Augustus  Waller, 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


in  1843,  and  continued  in  much  later  years  by 
Professor  Metchnikoff,  who  was  associated  with 
the  work  of  Pasteur.  The  latter  determined 
the  surprising  and  extremely  important  fact 
that  the  white  corpuscles  or  cells  are  essentially 
minute  living  creatures,  which  serve  the  larger 
creature  they  inhabit  as  a sanitary  guard,  de- 
fending it  against  the  invasion  of  microbes  that 
are  hostile  to  its  health.  They  pursue  and 
devour  these  malignant  invaders  ; whence  the 
name  that  has  been  given  to  them,  of  “phago- 
cytes,” or  “ eating  cells.” 

“ When  we  study  the  process  familiarly  known 
as  ‘ inflammation,’  we  find  the  most  perfect  illus- 
tration at  once  of  the  duties  of  the  white  blood- 
cells  and  of  the  new  phase  and  meaning  of  a com- 
mon occurrence  which  are  revealed  by  research. 
‘ Inflammation  ’ is  a process  which  follows  upon 
a large  variety  of  injuries,  and  which  marks  the 
onset  and  course  of  many  diseases,  from  a scratch 
on  the  finger  to  an  inflammation  of  the  lungs. . . . 
Given  a simple  scratch  and  the  phagocytes 
stimulated  by  the  injury  to  the  tissues  will  come 
hurrying  to  the  scene  of  the  accident  like  ambu- 
lance men,  eager  to  assist  in  the  removal  of  any 
deleterious  matter,  and  to  give  their  aid  in  the 
healing  process  and  in  the  formation  of  the 
new  tissue,  the  production  of  which  will  com- 
plete the  cure.  But  given  a scratch  that  inocu- 
lates the  finger  with  ‘ dirt,’  which  is  only  an- 
other name  for  microbes,  and  the  nature  of 
inflammation  becomes  clearer  to  us.  In  a few 
hours  the  finger  will  begin  to  feel  painful  ; its 
temperature  will  rise ; it  will  appear  red  and 
‘inflamed,’  and  it  will  exhibit  swelling.  Later 
on,  if  we  puncture  the  swelling,  we  shall  find  a 
yellow  fluid,  which  we  name  ‘ pus,’  or  ‘ matter,’ 
escaping  from  the  puncture.  Now  to  what  are 
the  symptoms  of  inflammation  due  ? The  plain 
answer  is,  that  they  represent  the  results  of  a 
great  migration  of  phagocytes  from  the  blood- 
vessels, destined  to  attack,  and  if  possible  re- 
move, the  infective  particles  which  threaten  to 
do  us  injury.  The  inflammation,  in  this  view, 
is  the  evidence  of  a battle  being  fought  in  our 
favour,  and  often  with  very  long  odds  against 
us.  If  our  phagocytes  gain  a complete  victory, 
we  escape  the  suppuration  which  we  saw  to  re- 
sult in  the  shape  of  the  ‘ festering  ’ finger.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  they  sustain  defeat,  they  will 
fight  on,  leaving  their  dead  behind.  It  is  the 
dead  white  blood-cells,  which  have  fallen  in  the 
fray,  which  constitute  the  ‘ pus  ’ or  ‘ matter  ’ 
we  find  in  wounds.  . . . These  dead  cells,  like 
the  corpses  of  soldiers  who  fall  in  battle,  later 
become  hurtful  to  the  organism  they  in  their 
lifetime  were  anxious  to  protect  from  harm,  for 
they  are  fertile  sources  of  septicaemia  and  py- 
aemia (blood-poisoning) — the  pestilence  and 
scourge  so  much  dreaded  by  operative  surgeons. 

“Such  is  the  story  which  forms  the  natural 
prologue  to  the  history  of  ‘Opsonins.’  For 
many  a day  after  the  publication  of  Metchni- 
kofE’s  discoveries  regarding  the  germ-killing 
power  of  the  phagocytes,  it  was  held  that  these 
living  cells  alone  accomplished  the  duty  of 
disposing  of  troublesome  invaders.  Later  on, 
other  opinions  were  advanced  to  the  effect  that 
while  the  phagocytes  did  undoubtedly  accom- 
plish their  work  in  the  direction  indicated,  they 
demanded  aid  to  that  end  from  an  outside 
source.  This  source  was  indicated  and  repre- 
sented by  the  plasma  or  blood -fluid  itself.  The 


fluid  part  of  the  blood  had  long  been  known  to 
possess  germ-killing  properties,  but  the  extent 
of  its  powers  in  this  direction  had  not  been  duly 
determined,  nor  had  the  important  point  been 
settled  whether  the  plasma  as  a whole  or  only 
part  thereof  aided  the  white  blood-cells  in 
their  forays  on  microbes.  . . . Researches  made 
prior  to  the  year  1903  gave  cause  for  the  belief 
in  the  importance  of  the  blood-plasma  in  whole 
or  in  part,  but  it  was  in  the  year  just  named 
that  very  important  investigations  were  under- 
taken with  the  view  to  determining  the  exact 
status  of  the  blood-fluid  in  work  of  bactericidal 
kind.  Drs.  Wright  and  Douglas  of  St.  Mary’s 
Hospital,  London,  undertook  a piece  of  research 
conducted  on  lines  somewhat  different  from 
those  on  which  previous  work  of  this  nature 
had  been  carried  on.  They  proceeded  first  of 
all  by  the  aid  of  delicate  processes  to  separate 
the  blood-corpuscles  from  the  blood-fluid.  The 
white  blood-cells  were  thus  kept  in  a medium 
or  fluid  of  neutral  kind,  while  the  blood-fluid 
itself  on  the  other  hand  was  obtained  free  from 
its  corpuscles.  Next  in  order  an  emulsion  of 
certain  microbes  capable  of  producing  disease 
was  made  in  a solution  of  salt.  When  the  pha- 
gocytes, alive,  of  course,  in  their  neutral  fluid, 
were  allowed  access  to  the  germs  they  did  not 
attack  them.  It  was  as  if  two  contending 
armies  had  been  brought  face  to  face,  waiting 
to  attack,  but  restrained  by  some  negotiations 
proceeding  between  the  commanders.  The  case 
was  at  once  altered,  and  the  battle  began,  when 
the  experimenters  brought  the  separated  blood- 
fluid  into  the  field.  Added  to  the  germs  and  to 
the  phagocytes  these  elements,  which  had  been 
‘ spoiling  for  a fight,’  joined  issue,  and  the  white 
blood-cells  performed  their  normal  work  of 
microbe-baiting.  There  was  but  one  inference 
to  be  drawn  from  these  facts.  Clearly,  the 
addition  of  the  blood-fluid  supplied  some  con- 
dition or  other,  necessary  for  the  development 
of  the  fighting  powers  of  the  cells.  . . . Our 
investigators  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  real 
source  of  the  power  possessed  by  the  blood- 
fluid  or  ‘plasma’  is  to  be  sought  and  found 
in  substances  contained  therein  and  called 
‘ Opsonins.’  We  can  now  appreciate  the  mean- 
ing of  this  term.  It  is  derived  from  the  classic 
verb  for  catering,  for  preparing  food  or  for  pro- 
viding food.  The  view  taken  of  opsonic  action 
justifies  the  use  of  the  word,  for  it  is  believed 
that  these  substances  perform  their  share  of  the 
germ-destroying  work,  not  by  urging  on  or 
stimulating  the  phagocytes  to  the  attack,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  by  acting  on  the  microbes,  by 
weakening  their  powers  of  resistance  and  by 
rendering  them  the  easy  prey  of  the  white 
blood-cells.  The  ‘ Opsonins  ’ are  carried  by  the 
blood-stream  everywhere,  and  it  is  when  they 
come  in  contact  with  any  microbe-colonies  in 
the  body  that  they  exert  their  specific  action  on 
the  germs.  . . The  idea  that  the  more  active 
our  white  blood-cells  are,  and  the  more  exten- 
sive and  complete  their  work,  the  greater  the 
amount  of  ‘ Opsonins  ’ present,  is  one  which 
seems  to  be  founded  on  a rational  basis.  This 
view  regards  these  substances  as  the  real  cause 
of  phagocytic  activity.  That  ‘ Opsonins  ’ fur- 
thermore appear  to  possess  definite  degrees  of 
power  seems  proved  by  the  observation  that  a 
person’s  blood  may  contain  sufficient  to  deal 
with  one  disease  in  the  way  of  stimulating  the 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


phagocytes  to  work,  while  the  same  quantity 
would  not  equal  half  that  required  to  effect  a 
satisfactory  attack  on  another  and  different  dis- 
ease. What  has  been  called  the  ‘ opsonic  index  ’ 
of  a person  is  the  standard,  if  so  we  may  call  it, 
or  measure  of  his  germ-killing  power,  in  so  far 
as  the  amount  of  ‘ Opsouins  ’ contained  in  his 
blood  is  concerned.  By  a technical  procedure 
and  calculation  the  experimenter  can  compute 
the  opsonic  power  of  a given  specimen  of 
blood.”  — Andrew  Wilson,  About  Opsouins 
( Cornhill , January,  1907). 

Medical.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

Physical : The  New  Conceptions  of  Elec- 
tricity, Matter  and  Ether. — Statement  by 
Madame  Curie. — Sir  Joseph  Thomson’s  Ad- 
dress to  the  British  Association  at  Winnipeg. 

— Sir  Oliver  Lodge  on  the  Ether  of  Space. 

— “ One  point  which  appears  to-day  to  be  de- 
finitely settled  is  a view  of  atomic  structure  of 
electricity,  which  goes  to  confirm  and  complete 
the  idea  that  we  have  long  held  regarding  the 
atomic  structure  of  matter,  which  constitutes 
the  basis  of  chemical  theories.  At  the  same  time 
that  the  existence  of  electric  atoms,  indivisible 
by  our  present  means  of  research,  appears  to  be 
established  with  certainty,  the  important  proper- 
ties of  these  atoms  are  also  shown.  The  atoms 
of  negative  electricity  which  we  call  electrons, 
are  found  to  exist  in  a free  state,  independent  of 
all  material  atoms,  and  not  having  any  proper- 
ties in  common  with  them.  In  this  state  they 
possess  certain  dimensions  in  space,  and  are 
endowed  with  a certain  inertia,  which  has  sug- 
gested the  idea  of  attributing  to  them  a corre- 
sponding mass. 

“Experiments  have  shown  that  their  dimen- 
sions are  very  small  compared  with  those  of 
material  molecules,  and  that  their  mass  is  only  a 
small  fraction,  not  exceeding  one  one-thousandth 
of  the  mass  of  an  atom  of  hydrogen.  They  show 
also  that  if  these  atoms  can  exist  isolated,  they 
may  also  exist  in  all  ordinary  matter,  and  may 
be  in  certain  cases  emitted  by  a substance  such 
as  a metal  without  its  properties  being  changed 
in  a manner  appreciable  by  us. 

“ If,  then,  we  consider  the  electrons  as  a form 
of  matter,  we  are  led  to  put  the  division  of  them 
beyond  atoms  and  to  admit  the  existence  of  a 
kind  of  extremely  small  particles  able  to  enter 
into  the  composition  of  atoms,  but  not  necessa- 
rily by  their  departure  involving  atomatic  de- 
struction. Looking  at  it  in  this  light,  we  are 
led  to  consider  every  atom  as  a complicated 
structure,  and  this  supposition  is  rendered  prob- 
able by  the  complexity  of  the  emission  spectra 
which  characterize  the  different  atoms.  We 
have  thus  a conception  sufficiently  exact  of  the 
atoms  of  negative  electricity. 

“It  is  not  the  same  for  positive  electricity, 
for  a great  dissimilarity  appears  to  exist  between 
the  two  electricities.  Positive  electricity  appears 
always  to  be  found  in  connection  with  material 
atoms,  and  we  have  no  reason,  thus  far,  to  be- 
lieve that  they  can  be  separated.  Our  know- 
ledge relative  to  matter  is  also  increased  by  an 
important  fact.  A new  property  of  matter  has 
been  discovered  which  has  received  the  name 
of  radioactivity.  Radioactivity  is  the  property 
which  the  atoms  of  certain  substances  possess 
of  shooting  off  particles,  some  of  which  have  a 
mass  comparable  to  that  of  the  atoms  them- 
selves, while  the  others  are  the  electrons.  This 


property,  which  uranium  and  thorium  possess 
in  a slight  degree,  has  led  to  the  discovery  of 
a new  chemical  element,  radium,  whose  radio- 
activity is  very  great.  Among  the  particles  ex- 
pelled by  radium  are  some  which  are  ejected 
with  great  velocity,  and  their  expulsion  is  ac- 
companied with  a considerable  evolution  of  heat. 
A radioactive  body  constitutes,  then,  a source  of 
energy. 

“ According  to  the  theory  which  best  accounts 
for  the  phenomena  of  radioactivity,  a certain 
proportion  of  the  atoms  of  a radioactive  body  is 
transformed  in  a given  time,  with  the  produc- 
tion of  atoms  of  less  atomic  weight,  and  in  some 
cases  with  the  expulsion  of  electrons.  This  is 
a theory  of  the  transmutation  of  elements,  but 
differs  from  the  dreams  of  the  alchemists  in 
that  we  declare  ourselves,  for  the  present  at 
least,  unable  to  induce  or  influence  the  transmu- 
tation. Certain  facts  go  to  show  that  radioactiv- 
ity appertains  in  a slight  degree  to  all  kinds  of 
matter.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  matter  is  far 
from  being  as  unchangeable  or  inert  as  it  was 
formerly  thought;  and  is,  on  the  contrary,  in 
continual  transformation,  although  this  trans- 
formation escapes  our  notice  by  its  relative  slow- 
ness. ” — Madame  Curie,  Modern  Theories  of  Elec- 
tricity and  Matter  ( Annual  Report,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  1905-6,  pp.  103-104). 

A remarkable  summary  of  recent  advances  in 
physical  science,  by  Sir  Joseph  Thomson,  in  his 
presidential  address  at  the  opening  (August  25, 
1909)  of  the  seventy-ninth  annual  meeting  of 
the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement 
of  Science,  held  at  Winnipeg,  Canada,  contains 
what  is,  without  doubt,  the  most  successful  of 
endeavors  to  give  some  understanding  of  the 
new  conceptions  of  matter,  ether  and  electricity, 
with  which  scientists  are  now  working,  to  minds 
that  have  not  been  scientifically  trained.  Sir 
Joseph  treats  the  subject  at  more  length  than 
can  be  given  to  it  here,  but  abridgment  seems 
possible  without  robbing  it  of  the  more  impor- 
tant parts  of  its  rich  content  of  information  : 

“The  period  which  has  elapsed  since  the  Asso- 
ciation last  met  in  Canada  [1897]  has  been,”  said 
the  President,  “one  of  almost  unparalleled  ac- 
tivity in  many  branches  of  physics,  and  many 
new  and  unsuspected  properties  of  matter  and 
electricity  have  been  discovered.  The  history  of 
this  period  affords  a remarkable  illustration  of 
the  effect  which  may  be  produced  by  a single 
discovery ; for  it  is,  I think,  to  the  discovery  of 
the  Rontgen  rays  that  we  owe  the  rapidity  of 
the  progress  which  has  recently  been  made  in 
physics.  A striking  discovery  like  that  of  the 
Rontgen  rays  acts  much  like  the  discover}'  of 
gold  in  a sparsely  populated  country ; it  attracts 
workers  who  come  in  the  first  place  for  the  gold, 
but  who  may  find  that  the  country  has  other 
products,  other  charms,  perhaps  even  more  val- 
uable than  the  gold  itself.  The  country  in  which 
the  gold  was  discovered  in  the  case  of  the  Ront- 
gen rays  was  the  department  of  physics  dealing 
with  the  discharge  of  electricity  through  gases, 
a subject  which,  almost  from  the  beginning  of 
electrical  science,  had  attracted  a few  enthusias- 
tic workers,  who  felt  convinced  that  the  key  to 
unlock  the  secret  of  electricity  was  to  be  found 
in  a vacuum  tube.  Rontgen,  in  1895,  showed  that 
when  electricity  passed  through  such  a tube  the 
tube  emitted  rays  which  could  pass  through 
bodies  opaque  to  ordinary  light;  which  could, 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


for  example,  pass  through  the  flesh  of  the  body 
and  throw  a shadow  of  the  bones  on  a suitable 
screen.  . ...  It  is  not,  however,  to  the  power  of 
probing  dark  places,  important  though  this  is, 
that  the  influence  of  Rbutgen  rays  on  the  pro- 
gress of  science  has  mainly  been  due ; it  is  rather 
because  these  rays  make  gases,  and,  indeed, 
solids  and  liquids,  through  which  they  pass, 
conductors  of  electricity.  . . . The  study  of 
gases  exposed  to  Rontgen  rays  has  revealed  in 
such  gases  the  presence  of  particles  charged 
with  electricity ; some  of  these  particles  are 
charged  with  positive,  others  with  negative, 
electricity.  The  properties  of  these  particles 
have  been  investigated ; we  know  the  charge 
they  carry,  the  speed  with  which  they  move  un- 
der an  electric  force,  the  rate  at  which  the  oppo- 
sitely charged  ones  recombine,  and  these  inves- 
tigations have  thrown  a new  light,  not  only  on 
electricity,  but  also  on  the  structure  of  matter. 
We  know  from  these  investigations  that  electri- 
city, like  matter,  is  molecular  in  structure,  that 
j ust  as  a quantity  of  hydrogen  is  a collection  of 
an  immense  number  of  small  particles  called 
molecules,  so  a charge  of  electricity  is  made  up 
of  a great  number  of  small  charges,  each  of  a 
perfectly  definite  and  known  amount.  . . . Nay, 
further,  the  molecular  theory  of  matter  is  in- 
debted to  the  molecular  theory  of  electricity  for 
the  most  accurate  determination  of  its  funda- 
mental quantity,  the  number  of  molecules  in 
any  given  quantity  of  an  elementary  substance. 

“ The  great  advantage  of  the  electrical  meth- 
ods for  the  study  of  the  properties  of  matter  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  whenever  a particle  is  elec- 
trified it  is  very  easily  identified,  whereas  an  un- 
charged molecule  is  most  elusive  ; and  it  is  only 
when  these  are  present  in  immense  numbers  that 
we  are  able  to  detect  them.  . . . 

“We  have  already  made  considerable  progress 
in  the  task  of  discovering  what  the  structure  of 
electricity  is.  We  have  known  for  some  time 
that  of  one  kind  of  electricity  — the  negative  — 
and  a very  interesting  one  it  is.  We  know  that 
negative  electricity  is  made  up  of  units  all  of 
which  are  of  the  same  kind  ; that  these  units  are 
exceedingly  small  compared  with  even  the 
smallest  atom.  . . . The  size  of  these  corpuscles 
is  on  an  altogether  different  scale  from  that  of 
atoms  ; the  volume  of  a corpuscle  bears  to  that 
of  the  atom  about  the  same  relation  as  that  of  a 
speck  of  dust  to  the  volume  of  this  room.  Under 
suitable  conditions  they  move  at  enormous 
speeds,  which  approach  in  some  instances  the 
velocity  of  light.  The  discovery  of  these  cor- 
puscles is  an  interesting  example  of  the  way 
Nature  responds  to  the  demands  made  upon 
her  by  mathematicians.  Some  years  before  the 
discovery  of  corpuscles  it  had  been  shown  by 
a mathematical  investigation  that  the  mass  of 
a body  must  be  increased  by  a charge  of  elec- 
tricity. This  increase,  however,  is  greater  for 
small  bodies  than  for  large  ones,  and  even  bodies 
as  small  as  atoms  are  hopelessly  too  large  to 
show  any  appreciable  effect  ; thus  the  result 
seemed  entirely  academic.  After  a time  cor- 
puscles were  discovered,  and  these  are  so  much 
smaller  than  the  atom  that  the  increase  in  mass 
due  to  the  charge  becomes  not  merely  appre- 
ciable, but  so  great  that,  as  the  experiments  of 
Kaufmann  and  Bucherer  have  shown,  the  whole 
of  the  mass  of  the  corpuscle  arises  from  its 
charge. 


“We  know  a great  deal  about  negative  elec- 
tricity ; what  do  we  know  about  positive  elec- 
tricity ? Is  positive  electricity  molecular  in 
structure  ? Is  it  made  up  into  units,  each  unit 
carrying  a charge  equal  in  magnitude  though 
opposite  in  sign  to  that  carried  by  a corpuscle  ? 
. . . The  investigations  made  on  the  unit  of  pos- 
itive electricity  show  that  it  is  of  quite  a differ- 
ent kind  from  the  unit  of  negative ; the  mass  of 
the  negative  unit  is  exceedingly  small  compared 
with  any  atom  ; the  only  positive  units  that  up 
to  the  present  have  been  detected  are  quite 
comparable  in  mass  with  the  mass  of  an  atom  of 
hydrogen  ; in  fact  they  seem  equal  to  it.  This 
makes  it  more  difficult  to  be  certain  that  the 
unit  of  positive  electricity  has  been  isolated,  for 
we  have  to  be  on  our  guard  against  its  being  a 
much  smaller  body  attached  to  the  hydrogen 
atoms  which  happen  to  be  present  in  the  vessel. 
...  At  present  the  smallest  positive  electrified 
particles  of  which  we  have  direct  experimental 
evidence  have  masses  comparable  with  that  of 
an  atom  of  hydrogen. 

“ A knowledge  of  the  mass  and  size  of  the  two 
units  of  electricity,  the  positive  and  the  nega- 
tive, would  give  us  the  material  for  construct- 
ing what  may  be  called  a molecular  theor3'  of 
electricity,  and  would  be  a starting  point  for  a 
theory  of  the  structure  of  matter;  for  the  most 
natural  view  to  take,  as  a provisional  hypothe- 
sis, is  that  matter  is  just  a collection  of  positive 
and  negative  units  of  electricity,  and  that  the 
forces  which  hold  atoms  and  molecules  together, 
the  properties  which  differentiate  one  kind  of 
matter  from  another,  all  have  their  origin  in  the 
electrical  forces  exerted  by  positive  and  nega- 
tive units  of  electricity,  grouped  together  in 
different  ways  in  the  atoms  of  the  different  ele- 
ments. As  it  would  seem  that  the  units  of 
positive  and  negative  electricity  are  of  very  dif- 
ferent sizes,  we  must  regard  matter  as  a mixture 
containing  systems  of  very  different  types,  one 
type  corresponding  to  the  small  corpuscle,  the 
other  to  the  large  positive  unit.  Since  the  en- 
ergy associated  with  a given  charge  is  greater 
the  smaller  the  body  on  which  the  charge  is 
concentrated,  the  energy  stored  up  in  the  nega- 
tive corpuscles  will  be  far  greater  than  that 
stored  up  by  the  positive.  The  amount  of  en- 
ergy which  is  stored  up  in  ordinary  matter  in 
the  form  of  the  electrostatic  potential  energy  of 
its  corpuscles  is,  I think,  not  generally  realized. 

. . . This  energy  is  fortunately  kept  fast  bound 
by  the  corpuscles  ; if  at  any  time  an  appreciable 
fraction  were  to  get  free  the  earth  would  ex- 
plode and  become  a gaseous  nebula.  The  mat- 
ter of  which  I have  been  speaking  so  far  is  the 
material  which  builds  up  the  earth,  the  sun, 
and  the  stars,  the  matter  studied  by  the  chem- 
ist, and  which  he  can  represent  by  a formula ; 
this  matter  occupies,  however,  but  an  insignifi- 
cant fraction  of  the  universe ; it  forms  but  mi- 
nute islands  in  the  great  ocean  of  the  ether,  the 
substance  with  which  the  whole  universe  is 
filled. 

“The  ether  is  not  a fantastic  creation  of  the 
speculative  philosopher  ; it  is  as  essential  to  us 
as  the  air  we  breathe.  For  we  must  remember 
that  we  on  this  earth  are  not  living  on  our  own 
resources ; we  are  dependent  from  minute  to 
minute  upon  what  we  are  getting  from  the  sun, 
and  the  gifts  of  the  sun  are  conveyed  to  us  by 
the  ether.  It  is  to  the  sun  that  we  owe  not 


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SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


merely  night  and  day,  springtime  and  harvest, 
but  it  is  the  energy  of  the  sun,  stored  up  in 
coal,  in  waterfalls,  in  food,  that  practically  does 
all  tlie  work  of  the  world.  . . . On  the  electro- 
magnetic theory  of  light,  now  universally 
accepted,  the  energy  streaming  to  the  earth 
travels  through  the  ether  in  electric  waves ; thus 
practically  the  whole  of  the  energy  at  our  dis- 
posal has  at  one  time  or  another  been  electrical 
energy.  The  ether  must,  then,  be  the  seat  of 
electrical  and  magnetic  forces.  We  know, 
thanks  to  the  genius  of  Clerk  Maxwell,  the 
founder  and  inspirer  of  modern  electrical  the- 
ory, the  equations  which  express  the  relation 
between  these  forces,  and  although  for  some 
purposes  these  are  all  we  require,  yet  they  do 
not  tell  us  very  much  about  the  nature  of  the 
ether. 

“Let  us  consider  some  of  the  facts  known 
about  the  ether.  When  light  falls  on  a body  and 
is  absorbed  by  it,  the  body  is  pushed  forward 
in  the  direction  in  which  the  light  is  travelling, 
and  if  the  body  is  free  to  move  it  is  set  in  mo- 
tion by  the  light.  Now  it  is  a fundamental 
principle  of  dynamics  that  when  a body  is  set 
moving  in  a certain  direction,  or,  to  use  the 
language  of  dynamics,  acquires  momentum  in 
that  direction,  some  other  mass  must  lose  the 
same  amount  of  momentum ; in  other  words,  the 
amount  of  momentum  in  the  universe  is  con- 
stant. Thus,  when  the  body  is  pushed  forward 
by  the  light,  some  other  system  must  have  lost 
the  momentum  the  body  acquires,  and  the  only 
other  system  available  is  the  wave  of  light  fall- 
ing on  the  body  ; hence  we  conclude  that  there 
must  have  been  momentum  in  the  "wave  in  the 
direction  in  which  it  is  travelling.  Momentum, 
however,  implies  mass  in  motion.  We  con- 
clude, then,  that  in  the  ether  through  which 
the  wave  is  moving  there  is  mass  moving  with 
the  velocity  of  light.  The  experiments  made 
on  the  pressure  due  to  light  enable  us  to  calcu- 
late this  mass.  . . . 

“The  place  where  the  density  of  the  ether 
carried  along  by  an  electric  field  rises  to  its 
highest  value  is  close  to  a corpuscle,  for  round 
the  corpuscles  are  by  far  the  strongest  electric 
fields  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge.  We 
know  the  mass  of  the  corpuscle,  we  know  from 
Kaufmann’s  experiments  that  this  arises  entirely 
from  the  electric  charge,  and  is  therefore  due 
to  the  ether  carried  along  with  the  corpuscle 
by  the  lines  of  force  attached  to  it.  . . . Around 
the  corpuscle  ether  must  have  an  extravagant 
density  ; whether  the  density  is  as  great  as  this 
in  other  places  depends  upon  whether  the  ether 
is  compressible  or  not.  If  it  is  compressible, 
then  it  may  be  condensed  round  the  corpuscles, 
and  there  have  an  abnormally  great  density  ; if 
it  is  not  compressible,  then  the  density  in  free 
space  cannot  be  less  than  the  number  I have 
just  mentioned.  With  respect  to  this  point  we 
must  remember  that  the  forces  acting  on  the 
ether  close  to  the  corpuscle  are  prodigious.  . . . 
I do  not  know  at  present  of  any  effect  which 
would  enable  us  to  determine  whether  ether  is 
compressible  or  not.  And  although  at  first 
sight  the  idea  that  we  are  immersed  in  a medium 
almost  infinitely  denser  than  lead  might  seem 
inconceivable,  it  is  not  so  if  we  remember  that 
in  all  probability  matter  is  composed  mainly  of 
holes.  We  may,  in  fact,  regard  matter  as  pos- 
sessing a bird-cage  kind  of  structure  in  which 


the  volume  of  the  ether  disturbed  by  the  wires 
when  the  structure  is  moved  is  infinitesimal  in 
comparison  with  the  volume  enclosed  by  them. 
If  we  do  this,  no  difficulty  arises  from  the  great 
density  of  the  ether;  all  we  have  to  do  is  to  in- 
crease the  distance  between  the  wires  in  propor- 
tion as  we  increase  the  density  of  the  ether.” 

Some  English  journals,  in  discussing  Sir 
Joseph  Thomson’s  address  at  Winnipeg,  spoke 
doubtingly  of  its  scientific  soundness,  regarding 
it  as  too  speculative,  representing  conclusions  in 
advance  of  what  physical  science  had  obtained 
a real  warrant  to  draw.  These  newspaper  crit- 
ics were  called  sharply  to  account  by  Sir  Oliver 
Lodge,  and  told  that  they  were  suspicious  of 
Sir  Joseph’s  statements  only  because  they  knew 
nothing  of  the  data  on  which  he  founded  them. 

In  a magazine  article  of  the  previous  year,  Sir 
Oliver  Lodge  had  already  traversed  part  of  the 
ground  covered  by  the  impressive  review  of  Sir 
Joseph  Thomson.  In  that  article  he  said  of  the 
present  conception  of  the  ether  of  space,  as  ac- 
cepted among  the  leaders  of  physical  science  : 

“When  a steel  spring  is  bent  or  distorted, 
what  is  it  that  is  really  strained  ? Not  the  atoms 

— the  atoms  are  only  displaced ; it  is  the  con- 
necting links  that  are  strained  — the  connecting 
medium  — the  ether.  Distortion  of  a spring  is 
really  distortion  of  the  ether.  All  strain  exists 
in  the  ether.  Matter  can  only  be  moved.  Con- 
tact does  not  exist  between  the  atoms  of  mat- 
ter as  we  know  them;  it  is  doubtful  if  a piece 
of  matter  ever  touches  another  piece,  any  more 
than  a comet  touches  the  sun  when  it  appears 
to  rebound  from  it ; but  the  atoms  are  connected, 
as  the  planets,  the  comets  and  the  sun  are  con- 
nected, by  a continuous  plenum  without  break 
or  discontinuity  of  any  kind.  Matter  acts  on 
matter  solely  through  the  ether.  But  whether 
matter  is  a thing  utterly  distinct  and  separate 
from  the  ether,  or  whether  it  is  a specifically 
modified  portion  of  it  — modified  in  such  a way 
as  to  be  susceptible  of  locomotion,  and  yet  con- 
tinuous with  all  the  rest  of  the  ether,  — which 
can  be  said  to  extend  everywhere,  far  beyond 
the  bounds  of  the  modified  and  tangible  portion 
called  matter — are  questions  demanding,  and 
I may  say  in  process  of  receiving,  answers. 

“Every  such  answer  involves  some  view  of 
the  universal,  and  possibly  infinite,  uniform, 
omnipresent  connecting  medium,  the  ether  of 
space.” — Oliver  Lodge,  The  Ether  of  Space 
(North  American  Review,  May,  1908). 

Radium  and  Radio-activity:  The  Discov- 
ery by  Professor  and  Madame  Curie.  — The 
Light  it  throws  on  many  Scientific  Problems. 

— Faraday’s  Prophetic  Anticipation.  — The 
Dissolution  of  Atoms. — “In  his  first  treatise 
on  the  X-rays,  Rontgen  [see  in  Vol.  VI.]  drew 
attention  to  the  fact  that  they  proceeded  from 
those  parts  of  the  Rontgen  tubes  where  the 
glass,  under  the  influence  of  the  impinging  cath- 
ode rays,  showed  the  most  fluorescence.  It 
therefore  seemed  possible  that  the  existence  of 
these  mysterious  rays  was  in  some  way  de- 
pendent on  previously  acquired  fluorescence, 
and  many  physicists  tried  to  ascertain  with  the 
well-known  Balmain  dyes,  which  become  lu- 
minous after  exposure  to  the  light,  if  results 
could  be  obtained  resembling  those  with  a Rbnt- 
gen  tube. 

“Similar  attempts  by  the  French  physicist, 
Henri  Becquerel,  were  crowned  with  success  in 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


an  unexpected  direction.  He  exposed  a ura- 
nium salt  to  the  light,  aud  then  placing  it  in  a 
dark  room  on  a photographic  plate  covered  with 
opaque  paper  he  demonstrated  the  action  of 
these  rays  on  the  plate  through  the  paper,  thin 
sheets  of  metal,  etc.  But  the  supposed  and 
sought-for  relation  of  the  rays  to  the  previous 
fluorescence  was  not  evident,  for  Becquerel  ob- 
tained precisely  the  same  results  with  prepa- 
rations of  uranium  which  had  not  only  not  been 
previously  exposed  directly  to  the  light,  but 
had  purposely  been  kept  some  time  in  dark- 
ness and  could  therefore  display  no  stored-up 
luminescence.  He  had,  however,  discovered 
the  uranium  or  Becquerel  rays.  . . . 

“At  Becquerel’ s suggestion  Madame  Curie 
undertook  a systematic  investigation  of  all  the 
chemical  elements  and  established  the  fact  that 
with  none  of  them,  excepting  uranium  and  tho- 
rium, could  an  appreciable  effect  indicating 
rays  be  obtained  with  her  apparatus.  On  the 
other  hand,  she  found  that  many  of  the  minerals 
investigated  showed  noticeable  action  in  this 
direction.  The  fact  that  a few  of  them,  the  ura- 
nium pitchblende,  for  example,  from  Joachims- 
thal,  Bohemia,  emitted  rays  three  or  four  times 
stronger  than  those  of  pure  uranium,  and  which 
could  not  therefore  be  announced  as  uranium 
rays,  led  her  to  suppose  that  in  the  pitchblende 
itself,  apart  from  the  uranium,  there  must  exist 
a still  more  powerful  radioactive  substance.  It 
is  a matter  of  record  how,  in  this  research, 
which  might  serve  as  a model  for  such  work, 
she  and  her  husband,  so  soon  afterwards  to  lose 
his  life  by  a deplorable  accident,  succeeded  in 
tracing  this  supposed  substance  more  and  more 
accurately,  and  finally  in  obtaining  it  pure. 
Madame  Curie  thus  became  the  discoverer  of 
radium,  a new  element  possessed  of  wonderful, 
of  fabulous  qualities. 

“Besides  Madame  Curie  no  other  investigator 
but  Professor  Braunschweig,  so  far  as  I know, 
has  yet  succeeded  in  obtaining  pure  radium.” 
— Franz  Himstedt,  Radioactivity  {Annual  lie- 
port,  Smithsonian  Institution,  1905-6,  pp.  117- 
118). 

“The  phenomena  of  radio-activity  revive  in- 
terest in  the  prophetic  views  of  Michael  Fara- 
day. In  1816,  when  he  was  but  twenty-four 
years  of  age,  he  delivered  a lecture  at  the  Royal 
Institution  in  London  on  Radiant  Matter.  In 
the  course  of  his  remarks  there  occurs  this  pas- 
sage:— ‘If  we  now  conceive  a change  as  far 
beyond  vaporization  as  that  is  above  fluidity, 
and  then  take  into  account  the  proportional  in- 
creased extent  of  alteration  as  the  changes  arise, 
we  shall  perhaps,  if  we  can  form  any  concep- 
tion at  all,  not  fall  short  of  radiant  matter; 
and  as  in  the  last  conversion  many  qualities 
were  lost,  so  here  also  many  more  would  disap- 
pear. It  was  the  opinion  of  Newton,  and  of 
many  other  distinguished  philosophers,  that 
this  conversion  was  possible,  and  continually 
going  on  in  the  processes  of  nature,  and  they 
found  that  the  idea  would  bear  without  injury 
the  applications  of  mathematical  reasoning — as 
regards  heat,  for  instance.  If  assumed,  we 
must  also  assume  the  simplicity  of  matter;  for 
it  would  follow  that  all  the  variety  of  substances 
with  which  we  are  acquainted  could  be  con- 
verted into  one  of  three  kinds  of  radiant  matter ; 
which  again  may  differ  from  each  other  only  in 
the  size  of  their  particles  or  their  form.  The 


properties  of  known  bodies  would  then  be  sup- 
posed to  arise  from  the  varied  arrangements  of 
their  ultimate  atoms,  and  belong  to  substances 
only  as  long  as  their  compound  nature  existed  ; 
and  thus  variety  of  matter  and  variety  of  pro- 
perties would  be  found  co-essential.’”  — George 
lies,  Inventors  at  Work,pp.  204-205  ( Doubleday , 
Page  & Co.,  N.  Y.). 

‘ ‘ An  ascertained  commercial  value  of  £4  per 
milligramme  (equivalent  to  £114,000  per  ounce) 
has  been  placed  upon  radium  by  a contract  just 
entered  into  between  the  British  Metalliferous 
Mines  (Limited)  and  Lord  Iveagh  and  Sir 
Ernest  Cassel  for  the  supply  of  7£  grammes 
(rather  more  than  a quarter  of  an  ounce)  of 
pure  radium  bromide.  This  very  large  order 
for  radium  will  be  supplied  from  the  above 
named  company’s  mine  near  Grampound  Road 
in  Cornwall.”  — London  Times,  June  21,  1909. 

The  Mono-Rail  Gyroscopic  System. — A 
mechanical  invention  not  yet  developed,  but 
which  seems  more  than  likely  to  count  among 
the  most  important  of  the  next  few  years,  is 
that  known  as  the  Brennan  mono-rail  system, 
which  balances  cars  and  trains  of  cars  on  a single 
rail  by  use  of  the  principle  of  the  gyroscope.  It 
was  first  exhibited  by  its  English  inventor,  Mr. 
Louis  Brennan,  in  model  form,  before  the  Royal 
Society,  in  1907,  and  won  so  much  confidence  in 
its  possibilities  that  the  British  War  Office  and 
the  India  Office  gave  financial  assistance  to 
meet  the  cost  of  the  long  experiments  that  were 
necessary  for  adapting  the  system  to  service  on 
a large  practical  scale.  The  result  of  these 
experiments  was  exhibited  in  public  trials  at 
New  Brompton,  England,  and,  subsequently,  at 
New  York,  in  the  later  part  of  1909.  The  fol- 
lowing account  of  the  exhibition  at  New 
Brompton  was  given  by  The  Times  : 

“ The  car  with  which  the  test  runs  were  car- 
ried out  is  40ft.  in  length  and  10ft.  in  width  ; its 
weight  is  22  tons,  and  it  is  designed  for  a load 
of  10  to  15  tons.  The  weight  of  the  gyroscopes, 
of  which  there  are  two,  is  1^  tons,  each  having 
a diameter  of  3ft.  6in.  The  speed  of  rotation  is 
3,000  r.  p.  m.,  or  considerably  less  than  it  was 
in  the  6ft.  model  exhibited  before  the  Royal 
Society.  It  would  be  possible  for  the  car  to  ob- 
tain the  necessary  power  by  collecting  current 
from  an  overhead  wire  with  a consequent  saving 
of jW eight,  but  in  the  present  example  the  motive 
power  is  provided  by  two  Wolseley  petrol  en- 
gines, one  of  80  h.  p.,  and  the  other  of  20  h.  p., 
driving  two  direct-current  shunt-wound  motors 
of  the  Siemens  type.  It  is  not  necessary  that 
the  car  should  be  propelled  electrically,  and 
steam  or  other  motive  power  could  be  employed ; 
but  in  any  case  it  would  be  necessary  to  spin  the 
gyroscopes  electrically,  this  method  being  ideal 
for  the  purpose.  The  air  is  exhausted  from  the 
gyroscope  cases,  the  pressure  in  them  being 
equivalent  to  from  -Jin.  to  fin.  of  mercury.  It  is 
hoped  in  future  installations  to  design  the  gyro- 
scopes for  higher  speeds,  and  in  that  case  it 
would  be  possible  to  reduce  the  size  and  weight 
of  the  equipment.  In  this  first  car  the  gyro- 
scopes run  in  the  vertical  plane,  but  that  is 
merely  for  convenience,  the  essential  feature 
being  that  the  trunnions  should  be  at  right  an- 
gles to  the  track.  . . . 

“ Several  experimental  trips  were  made  on 
the  factory  circular  track  as  well  as  on  the 
straight,  and  the  car  travelled  with  remarkable 


607 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION 


SCOTLAND 


steadiness  throughout.  It  is  not  likely  that 
the  Brennan  mono-rail  will  find  any  wide  field 
of  application  in  this  country,  but  there  would 
appear  to  be  great  advantages  in  the  system  for 
mountain  railways  in  India  and  elsewhere,  and, 
indeed,  it  seems  suitable  for  adoption  in  any 
country  where  new  railways  are  being  planned. 
The  inventor  lays  stress  on  the  absolute  safety 
of  the  system  at  speeds  ranging  up  to  about  150 
miles  per  hour.” 

Sanitary.  See  Public  Health. 

Submarine  Signal  Bells.  — In  May,  1909, 
it  was  announced  from  Washington  that  ‘‘the 
Government,  recognizing  the  substantial  service 
rendered  to  shipping  by  submarine  bells,  has 
decided  to  extend  their  installation  from  time 
to  time  to  light  vessels  and  stations  on  both 
coasts  and  upon  the  great  lakes.  At  present 
forty -six  of  the  light  vessels  are  thus  equipped, 
and  the  signals  which  they  send  out  are  of  un- 
doubted aid  to  deep-water  navigation.  Canada, 
England,  Germany,  Holland,  France,  Sweden, 
and  Denmark  are  following  suit.  The  bells  op- 
erate during  fogs  and  at  night  and  the  sound 
waves  emitted  by  the  bell  under  water  have  been 
known  to  travel  as  far  as  twenty-seven  miles. 
These  sound  waves  are  picked  up  by  the  receiv- 
ing microphones  on  board  ships,  and  by  the 
code  signal  of  each  station  the  vessel’s  navigator 
is  able  to  tell  where  he  is.”  See  above,  Elec- 
trical: Wireless  Telegraphy:  The  Cry 
tiiat  Brought  Help. 

The  Turbine  Steam  Engine.  — Its  Suc- 
cessful Development.  — First  Use  on  Ocean 
Steamers. — The  “Lusitania”  and  “Mau- 
retania.”— “For  a long  time  and  well  into  the 
nineteenth  century,  water  was  lifted  by  pistons 
moving  in  cylindrical  pumps.  Meantime  the 
turbine  grew  steadily  in  favor  as  a water  motor, 
arriving  at  last  at  high  efficiency.  This  gave  de- 
signers a hint  to  reverse  the  turbine  and  use  it 
as  a water  lifter  or  pump : this  machine,  duly 
built,  with  a continuous  instead  of  an  intermit- 
tent motion,  showed  much  better  results  than 
the  old-fashioned  pump.  The  turbine-pump  is 
accordingly  adopted  for  many  large  waterworks, 
deep  mines  and  similar  installations.  This  ad- 
vance from  to-and-fro  to  rotary  action  extended 
irresistibly  to  steam  as  a motive  power.  It  was 
clear  that  if  steam  could  be  employed  in  a tur- 
bine somewhat  as  water  is,  much  of  the  com- 
plexity and  loss  inherent  in  reciprocating  engines 
would  be  brushed  aside.  A pioneer  inventor  in 
this  field  was  Gustave  Patrich  De  Laval,  of 
Stockholm,  who  constructed  his  first  steam  tur- 
bine along  the  familiar  lines  of  the  Barker  mill. 
Steam  is  so  light  that  for  its  utmost  utilization 
as  a jet  a velocity  of  about  2,000  feet  a second  is 
required,  a rate  which  no  material  is  strong 
enough  to  allow.  De  Laval  by  using  the  most 
tenacious  metal  for  his  turbines  is  able  to  give 
their  swiftest  parts  a speed  of  as  much  as 
1400  feet  a second.  His  apparatus  is  cheap, 
simple  and  efficient;  it  is  limited  to  about  300 
horse-power.  Its  chief  feature  is  its  divergent 


nozzle,  which  permits  the  outflowing  steam  to 
expand  fully  with  all  the  effect  realized  in  a 
steam  cylinder  provided  with  expansion  valve 
gear.  Another  device  of  De  Laval  which  makes 
his  turbine  a safe  and  desirable  prime  mover  is 
the  flexible  shaft  which  has  a little,  self-righting 
play  under  the  extreme  pace  of  its  rotation. 

“ Of  direct  action  turbines  the  De  Laval  is  the 
chief ; of  compound  turbines,  in  which  the  steam 
is  expanded  in  successive  stages,  the  first  and 
most  widely  adopted  was  invented  by  the  Hon. 
Charles  A.  Parsons  of  Newcastle-on-Tyne.  . . . 
In  1894  Mr.  Parsons  launched  his  Turbinia,  the 
first  steamer  to  be  driven  by  a turbine.  Her 
record  was  so  gratifying  that  a succession  of 
vessels,  similarly  equipped,  were  year  by  year 
built  for  excursion  lines,  for  transit  across  the 
British  Channel,  for  the  British  Royal  Navy, 
and  for  mercantile  marine  service.  The  thirty- 
fifth  of  these  ships,  the  Victorian  of  the  Allan 
Line,  was  the  first  to  cross  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
arriving  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  April  18, 1905. 
She  was  followed  by  the  Virginian  of  the 
same  line  which  arrived  at  Quebec,  May  8, 
1905.  Not  long  afterward  the  Cunard  Company 
sent  from  Liverpool  to  New  York  the  Car- 
mania  equipped  with  steam  turbines,  and  in 
every  other  respect  like  the  Caronia  of  the  same 
owners,  which  is  driven  by  reciprocating  en- 
gines of  the  best  model.  Thus  far  the  compari- 
son between  these  two  ships  is  in  favor  of  the 
Carmania.  The  new  monster  Cunarders,  the 
Lusitania  and  the  Mauretania,  each  of  70,000 
horse  power,  are  to  be  propelled  by  steam  tur- 
bines. The  principal  reasons  for  this  prefer- 
ence are  thus  given  by  Professor  Carl  C. 
Thomas  : — Decreased  cost  of  operation  as  re- 
gards fuel,  labor,  oil,  and  repairs.  Vibration 
due  to  machinery  is  avoided.  Less  weight  of 
machinery  and  coal  to  be  carried,  resulting  in 
greater  speed.  Greater  simplicity  of  machinery 
in  construction  and  operation,  causing  less  lia- 
bility to  accident  and  breakdown.  Smaller  and 
more  deeply  immersed  propellers,  decreasing  the 
tendency  of  the  machinery  to  race  in  rough 
weather.  Lower  centre  of  gravity  of  the  ma- 
chinery as  a whole,  and  increased  headroom 
above  the  machinery.  According  to  recent  re- 
ports, decreased  first  cost  of  machinery.  ” — 
George  lies,  Inventors  at  Work,  pp.  452-456 
(Doubleday,  Page  & Co.,  Ar.  Y.). 

In  August,  1908,  the  Lusitania  made  the  voy- 
age from  Queenstown  to  New  York  in  4 days 
and  15  hours  ; again  in  February,  1909,  in  4 
days,  17  hours  and  6 minutes.  In  September, 
1909,  the  Mauretania  crossed  from  New  York 
to  Queenstown  in  4 days,  13  hours  and  41 
minutes. 

The  Washington  Memorial  Institution.  — 
Extension  of  the  Usefulness  of  Scientific 
Work  in  Departments  of  the  Government. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Education  : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1901. 

The  Nobel  Prizes.  See  Nobel  Prizes. 

See,  also,  Earthquakes. 


SCOTLAND  : A.  D.  1901  (March).  — Cen- 
sus. — According  to  the  returns  of  the  decennial 
enumeration  made  on  the  night  of  the  31st  of 
March,  1901,  the  population  of  Scotland  that 
day,  “including  those  in  the  Royal  Navy,  and 
belonging  to  the  Mercantile  shipping  in  Scot- 
tish Ports  or  on  Scottish  waters,  number  4,472,- 


000  persons,  of  whom  2,173,151  are  males,  and 
2,298,849  females. 

“When  compared  with  the  corresponding 
population  as  enumerated  at  the  Census  of  1891, 
a total  increase  of  446,353  is  found  to  have  oc- 
curred ; the  male  increase  being  230,434,  and  the 
female  215,919.  The  percentage  rate  of  increase 


608 


SCOTLAND 


SCOTLAND 


of  both  sexes  during  the  decennial  period  is 
11.09  — that  of  the  males  being  11.86,  and  of  the 
females  10.37.  The  corresponding  total  rate  of 
increase  during  the  preceding  decennium,  1881- 
1891,  was  7.77  per  cent.  . . . The  rate  at  the 
present  Census  for  Scotland  is,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  that  at  1881,  the  highest  since  the  decen- 
nial period  1821-1831.  . . . 

“ In  19  Counties  an  increase  in  the  population 
has  taken  place,  in  14  a decrease.  The  highest 
rate  of  increase  — both  sexes  combined  — is  in 
Linlithgow,  24.4  per  cent.;  followed  by  Lanark 
with  an  increase  of  21.1  per  cent. ; Stirling  with 
one  of  20.6  per  cent. ; Renfrew  with  one  of  16.5 
per  cent. ; Dumbarton  with  one  of  16.2  per  cent. ; 
Kincardine  with  one  of  15.3  per  cent.;  Fife  with 
one  of  15.0  per  cent.  The  greatest  falling  off 
occurs  in  Berwick,  4.6  per  cent. ; in  Orkney,  5.7 
per  cent. ; in  Roxburgh,  8.8  per  cent.;  in  Caith- 
ness 8.9  per  cent.;  in  Wigtown,  9.4  per  cent.; 
and  in  Selkirk  15.8  percent.  Inverness  stands 
almost  as  it  was,  having  increased  but  0.1  per 
cent.,  and  the  minimum  rate  of  falling  off  as  to 
population  is  in  Banff,  0.3  per  cent.,  and  Argyll, 
0.6  per  cent.  . . . 

“Among  the  larger  Burghs  the  increase  of 
population  varies  not  a little.  Thus,  in  Mother- 
well,  which  heads  the  list,  the  increase  during 
the  decennial  period  1891-1901,  is  at  the  rate 
of  62.5  per  cent.  Partiek  follows  with  a rate  of 
increase  of  48.6  per  cent.  ; Wishaw  with  one  of 
36.8  percent.  ; Hamilton  with  one  of  31.8  per 
cent. ; Kirkcaldy  with  one  of  25.5  percent.  ; Fal- 
kirk with  one  of  24.3  per  cent.;  Govan  with  one 
of  24.2  per  cent.  ; Coatbridge  with  one  of  21.3 
per  cent.  ; Aberdeen  with  one  of  22.9  per  cent.; 
Kilmarnock  with  one  of  20.1  per  cent. ; Paisley 
with  one  of  19.5  per  cent.  ; Airdrie  with  one  of 

16.5  per  cent.  ; Glasgow  with  one  of  15.5  per 
cent. ; Ayr  with  one  of  15.1  per  cent.  ; Edin- 
burgh with  one  of  14.8  per  cent.;  Dunfermline 
with  one  of  14.1  percent.;  Leith  with  one  of 

12.6  per  cent.  ; Inverness  with  one  of  10.3  per 
cent. ; Perth  with  one  of  9.9  per  cent. ; Green- 
ock with  one  of  7.4  per  cent.  ; and  Dundee  with 
oue  of  4.5  percent.  ; while  Arbroath  indicates 
a decrease  at  the  rate  of  1.9  per  cent.”  — Pre- 
liminary Report  to  Parliament. 

The  division  of  population  between  town  dis- 
tricts and  rural  districts  is  shown  in  the  follow- 
ing table  : 


Groups  of  Districts. 

Males. 

Females. 

Total. 

Town  Districts  (Pop.  2,000 
and  upwards)  .... 
Mainland-Rural  Districts 
Insular-Rural  Districts 

1,404,382 

479,009 

68,006 

1,620,698 

495,172 

67,000 

2,925,080 

974,841 

125,726 

Total  

1,942,717 

2,0S2,930 

4,025,647 

A.  D.  1901.  — Mr.  Carnegie’s  great  Gift  to 
Universities  and  Students.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  Scotland:  A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1904-1905.  — Decision  of  the  House 
of  Lords  against  the  Union,  in  1900,  of  the 
Free  Church  with  the  United  Presbyterian. 
— All  Property  given  to  the  Opposing 
Remnant. — “ In  1900,  the  United  Free  Church 
was  formed  by  the  union  of  the  majority  of  the 
Free  Church  with  the  entire  body  of  the  United 
Presbyterians,  . . . (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this 


work,  Scotland:  A.  D.  1900)  and  a new  organ- 
isation placed  in  the  field  of  Church  politics  in 
Scotland  almost  equal  in  respect  of  numbers 
and  resources  to  the  Established  Church.  The 
small  minority  opposed  to  this  union  inside  the 
Free  Church  seceded,  held  some  of  the  churches 
and  manses  by  force,  defying  authority  to  the 
extent,  in  one  instance,  of  a month’s  imprison- 
ment, and  retained  the  denomination  of  ‘The 
Free  Church  of  Scotland.’  As  their  fathers  left 
a ‘vitiated’  Establishment  on  purpose  to  pre- 
serve the  freedom  and  purity  of  the  National 
Church,  so  they  refused  to  enter  the  new  union, 
in  order,  by  standing  out,  to  save  the  principles, 
doctrines,  and  purposes  identified  with  the  Dis- 
ruption of  1843.  This  minority  of  not  more 
than  twenty-seven  ministers  and  as  many  con- 
gregations, mostly  located  in  fastnesses  beyond 
the  Grampians,  is  now  the  Free  Church  of 
Scotland,  with  Presbytery,  Assembly,  Moder- 
ator— in  short,  with  the  offices  and  institutions, 
on  a condensed  scale,  which  are  essential  in 
Presbyterian  polity.  These  few  determined 
people  claim  to  be  the  faithful  remnant  of  the 
Disruptionists.  Like  Milton’s  Abdiel,  ‘ un- 
shaken, unseduced,  unterrified,’  nor  moved  to 
‘ swerve  from  truth  ’ or  ‘ change  their  constant 
mind,’  they  claim  to  have  kept  their  loyalty, 
their  love,  their  zeal  in  the  cause  of  the  Disrup- 
tion through  all  the  temptations  of  an  age  in 
thought  Pyrrhonist,  in  morality  lax,  and  in  re- 
ligion Latitudinarian.  On  the  assumption  that 
they  alone  were  the  Free  Church,  they  invoked 
the  aid  of  the  Civil  Courts  in  their  defence. 
The  Court  of  Session — both  the  Ordinary  and 
the  Inner  Courts — -decided  in  favour  of  the 
United  Free  Church.  Home-made  law  could 
not  satisfy  the  minority,  and,  on  appeal,  the 
House  of  Lords  reversed  the  judgment  of  the 
Court  of  Session,  declaring  the  remnant  to  be 
the  Free  Church  of  Scotland,  and  finding  that 
the  United  Free  Church  was  a modern  compos- 
ite body  which,  on  the  evidence  of  its  ambi- 
dextrous and  Latitudinarian  constitution,  had 
abandoned  the  fundamental  doctrines  and  prin- 
ciples held  by  the  Disruptionists.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  decision,  the  property  of  the  Free 
Church,  as  it  existed  prior  to  the  union  of  1900, 
now  belongs  to  the  remnant  of  the  Disrup- 
tionists. 

“From  the  side  of  the  losing  United  Free 
Church  a bitter  erv  has  arisen  against  this  final- 
ity in  law.  The  decision  is  formally  accepted, 
yet  denounced  as  unjust  and  incompetent,  as 
denying  toleration  and  the  right  to  change  its 
creed  to  an  autonomous  body  ; and  there  are 
murmurs  about  of  the  necessity  of  an  appeal  to 
Parliament.  . . . It  seems  the  rankest  injustice 
to  transfer  more  than  one  million  in  invested 
funds,  nearly  a thousand  church  buildings, 
three  superior  colleges  devoted  to  the  training 
of  Divinity  students  (one  in  Edinburgh,  another 
in  Glasgow,  and  a third  in  Aberdeen),  the  mag- 
nificent Assembly  Hall  in  Edinburgh,  with  the 
offices  attached,  probably  also  much  property  in 
foreign  missions,  from  the  United  Free  Church 
to  this  remnant  of  Disruptionists,  the  custodians 
of  the  dying  embers  of  Obscurantism  in  Scot- 
land.”— J.  M.  Sloan,  The  Scottish  Free  Church 
{Fortnightly  Review,  Sept.,  1904). 

To  consider  the  situation  created  by  the  de- 
cision of  the  House  of  Lords,  a Royal  Commis- 
sion was  appointed,  which  investigated  all  the 


SCOTLAND 


SENUSSIA 


questions  involved  and  reported  its  findings  in 
April,  1905.  In  the  judgment  of  the  Commis- 
sion, the  Free  Church  (the  “Wee  Frees,”  as 
that  body  was  now  commonly  dubbed)  had 
neither  the  numbers  nor  the  resources  for  put- 
ting to  their  proper  use  the  enormous  endow- 
ment which  it  claimed.  At  the  same  time  there 
would  be  no  justice  in  delivering  those  endow- 
ments unconditionally  to  the  United  Free 
Church.  It  was  recommended,  accordingly,  that 
a Commission  be  constituted  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment to  take  charge  of  the  whole  property  and 
funds  involved,  and  to  arrange  for  the  allocation 
of  the  same,  to  the  end  of  securing  “adequate 
provision  for  the  due  performance  of  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  funds  were  raised  and  the 
trusts  on  which  they  are  held.”  A Bill  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  recommendation  was  passed 
during  the  next  session  of  Parliament. 

On  the  request  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Church  of  Scotland,  the  same  Act  enabled 
the  Church  to  change  the  formula  of  subscrip- 
tion required  from  its  ministers,  under  the  Act 
of  1G93,  so  that,  on  being  ordained,  a minister 
shall  only  make  a “declaration  of  his  faith  in 
the  sum  and  substance  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Reformed  Churches  therein  contained,  accord- 
ing to  such  formula  as  may  from  time  to  time 
be  prescribed  by  the  General  Assembly.” 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Peace  followed  by 
Threatened  Conflict  in  the  Coal  Mining  In- 
dustry. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion: Scotland. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Working  of  the  Old  Age 
Pensions  Act.  See  Poverty,  Problems  of  : 
Pensions. 

SCOTT,  James  Brown:  Technical  Dele- 
gate to  the  Second  Peace  Conference.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  War,  Tiie  Revolt  against: 
A.  D.  1907. 

SCOTT,  Captain  K.  T.:  Commander  of 
Antarctic  Expedition.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Polar  Exploration. 

SEAL  FISHERY  NEGOTIATIONS.— 

“Negotiations  for  an  international  conference 
to  consider  and  reach  an  arrangement  providing 
for  the  preservation  and  protection  of  the  fur 
seals  in  the  North  Pacific  are  in  progress  with 
the  governments  of  Great  Britain,  Japan,  and 
Russia.  The  attitude  of  the  governments  inter- 
ested leads  me  to  hope  for  a satisfactory  settle- 
ment of  this  question  as  the  ultimate  outcome  of 
the  negotiations.”  — Message  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  Congress,  Dec.  6,  1909. 

SEATTLE:  A.  D.  1909.  — The  Alaska- 
Yukon-Pacific  Exposition.  — “The  fair  at 
Seattle,”  said  The  World's  Work  of  August, 
1909,  “ is  beautiful  ; that  goes  without  saying, 
for  the  best  of  man’s  art  is  fitted  to  the  best  of 
Nature’s  workmanship  to  make  a balanced  and 
blended  picture  never  excelled  in  the  long  list 
of  great  exhibitions.  But  better  than  that,  the 
fair  at  Seattle  is  a definite  commercial  lesson  — 
and  lessons  in  commerce  last  forever.  Pri- 
marily, the  fair  is  teaching. the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  know  the  Pacific  coast ; sec- 
ondarily, it  is  teaching  them  a little  of  Alaska, 
a little  of  Japan,  and  a little  of  the  Philippines. 
And  the  distinctive  feature  of  this  particular 
fair  is  the  determined  effort  to  make  those  les- 
sons true.”  This  seems  to  describe  the  impres- 
sion which  the  Alaska- Yukon-Pacific  Exposi- 
tion made  generally  on  the  visitors  who  went 

6 


to  it  with  an  intelligent  purpose  in  going.  It 
gave  them  what  they  went  to  see,  with  fidelity, 
with  fulness,  and  in  most  attractive  forms  of 
display.  Like  its  Northwestern  predecessor, 
at  Portland,  four  years  before,  it  was  an  almost 
startling  revelation  of  the  possibilities  of  plant- 
ing and  ripening  in  cities,  states,  and  their 
social  institutions,  that  lie  within  trivial  spaces 
of  time  in  this  wonderful  present  age. 

The  Exposition  was  on  the  grounds  of  Wash- 
ington University,  and  seven  of  the  principal 
buildings  erected  for  it  were  of  permanent  con- 
struction and  remain  for  the  use  of  the  Univer- 
sity. Again,  as  at  Portland,  the  most  interest- 
ing of  these  buildings  architecturally  wras  that 
for  the  forestry  exhibit,  built  of  logs  and  other 
timber  in  a state  as  nearly  natural  as  it  could 
be  kept. 

The  Exposition  was  open  from  June  1st  until 
October  16,  and  registered  about  3,740,000  vis- 
itors. 

SEBAHEDDIN.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key: A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

SECTARIAN  SCHOOL  QUESTION. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D.  1903;  also 
Canada  : A.  D.  1905. 

SEDDON,  Richard  J.:  Prime  Minister  of 
New  Zealand.  — His  Death.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  Zealand:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

SEGNATURA,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Papacy:  A.  D.  1908. 

SEIYU-KAI.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A. 
D.  1902  (Aug.)  ; 1903  (June),  and  1909. 

SELFRIDGE,  Lieutenant  T.  E.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : 
Aeronautics. 

SENATORS,  United  States:  Proposed 
Election  by  Direct  Popular  Vote.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States  Senators. 

SENEGAMBIA:  A.  D.  1904.  — Cession 
of  a portion  of  territory  by  England  to 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904 
(April). 

SENUSSIA,  or  Senoussi : The  Pan-Is- 
lamic  Movement  in  Africa. — Sidi  Mahomed 
bin  Ali  es  Senussia  and  his  Sect.  — His 
Doctrine  and  its  Aim.  — “We  have  recently 
heard,  principally  apropos  of  the  disturbances 
in  Egypt,  a considerable  amount  concerning 
Pan-Islamism.  Taking  into  consideration  how 
much  has  been  written  on  this  subject,  it  is 
surprising  to  find  how  little  has  been  said  con- 
cerning one  of  the  principal  organisations  for 
the  propagation  of  Pan-Islamism.  I refer  to 
the  sect  known  as  Senussia.  ...  At  this  pre- 
sent moment  there  is  throughout  Africa  very 
general  discontent  among  the  native  population, 
not  only  in  Mohammedan  countries,  but  univer- 
sally over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  entire 
continent.  . . . 

“It  is  a comparatively  easy  matter  to  so  influ- 
ence any  warlike  Moslem  people  to  religious  en- 
thusiasm that  they  are  instantly  ready  in  arms 
to  strike  a blow  for  the  faith.  But  the  most 
significant  and  sinister  symptom  of  this  anti- 
Christian  crusade  is  that  the  message  carried  by 
the  Senussia  agents  is,  ‘Wait,  for  the  time  is 
not  yet  ripe.  Rest  now,  but  when  the  hour 
arrives,  rise,  slay,  and  spare  not.’  Taking 
into  consideration  the  fact  that  the  Senussia 
sect  was  founded  in  1835,  that  its  rise  has  been 
enormously  rapid,  and  that  its  propaganda  has 
been  actively  and  diligently  preached  in  British 

.0 


SENUSSIA 


SIAM 


possessions  for  ninny  years  past,  with  scarcely 
one  definite  item  of  intelligence  concerning  it 
being  known,  it  shows  clearly  that  the  motive 
power  and  organising  intelligence  must  be  some- 
thing considerably  above  the  average.  . . . 

“The  sect  was  founded  in  18135  by  Sidi  Ma- 
homed bin  Ali  es  Senussia,  otherwise  known  as 
Sheikh  Senussi,  an  Algerian  Arab  born  near 
Mostaganem  towards  the  end  of  the  Turkish 
dominion.  A lineal  descendant  of  the  prophet 
Mahomed,  he  first  gained  a reputation  for  sanc- 
tity at  Fez.  lie  then  proceeded  to  Mecca,  where 
he  commenced  preaching.  However  his  suc- 
cess, which  was  remarkably  rapid,  caused  great 
local  jealousy  and  he  had  perforce  to  fly  to 
Egypt.  He  started  a zawia  or  monastery  at 
Alexandria,  but  being  excommunicated  by  the 
Sheikh  el  Islam  at  Cairo,  he  was  again  com- 
pelled to  seek  safety  in  flight.  This  time  he 
fled  across  the  Lybian  desert  to  Jebel  el  Akhdar 
near  Benghazi  on  the  north  coast,  where  he 
again  established  a zawia,  and  in  a short  time 
had  obtained  a considerable  following.  There 
he  lived  and  preached,  and  died  in  1859  or  1860, 
having  firmly  established  the  Senussia  sect. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mahomed. 

“The  doctrine  preached  by  the  Sheikh 
Senussi,  and  which  still  comprises  the  doctrines 
and  aims  of  his  disciples,  was  as  follows:  To  free 
the  Mahommedan  religion  from  the  many  abuses 
which  have  crept  into  it.  To  restore,  under  one 
universal  leader,  the  former  purity  of  faith. 
Finally,  and  most  especially,  to  free  all  Moslem 
countries,  more  particularly  those  in  Africa, 
from  the  dominion  of  the  infidel.”  — H.  A.  Wil- 
son, The  Moslem  Menace  ( Nineteenth  Century , 
Sept.,  1907). 

“ The  growth  of  the  Senoussi  has  been  one  of 
the  most  striking  developments  of  modern  Islam. 
They  have  adopted  an  active  missionary  policy 
and  have  spread  southwards  through  heathen 
Africa,  while  their  organization  has  been  framed 
with  the  idea  of  including  and  coordinating  all 
existing  brotherhoods.  The  Senoussi  have 
established  in  all  countries  where  the  Moslem  is 
governed  by  an  alien  race  a system  of  occult 
government  side  by  side,  and  coinciding  in  its 
boundaries,  with  the  state  administration.  This 
occult  government  exists  in  Algeria,  Egypt,  and 
India,  and  its  emissaries  are  at  work  in  Nigeria. 
The  Senoussi  now  include  within  their  brother- 
hood practically  all  the  Sunnis,  that  is  the 
majority  of  Moslems  in  Arabia,  Turkey,  North 
Africa,  Turkestan,  Afghanistan  and  East  Asia. 
The  Shiites,  who  predominate  in  Persia,  are 
alone  prevented  by  their  conception  of  orthodoxy 
from  being  Senoussi. 

“The  Senoussi  had  their  headquarters  at 
Djarboub,  but  some  twenty  years  ago  it  was 
decided  to  send  their  official  representative  to 
Constantinople,  and  the  venerable  Mokkadem 
who  occupies  this  position  is  even  more  power- 
ful in  councils  than  the  Sheik  ul  Islam,  who, 
nominated  by  the  Sultan,  occupies  in  the  hierar- 
chy the  place  of  Expounder  of  the  Law,  second 
only  to  that  of  the  Caliph,  the  ‘Shadow  of  God 
on  Earth.’”  — A.  R.  Colquhoun,  Pan-Islam 
( North  American  Renew.  June,  1906). 

See,  also,  in  Volume  VI.,  page  835. 

SERGIUS,  Grand  Duke,  Assassination  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

SERVIA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Balkan  and 
Danubian  States  : Servia. 


SEVASTOPOL  : Riot  and  Naval  Mutiny. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905  (Feu.- 
Nov.). 

SHACKLETON,  Lieutenant  Ernest  H. : 
Antarctic  Explorations.  See  (iu  this  vol.) 
Polar  Exploration. 

SHA-HO,  Battle  of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (Sept. -March). 

SHANGHAI:  A.  D.  1902.  — Withdrawal 
of  Foreign  Troops.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : 
A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1905. — Boycott  of  Americans  and 
American  Goods.  See  Race  Problems  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

A.  D.  1909.  — International  Opium  Com- 
mission. See  Opium  Problem. 

SHAW,  Leslie  M.  : Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States : 
A.  D.  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM,  The  : His  Author- 
ity and  Function  at  Constantinople.  See 
Senussia. 

His  Part  in  the  Turkish  Constitutional 
Revolution.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  ; A.  D. 
1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

SHEMSI  PASHA,  Assassination  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July- 
Dec.). 

SHERIAT,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tur- 
key: A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

SHERMAN  ANTI -TRUST  ACT,  of 
1890.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United 
States  : A.  D.  1890-1902. 

Action  of  National  Civic  Federation  on 
its  Amendment.  See  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial, &c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1908- 
1909. 

SHERMAN,  James  S. : Elected  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (April- 
Nov.). 

SHEVKET  PASHA,  Mahmud:  Com- 
mander ofthe  Turkish  Constitutional  Forces. 
See  (in  this  vol. (Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.-May). 

SHIPBUILDING  AGREEMENT  (Brit- 
tish)  of  1908,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor 
Organization:  England:  A.  D.  1908. 

SHIPPING  COMBINATION,  North  At- 
lantic. See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial: International. 

SHIRE  HIGHLANDS:  Their  Suitability 
for  European  Colonization.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Africa. 

SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’  STRIKE, 
The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization; 
United  States:  A.  D.  1909-1910. 

SHONTS,  Theodore  P.:  Chairman  of  the 
Panama  Canal  Commission.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Panama  Canal:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

SHORT  BALLOT  REFORM.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise:  United  States. 

SI A-GU-SHAN  HILL,  Capture  of.  See 
(in  this  vol  ) Japan:  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-J an.). 

SIAM  : A.  D.  1902.  — Treaty  with  France. 
— By  a fresh  treaty  with  Siam,  secured  in  Octo- 
ber, 1902,  France  won  from  that  kingdom  an- 
other piece  of  territory  to  add  to  her  Indo-China 
domain.  The  new  acquisition  is  between  the 
Rolnos  and  Piek  Kompong  Tiam  rivers,  on 
the  Great  Lake.  In  return  France  restores 
the  port  of  Chantabun,  which  she  has  held  for 


611 


SIAM 


SMALL  HOLDINGS  ACT 


a.  long  time  without  right,  and  which  she  agreed 
to  restore  in  1899.  See  Siam  in  Volume  VI. 

A.  D.  1904. — Declaration  of  England  and 
France  touching  Influence  in  Siam.  See  (in 
thisvol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1905.  — Suppression  of  Gambling  and 
Edict  for  the  Extinction  of  Slavery.  — An 
official  notification  of  the  suppression  of  gam- 
bling and  a royal  edict  decreeing  the  abolition 
of  the  last  remnants  of  slavery  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Siam  were  communicated  to  the  American 
Government,  through  its  Minister  at  Bangkok, 
in  March  and  April,  1905.  In  part,  the  former 
stated : 

“His  Majesty  has  long  been  impressed  by  the 
fact  that  although  the  revenue  derived  from 
gambling  is  an  important  factor  in  the  finances 
of  the  Kingdom  the  evils  resulting  therefrom  are 
much  greater  than  the  benefits.  People  expend 
in  gambling  not  only  their  own  wealth  but  the 
wealth  of  others.  They  devote  to  gambling 
time  during  which  they  should  be  attending  to 
their  work.  Under  present  conditions  large 
sums  of  money  which  come  into  the  hands  of 
the  gambling  farmers  are  sent  out  of  the  king- 
dom. Gambling  is  also  responsible  for  much  of 
the  crime  that  is  committed.  The  abolition  of 
gambling  would,  therefore,  not  only  result  in 
an  improvement  in  the  morals  of  the  people 
and  in  increased  industry,  but  money  now  ex- 
pended therein  would  remain  in  circulation 
within  the  country,  thereby  adding  to  the 
wealth  of  the  community.  In  order,  however, 
to  replace  the  loss  of  the  revenue  derived  from 
gambling,  some  taxes  must  be  increased  and 
new  taxes  devised.  In  the  increase  of  certain 
of  these  taxes  it  will  be  necessary  to  enter  upon 
negotiations  with  foreign  powers.  Gambling 
cannot,  therefore,  be  suppressed  at  once,  but 
must  be  gradually  abolished.  His  Majesty, 
therefore,  has  been  pleased  to  order  the  abolition 
of  gambling  within  the  period  of  three  years.” 

The  decree  concerning  slavery  opens  thus: 
“Although  slavery  in  our  realm  is  very  differ- 
ent from  slavery  as  it  has  existed  in  many  other 
countries — most  slaves  being  persons  who  have 
become  so  voluntarily  and  not  by  force  and  the 
powers  of  the  master  over  the  slaves  being 
strictly  limited  — yet  we  have  always  con- 
sidered that  the  institution,  even  in  this  modi- 
fied form,  is  an  impediment  to  the  progress  of 
our  country.  We  have,  therefore,  from  the 
commencement  of  our  reign,  taken  steps,  by  the 
enactment  of  laws  and  otherwise,  for  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery.  . . . We  now  deem  it  time 
to  take  more  sweeping  measures  which  will 
gradually  result  in  the  entire  disappearance  of 
slavery  from  Siam.”  Accordingly,  a law  is  be- 
creed  as  follows:  “ All  children  born  of  parents 
who  are  slaves  shall  be  free  without  the  execu- 
tion of  the  condition  stated  in  the  law  of  Pee 
Chau.  No  person  now  free  can  be  made  a slave. 

If  any  person  now  a slave  shall  hereafter  become 
free  he  cannot  thereafter  again  become  a slave. 
Wherever  any  person  is  now  held  a debt  slave, 
the  master  shall  credit  upon  the  principal  of  the 
debt  for  which  he  is  held  a slave  the  sum  of  four 
(4)  ticals  for  each  month  after  the  1st  of  April, 
124,  provided  that  no  credit  shall  be  allowed  for 
any  time  during  which  the  slave  may  desert  his 
master.  If  a slave  changes  his  master,  no  in- 
crease shall  be  made  in  the  debt  for  which  he  is 
actually  held.” 

6] 


A.  D.  1909.  — Treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
Ceding  three  States  in  the  Malay  Peninsula. 

— By  a treaty  with  Siam,  signed  on  the  10th  of 
March,  1909,  Great  Britain  added  15,000  square 
miles  to  her  dominion  in  the  Malay  Peninsula. 
Siam  renounced,  in  favour  of  Great  Britain,  her 
suzerain  rights  over  the  native  States  of  Kelan- 
tan,  Trengganu,  and  Kedah,  and  perhaps  other 
districts,  in  the  Peninsula.  In  return  the  British 
Government  consented  to  certain  modifications 
in  the  extra-territorial  rights  enjoyed  by  British 
subjects  in  Siam.  The  Government  of  the  Fed- 
erated Malay  States  will  advance  to  Siam  the 
capital,  about  £4,000,000,  required  for  the  con- 
struction of  railways  in  Southern  Siam,  by 
which  it  is  hoped  that  direct  railway  communi- 
cation will  soon  be  established  between  Bangkok 
and  Singapore.  Kelantan  lies  374  miles  distant 
from  Singapore  and  about  500  from  Bangkok,  on 
the  shore  of  the  China  Sea.  It  is  a purely  Malay 
State  under  the  rule  of  a Rajah,  who  has  not, 
like  his  predecessors,  adopted  the  higher  title  of 
Sultan,  but  who  claims  to  be  an  independent 
Sovereign,  though  he  has  been  compelled  to  ac- 
knowledge the  King  of  Siam  as  his  suzerain. 
This  condition  of  affairs  has  led  to  the  transfer 
of  his  allegiance,  very  much,  it  is  said,  against 
his  wish. 

SIENKIEWICZ,  Henry  K.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

SIFTON,  Clifford:  Canadian  Minister  of 
the  Interior.  — How  he  started  the  “Ameri- 
can Invasion”  of  the  Canadian  Northwest. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1896-1909. 

SIGANANDA.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa:  Natal:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

SILVER:  Suspension  of  Free  Coinage  in 
Mexico.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mexico:  A.  D. 
1904-1905. 

SILVER  EXCHANGE,  with  the  Orient. 

See  (in  thisvol.)  Finance  and  Trade:  Asia: 
A.  D.  1909. 

SIMON,  General  Antoine:  President  of 
Haiti.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Haiti  . A.  D.  1908. 

SIMPLON  TUNNEL.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Railways  : Switzerland:  A.  D.  1903. 

SINHA,  Satyendra  Prasanna:  Appoint- 
ment as  a Member  of  the  Executive  Council 
of  the  Viceroy  of  India.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
India:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

SINN  FEIN,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ire- 
land: A.  D.  1905. 

SIOUX  INDIANS:  Colony  in  Nicaragua. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Central  America:  Nica- 
ragua. 

SIPAHDAR,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

SIPIAGIN,  M.:  Assassination  of.  See  (in 
thisvol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904. 

SLAVERY:  In  Portuguese  Africa.  See  (in 
thisvol.)  Africa:  Portuguese:  A. D.  1905-1908. 
Abolition  in  Siam.  See  Siam:  A.  D.  1909. 
Legal,  but  not  Practical  Ending  in  Zanzi- 
bar. See  Zanzibar  : A.  D.  1905. 

SLEEPING  SICKNESS.  See  (in  thisvol.) 
Public  Health. 

SLOCUM,  Consul-General  C.  R.:  Report 
on  Affairs  in  the  Congo  State.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Congo  State:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

“SLOCUM,”  Burning  of  the.  See  “Gen- 
eral Slocum.” 

SMALLHOLDINGS  ACT.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  England:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

2 


SMIRNOFF 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


SMIRNOFF,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  I).  1904  (Feb. -Aug.). 

SMITH,  Charles  E.  : Postmaster-General. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901- 
1905. 

SMITH,  Goldwin:  On  Discontent  in  India. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

SMITH,  Consul-General  James  A.:  Re- 
port on  Affairs  in  the  Congo  State.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Congo  State:  A.  D.  1906-1909. 

SMITH,  James  F.:  Governor-General  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1906-1907. 

SYNDER,  R.  M.:  Municipal  “Boodler” 
of  St.  Louis.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal 
Government  : St.  Louis. 

SOCIAL  BETTERMENT:  England: 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Housing  and  Town-Plan- 
ning Act. — A Housing  and  Town  Planning 
Bill,  brought  over  from  the  previous  session 
of  Parliament,  was  introduced  anew  in  April, 
1909,  by  Mr.  John  Burns,  President  of  the 
Local  Government  Board.  It  passed  the  Com- 
mons and  went  in  November  to  the  Lords,  who 
gave  it  amendments  which  were  thought  to 
have  brought  it  to  wreck.  The  House  of  Com- 
mons would  not  accept  them  ; but  many  in  both 
Houses  were  keenly  anxious  for  legislation  on 
the  subject,  and  private  negotiation  brought 
about  a compromise  of  their  differences,  secur- 
ing the  enactment  in  a fairly  satisfactory  form. 

The  first  part  of  the  Act  aims  at  improving 
the  dwelling  accommodation  of  the  working 
classes,  both  by  making  it  obligatory  on  all 
local  authorities  to  provide  new  housing  where 
required,  and  also  by  elaborate  provisions  for 
sanitary  inspection.  Every  county  council  is 
required  to  appoint  a public  health  and  housing 
committee  and  also  a medical  officer  of  health, 
who  shall  devote  his  whole  time  to  the  super- 
vision of  the  county  area.  Almost  all  work- 
ing class  dwellings  in  the  country  are  covered 
by  provisions  ensuring  that  they  shall  be  kept 
fit  for  human  habitation  throughout  their  ten- 
ancy. Enlarged  powers  of  compulsory  pur- 
chase, of  closing  and  of  demolition  are  also 
conferred  upon  local  authorities  or  their  author- 
ized agents. 

The  provisions  of  the  Act  relating  to  town- 
planning  are  commended  by  The  Times  as 
marking  “ a new  departure  in  legislation  in  this 
country.  Hitherto  new  centres  of  population 
have  been  allowed  to  grow  up,  and  existing 
urban  areas  have  been  allowed  to  expand,  with- 
out control  or  prevision.  The  result  has  too 
often  been  that  the  haphazard  development  of 
land  in  the  vicinity  of  urban  centres  has  pro- 
duced slums,  prevented  the  orderly  growth  of 
towns,  and  involved  enormous  expenditure  in 
clearing  sites,  widening  streets,  and  providing 
necessary  open  spaces.  The  Bill  aims  at  secur- 
ing in  the  future  sanitary  conditions,  amenity, 
and  convenience  by  enabling  schemes  to  be 
made  under  which  building  land  will  be  devel- 
oped with  due  regard  to  future  requirements. 
With  this  end  in  view  the  Local  Government 
Board  are  empowered  to  authorize  local  author- 
ities to  prepare  town  planning  schemes  in  con 
nexion  with  land  likely  to  be  used  for  building 
purposes,  or  to  adopt  any  such  schemes  pro- 
posed by  owners  of  land.  The  schemes  are  to 
have  effect,  however,  only  if  approved  by  the 
Local  Government  Board.  The  Bill  provides 


for  the  payment  of  compensation  to  any  person 
whose  property  is  injuriously  affected  by  the 
making  of  a town  planning  scheme,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  local  authority  is  empowered  to 
recover  from  any  person  whose  land  is  in- 
creased in  value  by  the  making  of  the  scheme  a 
proportion  of  the  amount  of  that  increase.” 

In  anticipation  of  the  passage  of  this  impor- 
tant Act,  a party  of  eighty  representatives  of 
municipalities  and  other  bodies  in  Great  Britain 
who  would  be  concerned  in  its  administration 
passed  the  Easter  holidays  of  1909  in  some  of 
the  German  cities  which  are  most  famous  for 
the  manner  in  which  they  have  dealt  with  the 
problems  of  town-growth.  The  four  cities  se- 
lected were  Cologne,  Dusseldorf,  Frankfurt, 
and  Wiesbaden,  each  of  which  has  formulated 
its  own  way  of  dealing  with  the  problem  and 
offers  a different  point  of  view. 

Prussia : A.  D.  1905.  — A Government 
Bureau  of  Charities.  — In  1905  a law  passed 
by  the  Prussian  Diet  created  a national  Char- 
ity Bureau,  the  duties  of  which  are  stated  as 
follows:  (1)  To  follow  the  development  of  char- 
ity work  and  keep  the  government  informed  of 
this  development ; (2)  to  advise  the  state  of  con- 
ditions which  justify  change  in  existing  laws 
or  the  passing  of  new  laws,  or  which  suggest 
change  in  government  methods  ; (3)  to  draw  up 
opinions  and  make  proposals  which  will  help  in 
framing  laws  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  ; (4) 
to  take  general  control  of  relief  stations  in  case 
of  great  calamities.  It  will  also  be  the  duty 
of  the  department  (1)  to  establish  relations  be- 
tween different  charity  organizations  suggest 
improvements  in  the  methods  of  these  organi/.a 
tions,  and  economize  the  forces  of  the  various 
bodies  ; (2)  to  follow  the  progress  of  charitable 
work  and  make  an  index  and  collection  of  all 
literature  relating  to  the  subject ; (3)  to  give 
information  and  advice  in  reference  to  philan- 
thropic endeavor  when  requested  to  do  so  ; (4) 
to  make  reports  to  the  state  at  short  intervals  in 
reference  to  the  development  and  progress  of 
the  work  in  the  nation  at  large  ; (5)  to  draw  up 
opinions  and  make  proposals  for  the  improve- 
ment or  better  organization  of  the  charity  pro- 
paganda in  part  or  as  a whole ; (6)  to  take 
charge  of  the  development  of  the  work  in  any 
section  ; (7)  to  assist  in  putting  in  operation 
any  suggestions  or  plans  which  may  be  made  or 
worked  out  for  the  improvement  of  social  con- 
ditions. 

United  States:  A.  D.  1900-1909. — The 
National  Civic  Federation.  — Its  Origin. — 
Its  Purposes. — Its  Organization. — Its 
Work.  — The  Federation  was  organized  in 
1900,  in  Chicago,  after  a succession  of  national 
conferences  had  been  held  upon  such  subjects 
as  Primary  Election  Reform,  Foreign  Policy 
and  Trusts  and  Combinations.  It  consisted  of 
an  advisory  council  of  five  hundred  members 
and  an  Executive  Committee.  On  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  were  several  of  the  members  of 
the  present  National  Executive  Committee,  in- 
cluding Franklin  MacVeagh,  Archbishop  Ire- 
land, Samuel  Gompers,  John  Mitchell,  D.  J. 
Keefe,  John  W.  Stahl,  and  Benjamin  Ide 
Wheeler.  The  prospectus,  published  at  the 
time,  stated  the  purpose  of  the  organization  to 
be  as  follows : 

“.  . .To  organize  the  best  brains  of  the 
nation  in  an  educational  movement  toward  the 


6 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


solution  of  some  of  tlie  great  problems  related 
to  social  and  industrial  progress  ; to  provide  for 
study  and  discussion  of  questions  of  national 
import ; to  aid  thus  in  the  crystallization  of  the 
most  enlightened  public  opinion  ; and,  when 
desirable,  to  promote  legislation  in  accordance 
therewith.” 

“Fifteen  national  subjects  were  named,  and 
it  was  expected  that  from  time  to  time  the  for- 
mation of  committees  would  result  having  as 
their  special  province  the  consideration  of  the 
subjects  suggested. 

“ By  vote,  it  was  decided  to  take  up  for  dis- 
cussion, through  national  conferences,  the  three 
subjects  of  industrial  arbitration,  taxation  and 
municipal  ownership.  The  first  conference, 
that  on  industrial  arbitration,  was  held  at  Chi- 
cago, in  December,  1900,  and  resulted  in  the 
organization  of  the  Industrial  Department,  with 
A.  C.  Bartlett,  of  Chicago,  chairman.  In  the 
following  June  a national  conference  on  taxa- 
tion was  held  in  Buffalo,  resulting  in  the  for- 
mation of  the  Department  on  Taxation,  with 
Edwin  R.  A.  Seligman  as  chairman.  It  was 
the  intention  to  hold  the  Conference  on  Munici- 
pal Ownership  in  New  York  the  following  De- 
cember, but  in  the  meantime  a number  of  large 
strikes,  especially  the  Steel  Strike,  the  National 
Machinists’  strike  and  a threatened  Anthracite 
Coal  Strike  absorbed  so  much  of  the  energy  and 
attention  of  the  active  members  of  the  Federa- 
tion at  that  time  that  the  Public  Ownership 
Conference  was  postponed  for  the  time  being. 

“Through  the  wrork  done  by  the  committee 
in  connection  with  the  coal  and  steel  strikes, 
Senator  Hanna  became  interested  in  the  organ- 
ization, and  in  December  of  that  year  was  made 
President  of  the  organization.  His  selection 
for  that  office,  together  with  the  appointment 
of  other  men  of  national  reputation  on  the  com- 
mittee, attracted  the  attention  of  the  country  to 
the  organization.  For  two  years  following  that 
department  was  the  only  one  prominent  before 
the  public,  and  its  work  in  the  prevention  of 
strikes  and  lockouts  was  naturally  regarded  as 
the  only  purpose  of  the  organization.  The 
conferences  held  during  this  period  were  nat- 
urally confined  to  the  subject  of  conciliation 
and  collateral  phases  of  the  work.  As  national 
labor  disturbances  then  became  less  frequent 
after  two  years  of  this  special  work  the  organ- 
ization was  able  to  resume  its  original  pro- 
gramme, holding  itself,  however,  in  readiness 
to  concentrate  its  energies  on  the  industrial 
work  at  any  time  the  need  might  arise. 

“ It  was  at  this  time  that  the  national  confer- 
ence on  immigration  was  called,  and  the  Depart- 
ment of  Immigration  organized.  After  that  a 
national  commission  on  Municipal  Ownership 
was  formed,  and  by  that  time  the  public  began 
to  take  interest  in  the  broader  aspects  of  the  or- 
ganization. Later  came  the  establishment  of  the 
Industrial  Economics  Department,  which  has 
taken  up  some  of  the  most  important  problems 
of  the  day,  including  Socialism  and  Trusts  and 
Combinations.  The  holding  of  a national  confer- 
ence on  Political  Reform  resulted  in  the  organ- 
ization of  a department  especially  devoted  to 
these  subjects. 

“ While  the  subjects  to  be  taken  up  by  the 
organization  are  determined  by  the  Executive 
Committee,  the  fact  is  here  emphasized  that  in 
devoting  itself  to  other  matters  than  questions 


relating  to  strikes  and  lockouts,  the  organization 
has  not  deviated  from,  but  has  returned  to,  its 
original  lines.” — The  National  Civic  federation 
Review,  March , 1909. 

The  following  additional  particulars  of  the 
organization  and  operations  of  the  Federation 
are  drawn  from  a pamphlet  statement  of  1909: 
“The  membership  of  the  Federation  is  drawn 
from  practical  men  of  affairs,  whose  acknow- 
ledged leadership  in  thought  and  action  makes 
them  typical  representatives  of  the  various  ele- 
ments that  voluntarily  work  together  for  the 
general  good.  Its  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee is  constituted  of  three  factors : the  gen- 
eral public,  represented  by  the  church,  the  bar, 
the  press,  statesmanship  and  finance;  employers, 
represented  by  large  manufacturers  and  the 
heads  of  great  corporations,  and  employers’ 
organizations;  and  labor,  represented  by  the 
principal  officials  of  national  and  international 
organizations  of  wage-earners  in  every  impor- 
tant industry. 

“There  are  useful  organizations  of  farmers, 
manufacturers,  wage-earners,  bankers,  mer- 
chants, lawyers,  economists  and  other  distinct 
but  interacting  elements  of  society,  which  hold 
meetings  for  discussion  of  affairs  peculiar  to 
their  own  pursuits  and  callings.  The  Federa- 
tion, in  addition  to  its  Departments  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  specific  purposes,  provides  a 
forum  where  representatives  of  all  these  ele- 
ments of  society  may  meet  to  discuss  national 
problems  in  which  they  have  a common  inter- 
est. 

“Twelve  national  conferences  have  thus  been 
held  upon  such  subjects  as  Primary  Election 
and  Ballot  Reforms,  Foreign  Policy,  Trusts, 
Conciliation  and  Arbitration,  Taxation,  and  Im- 
migration. These  conferences  have  usually 
been  attended  by  delegates  appointed  by  Gov- 
ernors of  States  and  by  representatives  selected 
by  various  commercial,  industrial,  and  educa- 
tional bodies. 

“The  present  activities  of  the  Federation  are 
exercised  through  the  following  agencies: 
“Trade  Agreement  Department, 

“Industrial  Conciliation  Department, 

“ Industrial  Economics  Department, 
“Industrial  Welfare  Department, 

“Public  Employes’  Welfare  Department, 

“ The  Woman’s  Department, 

“ Public  Ownership  Commission, 
“Immigration  Department, 

“Political  Reform  Department. 

“ The  Trade  Agreement  Department  [John 
Mitchell,  Chairman]  consists  of  employers  and 
representatives  of  workingmen,  who  make  agree- 
ments as  to  hours,  wages  and  conditions  of  em- 
ployment. The  membership  of  the  department 
is  equally  divided  between  employers  and  labor 
leaders,  the  employers  being  officers  of  steam 
and  street  railway  companies,  coal  operators, 
the  publishers  of  large  daily  papers,  building 
contractors,  brewers,  stove  manufacturers,  ship- 
pers’ associations,  while  labor  is  represented  by 
officials  in  corresponding  crafts.  . . . 

“The  Conciliation  Department  [Seth  Low, 
Chairman]  deals  entirely  with  strikes,  lock-outs 
and  arbitration.  The  services  of  this  depart- 
ment have  been  enlisted  in  about  five  hundred 
cases,  involving  every  conceivable  phase  of  a 
problem  interwoven  with  or  underlying  an  in- 
dustrial controversy.  Its  membership  extends 


614 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


to  every  industrial  centre,  and  includes  repre- 
sentatives of  leading  organizations  of  employers 
and  of  wage-earners.  Through  this  membership 
information  of  any  threatened  trouble  between 
capital  and  labor  usually  reaches  the  headquar- 
ters, from  one  side  or  the  other,  in  advance  of 
any  public  rupture.  . . . 

“The  Department  of  Industrial  Econom- 
ics [Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  Chairman]  was 
formed  to  promote  discussion  of  practical  eco- 
nomic problems.  Its  membership  is  composed 
of  leading  economists,  including  the  heads  of 
the  departments  of  political  economy  in  uni- 
versities, lecturers  and  economic  and  legal 
authors;  editors  of  the  daily  press,  of  politico- 
social  magazines,  of  trade  papers  aud  of  labor 
journals;  representatives  of  the  pulpit;  large 
employers  and  representatives  of  labor.  This 
department  has  arranged  a programme  for  the 
discussion,  by  the  ablest  experts  to  be  pro- 
cured, of  each  of  the  vital  and  frequently  irri- 
tating questions  that  arise  in  the  Conciliation 
Department  in  connection  with  the  prevention 
or  settlement  of  controversies.  . . . 

“The  Industrial  Welfare  Department  [the 
work  of  which  is  conducted  by  a number  of 
sub  committees,  at  the  head  of  one  of  which  is 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  William  H. 
Taft,  as  Chairman  of  the  committee  which 
studies  the  welfare  of  the  Public  Employes  of 
the  country,  and  the  general  Chairman  of 
which  is  William  H.  Willcox]  is  composed  of  em- 
ployers of  labor  in  stores,  factories,  mines  and 
on  railroads.  It  is  devoted  to  interesting  em- 
ployers in  improving  the  conditions  under 
which  employes  in  all  industries  work  and  live. 

In  extending  the  practice  of  Welfare  Work  the 
department  has  found  of  especial  value  confer- 
ences of  employers,  held  under  its  auspices  in 
different  parts  of  the  country,  for  the  inter- 
change of  experiences.  Illustrated  literature  is 
widely  distributed,  and  stereopticon  lectures 
are  given.  A bureau  of  exchange  is  maintained 
at  headquarters,  where  descriptive  matter, 
plans  and  photographs  relating  to  betterments 
in  different  industries  may  be  obtained  by  em- 
ployers. 

“ Some  of  the  subjects  involved  are; 

“ Sanitary  Work  Places:  Systems  for  provid- 
ing pure  drinking  water  ; for  ventilation,  includ- 
ing the  cooling  of  super  heated  places,  and 
devices  for  exhausting  dust  and  removing  gases; 
for  lighting  work  places ; and  for  guarding 
machinery;  wash  rooms  with  hot  and  cold 
water,  towels  and  soap ; shower  baths  for  mold- 
ers  and  stationary  firemen ; emergency  hospit- 
als; locker  rooms;  seats  for  women;  laundries 
for  men’s  overalls  or  women’s  uniforms;  the  use 
of  elevators  for  women,  and  luncheon  rooms. 

“Recreation:  The  social  hall  for  dancing  par- 
ties, concerts,  theatricals,  billiards,  pool  or 
bowling;  the  gymnasium,  athletic  field,  roof 
garden,  vacations  and  summer  excursions  for 
employes,  and  rest  rooms  or  trainmen’s  rest 
houses. 

“Educational:  Classes  for  apprentices;  in 
cooking,  dressmaking,  millinery;  first  aid  to  the 
injured;  night  classes  for  technical  training; 
kindergartens  and  libraries. 

“ Housing:  Homes  rented  or  sold  to  employes, 
and  boarding  houses, 

“Provident  Funds:  For  insurance,  pensions, 
savings  or  lending  money  in  times  of  stress. 

61 


“The  Woman’s  Department  [of  which  Mrs. 
William  II.  Taft  is  Honorary  Chairman,  Mrs. 
Horace  Brock,  Chairman,  and  which  has  a 
strong  corps  of  other  officers]  “ is  composed 
largely  of  women  who  are  themselves  stockhold- 
ers or  who  are  financially  interested  in  indus- 
trial organizations  (including  railroads,  mills, 
factories,  mines,  stores  and  other  work  places) 
through  family  relationships,  and  who  therefore 
naturally  should  be  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
workers  in  enterprises  from  which  they  draw 
their  incomes;  there  are  also,  among  other  in- 
fluential members,  the  wives  of  public  officials. 

“ The  object  of  this  department  is:  ‘To  use  its 
influence  in  securing  needed  improvements  in 
the  working  and  living  conditions  of  women  aud 
men  wage-earners  in  the  various  industries  and 
governmental  institutions,  and  to  co-operate, 
when  practicable,  in  the  general  work  of  the 
Federation.’  . . . 

“The  Public  Ownership  Commission  [Mel- 
ville E.  Ingalls,  Chairman],  appointed  by  the 
Executive  Council  of  the  Federation,  is  com- 
posed of  one  hundred  prominent  men  represent- 
ing practically  every  shade  of  opinion  on  the 
subject.  . . . 

“The  Department  of  Immigration  [Franklin 
MacVeagh,  Chairman]  is  composed  of  men  se- 
lected to  represent  every  locality  in  the  Union 
affected  by  the  admission  of  aliens. 

“This  Department  was  organized  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  National  Immigration  Conference, 
held  in  New  York  City,  December  6-8,  1905, 
this  conference  being  attended  by  more  than  five 
hundred  delegates  appointed  by  Governors  of 
States,  leading  commercial,  agricultural,  manu- 
facturing, labor  and  economic  organizations, 
and  by  prominent  ecclesiastical  and  educa- 
tional institutions.  It  undertook  an  investiga- 
tion of  all  important  phases  of  the  immigration 
problem,  the  Department  being  organized  into 
seven  distinct  committees.  . . . 

“Largely  through  the  work  of  the  Immi- 
gration Department,  Congress  was  induced  to 
appoint  a Commission  on  Immigration,  which 
commission  has,  with  unlimited  funds  at  its  dis- 
posal, undertaken  a large  part  of  the  work  that 
had  been  planned  by  the  Federation’s  depart- 
ment. In  fact,  two  members  of  that  depart- 
ment are  on  the  commission  and  have  utilized 
all  the  material  gathered  by  the  Federation’s 
experts,  relating  to  both  white  and  Oriental  im- 
migration. . . . 

“The  organization  of  a Political  Reform  De- 
partment was  the  practical  outcome  of  a Na- 
tional Conference  on  that  subject  held  in  New 
York  City,  March  6 and  7,  1906,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  The  National  Civic  Federation.  The 
Conference  was  attended  by  delegates  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  appointed  by  congressmen, 
governors,  mayors,  municipal  and  political  re- 
form bodies,  and  representing  all  shades  of  po- 
litical opinion. 

“ It  is  the  purpose  of  the  Political  Reform 
Department  to  teach  practical  politics,  and  espe- 
cially to  organize  the  young  men  of  the  country 
and  induce  them  to  participate  actively,  through 
their  respective  party  organizations,  in  govern- 
mental affairs  — Federal,  State  and  munici- 
pal.” 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — The  American  Civic 
Association.  — “Organized  effort  for  the  sys- 
tematic making  of  a beautiful  America  did  not 

5 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


manifest  itself  until  within  comparatively  recent 
years.  Prior  to  1904  there  had  been  various 
short-lived  state  associations,  a few  interstate 
societies  and  two  national  organizations,  work- 
ing with  the  same  general  objects  in  view.  But 
at  St.  Louis,  in  1904,  the  year  of  the  great  ex- 
position, a merger  of  the  two  national  organ- 
izations brought  forth  the  American  Civic  As- 
sociation which,  siuce  that  time,  has  carried  on 
with  increasing  success  and  popular  support 
the  greatly  needed  work  for  a 'More  Beautiful 
America’ ; and  since  that  time  it  has  been 
recognized  as  the  one  great  national  agency  for 
the  furtherance  of  that  work.  With  its  pur- 
pose as  stated  in  its  constitution  clearly  before 
it,  it  has  constantly  widened  the  circle  of  its 
usefulness  until  recently  they  were  grouped 
under  fifteen  general  departments,  each  depart- 
ment headed  by  an  expert  in  his  or  her  particu- 
lar specialty. 

“In  classifying  its  varied  activities,  the  As- 
sociation announces  that  it  aims  ‘ to  make 
American  living  conditions  clean,  healthful,  at- 
tractive ; to  extend  the  making  of  public  parks; 
to  promote  the  opening  of  gardens  and  play- 
grounds for  children  and  recreation  centers  for 
adults;  to  abate  public  nuisances  — including 
objectionable  signs,  unnecessary  poles  and 
wires,  unpleasant  and  wasteful  smoking  fac- 
tory chimneys  ; to  make  the  buildings  and  the 
surroundings  of  railway  stations  and  factories 
attractive  ; to  extend  the  practical  influence  of 
schools ; to  protect  existing  trees  and  to  en- 
courage intelligent  tree  planting ; to  preserve 
great  scenic  wonders  (such  as  Niagara  Falls 
and  the  White  Mountains)  from  commercial 
spoliation.’ 

“ So  vigorously  has  it  pursued  these  activities 
that  it  has  seen  some  of  them  develop  to  such 
proportions  that  they  were  ready  to  swing  off 
from  the  parent  circle  into  spheres  of  their 
own.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  playground 
movement,  which  for  years  was  fostered  most 
energetically  by  the  American  Civic  Association 
until  it  grew  into  an  independent  organization 
known  as  the  National  Playground  Association, 
and  which  is  now  an  agency  of  splendid 
achievements  in  its  one  specialized  function.”  — 
Richard  B.  Watrous,  The  American  Civic  Asso- 
ciation ( The  American  City , Oct.,  1909). 

A.  D.  1907. — The  Sage  Foundation  for 
the  Improvement  of  Social  and  Living 
Conditions.  — One  of  the  most  notable  of  gifts 
from  private  wealth  for  the  endowment  of  un- 
dertakings to  promote  the  general  welfare  of 
mankind  was  made  by  Mrs.  Russell  Sage,  in 
1907,  when  she  placed  a fund  of  $10,000,000  in 
the  hands  of  trustees,  to  be  administered  under 
the  name  of  The  Russell  Sage  Foundation.  On 
the  announcement  of  this  endowment,  Mrs. 
Sage,  through  her  counsel,  Mr.  Henry  W.  de 
Forest,  authorized  the  following  statement, 
which  explains  clearly  and  fully  the  purposes 
contemplated  : 

“I  have  set  aside  $10,000,000  for  the  endow- 
ment of  this  foundation.  Its  object  is  ‘the 
improvement  of  social  and  living  conditions  in 
the  United  States.’  The  means  to  that  end  will 
include  research,  publication,  education,  the  es- 
tablishment and  maintenance  of  charitable  and 
beneficial  activities,  agencies,  and  institutions, 
and  the  aid  of  any  such  activities,  agencies  and 
institutions  already  established. 

61 


“ It  will  be  within  the  scope  of  such  a found- 
ation to  investigate  and  study  the  causes  of 
adverse  social  conditions,  including  ignorance, 
poverty  and  vice,  to  suggest  how  these  condi- 
tions can  be  remedied  or  ameliorated,  and  to 
put  in  operation  any  appropriate  means  to  that 
end.  It  will  also  be  within  the  scope  of  such  a 
foundation  to  establish  any  new  agency  neces- 
sary to  carry  out  any  of  its  conclusions,  and 
equally  to  contribute  to  the  resources  of  any 
existing  agencies  which  are  doing  efficient  and 
satisfactory  work,  just  as  the  present  General 
Education  Board,  organized  to  promote  higher 
education,  is  aiding  existing  colleges  and  uni- 
versities. While  its  scope  is  broad,  it  should 
preferably  not  undertake  to  do  within  that 
scope  what  is  now  being  done  or  is  likely  to  be 
effectively  done  by  other  individuals  or  by 
other  agencies  with  less  resources.  It  will  be 
its  aim  to  take  up  the  larger  and  more  difficult 
problems,  and  to  take  them  up  so  far  as  possible 
in  such  a manner  as  to  secure  co-operation  and 
aid  in  their  solution.  In  some  instances  it  may 
wisely  initiate  movements  with  the  expectation 
of  having  them  maintain  themselves  unaided 
after  once  being  started.  In  other  instances  it 
may  start  movements  with  the  expectation  of 
carrying  them  on  itself.  Income  only  will  be 
used  for  its  charitable  purposes,  because  the 
foundation  is  to  be  permanent  and  its  action 
continuous.  It  may,  however,  make  invest- 
ments for  social  betterment,  which  themselves 
produce  income. 

“While  having  headquarters  in  New  York 
city,  where  I and  my  husband  have  lived  and 
where  social  problems  are  most  pressing  and 
complicated,  partly  by  reason  of  its  extent  and 
partly  because  it  is  the  port  of  entry  for  about 
a million  immigrants  a year,  the  foundation  will 
be  national  in  its  scope  and  in  its  activities.  I 
have  sought  to  select  as  my  trustees  men  and 
women  who  are  familiar  with  social  problems 
and  who  can  bring  to  their  solution  not  only 
zeal  and  interest,  but  experience  and  judgment. 

“The  bill  for  incorporation  of  the  endow- 
ment further  provides  : The  corporation  hereby 
formed  shall  have  power  to  take  and  hold,  both 
by  bequest,  devise,  gift,  purchase,  or  lease,  either 
absolutely  or  in  trust,  for  any  of  its  purposes, 
any  property,  real  or  personal,  without  limita- 
tion as  to  amount  or  value,  except  such  limita- 
tion, if  any,  as  the  legislature  shall  hereinafter 
impose,  to  convey  such  property  and  to  iuvest 
and  reinvest  any  principal,  and  deal  with,  and 
expend  the  income  of  the  corporation  in  such 
manner  as  in  the  judgment  of  the  trustees  will 
best  promote  its  objects.” 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — The  Pittsburg  Survey. 
— A remarkable  Investigation  of  Living  Con- 
ditions in  a great  Industrial  Center.  — “ Un- 
der the  name  of  the  Pittsburgh  Survey,  Charities 
Publication  Committee  has  carried  on  a group 
of  social  investigations  in  this  great  steel  dis- 
trict. In  a sense  we  have  been  blue-printing 
Pittsburgh.  Our  findings  will  be  published  in  a 
series  of  special  numbers  . . . covering  in  order: 

“I.  — The  People; 

“II.  — The  Place  ; 

«•  HI.  — The  Work. 

“Full  reports  are  to  be  published  later  in  a 
series  of  volumes  by  the  Russell  Sage  Founda- 
tion, and,  throughout,  the  text  will  be  reinforced 
with  such  photographs,  pastel,  maps,  charts,  di- 

6 


SOCIAL  BETTERMENT 


SOCIALISM 


agrams  and  tables  as  will  help  give  substance 
and  reality  to  our  presentations  of  fact.  . . . 

“The  Pittsburgh  Survey  has  been  a rapid, 
close  range  investigation  of  living  conditions  in 
the  Pennsylvania  steel  district.  It  has  been  car- 
ried on  by  a special  staff  organized  under  the  na- 
tional publication  committee  which  prints  this 
magazine.  It  has  been  financed  chiefly  by  three 
grants,  of  moderate  amount,  from  the  Russell 
Sage  Foundation  for  the  Improvement  of  Liv- 
ing Conditions.  It  has  been  made  practicable 
by  co-operation  from  two  quarters,  — from  a re- 
markable group  of  leaders  and  organizations  in 
social  and  sanitary  movements  in  different  parts 
of  the  United  States,  who  entered  upon  the  field 
work  as  a piece  of  national  good  citizenship; 
and  from  men,  women  and  organizations  in 
Pittsburgh  who  were  large-minded  enough  to 
regard  their  local  situation  as  not  private  and 
peculiar,  but  a part  of  the  American  problem  of 
city  building. 

“The  outcome  has  been  a spirited  piece  of 
interstate  co-operation  in  getting  at  the  urban 
fact  in  a new  way.  . . . 

“ The  main  work  was  set  under  way  in  Sep- 
tember, 1807,  when  a company  of  men  and 
women  of  established  reputation  as  students  of 
social  and  industrial  problems  spent  the  month 
in  Pittsburgh.  On  the  basis  of  their  diagnosis,  a 
series  of  specialized  investigations  was  projected 
along  a few  of  the  lines  which  promised  signif- 
icant results.  The  staff  has  included  not  only 
trained  investigators  but  also  representatives  of 
the  different  races  who  make  up  so  large  a share 
of  the  working  population  dealt  with.  Limita- 
tions of  time  and  money  set  definite  bounds  to 
the  work,  which  will  become  clear  as  the  find- 
ings are  presented.  The  experimental  nature  of 
the  undertaking,  and  the  unfavorable  trade  con- 
ditions which  during  the  past  year  have  reacted 
upon  economic  life  in  all  its  phases,  have  set 
other  limits.  Our  inquiries  have  dealt  with  the 
wage-earners  of  Pittsburgh  (a)  in  their  relations 
to  the  community  as  a whole,  and  (b)  in  their 
relation  to  industry.  Under  the  former  we  have 
studied  the  genesis  and  racial  make-up  of  the 
population;  its  physical  setting  and  its  social 
institutions;  under  the  latter  we  have  studied 
the  general  labor  situation ; hours,  wages,  and 
labor  control  in  the  steel  industry ; child  labor, 
industrial  education,  women  in  industry,  the 
cost  of  living,  and  industrial  accidents. 

“ From  the  first,  the  work  of  the  investiga- 
tions has  been  directed  to  the  service  of  local 
movements  for  improvement.  For,  as  stated  in  a 
mid-year  announcement  of  the  Survey,  we  have 
been  studying  the  community  at  a time  when 
nascent  social  forces  are  asserting  themselves. 
Witness  the  election  of  an  independent  mayor 
three  years  ago,  and  Mr.  Guthrie’s  present  fight 
to  clear  councils  of  graft.  Within  the  field  of 
the  Survey  and  within  one  year,  the  Pittsburgh 
Associated  Charities  has  been  organized ; the 
force  of  tenement  inspectors  has  been  doubled 
and  has  carried  out  a first  general  housing  cen- 
sus, and  a scientific  inquiry,  under  the  name  of 
the  Pittsburgh  Typhoid  Commission,  has  been 
instituted  into  the  disease  which  has  been  en- 
demic in  the  district  for  over  a quarter  of  a cen- 
tury. A civic  improvement  commission,  repre- 
sentative in  membership  and  perhaps  broader  in 
scope  than  any  similar  body  in  the  country,  is 
now  in  process  of  formation. 

61 


“A  display  of  wall  maps,  enlarged  photo- 
graphs, housing  plans,  and  other  graphic  mate- 
rial was  the  chief  feature  of  a civic  exhibit  held 
in  Carnegie  Institute  in  November  and  Decem- 
ber, following  the  joint  conventions  in  Pitts- 
burgh of  the  American  Civic  Association  and 
the  National  Municipal  League.  The  local  civic 
bearings  of  the  Survey  were  the  subject  of  the 
opening  session  of  these  conventions.  Its  eco- 
nomic aspects  were  brought  forward  at  a joint 
session  of  the  American  Economic  Association 
and  the  American  Sociological  Society  at  Atlan- 
tic City  in  December.” — P.  U.  Kellogg,  The 
Pittsburgh  Survey  ( Charities  and  the  Commons, 
Jan.  2,  1909). 

See,  also  (in  this  vol.),  Crime  and  Crimi- 
nology ; Children,  under  tiie  Law;  Labor 
Protection,  etc. ; Municipal  Government  ; 
Public  Health  ; Poverty,  Problems  of  ; 
England  : A.  D.  1907-1908. 

SOCIAL  DEMOCRATS.  See  Socialism: 
England,  and  France;  also  Germany:  A.  D. 
1903;  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907;  Denmark:  A. 
D.  1906. 

SOCIAL  REVOLUTIONISTS.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907,  and  1906- 
1907. 

SOCIALISM:  At  Large:  A.  D.  1909. — 
The  Socialist  Press  in  all  Countries. — Ac- 
cording to  a list  of  the  Socialist  Press,  in  the 
world  at  large,  published  in  November,  1909, 
by  the  International  Bureau  of  Socialists,  at 
Brussels,  fifty-seven  Socialist  daily  newspapers 
are  published  in  Germany.  English  Socialists 
have  three  weekly  publications,  and  one  that 
appears  monthly.  There  is  a daily  Socialist 
journal  in  the  Argentine  Republic,  a weekly 
review  in  Australia,  and  in  Austria  two  daily 
publications  and  a bi-weekly  review.  The  So- 
cialists in  Belgium  publish  four  daily  organs ; 
those  of  Bulgaria  support  two  bi-weekly  re- 
views; and  those  of  Canada  one  weekly  review. 
One  daily  Socialist  newspaper  circulates  in  Den- 
mark, and  four  weekly  publications  in  Spain. 
In  the  United  States  there  are  four  daily  and 
eight  weekly  publications  and  a monthly  maga- 
zine. France  has  two  daily  Socialist  newspapers 
and  ten  weekly  Socialist  periodicals.  In  Greece 
the  Socialists  support  a weekly  publication,  in 
Holland  a daily  one,  and  in  Hungary  both  a daily 
and  a weekly  one.  In  Italy  there  are  four  daily 
Socialist  newspapers  ; and  a single  one  in  Nor- 
way, Poland,  and  Sweden  respectively.  Social- 
ists living  in  Switzerland  have  three  daily  and 
three  weekly  organs ; while  those  in  Russia 
have  20  monthly  or  bi-monthly  ones,  most  of 
which  are  published  secretly.  In  Rumania  and 
Sweden  there  are  also  Socialist  publications. 

Australia:  Government  Ownership  of  Rail- 
ways. See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways:  Australia. 

Austria  : A.  D.  1903.  — Adoption  of  a Reso- 
lution against  Alcoholic  Drinking  by  the 
National  Convention  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cracy. See  Alcohol  Problem  : Austria. 

Belgium:  A.  D.  1904.  — Socialist  Losses 
in  the  Belgium  Elections.  See  Belgium:  A. 
D.  1904. 

Denmark:  A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Socialists 
Contending  for  Disarmament.  See  Denmark: 
A.  D.  1905-1909. 

England:  A.  D.  1909. — The  Principal  So- 
cialist Organizations  of  the  Present  Day.  — 
“There  are  four  principal  organizations  actively 

7 


SOCIALISM 


SOCIALISM 


engaged  in  gaining  adherents  to  the  cause  of 
Collectivism  as  a practical  policy,  all  over  the 
kingdom.  They  are:  — (1)  The  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party,  formerly  Social  Democratic  Fed- 
eration, and  familiary  known  as  S.  1).  F.  ; (2) 
the  Fabian  Society ; (3)  the  Independent  La- 
bour Party  or  I.  L.  P.  ; (4)  the  Clarion  Fellow- 
ship and  Scouts.  There  are  several  others  of 
minor  importance,  though  not  to  be  ignored,  for 
they  all  represent  the  spread  of  the  central  idea 
of  Socialism.  Among  them  is  the  Church  So- 
cialist League,  which  is  significant  as  being  a 
society  of  convinced  Socialists  within  the  Church 
of  England  holding  that  the  ‘community  should 
own  the  land  and  capital  collectively  and  use 
them  co-operatively  for  the  good  of  all.’” 

The  oldest  organization  “ began  as  the  Demo- 
cratic Federation  in  1881,  became  the  Social 
Democratic  Federation  in  1883,  and  has  recently 
changed  its  name  to  the  Social  Democratic 
Party.  Its  object,  according  to  the  programme 
as  revised  in  1906,  is: 

“ ‘The  socialization  of  the  means  of  produc- 
tion, distribution,  and  exchange,  to  be  controlled 
by  a democratic  State  in  the  interests  of  the  en- 
tire community,  and  the  complete  emancipation 
of  labour  from  the  domination  of  capitalism  and 
landlordism,  with  the  establishment  of  social 
and  economic  equality  between  the  sexes.’ 

‘‘It  demands  a large  number  of  ‘immediate 
reforms,’  including  the  following: 

“ Abolition  of  the  Monarchy.  Abolition  of  the 
House  of  Lords.  Payment  of  members  of  Par- 
liament and  administrative  bodies.  Adult  suf- 
frage. Referendum.  Legislative  and  adminis- 
trative independence  for  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 
Repudiation  of  the  National  Debt.  Abolition 
of  indirect  taxation  and  a cumulative  tax  on  all 
incomes  exceeding  £300.  Elementary  education 
to  be  free,  secular,  industrial,  and  compulsory 
for  all  classes.  Age  for  school  attendance  to  be 
raised  to  16.  State  maintenance  of  all  school 
children.  Abolition  of  school  rates.  National- 
ization of  land,  of  trusts,  railways,  docks,  and 
canals.  Public  ownership  of  gas,  electric  light, 
water  supply,  tramways,  omnibuses,  &c.,  food 
and  coal  supply ; State  and  municipal  banks, 
pawnshops,  restaurants,  public  ownership  of 
hospitals,  cemeteries,  and  the  drink  traffic.  A 
legal  eight-hours  day;  no  employment  under  16 
years  ; public  provision  of  work  for  unemployed 
at  trade  union  rates ; free  State  insurance 
against  sickness,  accident,  old  age,  and  disabil- 
ity; a minimum  wage  of  30s.  a week;  equal 
rates  of  pay  for  both  sexes.  Compulsory  con- 
struction of  healthy  dwellings  by  public  bodies. 
Free  administration  of  justice  and  legal  advice. 
Judges  to  be  ‘chosen  by  the  people.’  Abolition 
of  capital  punishment.  Disestablishment  and 
disendowment  of  all  State  Churches.  Abolition 
of  standing  armies  and  establishment  of  national 
citizen  forces.  . . . 

“The  Social  Democratic  Party  is  the  most 
downright  and  straightforward  of  the  larger 
Socialist  organizations.  It  is  more  outspoken 
and  consistent,  less  hazy  and  opportunist,  than 
the  Independent  Labour  Party  or  the  Fabian 
Society.  It  derives  its  inspiration  from  the  So- 
cial Democrats  of  Germany  and  boldly  upholds 
the  ideal  of  revolutionary  Socialism.” 

The  Fabian  Society,  which  comes  next  “in 
point  of  age,  is  at  the  opposite  end  of  the  scale 
in  regard  to  policy.  It  was  founded  in  1884, 

6] 


on  American  inspiration,  as  a sort  of  mutual 
elevation  society,  but  adopted  Socialistic  princi- 
ples from  Germany.  Its  ‘ basis’  is  thus  stated: 

“‘The  Fabian  Society  consists  of  Socialists. 
It  therefore  aims  at  the  reorganization  of  society 
by  the  emancipation  of  land  and  industrial  capi- 
tal from  individual  and  class  ownership  and  the 
vesting  of  them  in  the  community  for  the  gen- 
eral benefit.  In  this  way  only  can  the  natural 
and  acquired  advantages  of  the  country  be 
equitably  shared  by  the  whole  people. 

“ ‘The  society  accordingly  works  for  the  ex- 
tinction of  private  property  in  land  and  of  the 
consequent  individual  appropriation,  in  the 
form  of  rent,  of  the  price  paid  for  permission  to 
use  the  earth,  as  well  as  for  the  advantages  of 
superior  soils  and  sites. 

“ ‘The  society  further  works  for  the  transfer 
to  the  community  of  the  administration  of  such 
industrial  capital  as  can  conveniently  be  man- 
aged socially.’ 

“It  is  not  surprising  that  thorough-going  So- 
cialists denounce  the  Fabians  as  make  believe, 
Socialism-and-water  ‘comrades,’  and  hardly 
worthy  to  be  called  ‘ comrades’  at  all,  an  honour 
which  the  Fabians,  for  their  part,  show  no  de- 
sire to  claim.  Nevertheless,  the  Fabians  are  a 
very  influential  element  in  the  Socialist  move- 
ment. . . . The  Fabian  Society  is  numerically 
small,  but  growing  rapidly,  and  that  largely  by 
the  formation  of  provincial  branches.  The 
headquarters  are  in  London,  where  it  had  in 
March  last  [1908]  1085  members  out  of  a total 
of  2015.  . . . Eleven  Fabians  are  members  of 
Parliament,  and  the  society  supports  the  Labour 
party ; but  its  real  work  lies  outside  of  politics, 
and  is  carried  on  chiefly  by  the  distribution  of 
literature  and  by  lectures.  It  contains  several 
well-known  writers,  and  may  almost  be  called  a 
literary  society.  The  output  of  tracts  and  leaf- 
lets sold  and  distributed  last  year  was  over 
250,000.  . . . Among  the  best-known  Fabians 
are  Mr.  Granville  Barker,  the  Rev.  R.  J.  Camp- 
bell, the  Rev.  Stewart  D.  Headlam,  Mr.  Chi- 
ozza-Money,  M.  P. , Mr.  Bernard  Shaw,  Mr.  Sid- 
ney Webb,  and  Mr.  H.  G.  Wells,  who  has, 
however,  recently  seceded.  Many  members  be- 
long also  to  other  Socialist  organizations.  . . . 

“ The  third  large  organization  on  the  list  is 
the  Independent  Labour  Party.  It  is  consider- 
ably younger  than  the  Social  Democratic  Party 
and  the  Fabian  Society,  but  much  larger  and 
politically  far  more  powerful  than  either  or 
both  together.  In  character  it  comes  between 
them,  being  more  opportunist  and  supple  than 
the  former,  less  nebulous  and  elusive  than  the 
latter.  It  was  formally  inaugurated  at  Brad- 
ford in  1893.  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Keir 
Hardie.  The  following  are  the  principal 
[demands]  in  the  official  prospectus,  revised  for 
1908-09 : 

“ ‘ 1.  A maximum  of  48  hours  working  week, 
with  the  retention  of  all  existing  holidays  and 
Labour  Day,  May  1,  secured  by  law. 

“‘2.  The  provision  of  work  to  all  capable 
adult  applicants  at  recognized  trade  union  rates, 
with  a statutory  minimum,  of  sixpence  per  hour. 

“ ‘In  order  to  remuneratively  employ  the  ap- 
plicants, parish,  district,  borough,  and  county 
councils  to  be  invested  with  powers  to  (a)  Or- 
ganize and  undertake  such  industries  ns  they 
may  consider  desirable.  ( b ) Compulsorily  ac- 
quire land ; purchase,  erect,  or  manufacture 

.8 


SOCIALISM 


SOCIALISM 


buildings,  stock,  or  other  articles  for  carrying 
on  such  industries,  (c)  Levy  rates  on  the  rental 
values  of  the  district  and  borrow  money  on  the 
security  of  such  rates  for  any  of  the  above  pur- 
poses. 

“ ‘ 3.  State  pensions  for  every  person  over  50 
years  of  age,  and  adequate  provision  for  all 
widows,  orphans,  sick,  and  disabled  workers. 

“ ‘4.  Free  secular,  moral,  primary,  secondary, 
and  University  education,  with  free  maintenance 
while  at  school  or  University. 

“ ‘ 5.  The  raising  of  the  age  of  child  labour, 
with  a view  to  its  ultimate  extinction. 

“ ‘6.  Municipalization  and  public  control  of 
the  drink  traffic. 

“‘7.  Municipalization  and  public  control  of 
all  hospitals  and  infirmaries. 

“ ‘8.  Abolition  of  indirect  taxation  and  grad- 
ual transference  of  all  public  burdens  on  to 
unearned  incomes  with  a view  to  their  ultimate 
extinction. 

“ ‘ The  Independent  Labour  Party  is  in  fa- 
vour of  adult  suffrage,  with  full  political  rights 
and  privileges  for  women,  and  the  immediate 
extension  of  the  franchise  to  women  on  the  same 
terms  as  granted  to  men  ; also  triennial  Parlia- 
ments and  second  ballot.’  . . . 

“The  most  prominent  individuals  in  the  In- 
dependent Labour  Party  are  Mr.  Iveir  Hardie, 
M.  P.,  its  father  and  guide  ; Mr.  Ramsay  Mac- 
donald, M.  P.,  who  pulls  the  political  strings; 
Mr.  Philip  Snowdon,  M.  P.,  who  is  an  active 
pamphleteer ; and  Mr.  Bruce  Glasier,  who  edits 
the  Labour  Leader.  This  organization,  by  far 
the  most  important  in  Great  Britain,  takes 
much  less  part  in  international  Socialism  than 
the  Social  Democratic  Federation,  with  which  it 
has  never  agreed  very  well.  . . . 

“The  ‘Clarion’  organizations,  . . . which 
make  the  fourth  of  the  more  important  Socialist 
organizations,  need  only  a brief  mention  here. 
They  are  not  regular  societies,  like  the  others, 
but  merely  propagandist  agencies  organized 
by  the  Clarion  newspaper  and  manned  by  So- 
cialists who  belong  to  other  bodies  or  to  none. 

. . . The  agencies  include  the  Clarion  vans, 
which  travel  round  the  country  and  proselytize; 
the  Clarion  fellowship  societies,  which  are  so- 
cial bodies,  and  the  Clarion  scouts,  who  are 
young  recruits,  organized  for  special  purposes.” 
— From  a series  of  Articles  on  “ The  Socialist 
Movement  in  Great  Britain,”  in  the  London 
Times , January,  1909. 

Work  of  the  Anti-Socialist  Union.  — An 

Anti-Socialist  Union  in  Great  Britain  is  conduct- 
ing a training  school  for  speakers  and  workers 
whom  the  union  sends  into  the  constituencies  to 
controvert  the  arguments  of  Socialist  orators.  Of 
the  175  students  who  entered  the  training  school 
soon  after  the  inauguration  of  the  union  in  1908 
about  50  were  reported  the  next  year  as  qualified 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  anti-Socialist  cam- 
paign. In  reply  to  an  appeal  for  volunteers, 
nearly  2,000  applications  were  received  from 
men  and  women  who  were  anxious  to  enter  the 
training  school. 

France:  The  Trade  Union  Version  of 
Socialism.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organi- 
zation ; France  : A.  D.  1884-1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Classes  to  which  the 
Socialist  Principle  appeals.  — Strength  of 
Socialist  Political  Parties.  — Their  Lead- 
ership.— “The  agriculturist  loves  the  land 


which  he  usually  owns,  and  would  scout  the 
idea  of  becoming  a farmer  under  the  State, 
which  would  be  his  position  under  a Socialistic 
regime;  he  is  frugal,  hard-working,  and  thrifty 
to  the  point  of  avarice,  but  intolerably  narrow, 
suspicious  and  bigoted.  Among  this  class  So- 
cialism can  hardly  make  proselytes,  nor  can  it 
do  so  to  any  great  extent  among  tradesmen  and 
commercial  men,  who  are  either  their  own  mas- 
ters or  who  hope  to  set  up  for  themselves  when 
they  have  amassed  a small  capital.  We  there- 
fore find  ourselves  reduced  to  two  classes,  the 
artisans  and  the  professions,  and  it  is  among 
these  that  we  must  seek  the  Socialist  voters  of 
France.  ...  In  France,  thanks  to  the  fact  that 
members  of  Parliament  are  paid,  the  profes- 
sional classes  are  available  for  the  recruiting  of 
labour  leaders  ; indeed  the  younger  section  is 
naturally  attracted  to  the  Socialist  standard. 
As  regards  this  particular  class,  we  can  find  in 
Great  Britain  no  parallel.  . . . Young  Britons 
appear  to  be  too  busy  with  their  sports  or  social 
pleasures  to  study  political  questions,  so  that 
we  can  hardly  compare  them  with  the  con- 
tinental ‘Intellectuals.’  The  ‘Intellectual’  is 
essentially  a product  of  modern  Europe  and  is 
principally  to  be  found  in  France,  Germany 
and  Russia.  He  is  almost  invariably  highly 
educated,  in  sympathy  with  foreign  progress, 
a humanitarian  and  imbued  with  ideas  either 
somewhat  or  very  much  ahead  of  his  time.  The 
French  ‘Intellectual’  is  at  his  best  in  the  twen- 
ties ; he  may  then  be  quixotic,  but  he  generally 
knows  his  subject  and  is  fired  with  generous 
enthusiasms.  . . . This  curious  factor  must 
never  be  lost  sight  of  when  the  Socialist  move- 
ment in  any  European  country  is  examined.  In 
Great  Britain  members  of  the  educated  classes 
almost  invariably  belong  to  one  of  the  two  great 
political  parties  ; but  in  France  they  are  willing 
to  join  hands  with  the  masses,  not  only  as  lead- 
ers, but  with  a view  to  the  true  enthronement 
of  the  people.  It  is  probably  for  this  reason 
that  the  Socialist  party  has  made  so  much  head- 
way in  France.  Such  being  the  soldiers  and 
officers  who  march  under  the  Red  Flag,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  their  political  organisation 
should  have  grown  so  powerful.  The  Socialist 
party  has  hardly  suffered  from  the  ups  and 
downs  of  political  life  ; every  election  has  sent 
it  back  to  power  with  a greater  number  of  seats 
to  its  credit;  at  the  present  time  the  party  has  74 
representatives  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  to 
whom  we  must  add,  in  certain  cases,  135  Rad- 
ical Socialists.  . . . The  ‘Unified  Socialists’  of 
the  uncompromising  type  hold  53  seats,  and  the 
Independent  Socialists  21 ; if  we  add  these  two 
figures  to  the  135  Radical  Socialists,  we  find  that 
they  form  a considerable  portion  of  the  591 
members.  Though  they  have  not  an  absolute 
majority,  the  weight  of  these  209  advanced 
votes  is  such  as  to  colour  very  strongly  modern 
legislation,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
their  progress  will  continue  up  to  a certain 
point.”  — W.  L.  George,  France  in  the  Twenti- 
eth Century,  ch.  8 (John  Lane  Co.,  N.  Y,  1909). 

Germany:  A.  D.  1902.— The  Socialist  Con- 
gress on  Alcoholic  Drinks.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Alcohol  Problem  : Germany. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Gains  of  the  Socialists  in 
Elections  to  the  Reichstag.  See  Germany  : 
A.  D.  1903,  and  1906-1907. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Opposition  among  Work- 


6 


9 


SOCIALISM 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


men.  — A great  Congress  of  200  delegates  from 
bodies  of  German  workingmen  opposed  to  So- 
eialism,  said  to  represent  a total  of  620,000, 
was  held  in  October,  1903,  at  Frankfort-on-the 
Main.  Its  object  was  to  promote  effective  organ- 
ization of  workmen,  to  which  end  it  appealed  to 
“all  unorganized  German  workmen  to  join  those 
industrial  organizations  which  do  not  make  en- 
mity between  the  classes  their  principle.” 

A.  D.  1908.  — Socialists  win  Seats  in  the 
Prussian  Diet  for  the  First  Time.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Prussia:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1909. — Statistics  reported  to  the 
Socialist  Congress.  — The  annual  report  to 
the  Socialist  Congress  at  Leipzig  stated  that  the 
German  Social  Democratic  party  has  a member- 
ship of  571,050  men  and  62,259  women  — total 
633,309.  The  number  of  men  had  increased 
during  the  past  year  by  13,172,  and  the  number 
of  women  by  32,801.  There  are  said  to  be  now 
only  20  Reichstag  constituencies  in  which  there 
is  no  Socialist  organization.  See,  also,  Germany: 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct.-Dec.). 

Italy:  A.  D.  1904.  — Gains  in  the  Election 
claimed  by  the  Socialists.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Italy  : A.  D.  1904  (Oct.-Dec.). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Gains  in  Italian  Elections. 
See  Italy:  A.  D.  1909  (March). 


New  Zealand.  — Government  Ownership  of 
Land.  — Graduated  Taxation.  — Public 
Loans  to  Farmers.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New 
Zealand  : A.  D.  1905. 

Spain:  A.  D.  1909.  — Socialist-Republican 
Alliance.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

United  States:  A.  D.  1902.  — Socialist 
Platform  adopted  by  the  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Laijor  Or- 
ganization: United  States:  A.  L).  1899-1907. 

SOCIALISTIC  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 
See  Parties,  Political. 

SOKOTO:  British  , Capture  and  Occupa- 
tion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa:  A.  D.  1903  (Ni- 
geria). 

SOMALILAND.  See  Africa:  Somali- 
land. 

SONE,  Viscount:  Japanese  Resident-Gen- 
eral in  Korea.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Korea:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

SONNINO,  Baron:  Prime  Minister  of 

Italy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy:  A.  D.  1906- 
1909. 

SOUDAN. , See  Sudan. 

SOUFFRIERE,  La:  Volcanic  Eruption 

of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Volcanic  Eruptions: 
West  Indies. 


SOUTH  AFRICA. 


Suitable  and  Unsuitable  Parts  of  South 
Africa  for  European  Settlement.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Africa. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — The  Last  Year  of  the 
Boer-British  War. — The  Concentration 
Camps.  — Kitchener’s  Block-house  System 
and  Protected  Areas. — The  Opening  of  Ne- 
gotiations for  Peace.  — Text  of  the  Treaty 
concluded.  — When  Volume  VI.  of  this  work 
went  to  press,  in  April,  1901,  and  its  record  of 
events  was  closed,  the  dreadful  Boer-British 
War  had  still  a little  more  than  another  year 
to  be  prolonged  through ; but  it  was  to  be,  as  it 
had  been  throughout  the  past  year,  a sheerly 
destructive  prosecution  of  guerrilla  warfare  by 
separate  bands  of  the  indomitable  Boers.  The 
operations  of  such  warfare,  — its  raids,  its 
counter  “drives,”  its  little  battles  and  skir- 
mishes, its  captures  and  recaptures,  its  break- 
ing of  railway  lines,  and  the  like, — cannot  be 
detailed  in  a work  like  this.  Nothing  of  any 
decisive  effect  was  done  at  any  time,  on  either 
side,  to  constitute  an  important  event  in  the  war. 
There  was  simply  a wearing  process  in  opera- 
tion which  went  on,  in  an  inexorable  and  hor- 
rible slow  way,  till  the  country  on  which  it 
worked  was  a desert,  and  the  endurance  of  its 
surviving  people  was  worn  out. 

In  November,  1900,  Lord  Kitchener  had  suc- 
ceeded Lord  Roberts  in  the  British  command. 
He  decided  to  empty  the  contested  regions  of 
their  non-combatant  population,  by  gathering  it 
into  “concentration  camps,”  thus  resorting  to 
a measure  which  the  Spaniards  had  employed 
in  Cuba,  and  which  the  Americans  had  copied 
from  them  in  the  Philippines.  Accordingly, 
on  the  21st  of  December,  1900,  he  had  issued  to 
general  officers  a “ Memorandum”  in  which  he 
said : 

‘ ‘ Lord  Kitchener  desires  that  General  Officers 


will,  according  to  the  means  at  their  disposal, 
follow  this  system  in  the  Districts  which  they 
occupy  or  may  traverse.  The  women  and 
children  brought  in  should  be  camped  near  the 
railway  for  supply  purposes,  and  should  be 
divided  in  two  categories,  viz.:  1st.  Refugees, 
and  the  families  of  Neutrals,  non-combatants, 
and  surrendered  Burghers.  2nd.  Those  wffiose 
husbands,  fathers,  and  sons  are  on  Commands. 
The  preference  in  accommodation,  &c.,  should 
of  course,  be  given  to  the  first  class.  The  Ord- 
nance will  supply  the  necessary  tents  and  the 
District  Commissioner  will  look  after  the  food 
on  the  scale  now  in  use. 

“It  should  be  clearly  explained  to  Burghers 
in  the  field,  that,  if  they  voluntarily  surrender, 
they  will  be  allowed  to  live  with  their  families 
in  the  camps  until  it  is  safe  for  them  to  return 
to  tligir  homes.” 

In’  “The  Times  History  of  the  War  in  South 
Africa”  it  is  remarked  on  this  order:  “The 
policy  was  inspired  by  two  motives.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  supposed  that  the  removal  of 
the  families  would  induce  fighting  Boers  to  sur- 
render, and  would  thus  shorten  the  War.  In 
the  second  place,  it  was  a measure  of  humanity 
towards  the  unprotected  occupants  of  lonely 
farms.  The  decision  was  taken  somewhat 
lightly.  In  its  primary  object  it  failed  abso- 
lutely. Far  from  providing  an  inducement  to 
surrender,  it  lifted  from  the  fighting  burghers  a 
load  of  embarrassment.  To  the  British,  military 
consequences  were  disastrous.  To  the  Boers 
the  gain  w-as  twofold.  On  the  shoulders  of 
their  enemy  lay  the  heavy  tasks  of  removal  and 
maintenance,  involving  enormous  expense  and 
a grave  hindrance  to  military  operations,  while 
they  themselves,  relieved  of  all  responsibility 
for  their  women  and  children,  were  free  to  de- 
vote their  energies  with  a clear  conscience  to 


620 


SOUTH  AFRICA.  1901-1902 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


the  single  aim  of  fighting.  While  one  of  the 
British  aims  was  signally  defeated,  the  other, 
that  of  humanity,  was  at  first  only  partially  at- 
tained. The  scheme  for  the  concentration  camps 
was  lacking  in  foresight.  Adequate  provision 
was  not  made  for  the  hosts  of  refugees  requiring 
shelter.  The  regular  medical  and  sanitary  staff 
were  already  fully  occupied  with  the  needs  of 
the  army,  and  men  were  lacking  for  the  organ- 
isation and  supervision  of  the  camps.  Sites 
chosen  on  purely  military  grounds  often  proved 
wholly  unsuitable.  Too  much  reliance  was 
placed  on  the  capacity  for  self-help  to  be  shown 
by  the  Boers  themselves,  and  the  Boers  proved 
to  be  helpless,  utterly  averse  to  cleanliness  and 
ignorant  of  the  simplest  elements  of  medicine 
and  sanitation.  The  result  was  that  for  a cer- 
tain period  there  was  a very  high  rate  of  mor- 
tality among  these  unfortunate  people.”  — The 
Times  History  of  the  War  in  S.  Africa,  rot.  v. 
ch.  3 (Low,  Marston  <£-  Co. , Lond.). 

With  better  success  Kitchener  adopted  and 
steadily  perfected  a block-house  system,  by 
which  lines  of  barrier  were  drawn  across  the 
country  in  different  directions,  and  protected 
areas  were  formed.  The  system  and  its  work- 
ing are  thus  described  in  the  history  quoted 
above : 

“One  of  the  first  reforms  undertaken  by 
Kitchener  when  he  assumed  command  in  South 
Africa  was  the  strengthening  of  the  railways. 
At  that  time  the  defences  of  the  lines  were  of 
the  simplest  description,  consisting  almost 
wholly  of  open  trenches  at  stations,  bridges  and 
culverts,  while  the  line  itself  was  patrolled  by 
small  parties  of  mounted  men.  In  laying  out 
these  trench  defences,  the  principal  object  kept 
in  view  was  to  render  them  inconspicuous  and 
thus  immune  from  artillery  fire.  The  system  re- 
quired enormous  numbers  of  men  both  for  patrol 
work  and  for  manning  the  long  lines  of  trenches. 

. . . It  was  clear  that  some  form  of  permanent 
or  semi -permanent  defence  must  be  adopted,  if 
security  was  to  be  gained  and  the  railway 
guards  reduced.  Early  in  January,  accordingly, 
the  first  blockhouses  were  constructed.  . . . 

“ Planted  at  first  only  at  stations,  bridges,  cul- 
verts, important  cuttings  and  curves  — at  the 
points,  in  fact,  which  experience  had  proved  to 
be  most  vulnerable  — blockhouses  came  to  be 
established  at  regular  intervals  of  about  a mile 
and  a half  down  the  whole  extent  of  a line. 
This  interval  was  steadily  lessened.  Ultimately 
it  became  as  small  as  400  yards  on  the  Delagoa 
line  and  was  reduced  even  to  200  yards  on  some 
portions  of  the  Cape  railways.  A continuous 
fencing  of  barbed  wire  ran  along  the  line  ; elab- 
orate entanglements  surrounded  each  block- 
house, and  the  telephone  linked  up  the  whole 
system.  A somewhat  later  development  was  a 
deep  trench  bordering  the  line  of  barbed  wire 
and  running  to  within  100  yards  of  each  block- 
house. . . . 

“ Until  July  the  system  was  confined  to  the 
railways;  but  in  July  the  idea  first  took  definite 
shape  of  throwing  blockhouse  lines  across  coun- 
try, and  thus  creating  fenced  areas  of  manage- 
able size  within  which  the  Boers  could  be  dealt 
with  piece-meal.  It  is  important  to  note  that 
these  lines  almost  invariably  followed  roads, 
which  thus  became  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as 
safe  as  railways.  In  other  words,  a great  num- 
ber of  additional  lines  of  communication  were 


opened  up  and  secured,  and  the  striking  power 
of  the  army  proportionately  increased.  . . . 

“ While  a thousand  yards,  or  thereabouts,  was 
the  usual  interval  between  cross-country  block- 
houses, the  rule  was  invariably  followed  that 
each  must  be  iu  sight  of  its  neighbour  on  either 
side.  The  wire  feuce  spanning  this  interval  al- 
ways ran  in  the  form  of  an  obtuse  angle,  so  that 
fire  could  be  directed  along  it  from  both  ends 
without  risk  to  either  blockhouse.  In  order  to 
secure  accurate  fire  in  the  dark,  rests  were  pro- 
vided for  the  correct  alignment  of  rifles.  Ordi- 
nary barbed  wire  was  used  at  first,  but  the  Boers 
became  such  adepts  at  cutting  it  that  a quarter- 
inch  unannealed  steel  wire,  specially  manufac- 
tured in  England,  had  to  be  substituted.  In 
Cape  Colony,  an  eight-strand  cable,  manufac- 
tured in  special  ‘ rope  walks'  established  at  Na- 
auwpoort,  was  largely  used.  Not  to  be  daunted, 
the  Boers  took  to  uprooting  the  stays  and  level- 
ling the  fence  bodily.  The  stays,  accordingly, 
had  to  be  anchored  securely  to  heavy  rocks  sunk 
deep  in  the  ground.  As  on  the  railways,  alarms 
of  all  sorts  were  devised  to  give  the  garrisons 
notice  of  an  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  feuce. 
A spring-gun  would  fire,  dangling  biscuit  tins 
would  rattle,  a weight  would  drop  in  the  block- 
house, and  on  any  such  signal  the  garrison 
would  fire  down  the  line  of  the  fence.  But, 
when  all  precautions  were  taken,  it  was  impos- 
sible, on  dark  nights,  to  prevent  determined 
bodies  of  Boers  from  passing  the  barrier.  The 
passage  could  be  made  dangerous  and  difficult; 
that  was  all.  . . . Exaggerated  hopes  were 
built  on  the  efficacy  of  the  lines  as  barriers  to 
determined  men.  . . . The  Boers,  for  a long 
time  to  come,  viewed  with  disdain  the  eruption 
of  tiny  forts.  It  was  only  by  degrees  that  they 
awoke  to  the  realization  that  they  were  taken 
like  flies  in  a spider’s  web.  . . . Communication 
between  commanders  became  more  and  more 
difficult ; concentrations  on  a large  scale  impos- 
sible. 

“The  ramifications  of  the  blockhouse  system 
and  the  slow  formation  of  protected  areas  were 
not  the  only  signs  that  the  day  of  conquest  was 
approaching.  Within  these  areas,  under  the  able 
and  energetic  administrations  of  Lord  Milner, 
who  returned  to  South  Africa  in  August,  and,  in 
tlie  Orange  River  Colony,  of  the  Deputy  Admin- 
istrator, Sir  H.  Goold-Adams,  marked  progress 
was  beginning  to  be  made  in  the  establishment 
of  civil  industry  and  in  administrative  recon- 
struction. . . . 

“With  regard  to  the  Boer  non-combatant 
population,  an  important  modification  of  policy 
was  initiated  in  December.  Orders  were  issued 
to  all  columns  that  no  more  families,  save  those 
in  actual  danger  of  starvation  and  those  belong- 
ing to  a privileged  class,  . . . were  to  be 
brought  into  the  concentration  camps.  Since 
most  of  the  accessible  farms  had  already  been 
emptied,  the  order  applied  mainly  to  the  women 
and  children  who  had  preferred,  in  defiance  of 
hardship,  to  accompany  the  commandos  and  who 
lived  in  nomadic  laagers.  The  Boers,  however 
much  they  had  railed  in  the  past  against  the  in- 
humanity of  the  camps,  were  soon  to  realise  and 
admit  the  essential  humanity  of  the  concentra- 
tion system.  The  embarrassment  and  anxiety 
caused  by  the  helpless  non-combatants  in  their 
midst  was  to  grow  day  by  day.  Finally,  at  the 
Vereeniging  Conference,  the  truth  received 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


frank  and  undisguised  expression.  ‘ To-day,’ 
said  Botha,  ‘we  are  only  too  glad  to  know  that 
our  women  and  children  are  under  British  pro- 
tection.’ The  wretchedness  of  those  who  re- 
mained on  the  veld  became,  indeed,  a powerful 
argument  for  submission.” — The  Times  History 
of  the  War  in  South  Africa,  chs.  10,  11,  14 
{London,  Low,  Marston  & Co.). 

It  was  not  until  March,  1902,  that  the  men  of 
authority  on  both  sides  of  the  war  began  to 
give  tokens  of  a mutual  disposition  to  discuss 
terms  of  peace.  In  the  previous  January,  the 
government  of  the  Netherlands  had  offered  to 
act  as  intermediary  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  Boers,  and  the  proffer  had  been  declined, 
t he  British  government  repeating  its  determina- 
tion to  accept  no  foreign  intervention.  At  the 
same  time  it  was  suggested  that,  inasmuch  as 
Mr.  Steyn  and  Mr.  Sclialk  Burger,  the  chiefs  of 
the  Orange  Free  State  and  of  the  Transvaal 
burghers,  respectively,  were  understood  to  be 
invested  with  full  powers  of  government,  in- 
cluding the  power  of  negotiation,  those  gentle- 
men could  open,  if  they  wished,  direct  commu- 
nication with  Lord  Kitchener,  who  had  already 
been  instructed  to  forward  to  his  government 
any  offers  that  he  might  receive.  On  the  7th  of 
March  this  correspondence  was  sent  by  Lord 
Kitchener,  without  comment,  to  the  Transvaal 
government,  then  established  at  Stroomwater. 
The  suggestion  in  it  was  rightly  taken  as  an  in- 
vitation, and  acting  President  Sclialk  Burger  at 
once  asked  for  a safe-conduct  for  himself  and 
the  other  members  of  his  government  into  the 
British  lines,  with  intimations  of  a wish  for  op- 
portunity to  meet  the  members  of  the  Free 
State  government,  in  order  that  they  might 
concert  proposals  for  peace.  His  wishes  were 
readily  complied  with.  On  the  22d  he  entered 
the  British  lines,  and  all  possible  aid  was  given 
him  in  getting  together  the  men  whom  he 
wished  to  consult.  Some  were  brought  away 
from  active  fighting,  which  went  on  without 
them,  no  pause  on  the  military  side  being  per- 
mitted for  a single  day,  while  the  parleying  of 
a month  went  on. 

The  Transvaal  and  Free  State  governments 
met  on  the  9th  of  April,  at  Klerksdorp,  under 
British  safe-conduct,  and,  after  debate  among 
themselves  on  that  day  and  the  next,  sent  a tel- 
egram to  Lord  Kitchener,  requesting  him  to 
meet  them  and  receive  from  them  a proposal  of 
peace.  He  replied  promptly,  inviting  them  to 
his  headquarters  at  Pretoria,  and  there  they 
were  received  on  April  12th.  Their  proposal 
was  on  the  basis  of  political  independence  for 
the  two  Boer  states,  under  “an  enduring  treaty 
of  friendship  and  peace”  with  the  British  gov- 
ernment, as  well  as  a customs,  postal  and  rail- 
way union  with  the  adjoining  British  colonies, 
and  with  concessions  of  the  franchise  to  Uit- 
landers  in  the  Transvaal.  Kitchener  could  give 
no  consideration  to  a proposal  of  this  nature  ; 
but  consented,  after  much  discussion  to  cable  it 
to  London.  At,  a second  meeting  on  the  14th 
(when  Lord  Kitchener  was  joined  by  Lord  Mil- 
ner, the  British  High  Commissioner  in  South 
Africa)  he  had  the  answer  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment to  produce.  It  declared  with  empha- 
sis that  the  government  could  not  “entertain 
any  proposals  based  on  the  continued  independ- 
ence of  the  former  republics,  which  have  been 
formally  annexed  to  the  British  Crown.”  To 


this  the  Boer  officials  replied  that  they  had  no 
power  to  negotiate  on  any  other  basis  than  that 
of  independence,  and  they  asked  for  an  armis- 
tice, to  enable  them  to  consult  their  people. 
This  was  refused,  but,  after  some  parleying,  it 
was  arranged  that  they  should  have  free  use  of 
the  railway  and  telegraph,  and  that  military 
operations  should  be  so  conducted  as  to  allow 
opportunities  for  meetings  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  at  which  thirty  burghers  from  each  re- 
public should  be  elected,  with  authority  to  act 
for  the  people.  These  representatives  were  to 
meet  on  the  15th  of  May,  at  Vereeniging,  to  de- 
termine the  answer  they  would  give.  Between 
the  11th  and  the  15th  of  May  immunity  was 
promised  to  all  commandos  whose  leaders 
should  be  chosen  as  representatives,  and  this 
practically  operated  as  an  armistice  during 
those  days. 

“ History  records  no  precedent,”  says  The 
Times  History  of  the  War,  “ for  the  state  of  af- 
fairs which  existed  in  South  Africa  between 
April  18  and  May  15,  1902.  War  went  on,  but, 
to  borrow  a metaphor  from  football,  the  ball 
of  war  was  continually  rolling  into  ‘touch.’ 
Kitchener  loyally  carried  out  his  undertaking 
to  the  Boer  leaders.  Commandos  were  allowed 
to  assemble  and  confer  unmolested;  officers  and 
messengers  scoured  the  country  by  road  and 
railway  with  free  passes,  passing  through  Brit- 
ish outpost  lines,  receiving  the  unstinted  hos- 
pitality of  their  foes,  and  occasionally,  to  the 
chagrin  of  a junior  British  officer,  undergoing 
accidental  capture,  followed  by  immediate  re- 
lease on  the  production  of  the  magic  pass. 
Steyn,  indeed,  was  too  ill  to  take  part  in  all 
this  activity  and  had  retired  to  a farm  near 
Wolmaransstad.  But  De  Wet,  with  amazing 
energy,  travelled  over  the  whole  of  the  Free 
State,  inspiring  the  burghers  with  his  leader’s 
fiery  spirit.  At  eight  successive  meetings  he 
personally  addressed  practically  the  whole  of 
the  commandos  and  secured  unanimous  resolu- 
tions against  any  surrender  of  independence. 
The  Transvaal  leaders  were  scarcely  less  active, 
though  the  purport  of  their  activity  was  by  no 
means  the  same.”  These  chiefs  of  the  Trans- 
vaal, Louis  Botha  and  others,  were  disposed  to 
end  the  struggle  for  independence  ; those  of  the 
Free  State,  inspired  by  their  unconquerable 
President,  were  not. 

On  the  15th  of  May  the  officials  of  the  two 
Boer  governments  met  the  sixty  delegates  from 
the  burghers  at  Vereeuiging,  and  the  question 
between  surrender  and  a hopeless  continuation 
of  war  was  threshed  out.  The  Free  State  dele- 
gates and  a few  of  the  Transvaalers  had  been 
bound  by  pledges  to  vote  against  any  surrender 
of  independence;  but  in  the  end  they  were  per- 
suaded by  their  own  legal  advisers  that  such  a 
restriction  on  the  free  action  of  a delegate  was 
contrary  to  the  principles  of  law  ; and  gradually 
the  question  of  independence  gave  place  to 
other  matters  of  consideration  in  the  discussion 
of  terms.  On  the  19th  a sub  committee  was 
appointed  to  consider  those  details,  and  several 
days  of  bargaining  with  Kitchener  and  Milner, 
at  Pretoria,  ensued.  There  was  much  use  of 
the  cable  meantime,  to  secure  assent  in  London 
to  what  might  be  done.  The  result  was  a draft 
treaty  which  Lord  Milner  assured  the  Boer  Com- 
missioners was  absolutely  final,  and  must  be 
accepted  or  rejected  without  any  change,  on  or 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1901-1902 


before  the  31st  of  May.  They  took  it  to  the  con- 
vcution  at  Vereenigiug  on  the  29th,  and  there, 
in  two  days  of  stormy  debate,  the  no-snrreuder 
party,  led  by  Steyn  and  I)e  Wet,  made  their  last 
stand.  When  the  decisive  vote  was  taken,  their 
ranks  were  reduced  to  six,  against  tifty-four. 
The  Boer  commissioners  returned  at  once  to 
Pretoria,  with  the  accepted  draft-treaty,  and  it 
was  signed  on  the  night  of  the  31st,  a little  less 
th  in  an  hour  before  the  expiration  of  the  fixed 
term  of  grace.  The  following  is  the  text  of  this 
treaty,  which  ended  one  of  the  worst  of  modem 
wars : 

"General  Lord  Kitchener  of  Khartoum,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  and  His  Excellency  Lord  Mil- 
ner, High  Commissioner,  on  behalf  of  the  Brit- 
ish Government; 

‘‘Messrs.  S.  AV.  Burger,  F.  W.  Reitz,  Louis 
Botha,  J.  H.  De  la  Rey,  L.  J.  Meyer,  and  J. 
Krogh  on  behalf  of  the  Government  of  the  South 
African  Republic  and  its  burghers; 

“ Messrs.  M.  T.  Steyn,  W.  J.  C.  Brebner,  C. 
R.  de  AVet,  J.  B.  M.  Hertzog,  and  C.  H.  Olivier, 
on  behalf  of  the  Government  of  the  Orange  Free 
State  and  its  burghers,  being  anxious  to  put  an 
end  to  the  existing  hostilities,  agree  on  the  fol- 
lowing points : 

"Firstly,  the  burgher  forces  now  in  the  Veldt 
shall  at  once  lay  down  their  arms,  and  surrender 
all  the  guns,  small  arms,  and  war  stores  in  their 
actual  possession,  or  of  which  they  shall  have 
cognizance,  and  shall  abstain  from  any  further 
opposition  to  the  authority  of  his  Majesty  King 
Edward  VII.,  whom  they  shall  acknowledge  as 
their  lawful  sovereign. 

“The  manner  and  details  of  this  surrender 
shall  be  arranged  by  Lord  Kitchener,  Com- 
mandant-General Botha,  Assistant  Commandant- 
General  J.  H.  De  la  Rey,  and  Coinmander-in- 
Chief  de  Wet. 

“ Secondly,  burghers  in  the  Veldt  beyond  the 
frontiers  of  the  Transvaal  and  of  the  Orange 
River  Colony,  and  all  prisoners  of  war  who  are 
out  of  South  Africa,  who  are  burghers,  shall,  on 
their  declaration  that  they  accept  the  status  of 
subjects  of  His  Majesty  King  Edward  VII.,  be 
brought  back  to  their  homes,  as  soon  as  trans- 
port and  means  of  existence  can  be  assured. 

“Thirdly,  the  burghers  who  thus  surrender, 
or  who  thus  return,  shall  lose  neither  their  per- 
sonal freedom  nor  their  property. 

“Fourthly,  no  judicial  proceedings,  civil  or 
criminal,  shall  be  taken  against  any  of  the 
burghers  who  thus  return  for  any  action  in  con- 
nexion with  the  carrying  on  of  the  war.  The 
benefit  of  this  clause  shall,  however,  not  extend 
to  certain  deeds  antagonistic  to  the  usages  of 
warfare,  which  have  been  communicated  by  the 
Commander-in-Ckief  to  the  Boer  generals,  and 
which  shall  be  heard  before  a court-martial  im- 
mediately after  the  cessation  of  hostilities. 

“Fifthly,  the  Dutch  language  shall  be 
taught  in  the  public  schools  of  the  Transvaal 
and  of  the  Orange  River  Colony  when  the  par- 
ents of  the  children  demand  it;  and  shall  be  ad- 
mitted in  the  Courts  of  justice,  whenever  this 
is  required  for  the  better  and  more  effective 
administration  of  justice. 

“Sixthly,  the  possession  of  rifles  shall,  on 
taking  out  a licence  in  accordance  with  the  law, 
be  permitted  in  the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange 
River  Colony  to  persons  who  require  them  for 
their  protection. 


“Seventhly,  military  administration  in  the 
Transvaal  and  in  the  Orange  River  Colony 
shall,  as  soon  as  it  is  possible,  be  followed  by 
civil  government;  and,  as  soon  as  circum- 
stances permit  it,  a representative  system  lend- 
ing towards  autonomy  shall  be  introduced. 

"Eighthly,  the  question  of  granting  a fran- 
chise to  the  natives  shall  not  be  decided  until  a 
representative  constitution  has  been  granted. 

“Ninthly,  no  special  tax  shall  be  laid  on 
landed  property  in  the  Transvaal  and  Orange 
River  Colony  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

“Tenthly,  as  soon  as  circumstances  permit 
there  shall  be  appointed  in  each  district  in  the 
Transvaal  and  the  Orange  River  Colony  a Com- 
mission, in  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  dis- 
trict shall  be  represented,  under  the  chairman- 
ship of  a magistrate  or  other  official,  with  a 
view  to  assist  in  the  bringing  back  of  the 
people  to  their  farms,  and  in  procuring  for 
those  who,  on  account  of  losses  in  the  war,  are 
unable  to  provide  for  themselves  food,  shelter, 
and  such  quantities  of  seed,  cattle,  implements, 
etc.,  as  are  necessary  for  the  resuming  of  their 
previous  callings. 

“ His  Majesty’s  Government  shall  place  at 
the  disposal  of  these  Commissions  the  sum  of 
£3,000,000  for  the  above-mentioned  purposes, 
and  shall  allow  that  all  notes  issued  in  con- 
formity with  Law  No.  1,  1900,  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  South  African  Republic,  and  all 
receipts  given  by  the  officers  in  the  Veldt  of  the 
late  Republics,  or  by  their  order,  may  be  pre- 
sented to  a judicial  Commission  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  in  case  such  notes  and  receipts 
are  found  by  this  Commission  to  have  been 
duly  issued  for  consideration  in  value,  then 
they  shall  be  accepted  by  the  said  Commission 
as  proof  of  war  losses  suffered  by  the  persons  to 
whom  they  had  originally  been  given.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  above-named  free  gift  of  £3,000,- 
000,  His  Majesty’s  Government  will  be  pre- 
pared to  grant  advances,  in  the  shape  of  loans, 
for  the  same  ends,  free  of  interest  for  two 
years,  and  afterwards  repayable  over  a period 
of  years  with  three  per  cent,  interest.  No  for- 
eigner or  rebel  shall  be  entitled  to  benefit  by 
this  clause.” 

The  following  military  statistics  of  the  AArar, 
as  conducted  on  the  British  side,  were  pub- 
lished in  a Parliamentary  paper  soon  after  its 
close:  The  garrison  in  South  Africa  on  August 
1st,  1899,  consisted  of  318  officers  and  9,622 
men;  reinforcements  sent  between  then  and 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  October  11th,  1899, 
totaled  12,546.  Thereafter  the  troops  sent  up 
to  May  31st,  1902,  reached  the  great  total  of 
386,081,  besides  52,414  men  raised  in  South 
Africa.  The  final  casualty  figures  are:  Killed, 
5,774  ; wounded,  23,029 ; died  of  wounds  or 
disease,  16,168. 

A return  made  to  Parliament  in  April,  1902, 
of  the  estimated  amount  of  war  charges  in 
South  Africa  that  had  been  and  would  be  in- 
curred up  to  the  31st  of  March,  1903,  gave  the 
following  figures:  For  the  first  year  of  the  war 
(1899-1900),  £23,217,000  ; for  the  second  year, 
£65,120,000  ; for  the  third  year,  £71,037,000  ; 
for  the  year  in  which  it  ended,  £63,600,000. 
Total,  £222,974,000. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Cape  Colony  and  Natal  at 
the  Colonial  Conference,  London.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  British  Empire. 


623 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1902-1903 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1902-1904 


A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Repatriation  and  Re- 
settlement of  the  Boers  in  the  Transvaal  and 
Orange  River  Colony.  — Work  of  the  first 
Eight  Months  of  Restored  Peace.  — The  fol- 
lowing passages  from  a report  dated  March  14, 
1903,  made  by  Governor  Viscount  Milner  to  Mr. 
Chamberlain,  British  Secretary  for  the  Colonies, 
will  give  some  intimation  of  the  task  of  recon- 
struction and  restoration  which  the  war  had  im- 
posed on  the  victors,  and  the  vigor  with  which 
it  was  performed : 

“The  Terms  of  Surrender  were  signed  at 
Pretoria  on  the  31st  May,  1902,  but  the  Civil 
Government  could  not  really  begin  to  take  over 
the  administration  of  the  new  Colonies,  and  es- 
pecially the  country  districts,  for  nearly  a month 
after  that  date.  At  Lord  Kitchener’s  request 
no  attempt  was  made  to  enter  into  possession 
of  those  districts  until  after  the  surrender  of  the 
Commandos,  and  though  that  surrender  was 
accomplished  with  extraordinary  celerity  and 
smoothness,  something  like  three  weeks  elapsed 
before  any  Civil  officer  could  even  set  out  for 
the  house  or  tent,  generally  a tent,  allotted  to 
him  in  the  wilderness  which  we  were  about  to 
take  over,  devoid,  as  it  was,  of  crops,  of  stock, 
of  population,  and,  to  a large  extent,  of  habit- 
able dwellings.  The  period  over  which  this  re- 
view extends  is,  therefore,  one  of  about  eight 
months  — from  the  end  of  June,  when  the  work 
of  restoration  commenced,  till  the  end  of  Febru- 
ary. . . . 

“To  begin  with  the  Prisoners  of  War.  The 
Vereeniging  Terms  entitled  something  over 
33,000  people  to  be  restored  to  liberty,  and  if 
they  happened  to  be  burghers  imprisoned  out 
side  South  Africa,  to  be  brought  back  to  their 
homes  as  soon  as  transports  could  be  provided 
and  their  means  of  subsistence  assured.  Of  this 
large  number  upwards  of  24,000  were  in  pris- 
oners’ camps  in  St.  Helena,  Bermuda,  India  and 
Ceylon;  upwards  of  1,000  were  in  a prisoners’ 
camp,  at  Simons  Town,  and  about  1,200  were 
prisoners  elsewhere  in  South  Africa.  Of  the 
rest  the  great  majority  had  been  allowed  to  live 
in  Concentration  Camps,  while  the  balance  were 
on  parole  in  different  parts  of  South  Africa  and 
a few  in  Europe.  The  principal  difficulty  in 
connection  with  the  prisoners  was,  of  course, 
the  bringing  back  and  distribution  of  the  24,000 
odd,  who  were  at  prisoners’  camps  oversea.  . . . 

“ The  prisoners  of  war,  on  their  return  to 
South  Africa,  were,  in  the  first  place,  with  few 
exceptions,  sent  to  the  Concentration  Camps  of 
their  respective  districts,  there  to  rejoin  their 
families,  if  they  had  them,  and  to  return  to- 
gether with  them  to  their  homes.  They  thus, 
in  the  majority  of  cases,  helped  to  swell  the 
enormous  number  of  people  for  whom  the  Repa- 
triation Departments  of  the  two  colonies  had 
to  provide  the  means  of  transport  to  their 
homes,  and,  as  a general  rule,  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence for  months  after  such  return,  as  well  as 
the  seeds,  instruments  and  animals  necessary  to 
enable  them  to  raise  a crop.  ...  In  the  eight 
and  a half  months  that  we  have  been  at  work, 
we  have  restored  about  200,000  of  the  old 
Burgher  population  in  the  two  Colonies  to  their 
homes,  including  all  the  inhabitants  in  the  Con- 
centration Camps  in  the  Transvaal,  the  Orange 
River  Colony,  the  Cape  Colony  and  Natal,  and 
the  Prisoners  of  War.  . . . 

“By  hook  or  by  crook  we  had  succeeded  by 


the  end  of  1902,  in  enabling  the  people  to  sow 
a fairly  large  mealie  crop,  besides  a consid- 
erable amount  of  forage,  potatoes  and  other 
vegetables.  The  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
farming  population,  about  that  time,  was  very 
noticeable.  The  extreme  depression  which 
characterised  them  two  or  three  months  earlier 
had  almost  completely  passed  away,  and  they 
were  looking  forward  to  the  future  with  much 
more  hopefulness.  I may  say  that  almost  the 
whole  time,  even  when  the  outlook  was  black- 
est, their  attitude  towards  the  Government  was 
not  otherwise  than  a friendly  one.  They 
showed,  with  few  exceptions,  great  patience 
under  hardships,  and  much  energy  and  resource- 
fulness in  making  the  best  of  the  small  means  at 
their  disposal.” 

A.  D.  1902-1904.  — Death  of  Cecil  Rhodes. 
— Survival  of  his  Influence  and  his  Policy. — 
Dr.  Jameson,  as  his  representative,  made 
Premier  of  Cape  Colony. — On  the  26th  of 
March,  1902,  two  months  before  the  end  of  the 
British-Boer  war,  Cecil  J.  Rhodes  died  at  Cape 
Town,  and  his  death  removed  the  most  power- 
ful of  the  personal  influences  that  would  have 
been  reckoned  on  for  determining  the  results 
of  the  war.  He  had  been  the  master-spirit  in 
South  Africa  for  nearly  thirty  years.  Indica- 
tions of  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  expan- 
sion of  the  British  dominion  in  that  part  of 
the  world,  and  in  the  conflict  of  British  with 
Dutch  ambitions  which  produced  the  war,  will 
be  found  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work  (see,  es- 
pecially, pages  460-466,  470-471,  and  475-477, 
in  that  volume).  Had  he  lived  and  been  in 
health  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  would 
have  been  a leading  actor  in  the  political  re- 
construction of  British  South  Africa  since  the 
war.  He  had  been  the  Premier  of  Cape  Colony 
from  1890  to  the  end  of  1895;  then  liis  career 
was  clouded  by  the  “Jameson  raid”  into  the 
Transvaal,  and  he  was  forced  to  resign.  But 
the  cloud  would  have  cleared,  as  it  has  cleared 
from  Jameson.  Indeed,  the  new  career  of  Dr. 
Jameson,  since  1904,  when  a general  election  in 
Cape  Colony  brought  the  party  of  the  Progres- 
sives into  power,  and  put  the  former  chief  lieu- 
tenant of  Cecil  Rhodes  in  the  place  of  Sir  J. 
Gordon  Sprigg  as  Prime  Minister  of  the  colonial 
Government,  is  indicative  of  the  new  career  that 
would  have  opened  to  Rhodes.  It  is  the  Rhodes 
policy  and  the  Rhodes  influence  that  has  pre- 
vailed, as  was  said  by  Mr.  Edward  Dicey  in  an 
article  written  at  the  time: 

“ When  Rhodes’  life  came  to  a sudden  and 
melancholy  end,  Jameson  felt  the  best  way  he 
could  show  his  respect  for  his  dead  friend  was 
to  carry  on  the  work  of  his  lifetime.  Amongst 
the  Progressives  there  were  several  public  men 
who,  in  normal  circumstances,  might  have  been 
selected  as  leaders  of  the  party',  but  there  was 
a well-grounded  comvictiou  that  the  man  who 
could  best  carry  on  Rhodes’  policy,  with  the 
least  breach  of  continuity,  was  Jameson.  Even 
the  few  British  colonists  who  had  not  altogether 
condoned  the  Raid,  felt  that  there  was  no  one 
so  qualified  to  lead  the  Progressive  Party  as  the 
author  of  the  Raid.  The  result  was  that  Jame- 
son was  appointed,  by  acclamation,  the  political 
successor  of  Rhodes.  It  was  under  the  new 
leader  that  the  battle  of  the  general  election  in 
the  Cape  Colony  has  been  fought  and  won. 
The  Progressive  majority  in  the  Cape  Parlia- 


624 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1902-1904 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1903-1904 


ment  is  small ; but,  in  spite  of  all  disintegrat- 
ing inlluences,  it  may  be  trusted  to  hold  to- 
gether till  a Redistribution  Bill  has  been  passed. 
When  the  influence  of  the  Bond  was  supreme 
in  the  Cape  Parliament,  the  electoral  divisions 
were  manipulated  in  such  a manner  as  to  give 
thinly  populated,  rural  constituencies  equal  re- 
presentation with  that  enjoyed  by  the  compara- 
tively densely  populated  urban  constituencies. 
This  arose  from  the  fact  that  in  the  country  the 
Dutch  settlers  outnumbered  the  British,  while 
in  the  town  the  British  composed  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  the  electorate.  The  simplest  way  to 
rectify  this  abuse  was  to  remodel  the  existing 
electoral  system,  by  making  population  the 
basis  of  representation.  This  reform,  however, 
was  open  to  the  objection  that  it  practically 
disfranchised  a large  number  of  rural  constitu- 
encies in  which  the  Boers  were  in  a majority. 
On  Jameson  being  appointed  Prime  Minister, 
after  Sir  Gordon  Sprigg’s  compulsory  retire- 
ment, his  first  step  was  to  introduce  a new 
Redistribution  Bill  based  on  a less  invidious 
principle  than  its  predecessor  ” — Edward  Dicey, 
The  New  Cape  Premier  ( Fortnightly  Review, 
April,  1904). 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — The  Labor  Question. 

— Investigation  and  opposing  Reports  by  a 
Commission.  — Adoption  of  Ordinance  to 
admit  Unskilled  Non-European  Laborers. 

— Beginning  of  Importation  of  Chinese 
Coolies. — The  Political  Side  of  the  Ques- 
tion.— Debate  in  the  British  Parliament. — 
Early  in  1903  Lord  Milner  appointed  a Commis- 
sion to  investigate  and  report  on  the  labor 
question  in  South  Africa,  which  is  a question 
between  the  mining  people,  who  maintain  that 
the  needful  supply  of  labor  for  profitable  mine- 
working  is  not  procurable,  at  rates  which  mine- 
owners  can  afford,  from  any  other  than  an 
Asiatic  source,  and  their  opponents  who  deny 
the  need  of  bringing  either  Chinese  or  East  In- 
dian coolies  into  the  mining  fields.  In  November 
the  Labor  Commission  produced  a majority  and 
a minority  report,  the  former  agreeing  substan- 
tially with  the  mine-owners,  the  latter  in  conten- 
tion with  them.  The  signatures  to  the  majority 
report  were  ten  in  number,  the  latter  were  but 
two.  In  the  discussion  of  the  reports  which 
took  place  in  the  Legislative  Council  of  the 
Transvaal  late  in  the  year,  one  speaker  made 
the  statement  that  he  was  authorized  by  Gen- 
eral Louis  Botha  to  say  that  he  and  all  the 
Dutch  he  represented  were  opposed  to  the  in- 
troduction of  Asiatics.  A resolution  favoring 
the  introduction  of  Chinese  was  adopted  in  the 
Council  by  a vote  of  22  to  4. 

Ultimately,  against  the  protests  of  a great 
majority  of  the  Boer  population,  an  ordinance 
to  regulate  the  introduction  into  the  Transvaal 
of  unskilled  non-European  laborers  was  adopted 
by  the  Legislative  Council.  It  applied  to  males 
of  other  races  than  those  indigenous  to  Africa 
south  of  12  degrees  north  of  the  Equator.  The 
ordinance  was  to  be  administered  by  an  official 
superintendent ; the  laborers  were  to  be  brought 
in  by  licensed  persons  only ; they  were  to  be 
employed  only  in  the  Witwatersrand  district, 
and  only  in  unskilled  labor  connected  with  the 
production  of  minerals,  and  they  were  to  be  sent 
back  to  the  country  of  their  origin,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  importer,  at  once  on  the  termina- 
tion of  their  contract,  which  should  not  be  for  a 


longer  term  than  three  years,  renewable  for  two 
more.  Provisions  as  to  their  treatment,  their 
passport  identification,  their  restricted  residence, 
etc.,  were  very  precise  and  minute.  The  im- 
portation of  Chinese  coolies  under  the  provi- 
sions of  this  ordinance  began  in  June,  1904.  At 
the  end  of  the  year  over  20,000  had  been 
brought  in. 

That  the  question  has  its  political  as  well  as 
its  industrial  side,  and  is  one  which  concerns 
democracy  no  less  than  labor,  is  shown  in  the 
following:  “The  political  and  industrial  posi- 
tion of  the  Rand,  and,  in  some  degree  of  the 
Transvaal  as  a whole,  is  almost  unique.  The 
only  parallel  that  comes  to  mind  is  that  of  the 
town  and  district  of  Kimberly.  A considerable 
European  community  is  dependent  — on  the 
Rand  entirely,  throughout  the  Transvaal  very 
largely  — on  a single  industry  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  its  prosperity.  This  dependence  neces- 
sarily places  great  power  in  the  hands  of  the 
small  group  of  men  who  are  the  owners,  or  re- 
present the  owners,  of  the  capital  by  which  the 
industry  has  been  created  and  is  now  worked. 
Their  influence  is  supreme.  No  law  which 
threatened  their  interests  could  be  placed  on  the 
Statute  Book.  Men  who  offer  any  effective 
opposition  to  their  wishes  — like  Mr.  Wybergh, 
the  Commissioner  of  Mines,  Mr.  Creswell,  the 
manager  of  the  Village  Main  Reef  Mine,  Mr. 
Moneypenny,  the  editor  of  the  chief  Johannes- 
burg newspaper — find  it  impossible  to  retain 
their  positions.  Two  dangers,  and  two  only, 
threaten  the  permanency  of  this  supremacy  — 
the  Trade  Union  and  the  ballot,  the  combina- 
tion of  the  men  employed  and  the  possibility  of 
an  unsympathetic  majority  in  the  legislature 
when  a system  of  self  government  is  restored. 
Both  these  dangers  would  be  increased  in  de- 
gree, and  brought  nearer  in  time,  by  a large  and 
rapid  growth  of  the  white  population. 

“‘If  200,000  native  workers  were  to  be  re- 
placed by  100,000  whites,’  said  Mr.  Rudd,  one 
of  the  directors  of  the  Consolidated  Goldfields 
Company,  ‘ they  would  simply  hold  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  country  in  the  hollow  of  their  hand, 
and,  without  any  disparagement  to  the  British 
labourer,  I prefer  to  see  the  more  intellectual 
section  of  the  community  at  the  helm!  ’ ‘ With 

reference  to  your  trial  of  white  labour  for  sur- 
face work  on  the  mines,’  wrote  Mr.  Tarbutt, 
another  director  of  the  same  important  company 
and  the  chairman  of  the  Village  Main  Reef 
Company,  in  an  often-quoted  letter  to  Mr.  Cres- 
well, * I have  consulted  the  Consolidated  Gold- 
fields people,  and  one  of  the  members  of  the 
board  of  the  Village  Main  Reef  has  consulted 
Messrs.  Wernher,  Beit  and  Co.,  and  the  feeling 
seems  to  be  one  of  fear  that  if  a large  number  of 
white  men  are  employed  on  the  Rand  in  the 
position  of  labourers,  the  same  troubles  will 
arise  as  are  now  prevalent  in  the  Australian 
Colonies,  i.  e.,  that  the  combination  of  the  la- 
bouring classes  will  become  so  strong  as  to 
be  able  to  more  or  less  dictate,  not  only  on  ques- 
tions of  wages,  but  also  on  political  questions,  by 
the  power  of  the  votes  when  a Representative 
Government  is  established.’  There  have  been 
other  declarations  of  the  same  tenour;  and, 
indeed,  no  one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  views 
that  prevail  among  the  circles  of  South  African 
finance  would  seek  to  deny  that  this  dread  of  a 
second  Australian  democracy  influencing  the 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1903-1904 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1905-1907 


political  and  economic  future  of  the  Rand  is  one 
of  the  chief  motives  that  direct  the  policy  of  the 
more  far-sighted  men  among  those  groups.  . . . 

“White  labour,  coupled  with  improved  me- 
chanical appliances,  stands  established  as  the 
feasible  remedy  for  the  admitted  shortage  in  the 
number  of  Kaffir  workers.  To  reject  it  in 
favour  of  the  introduction  of  Chinese  is  a policy 
which  has  natural  attractions  for  the  owners  of 
the  mines.  It  is  a policy  which  should  not  have 
won  the  support  of  the  representatives  of  the 
British  people.”  — Herbert  Samuel,  The  Chinese 
Labour  Question  ( Contemporary  Review,  April, 
1904). 

The  bringing  of  Asiatic  laborers  into  the 
mines  was  resisted  as  strenuously  in  Cape  Col- 
ony as  by  the  Boer  burghers  and  the  non-min- 
ing interests  in  general  of  the  Transvaal.  The 
leading  colony  addressed  a petition  on  the  sub- 
ject personally  to  King  Edward,  saying  : “Such 
an  immigration,  hampered  and  restricted  as 
it  is  proposed  to  be  by  stringent  regulations, 
would,  even  if  it  were  possible  to  enforce  such 
regulations,  which  is  doubtful,  introduce  a ser- 
vile element,  alien  to  the  country,  destitute  of 
rights,  or  interests,  either  in  the  present  or 
future  of  South  Africa,  and  worked  for  the  ben- 
efit of  masters,  in  many  cases  non-resident,  thus 
constituting  what  would  practically  be  a slave 
state,  in  close  contact  with  the  other  free  com- 
munities of  South  Africa.  Your  petitioners  feel 
that  the  introduction  of  such  a class  of  labour 
would  place  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  nat- 
ural growth  alike  of  European  and  native  ele- 
ments in  the  population.  . . . 

“Such  an  importation  would  decide  whether 
South  Africa  is  in  future  to  constitute  one  of 
those  great  free  communities  under  the  British 
flag,  the  growth  of  which  shed  so  much  lustre 
on  the  reign  of  your  august  predecessor,  or 
whether  it  is  to  be  ranked  as  a mere  plantation 
worked  in  the  interest  and  for  the  benefit  of  for- 
eign holders.  Your  petitioners  therefore  most 
earnestly  pray  that  your  Majesty  may  be  pleased 
to  withhold  your  sanction  from  any  measure 
having  for  its  object  the  importation  of  Asiatics 
into  South  Africa,  and  by  so  doing  save  them 
and  those  who  may  come  after  them  from  con- 
sequences that  will  be  fatal  to  their  peace  and 
prosperity.”  — Parliamentary  Papers,  1904  ( Cd . 
1895),  p.  133. 

Mr.  Chamberlain,  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies,  returned  to  England  in  March,  1903, 
from  a visit  to  South  Africa,  and  made  an  ex- 
tended statement  in  Parliament  soon  afterwards 
of  his  observations  and  his  conclusions  from 
what  he  had  seen.  On  the  labor  question,  then 
the  subject  of  greatest  agitation  in  South  Africa, 
he  stoutly  supported  the  mine-owners  in  their 
contention  that  native  labor,  and  supplies  from 
beyond  the  Zambesi,  to  supplement  the  Kaffir 
supply,  is  a necessity  of  the  mining  industry; 
that  white  labor  is  impossibly  expensive,  and 
that  the  feeling  against  the  introduction  of  Asi- 
atic labor  seemed  invincibly  strong.  There  was 
not,  he  maintained,  the  slightest  foundation  for 
the  charge  that  the  mine-owners  wanted  forced 
labor  or  slavery  in  any  shape  or  form,  but  that 
they  must  have  cheap  labor  if  the  mines  were 
to  be  worked. 

A few  days  later  Lord  Lansdowne,  the  For- 
eign Secretary,  received  a deputation  from  vari- 
ous missionary  societies  to  protest  against  a pro- 


posed exportation  of  native  labor  from  Central 
to  South  Africa.  In  reply  to  them  he  said  that 
the  Government  had  no  more  in  view  at  present 
than  an  experiment  with  1000  laborers,  who 
would  be  taken  from  British  Central  Africa  to 
the  Rand  District  of  the  Transvaal  and  em- 
ployed there  under  regulations  very  carefully 
framed.  If  objectionable  results  were  found 
the  experiment  would  be  carried  no  farther. 
This  was  followed  by  warm  debate  on  the  sub- 
ject in  the  House  of  Commons,  where  Sir  Wil- 
liam Harcourt  and  others  denounced  the  greed 
of  the  mining  companies,  insisting  that  the 
mines  could  not  pay  fair  wages  simply  because 
the  rich  mines  were  over-capitalized  and  the 
low-grade  mines  had  been  developed  only  for 
sale.  Mr.  Chamberlain  again  championed  the 
mine-owners,  and  defended  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  which  sought,  he  said,  to  promote 
the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  by  getting 
as  many  of  the  mines  as  possible  into  working 
order.  The  debate  had  no  practical  result. 

A.  D.  1903-1908.  — Hostility  to  British 
Indian  Immigration.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Race 
Problems:  A.  D.  1903-1908. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Census  of  all  British  South 
Africa. — Whites  and  Natives.  — A general 
census  taken  in  1904  showed  a total  white  pop- 
ulation in  all  British  South  Africa — south  of 
Zambesi  — of  1,135,655,  and  a colored  popula- 
tion of  5,169,338.  The  distribution  of  this  in 
the  several  colonies  was  as  follows  ; Cape  Col- 
ony, 580,380  white,  1,825,172  colored;  the  Trans- 
vaal and  Swaziland,  300,225  white,  1,030,029 
colored;  Natal,  97,109  white,  1,011,645  col- 
ored ; Rhodesia,  12,623,  white,  593,141  colored; 
Orange  River  Colony,  143,419  white,  241,626 
colored ; Basutoland,  895  white,  347,953  col- 
ored; Bechuanaland,  1,004  white,  119,772  col- 
ored. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Importation  of  Chinese 
Coolies  Suspended  by  orders  from  London. 

- — The  Liberal  Ministry  in  Great  Britain,  under 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman,  which  suc- 
ceeded the  Conservative-Unionist  Ministry  of 
Mr.  Balfour  on  the  10th  of  December,  i905, 
had  been  seated  but  twelve  days  when  a de- 
spatch was  cabled  by  Lord  Elgin,  Secretary  for 
the  Colonies,  to  Lord  Selborne,  the  High  Com- 
missioner in  South  Africa,  that  “ the  experi- 
ment of  the  introduction  of  Chinese  laborers 
should  not  be  extended  farther  until  they  could 
learn  the  opinion  of  the  colony  through  an 
elected  and  really  representative  Legislature, 
and  they  had  accordingly  decided  that  the  re- 
cruiting, embarking  and  importation  of  Chinese 
coolies  should  be  arrested  pending  a decision 
as  to  the  grant  of  reponsible  government  to  the 
Colony”  — that  is,  the  Transvaal. 

A.  D.  1905-1907.  — Fulfillment  by  the 
British  Government  of  the  Promises  of  the 
Treaty  of  the  Vereeniging  Treaty. — Re- 
presentative Government  restored  to  the 
Boer  States.  — The  seventh  stipulation  in  the 
Vereeniging  Treaty  of  May  81,  1902,  which 
ended  the  Boer-British  War  (see  above,  A.  D. 
1901-1902),  contained  the  promise,  on  the  part 
of  the  British  Government,  that  “military  ad- 
ministration in  the  Transvaal  and  in  the  Orange 
River  Colony  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  be  fol- 
lowed by  civil  government;  and,  as  soon  as  cir- 
cumstances permit  it,  a representative  system 
tending  towards  autonomy  shall  be  introduced.” 


626 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1905-1907 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1900-1907 


On  the  31st  of  March,  1905,  the  first  step  toward 
the  fulfillment  of  this  pledge  was  taken,  by  the 
issue  of  letters  patent  from  the  crown  (without 
action  of  Parliament,  inasmuch  as  the  Boer 
States,  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  had  been  under 
the  suzerainty  of  the  British  sovereign,  had  been 
in  revolt,  had  been  subjugated,  and  were  di- 
rectly subject  to  the  crown,  as  conquered  terri- 
tory), conferring  a Constitution  of  Civil  Gov- 
ernment on  the  Transvaal.  It  gave  popular 
representation  in  a legislature  of  a single  cham- 
ber, styled  the  Legislative  Assembly.  Not 
exceeding  thirty-five  of  the  members  of  this 
body  were  to  be  elected,  and  from  six  to  nine 
others  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  High  Com- 
missioner of  South  Africa, — in  which  office 
Lord  Milner  had  been  succeeded  of  late  by  Lord 
Selborne.  Every  burgher  of  the  former  Trans- 
vaal Republic  not  disqualified  by  conviction  for 
treason  since  May  31,  1902,  was  to  be  entitled  to 
vote  in  the  election  of  representatives ; and  so 
were  all  white  males  of  British  birth  occupying 
premises  at  an  annual  rental  of  not  less  than 
$50,  or  possessed  of  capital  to  the  value  of 
$500.  The  debates  in  the  Assembly  were  to  be 
in  English — notin  English  or  Dutch,  like  the 
English  or  French  of  the  Parliament  of  Canada; 
but  there  is  a provision  that  the  Speaker  may 
permit  a member  to  use  the  Dutch  language. 
No  bill  passed  by  the  Legislative  Assembly 
which  should  subject  the  natives  to  disabilities 
or  restrictions  could  become  law  until  it  had 
received  the  sanction  of  the  Colonial  Office  in 
London. 

This  organization  of  a partially  representative 
colonial  government  extended  only  to  the  Trans- 
vaal. The  Orange  River  Colony  remained  still 
under  the  Crown  Colony  system,  which  had 
been  the  status  hitherto  of  both  the  Boer  states 
since  the  close  of  the  war. 

This  limited  realization  of  the  promise  of  re- 
presentative government  to  the  Boers  was  un- 
doubtedly all  that  could  be  expected  from  the 
Conservative  Ministry  in  England,  which  went 
out  of  power  soon  after  it  had  conferred  the 
Transvaal  Constitution.  Its  successors,  of  the 
British  Liberal  party,  soon  broadened  the  basis 
of  self-government  in  the  Transvaal,  by  a new 
constitutional  instrument,  which  was  outlined 
to  Parliament  on  the  1st  of  August,  and  issued 
December  6th,  1906.  This  made  the  legislature 
a bicameral  body,  having,  for  the  time  being, 
an  upper  Council  of  15  appointed  members, 
which,  however,  it  was  said  to  be  the  intention 
of  the  Government  to  extinguish  at  no  distant 
day.  The  elective  Assembly  was  to  be  com- 
posed of  sixty-nine  members,  elected  by  secret 
ballot  for  terms  of  five  years.  Every  adult  male 
of  twenty-one  years  of  age  who  had  been  a resi- 
dent for  six  months,  except  members  of  the 
British  garrison,  was  entitled  to  vote.  The 
general  lines  of  the  old  Boer  magisterial  districts 
were  followed,  and,  on  the  basis  of  the  census 
figures  of  1904  the  Rand  would  have  32  mem- 
bers, Pretoria  6,  Krugersdorp  1,  and  the  rest  of 
the  country  30.  The  constitution  prohibited 
Chinese  contract  labor,  and  no  more  coolies 
could  be  imported  into  the  country  after  No- 
vember 15.  Either  the  English  or  the  Dutch 
language  could  be  used  for  public  business,  and 
naturalization  was  made  easy,  but  the  Boers’ 
request  for  woman  suffrage  was  denied. 

A Constitution  framed  on  similar  lines  was 


given  to  the  Orange  River  Colony  within  the 
same  year. 

In  the  first  elections  for  the  Transvaal  As- 
sembly there  were,  besides  Socialists  and  labor 
organizations,  three  parties  engaged  in  a some- 
what embittered  contest.  “The  Progressives 
are  the  party  of  the  great  mining  houses  on  the 
Rand ; the  Nationalist  party  is  composed  of  Brit- 
ish electors  opposed  to  the  enormous  political  in- 
fluence which  the  mining  houses  have  hitherto 
exercised  ; while  the  Boers  at  Johannesburg  and 
Pretoria  and  in  the  rural  constituencies  are 
organized  in  Het  Volk.  There  was  a coalition 
between  the  Nationalists  and  Het  Volk.  These 
two  parties  united  against  the  Progressives,  and 
adopted  as  the  chief  plank  in  their  platform  a 
declaration  that  the  one  question  on  which  the 
election  must  turn  was,  ‘ Who  shall  control  the 
Transvaal  — the  people  or  the  mining  houses  ? ’ 
The  Progressives  on  their  part  insisted  that  the 
question  was,  ‘ Shall  the  Transvaal  be  governed 
by  the  people  of  the  Transvaal,  or  from  Down- 
ing Street  ? ’ They  were  aggrieved  by  the  ac- 
tion of  the  British  Government  iu  making  legis- 
lation concerning  non-European  labor  subject 
to  review  in  London,  and  in  the  campaign  they 
made  no  attempt  to  conceal  their  hostility  to 
the  Campbell-Bannerman  Government.  In  this 
way  the  question  of  Chinese  labor  was  forced  to 
the  front.  The  Nationalists  and  Het  Volk  coal- 
ition was  successful,”  and  General  Lotus  Botha, 
who  has  been  the  leading  spirit  and  guiding 
mind  among  the  Boers  since  the  war  ended,  be- 
came the  Prime  Minister  of  the  Transvaal  Gov- 
ernment then  organized. 

It  has  been  fortunate  for  the  Transvaal,  and 
no  less  for  South  Africa  at  large,  that  so  large- 
minded  and  strong  a leader  of  the  subjugated 
race  was  found  for  the  trying  period  in  which 
victors  and  vanquished  were  to  have  peace  and 
friendship  established  between  them. 

A.  D.  1906-1907.  — Revolt  of  the  Zulus  in 
Natal. — Their  Grievances.  — An  extensive 
and  determined  revolt  of  the  Zulus  living  within 
the  Colony  of  Natal  broke  out  late  in  January, 
1906,  as  the  consequence  of  an  attempt  to  collect 
a poll-tax  levied  on  them  by  the  colonial  Parlia- 
ment. A police  sergeant  and  two  or  three  native 
policemen  were  killed  in  the  first  melee,  and  from 
that  time  until  near  the  end  of  the  following 
summer  there  was  war.  That  it  was  prosecuted 
with  fierceness,  if  not  actual  ferocity,  by  the 
whites  of  the  Colony,  is  made  manifest  by  the 
fact  that  about  3500  Zulus  are  said  to  have  been 
slain  and  2000  taken  prisoners.  The  principal 
Zulu  leader,  a chief  named  Bambaata,  was  killed 
in  a battle  fought  in  June,  and  the  revolt  de- 
clined from  that  time.  Sigananda,  another  chief, 
was  condemned  to  death,  and  twelve  prisoners, 
convicted  by  court-martial  of  complicity  in  the 
original  murder  of  police  officers,  were  executed; 
while  thirty-eight  others  were  sentenced  to  im- 
prisonment for  two  years. 

A serious  question  between  the  colony  and  the 
Imperial-Government  arose  in  connection  with 
these  military  trials.  The  sentences  to  death, 
confirmed  by  the  governor  and  the  Natal  minis- 
try, were  about  to  be  carried  out,  when  Mr. 
Winston  Churchill,  with  the  approval  of  Lord 
Elgin,  Colonial  Secretary,  cabled  to  the  Natal 
premier  ordering  the  suspension  of  the  execution 
pending  an  investigation  by  the  Liberal  govern- 
ment, on  the  contention  that  the  natives  should 


627 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  190G-1907 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1908-1909 


have  been  tried  in  a civil  court.  Premier  Smyth 
refused  to  obey,  but  the  governor  postponed 
the  executions,  whereupon  the  Natal  ministry 
resigned.  Much  indignation  was  evident  in 
England,  as  well  as  in  the  colony,  against  what 
was  regarded  as  an  unwarrantable  interference 
in  colonial  affairs  by  the  Imperial  government. 
The  matter  was  concluded  by  Lord  Elgin  ca- 
bling to  the  governor  of  Natal  that  the  home 
government  had  no  intention  of  interfering  in 
colonial  matters,  and  that,  upon  the  receipt  of 
full  information,  it  recognized  the  right  and 
competency  of  the  Natal  ministry  to  decide  the 
question  at  issue. 

A.  D.  1907  (April-May). — Imperial  Confer- 
ence at  London.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Bhitish 
Empire:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Formation  of  the  Leg- 
islative Union  of  South  Africa.  — The  Fram- 
ing of  the  Constitution.  — Compromise  on 
the  Race  Question  of  Franchise.- — British 
Imperial  Assent.  — The  Royal  Proclamation 
of  Union. —Very  quickly  after  the  placing  of 
the  Boer  colonies  on  a footing  of  political 
equality  with  their  English  neighbors  a fresh 
desire  for  South  African  Union,  in  which  they, 
who  had  fought  to  the  death  for  its  prevention 
only  six  years  before,  now  shared,  began  to  be 
earnestly  voiced.  Its  genesis  was  explained 
clearly  by  a correspondent  of  the  London  Times 
of  May  24,  1909,  who  wrote-  “Economic  causes 
of  a special  character  assisted  the  process.  A 
great  wave  of  commercial  depression,  following 
hard  upon  the  golden  expectations  of  the  peace, 
passed  over  the  whole  country,  but  made  itself 
specially  felt  in  the  coast  colonies.  Here  the 
situation  was  painful  in  the  extreme.  It  was  a 
tale  of  deficit,  of  retrenchment,  of  heroic  Budg- 
ets. But  far  beyond  the  rolling  hills  of  the 
Karoo  and  the  flat  tableland  of  the  Orange 
River  there  was  a wealthy  State,  a State  with  a 
surplus.  The  Transvaal,  possessing  in  Johan- 
nesburg the  principal  centre  of  opulence  and 
the  chief  market  for  produce,  was  in  a position 
to  exert  economic  pressure  upon  colonies  whose 
principal  source  of  revenue  was  derived  from 
the  profits  upon  their  railways  and  from  the 
sale  of  their  goods  to  the  great  city  on  the  high 
veld.  The  poorer  colonies  lived,  so  to  speak, 
upon  the  custom  of  the  Transvaal,  and  were 
unable  to  ignore,  however  much  they  might 
dislike,  their  position  of  dependence.  A rate 
war  or  a tariff  war  between  the  Transvaal  and 
the  coast  colonies  could  hardly  end  with  a vic- 
tory for  Cape  Town  or  Durban,  and  so  by  a 
process  of  reasoning  which  was  not  always 
pleasantly  illustrated  the  coast  colonies  came  to 
accommodate  themselves  to  the  view  that  some 
form  of  arrangement  as  to  railways  and  Cus- 
toms was  desirable  in  their  own  interests. 
Other  causes  contributed  to  illumine  and  en- 
large the  horizon.  A Zulu  rebellion  in  Natal 
brought  home  the  common  danger  to  the  white 
community  from  native  unrest  or  from  mis- 
takes made  by  a weak  colonial  Government  in 
its  native  policy;  the  grant  of  responsible  gov- 
ernment to  the  two  conquered  Colonies  tended, 
not  only  to  bring  the  English  and  Dutch  leaders 
into  habitual  communion,  but  to  give  to  the 
progressive  section  of  the  community  a press- 
ing interest  in  the  construction  of  a Govern- 
ment which  should  be  strong  enough  to  resist 
the  influences  of  the  back  veld.” 


The  first  action  taken  to  transform  the  desire 
for  Union  into  a movement  to  that  end  was 
early  in  May,  1908,  by  a convention  of  officials 
from  the  several  colonies,  assembled  at  Pretoria 
to  negotiate  a new  customs  agreement  and  to 
arrange  intercolonial  railway  rates.  The  rail- 
way situation  was  nearly,  if  not  quite,  the  most 
serious  one  that  brought  pressure  to  bear  on 
some  of  the  colonies,  forcing  them  to  seek  a 
union  in  which  conflicts  of  interest  would  be 
overcome.  It  was  a situation  which  the  High 
Commissioner,  Lord  Selborne,  described  briefly, 
in  a review  of  the  many  reasons  for  Union 
which  he  addressed  to  the  Governors  and  Lieu- 
tenant-Governors of  the  several  colonies,  on  the 
7th  of  January,  1907:  “Of  all  the  questions 
fruitful  in  divergence  of  opinion  or  of  inter- 
est to  the  Colonies  of  South  Africa,  there  is 
none  so  pregnant  with  danger,’’  he  wrote,  “as 
the  railway  question.  It  is  not  an  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that  a field  more  thickly  sown  with 
the  seed  of  future  quarrel  and  strife  than  the 
[State-owned]  railway  systems  of  South  Africa 
does  not  exist.  As  long  as  the  Governments  of 
the  five  British  Colonies  in  South  Africa  are 
wholly  separated  from,  and  independent  of, 
each  other,  their  railway  interests  are  not  only 
distinct  but  absolutely  incompatible.  There  is 
a competitive  struggle  between  the  ports  of 
Cape  Colony  and  of  Natal  to  snatch  from  each 
other  every  ton  of  goods  which  can  be  snatched. 
The  Orange  River  Colony  desires  as  many  tons 
of  goods  as  possible  to  be  passed  to  the  Trans- 
vaal through  its  territory,  but  it  is  to  the  inter- 
est of  Cape  Colony  that  no  such  tons  of  goods 
should  pass  into  the  Transvaal  through  the 
Orange  River  Colony.  ...  In  the  same  way  it 
is  to  the  interest  of  Natal  to  pass  the  goods  con- 
signed to  the  Transvaal  from  Durban  into  the 
Transvaal  at  Volksrust,  and  not  at  Vereenig- 
ing  through  the  Oiange  River  Colony.  Thus 
the  interests  of  Cape  Colony,  of  Natal,  and  of 
the  Orange  River  Colony  conflict  the  one  with 
the  other.  But  when  it  comes  to  considering 
the  railway  interests  of  the  Transvaal,  then  it 
will  be  found  that  the  interest  of  the  Transvaal 
is  diametrically  opposed  to  the  interests  of  Cape 
Colony,  of  Natal,  and  of  the  Orange  River 
Colony.  The  Transvaal  loses  revenue  on  every 
ton  of  goods  which  enters  the  Transvaal  by  any 
other  route  than  that  from  Delagoa  Bay  [on  the 
Portuguese  coast] . ...  If  the  [Transvaal  Gov- 
ernment] were  as  indifferent  to  the  welfare  of 
the  three  sister  Colonies  as  every  State  in 
Europe  is  to  the  welfare  of  every  other  State, 
the  Transvaal  would  see  that  all  the  trade  to 
the  Transvaal  came  exclusively  through  Dela- 
goa Bay.  And  what  then  would  be  the  posi- 
tion of  the  railways  and  the  finances  of  the  three 
sister  Colonies  and  of  the  ports  of  Cape  Colony 
and  of  Natal?  This  divergence,  this  conflict  of 
railway  interests,  this  cloud  of  future  strife, 
would  vanish  like  a foul  mist  before  the  sun  of 
South  African  Federation,  but  no  other  force 
can  dissipate  it.” 

That  a railway  and  customs  convention  should 
start  the  action  which  united  the  colonies  of 
South  Africa  happened  as  logically,  therefore, 
as  the  happenings  which  derived  the  American 
Federal  Constitutional  Convention  of  1787  from 
a River  and  Harbor  Convention  at  Annapolis  in 
1786. 

The  South  African  Railway  convention,  before 


628 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1908-1909 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1908-1909 


adjourning,  adopted  a resolution  recommending 
the  appointment  of  delegates  from  each  colony 
to  a convention  for  the  framing  of  a Constitu- 
tion of  United  Government.  Cape  Colony  led  off 
in  approving  the  proposal,  followed  within  a 
day  or  two  by  the  Transvaal  and  Orange  River 
Colony,  and  a week  later  by  Natal,  where  the 
strongest  opposition  was  developed.  The  appor- 
tionment of  delegates  to  the  Convention  was,  for 
Cape  Colony  12,  for  the  Transvaal  8,  for  Orange 
River  and  Natal  5 each.  On  the  12th  of  October 
these  delegates  assembled  at  Durban,  in  Natal, 
under  the  presidency  of  Sir  Henry  de  Villiers 
and  were  in  session  there  until  the  5th  of  No- 
vember, when  they  adjourned  to  meet  again  at 
Cape  Town,  November  23.  Their  labors  were 
not  concluded  until  the  3d  of  February,  1909, 
when  all  differences  had  been  harmonized  or 
compromised  and  a draft  Constitut  ion  approved, 
which  every  delegate  signed  that  day. 

The  Constitution  was  officially  published  on 
the  9th  of  February,  with  a recommendation 
that  the  several  Parliaments  should  meet  on 
March  30  to  consider  the  draft,  and  that  the  Con- 
vention should  meet  again  in  May  on  a day  to 
be  fixed  by  the  president  of  the  Convention  and 
the  Premiers  in  consultation.  The  final  draft  to 
be  submitted  to  the  Parliaments  in  June.  Then 
a committee  of  delegates  appointed  by  the  Gov- 
ernments to  proceed  to  England  to  facilitate  the 
passing  of  the  Act. 

This  programme  was  successfully  carried 
through.  Cape  Colony  and  Natal  contended  for 
certain  amendments  to  the  draft  Constitution, 
but  the  Transvaal  and  Orange  River  colonies 
approved  the  instrument  and  instructed  their 
delegates  to  support  it  as  a whole.  The  General 
Convention  was  reassembled  at  Bloemfontein, 
capital  of  the  Orange  River  Colony,  on  the  3d  of 
May,  when  it  discussed  the  proposed  amend- 
ments and  agreed  to  eight  of  them.  As  thus 
amended  the  draft  was  adopted  in  June  by  the 
parliaments  of  each  of  the  four  colonies,  and 
sent  with  that  endorsement  to  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment for  the  seal  of  Sovereign  Law.  It  was 
followed  by  an  official  mission,  composed  of 
nineteen  members,  who  represented,  as  a Lon- 
don journal  remarked,  “almost  the  whole  of  the 
driving  power  in  South  African  politics,”  in- 
cluding, of  course,  such  former  antagonists  as 
General  Botha  and  Dr.  Jameson,  now  shoulder 
to  shoulder  in  powerful  leadership  of  the  move- 
ment for  South  African  Union. 

One  feature  of  the  Constitution,  as  framed  by 
the  four  colonies  and  presented  for  the  imperial 
approval,  was  profoundly  repugnant  to  English 
feeling.  It  was  the  product  of  a compromise  in 
the  colonial  convention,  which  ran  a curious 
parallel  to  that  in  the  American  constitutional 
convention  of  1787,  which  gave  the  Southern 
States  a representation  in  Congress  for  their 
slaves.  The  question  of  elective  franchises  and 
legislative  representation  for  the  colored  natives 
had  troubled  the  South  African  union-making, 
just  as  the  slavery  question  had  troubled  the 
American.  Cape  Colony  had  conferred  the  suf- 
frage on  its  qualified  colored  citizens,  and 
refused  to  disfranchise  them;  the  other  colonies 
had  disfranchised  all  races  but  the  white,  and 
refused  to  allow  a possible  election  from  the 
Cape  Colony  to  the  Union  Parliament  of  any 
other  than  members  of  European  descent.  The 
necessary  compromise  which  secured  the  Union 


left  the  Cape  franchise  undisturbed  for  the 
present,  but  exposed  to  a future  chance  of  be- 
ing overruled  ; and  it  barred  all  but  European 
humanity  from  both  houses  of  the  general  Par- 
liament. 

This  compromise  was  opposed  with  unyield- 
ing resolution  by  a strong  party  in  Cape 
Colony,  led  by  two  former  premiers,  Mr.  W.  P. 
Schreiner  and  Sir  J.  Gordon  Sprigg.  Mr. 
Schreiner  went  to  England  to  appeal  there  to 
the  Imperial  Parliament  against  the  sanctioning 
of  these  provisions  of  the  proposed  Constitu- 
tion. 

Mr.  Schreiner  found  in  Great  Britain  almost 
universal  sympathy  with  the  feeling  that  he 
represented.  In  Parliament  and  out,  it  was 
expressed  by  all  parties  ; but  there  went  with  it 
a prevailing  opinion  that  the  matter  in  question 
and  the  attending  circumstances  were  such  that 
the  Imperial  Parliament  ought  not  to  refuse 
assent  to  the  action  of  the  colonies.  The  Prime 
Minister,  Mr.  Asquith,  set  forth  the  reasoning 
to  this  conclusion  very  clearly  and  concisely, 
when,  on  the  19th  of  August,  he  moved,  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  third  reading  of  the 
South  Africa  Bill.  “ I wish,”  he  said,  “in  sub- 
mitting this  motion  to  the  House,  to  take  the 
opportunity  of  putting  on  record  the  fact  that 
this  Bill,  consisting  of  over  150  clauses  and  a 
very  complicated  schedule,  has,  after  the  most 
careful  consideration  by  this  House,  been  passed 
without  amendment.  It  would,  however,  be  a 
totally  false  impression  were  it  suggested  that  as 
regards  all  provisions  of  this  Bill  there  is  una- 
nimity of  opinion  in  the  House.  In  particular  as 
regards  some  of  the  clauses  which  deal  with  the 
treatment  of  natives  — the  access  of  native  mem- 
bers to  the  Legislature  — as  everybody  who  has 
followed  the  debate  can  see,  there  is  not  only  no 
difference  of  opinion,  but  absolute  unanimity  iu 
the  way  of  regret  that  those  particular  provi- 
sions should  have  been  inserted  in  the  Bill.  I 
wish  before  the  Bill  leaves  the  Imperial  Parlia- 
ment to  make  it  perfectly  clear  that  we  here 
have  exercised,  and  I think  wisely  and  legiti- 
mately exercised,  not  only  restraint  of  expres- 
sion, but  reserve  of  judgment  in  regard  to  mat- 
ters of  this  kind,  simply  because  we  desire  that 
this  great  experiment  of  establishing  free  self- 
government  in  South  Africa  should  start  on  the 
lines  and  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  of  our  fel- 
low-citizens there  which  they  have  deliberately 
and  after  long  consideration  come  to. 

“It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment cannot  divest  itself  of  responsibility  in 
this  matter.  We  do  not  do  so.  I think  that  if 
we  have  yielded,  as  we  have,  on  points  of  detail 
— on  some  points  on  which  many  of  us  feel  very 
strongly  — to  the  considered  and  deliberate 
judgment  of  South  Africa,  it  has  been  bechuse 
we  thought  it  undesirable  at  this,  the  last,  stage 
in  the  completion  of  an  almost  unprecedentlv 
difficult  task  to  put  forward  anything  that  could 
be  an  obstacle  to  the  successfid  working  of  the 
Bill.  Speaking  for  myself  and  the  Government, 
I venture  to  express  not  only  the  hope,  but  the 
expectation,  that  in  some  of  these  matters  that 
have  been  discussed  in  this  House,  both  on  the 
second  reading  and  in  the  Committee  stage,  the 
views  which  have  been  so  strongly  expressed, 
and  practically  without  any  dissent,  will  be 
sympathetically  considered  by  our  fellow-citi- 
zens in  South  Africa.  For  my  part  I think,  as 


629 


SOUTH  AFRICA,  1908-1909 


SPAIN,  1898-1906 


I have  said  throughout,  that  it  would  be  far  bet- 
ter that  any  relaxations  of  what  almost  all  of  us 
regard  as  unnecessary  restrictions  upon  the  elec- 
toral rights  and  eligibility  of  our  native  fellow- 
subjects  there  should  be  carried  out  spontane- 
ously and  on  the  initiative  of  the  South  African 
Parliament  rather  than  that  it  should  appear  to 
be  forced  on  them  by  the  Imperial  Parliament 
here.” 

The  Bill  had  already  passed  the  House  of 
Lords.  It  received  the  royal  approval  on  the 
20th  of  September ; and,  on  the  2d  of  December, 
the  Union  of  South  Africa  was  proclaimed,  to 
be  of  effect  on  and  after  the  31st  of  May,  1910. 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  Bill,  announce- 
ment was  made  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  would 
visit  South  Africa  to  open  the  Union  Parliament, 
as  he  had  done  on  the  opening  of  the  Parlia- 
ment of  the  Australian  Commonwealth,  in  1901. 

In  December  it  was  made  known  that  the  Rt. 
Hon.  Herbert  Gladstone  would  be  the  first  Gov- 
ernor-General of  United  South  Africa. 

For  the  text  of  the  South  African  Constitu- 
tion see  (in  this  vol.)  Constitution  of  the 
Union  of  South  Africa. 

A.  D.  1909. —The  Native  Protectorates. 
— Their  Condition  and  Circumstances  on 
the  Eve  of  the  Inauguration  of  the  Union  of 
South  Africa.  — “It  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  the  protectorates  are  in  being  to-day  not 
because  this  particular  arrangement  of  protec- 
tion was  economically  necessary  or  inevitable, 
nor  even  because  the  general  relationship  of  the 
native  tribes  of  South  Africa  made  it  the  best 
that  could  be  devised.  The  fact  is  that  they 
came  into  existence  at  different  times  and  as 
definite  and  probably  expedient  results  of  vari- 
ous fortuitous  crises  in  a chaotic  native  political 
history,  which  is  at  least  characteristic  of  South 
Africa.  . . . 

“To-day  the  protectorates  are  to  a consider- 
able degree  isolated  native  communities,  so  far 
at  any  rate  as  they  are  concerned  with  any  pos- 
sible united  feeling  among  the  other  native 
tribes  of  South  Africa.  They  are  carefully 
guarded  by  their  responsible  officials  from  inter- 
ference and  possible  harm  from  outside  their 


own  territories — that  is  from  taking  any  con- 
siderable interest  or  partnership  in  the  real  or 
fancied  troubles  of  neighbouring  states.  They 
are  in  a sense  — and  more  than  a political  sense 
— inside  a ring  fence. 

“As  regards  the  relationship  between  the  na- 
tive inhabitants  and  the  white  settlers  of  the 
several  protectorates,  there  are  no  striking 
points  of  difference.  In  Basutoland  no  land  is 
held  under  white  ownership.  Such  white  resi- 
dents as  there  are,  apart  from  officials  and  mis- 
sionaries, are  there  as  traders  and  storekeepers. 
No  land  rights  have  been  alienated  to  white 
men.  In  the  Bechuanaland  Protectorate  certain 
areas  are  held  by  white  men,  but  at  the  same 
time  very  large  areas  are  reserved  entirely  for 
native  uses.  In  Swaziland  the  relationship  was, 
until  a few  months  ago,  upon  a very  different 
basis  — a position  surely  unique  in  the  history 
of  the  British  colonial  possessions.  I have  not 
space  to  describe  even  briefly  the  extraordinary 
intricacy  of  the  concessions  troubles  or  the 
heroic  measures  found  necessaiy  to  effect  a set- 
tlement at  once  just  to  the  concessionaire  and 
the  native.  It  must  be  sufficient  to  say  that  to- 
day about  half  the  area  of  the  country  is  held 
in  white  ownership,  while  rather  more  than 
one-third  is  reserved  for  the  exclusive  use  and 
benefit  of  the  natives.  In  Zululand  certain 
areas  of  land  are  held  by  whites,  but  the  bulk 
of  land  is  held  in  native  possession.  In  each 
case,  however,  it  is  not  probable  that  any  more 
land  will  be  alienated  for  purposes  of  sale  or 
settlement  by  whites.  It  may  be  accepted  with- 
out doubt,  I think,  that  the  natives  will  retain 
in  perpetuity  the  land  they  hold  at  present.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  material  interests  of  the 
natives,  at  any  rate  as  regards  land,  have  been 
well  guarded  in  the  three  protectorates.” — R. 
T.  Coryndon,  The  Position  of  the  Native  Pro- 
tectorates ( The  State,  South  Africa,  Sept.,  1909). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Introduction  of  Proportional 
Representation.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective 
Franchise  : South  Africa. 

A.  D.  1909. — Native  Labor  Supplanting 
the  Chinese.  See  Race  Problems  : South 
Africa  . A.  D.  1909. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 

See  American  Republics. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA,  and  Interstate 
and  West  Indian  Exposition.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Charleston:  A.  D.  1901. 

SPAIN:  A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of 
Population  compared  with  other  European 
Countries.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D. 
1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1898-1906.  — Gains  from  the  Loss 
of  Cuba  and  the  Philippines.  — Growth  of 
Close  Relations  with  the  Spanish-American 
States.  — “In  many  a war  it  has  been  the  van- 
quished, not  the  victor,  who  has  carried  off  the 
finest  spoils.  Cuba  and  the  Philippines  have 
been  like  a tumor  in  the  side  of  Spain,  dragging 
her  down  in  the  race  of  civilization.  They 
have  drained  her  life-blood  and  disturbed  all 
her  national  activities.  Only  a serious  surgical 
operation  could  remove  this  exhausting  excres- 
cence; and  Spaniards  themselves  have  been  the 
first  to  recognize  that  the  operation,  though 
painful,  was  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial. 
Not  even  the  most  Quixotic  of  Spaniards 
dreams  of  regaining  these  loSt  possessions. 


The  war  has  been  beneficial  in  at  least  two  dif- 
ferent ways.  It  has  had  a healthy  economic 
influence,  because,  besides  directing  the  man- 
hood of  Spain  into  sober  industrial  channels, 
it  has  led  to  the  removal  of  artificial  restrictions 
in  the  path  of  commercial  activity.  It  has 
been  advantageous  morally,  because  it  has 
forced  even'  the  most  narrow  and  ignorant 
Spaniard  to  face  the  actual  facts  of  the  modern 
world. 

“ The  war  has  had  a further  result  in  leading 
to  a movement,  for  a closer  sympathy  between 
Spain  and  the  Spanish  states  of  South"  America. 
The  attitude  of  these  states  towards  the  mother 
country  has  hitherto  been  somewhat  unsympa- 
thetic; they  have  regarded  her  as  hopelessly  op- 
posed to  all  reform;  the  hostility  of  Spain  to  the 
aspirations  of  Cuba  and  their  own  earlier  strug- 
gles for  freedom  amply  accounted  for  such  an 
attitude.  Now  there  is  nothing  to  stand  in  the 
way  of  a movement  towards  approximation 
which  has  already  begun  to  manifest  itself,  and 
may  ultimately  possess  a serious  significance.” 
— Havelock  Ellis,  The  Spirit  of  Present-Day 
Spain  ( Atlantic  Monthly,  Dec.,  1900). 


630 


SPAIN,  1898-1906 


SPAIN,  1905-1906 


•‘Thoughtful  Spaniards  will  tell  you  that  a 
change  has  come  over  their  country  with  the 
close  of  last  century,  and  that  this  change  has 
been  developing  since  the  accession  of  their 
young  King.  The  starting-point  of  this  evolu- 
tion in  national  life  was  the  close  of  the  short 
struggle  with  the  United  States  and  the  loss  of 
what  remained  of  their  colonial  empire.  That 
turning-point  in  the  modern  annals  of  Spain 
caused  a deep  impression  in  the  minds,  not  only 
of  the  governing  classes  of  the  country,  but 
of  the  hard-working  middle  classes  and  of  the 
masses  themselves.  . . . Almost  immediately 
after  conclusion  of  the  peace  treaty,  first  a few 
and  then  more  and  more  Spaniards  dared  to 
speak  out  what  at  heart  they  felt,  however  sore 
and  resentful  — namely,  that  foreign  and  colo- 
nial foes  had  rendered  Spain  a service  by  ridding 
her  of  the  colonies  that  hampered  her  revival 
in  Europe  and  in  fields  of  action  and  enterprise 
nearer  home.  This  feeling  spread  widely 
among  the  masses  and  middle  classes  when  they 
perceived  the  first-fruits  of  the  concentration  of 
the  resources  and  energies  of  the  nation  in 
Spain  between  1899  and  1905.  Much  capital 
had  flowed  back  from  the  former  colonies,  es- 
pecially from  Cuba  and  the  Philippines,  and 
promoted  a rapid  increase  in  enterprises  of 
every  kind  — banks,  financial  establishments, 
mines,  industries,  syndicates,  trusts,  shipping- 
interests  that,  developing,  perhaps,  too  rap- 
idly, were  led  to  overproduction,  and  thus 
gave  rise  to  local  crises  at  Bilbao,  Barcelona, 
Santander,  Cadiz,  Malaga.  The  rebound  of  the 
last  year  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  of  the 
first  few  years  of  the  twentieth  was  a conse- 
quence also  of  the  recovery  of  Spanish  credit, 
effected  by  a vigorous  reorganization  of  Span- 
ish finance  and  budgets  by  the  late  Senor  Vil- 
laverde,  and  by  the  gallant  resolution  with 
which  Governments  and  Parliaments,  backed 
by  the  press  and  public  opinion,  undertook  to 
honor  both  the  domestic  engagements  of  Spain 
herself,  and  the  engagements  that  resulted  from 
saddling  her  treasury  and  budget  with  the 
debts  of  Cuba  and  the  Philippines,  and  with  the 
cost  of  the  last  and  previous  civil  wars  in  the 
lost  colonies.  The  restoration  of  Spain’s  credit 
abroad  and  at  home,  the  successful  levelling  of 
her  budgets  with  a surplus  revenue  annually  of 
several  millions  of  dollars  since  1900,  dispelled 
the  fears  of  her  native  capitalists;  and  they  too, 
large  and  small,  came  forward  to  invest  in 
mines,  banks,  companies  and  railways.”  — 
World-Politics  ( North  American  Review,  Nov., 
1905). 

A.  D.  1901-1904. — Four  Years  of  Political 
Shuffling  in  the  Government.  — End  of  the 
Queen  Dowager  Regency.  — Coronation  of 
the  Young  King,  Alfonso  XIII. — Death  of 
Sagasta. — A New  Ministry,  of  Liberals,  was 
formed  in  March,  1901,  with  the  veteran  leader, 
Praxedes  Mateo  Sagasta,  at  its  head  ; but  the 
military  party  was  represented  in  the  Gov- 
ernment by  General  Weyler,  as  Secretary  for 
War.  Measures  undertaken  by  the  Government 
against  unauthorized  religious  orders,  to  bring 
them  under  surveillance,  gave  rise  to  anti-cleri- 
cal disturbances  in  some  parts  of  the  Kingdom, 
and  were  defiantly  opposed  by  the  C lurch. 
Legislative  elections  held  in  June  gave  the  Gov- 
ernment 280  seats,  leaving  but  70  to  the  Opposi- 
tion ; but  any  party  controlling  the  conduct  of 


elections  in  Spain  was  said  to  be  able  to  secure 
whatever  majority  it  desired. 

The  general  condition  of  confusion  and  dis- 
turbance was  continued  in  1902,  and  constant 
recourse  was  had,  in  one  region  or  another,  to 
declarations  of  a “state  of  siege,”  involving 
martial  law.  General  Weyler  fought  a battle 
of  a week’s  duration  in  February  at  Barcelona, 
with  rioting  consequent  on  a general  strike  (see, 
in  this  vol.,  Labor  Organization:  Spain). 

On  the  17th  of  May,  his  sixteenth  birthday, 
Alfonso  XIII.,  whose  father,  Alfonso  XII.,  died 
before  he  was  born,  and  who,  consequently,  had 
been,  nominally  and  constitutionally,  King  of 
Spain  since  his  birth,  entered  on  the  actual  exer- 
cise of  royal  functions.  He  was  crowned  that 
day,  and  the  regency  of  his  mother  came  to  an 
end.  The  coronation  ceremonies  were  splendid  ; 
the  oath  taken  by  the  young  King  was  very 
simple:  “I  swear  by  God  upon  the  Holy  Bible 
to  maintain  the  constitution  and  laws.  If  so  I 
do,  may  God  regard  me ; if  I do  not,  may  he 
call  me  to  account.”  There  is  reason  to  believe 
that  he  took  this  oath  with  a serious  sense  of 
the  responsibilities  he  assumed;  but  influences 
at  Court,  military,  clerical,  and  otherwise  reac- 
tionary, were  stronger  than  the  influence  of  his 
constitutional  advisers  for  a few  years,  and  the 
political  distractions  of  the  time  were  increased. 
The  attempted  action  of  Government  against 
unauthorized  religious  orders  ended  in  a com- 
promise which  gave  authorization  to  every 
order  demanding  it. 

On  the  3d  of  December,  1902,  Sagasta  and  his 
Cabinet  resigned,  and  a Conservative  Ministry, 
under  Senor  Silvela,  was  formed.  On  the  5tli 
of  January  following  Sagasta  died.  The  liberal- 
ism he  represented  had  no  substantial  unity  left, 
nor  were  the  opposing  groups  in  a condition  to 
give  more  consistency  or  strength  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. A new  Ministry  under  Senor  Villa- 
verde  succeeded  that  of  Silvela  in  May,  and  was 
succeeded  in  turn  by  another  in  December,  with 
Senor  Maura  at  its  head.  Premier  Maura,  for- 
merly of  Sagasta’s  party,  but  latterly  more  Con- 
servative, held  the  reins  for  a full  year,  escap- 
ing two  attempted  assassinations  in  1904,  and 
giving  place  to  General  Azcarraga  on  the  14th 
of  December  in  that  year.  The  General  was 
less  fortunate,  for  he  enjoyed  the  honors  of  the 
prime  ministry  but  six  weeks. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  Settlement  of 
Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela:  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1904  (April).  — Declarations  of  Eng- 
land and  France  touching  Spanish  interests 
in  Morocco.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D. 
1904  (April). 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Unsatisfactory  State 
of  the  Kingdom.  — Rapid  Succession  of 
Changes  in  the  Government.  — Disorders  in 
Catalonia.  — The  King’s  Marriage.  — At- 
tempted Assassination  of  the  King. — Pro- 
posed Anti-Clerical  Law,  which  came  to 
naught.  — In  the  character  of  its  political  par- 
ties, in  the  condition  of  its  finances  and  in  the 
general  circumstances  of  the  country,  Spain 
appeared  to  be  in  an  increasingly  unsatisfac- 
tory state.  Four  changes  of  Ministry  occurred 
within  the  year  1905,  and  no  Government  was 
found  able  to  project  any  policy  that  promised 
permanency  and  definiteness  of  line.  Don  Ra- 
mon Villaverde  succeeded  General  Azcarraga  as 


631 


SPAIN,  1903-1906 


SPAIN,  1907-1909 


Premier  in  January,  and  was  succeeded  in  the 
following  June  by  Don  E.  Montero  Rios,  who 
had  Don  Jose  Echegaray,  the  eminent  poet,  dra- 
matist, novelist,  and  banker,  for  his  Minister  of 
Finance.  In  turn,  Senor  Montero  Rios,  after  a 
reconstruction  of  his  Cabinet  in  October  with 
the  help  of  the  King,  gave  way  at  the  end  of 
November  to  Senor  Moret.  The  Azcarraga  and 
Yillaverde  Ministries  had  been  Conservative; 
those  of  Montero  Rios  and  Moret  were  of  the 
Liberal  type.  The  Parliament,  which  should 
have  been  convened  early  in  the  year,  but  was 
not  called  together  until  the  middle  of  June, 
contained  no  majority  which  any  Ministry  could 
trust,  and  all  the  leaders  in  Spanish  politics 
were  afraid  of  it.  Fresh  elections  in  September 
gave  the  Montero  Rios  Ministry  a decided  ma- 
jority ; but  it  had  quarrels  within  itself,  and 
threatening  disorders  had  arisen  in  many  parts 
of  the  country,  especially  in  half-rebellious  Cat- 
alonia, which  it  seems  to  have  lacked  courage 
to  face.  An  arrogant,  insubordinate  temper 
had  been  developed  among  the  officers  of  the 
army,  who  disputed  the  supremacy  of  civil  over 
military  authority  ; and  in  many  ways  the  con- 
ditions in  the  kingdom  gave  cause  for  grave 
anxiety  to  thoughtful  minds. 

Not  much,  if  any,  quieting  of  the  disturbed 
conditions  in  Spain  came  during  the  next  year. 
The  Government  stooped  to  a compromise  with 
the  insolent  military  faction,  so  far  as  to  allow 
press  offenses  against  officers  of  the  army  to  be 
dealt  with  by  courts-martial.  On  the  31st  of 
May,  1906,  King  Alfonso  was  married  to  the 
English  Princess  Ena  of  Batteuberg,  who  previ- 
ously entered  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  much 
to  the  disturbance  of  Protestant  feeling  in  Eng- 
land. The  wedding  festivities  at  Madrid  were 
nearly  made  tragical  by  an  anarchist  attempt 
to  kill  the  royal  pair.  As  they  returned  from 
the  marriage  ceremony  to  the  palace  a wretch 
named  Matteo  Morales  threw  a bomb  into  the 
midst  of  the  procession  of  carriages,  killing  a 
number  of  attendant  people,  but  missing  those 
for  whom  it  was  intended.  The  coolness  and 
readiness  of  mind  shown  by  the  young  king, 
and  by  his  bride,  excited  general  admiration, 
and  indicated  a strength  of  character  that  au- 
gured well  for  Spain. 

In  July  the  Moret  Ministry  found  it  expedient 
to  resign,  and  the  administration  of  Government 
passed  to  a new  Cabinet,  under  Captain-General 
Lopez  Dominguez.  Then  a strange  change  of 
attitude  toward  the  Church  of  Rome  was  given 
for  a brief  time  to  the  Spanish  Government,  as 
though  it  had  caught  the  temper  of  France. 
There  had  been  signs  of  a disposition  toward 
some  independence  of  secular  policy  a few  years 
before,  when  the  strenuous  opposition  of  the 
Church  failed  to  prevent  the  passage  of  a Span- 
ish law  which  authorized  civil  marriage  between 
persons  legally  qualified,  whatever  their  creed 
might  be.  The  Church  continued  its  hostility 
to  this  law  until  it  succeeded,  in  1900,  in  secur- 
ing an  amendment  which  restricted  the  right 
of  civil  marriage  to  parties  one  of  whom  should 
not  be  a Catholic.  Public  opinion  does  not  seem 
to  have  approved  that  concession,  and  the  origi- 
nal provisions  of  the  law  were  now  restored. 
This  drew  on  the  Government  a fierce  clerical 
attack;  in  the  face  of  which  it  brought  forward, 
in  October,  a project  of  law  which  seems  to 
have  been  modelled  very  closely  on  that  French 


Associations  Law,  of  1901,  by  which  all  reli- 
gious orders,  along  with  other  associations,  were 
brought  under  surveillance  and  regulation  by 
the  State  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work, 
France:  A.  D.  1901,  and,  in  this  volume, 
France:  A.  D.  1903).  This  Spanish  measure 
proposed  to  allow  no  religious  order  to  be  estab- 
lished in  the  kingdom  without  parliamentary 
authorization.  It  would  empower  the  Govern- 
ment to  withdraw  the  authorization  of  any  order 
or  association  that  it  found  dangerous  to  public 
tranquility  or  morals ; it  would  permit  any 
member  of  an  order  to  renounce  his  or  her  vows ; 
it  would  dissolve  any  order  whose  members 
were  foreigners  or  whose  directors  lived  abroad  ; 
it  would  command  monasteries  and  convents 
to  open  their  doors  to  representatives  of  the 
proper  civil  authority  at  any  time ; it  would 
limit  the  property  held  by  religious  orders  to 
the  need  of  the  objects  for  winch  they  were 
instituted  and  put  a limit  on  the  gifts  and  be- 
quests they  could  receive. 

This  seemed  an  extraordinary  measure  to 
come  even  under  discussion  in  Spain.  Some  of 
the  Liberal  leaders  were  prompt  in  declaring 
opposition  to  it,  and  its  passage  through  the 
Cortes  was  probably  impossible;  but  it  came  to 
no  vote.  Debate  on  it,  opened  on  the  27th  of 
November,  was  brought  soon  to  an  abrupt  and 
not  well-explained  end.  The  Prime  Minister 
resigned  suddenly,  in  consequenee  of  alleged 
intrigues ; Senor  Moret,  recalled  to  office,  was 
forced  to  retire  again  almost  at  once  ; a new 
Ministry  was  formed  by  the  Marquis  Vega  de 
Armijo,  and  nothing  more  appears  to  have  been 
heard  of  the  proposed  Associations  Law. 

A.  D.  1906. — At  the  Algeciras  Conference 
on  the  Morocco  question.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Franco-Spanish  Bombard- 
ment of  Casablanca.  See  Morocco:  A.  D. 
1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — The  Maura  Conserva- 
tive Ministry.  — Unpopularity  of  the  War  in 
Morocco.  — Insurgency  in  Barcelona.  — The 
Ferrer  Case.  — The  Moret  Ministry.  — Muni- 
cipal Reform.  — Present  Parties.  — The  Min- 
istry of  Marquis  Armijo  de  la  Vega  held  the 
Government  little  more  than  a month,  giving 
way  to  Senor  Maura  and  his  party,  who  returned 
to  power  in  January,  1907.  Five  changes  of  ad- 
ministration had  occurred  within  a year  and  a 
half.  Elections  in  April  yielded  the  Government 
a majority,  and  the  birth  of  an  heir  to  the  throne 
on  the  10th  of  May  gave  much  satisfaction  to 
the  country.  The  Liberals,  however,  were  so 
indignant  at  the  manipulation  of  the  elections  to 
the  lower  chamber  that,  on  the  advice  of  their 
leader,  Senor  Moret,  they  took  no  part  in  the 
senatorial  elections  which  followed,  later  in 
May;  and  this  proved  singularly  embarrassing 
to  the  Government.  Bomb  explosions  and  other 
anarchist  outrages,  centering  in  Barcelona,  but 
not  confined  to  that  turbulent  city,  -were  being 
dreadfully  increased,  and  a ministerial  Bill  was 
brought  before  the  Cortes  in  January,  1908,  pro- 
viding measures  of  suppression  so  drastic,  espe- 
cially in  its  dealing  with  the  Press,  that  a most 
formidable  opposition  was  stirred  up.  The  Gov- 
ernment stood  stoutly  by  the  Bill  for  months, 
until  its  control  of  the  Cortes  was  shaken  by 
the  coalition  that  took  form  against  it.  In  the 
end  it  withdrew  the  Anarchist  Bill,  but  raised 


632 


SPAIN,  1907-1909 


SPITZBERGEN  CONFERENCE 


another  obstinate  and  threatening  storm  by  the 
proposal  of  a Local  Administration  Bill,  quite 
startlingly  revolutionary  in  its  plans  for  giving 
more  independence  to  municipalities  and  pro- 
vincial councils.  Contest  over  this  Bill  went  on 
till  early  in  February,  1909,  when  Premier  Maura 
came  to  an  understanding  with  Senor  Moret, 
leader  of  one  of  the  Liberal  groups,  which  en- 
abled a part  of  the  extensive  measure,  relating 
to  municipalities,  to  be  passed.  Among  other 
things,  this  new  enactment  made  voting  in  the 
municipalities  compulsory,  and  elections  held 
since  are  reported  to  have  shown  a heavy  in- 
crease of  vote,  proving  effectiveness  in  the 
law.  The  other  section  of  the  Bill,  dealing  with 
provincial  councils,  was  held  over  for  subse- 
quent action  in  the  Cortes,  and  had  not  been 
disposed  of  when  Premier  Maura  and  his  Cabi- 
net were  driven  to  resign,  in  October,  1909. 

The  causes  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Maura 
Ministry  came  primarily  from  the  serious  war 
with  the  tribesmen  of  the  Riff,  Morocco,  into 
which  Spain  had  been  drawn  in  the  midsummer 
of  1909  (see,  in  this  vol.,  Morocco:  A.  D.  1909). 
The  war  was  exceedingly  unpopular  from  the 
beginning,  and  made  more  so  by  early  reverses 
in  its  prosecution.  Riotous  outbreaks  and  labor 
strikes  occurred  in  several  parts  of  the  Kingdom, 
but  most  fiercely  at  the  turbulent  city  of  Barce- 
lona, where  they  were  suppressed  with  a sever- 
ity which  embittered  feeling  against  the  Gov- 
ernment. This  feeling  was  excited  to  a climax 
in  October  by  the  military  trial  and  execution, 
at  Barcelona,  of  Professor  Francisco  Ferrer. 
Professor  Ferrer  was  a teacher  of  high  standing 
and  wide  acquaintance  in  Europe,  extremely 
radical  in  his  political  opinions,  and  accused  of 
disseminating  seditious  doctrines  in  the  school 
which  he  conducted  at  Barcelona.  The  military 
authorities  there  put  him  under  arrest  on  the 
charge  of  having  been  a principal  instigator  of 
the  revolutionary  rising  in  July.  He  wa9  tried 
by  court-martial,  without  just  opportunity  for 
defence,  according  to  common  belief,  and  sum- 
marily shot,  the  Government  disregarding  many 
appeals  from  all  parts  of  Europe  for  its  inter- 
vention in  the  case.  An  extraordinary  excite- 
ment throughout  the  world  was  produced  by 
this  tragedy,  and  it  was  felt  in  Spain  with  re- 
verberant effect.  After  violent  speeches  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  October  20,  Senor  Maura 
felt  it  necessary  to  resign,  and  the  Liberal 
leader,  Senor  Moret  y Prendergast,  was  called 
by  the  King  to  take  the  Government  in  hand. 

The  Moret  Ministry  made  a speedy  good  be- 
ginning in  domestic  policy,  by  reviving,  in  some 
degree,  the  further  undertaking  of  reform  in  lo- 
cal administration  which  Senor  Maura  had  at- 
tempted two  years  before.  This  was  now  done 
by  a decree,  designed  to  clear  away  the  mass  of 
ordinances  and  special  decrees  by  which  the  ex- 
isting municipal  law  has  been  gradually  choked 
since  it  was  enacted  in  1877,  and  to  restore  to 
municipal  bodies  the  liberty  and  initiative  that 
they  were  originally  supposed  to  possess.  Senor 
Moret  and  his  party  had  supported  Premier  Mau- 
ra’s Local  Administration  Bill  in  1907 ; but  it 
had  been  opposed  and  defeated  by  the  class  of 
politicians  who  are  trained  to  a distaste  for  any 
sort  of  political  reform.  According  to  all  ac- 
counts, the  Moret  Ministry,  with  a much  mixed 
and  uncertain  support  in  the  Cortes,  has  thus 
far  done  well. 


Municipal  elections  were  held  throughout 
Spain  December  12,  and  the  introduction  of 
compulsory  voting  brought  out  an  unprece- 
dented vote,  from  which  the  Republicans  and 
Liberals  drew  most.  Altogether,  there  are  said 
to  have  been  chosen  481  Republicans,  Liberals, 
and  Democrats,  253  Conservatives,  and  over  a 
hundred  Radicals  of  various  shades.  Madrid 
elected  12  Republican  councillors,  2 LiberaTs,  1 
Democrat,  and  7 Conservatives,  thus  giving  the 
Republicans  an  absolute  majority.  Valencia 
chose  15  Republicans,  against  10  of  all  other 
parties.  In  Valladolid,  12  Liberals,  6 Republi- 
cans, and  3 Conservatives  were  elected  ; in  La 
Coruna,  7 Republicans,  3 Liberals,  and  3 
others;  in  Cordoba,  10  Republicans,  6 Liberals, 
and  6 Conservatives. 

In  present  politics  the  Republicans  are  said 
to  have  gone  into  alliance  with  the  Socialist  or 
Labor  party;  the  alliance  having  its  leader  in 
a Senor  Lerroux,  of  Barcelona,  who  returned 
lately  from  a long  political  exile,  and  who  has 
had  warm  receptions  in  a number  of  the  chief 
cities,  where  he  made  stirring  speeches.  “ Senor 
Lerroux,”  says  a correspondent,  writing  from 
Madrid  in  December,  “preaches  neither  anarch- 
ism nor  atheism  nor  anti-militarism.  But  he  asks 
for  the  abolition  of  the  Monarchy  and  of  the 
religious  orders.  He  would  make  the  army  the 
humble  servant  of  the  State,  promote  lay  educa- 
tion and  local  autonomy,  and  do  away  with  in- 
direct taxation.  And  he  looks  for  the  realization 
of  this  programme  to  a well-timed  revolution. 
Such  are  the  ideas  with  which  the  bulk  of  the 
Republican-Socialist  coalition  will  go  to  the 
polls  at  the  next  general  election.  Between 
these  two  extremes  — the  Conservatives,  repre- 
senting the  Monarchy,  the  aristocracy,  and  the 
Church,  and  the  Republican-Socialist  alliance, 
representing  revolution  — we  see  the  present 
Government  balancing  itself  uneasily,  with  a 
foot  in  each  camp,  amenable  to  pressure  from 
both,  and  without  any  independent  means  of 
support,  save  that  which  it  enjoys  in  virtue  of 
its  temporary  control  of  the  political  machine.” 

SPALDING,  Bishop  John  L. : On  the  An- 
thracite Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commis- 
sion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
United  States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

SPANISH  AMERICA  ; A.  D.  1906.— 
Growth  of  Close  Relations  with  Spain.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Spain:  A.  D.  1898-1906. 

SPERRY,  Rear-Admiral  Charles  S.:  Com- 
missioner Plenipotentiary  to  the  Second 
Peace  Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

Commanding  the  American  Battleship 
Fleet.  See  War,  The  Preparations  for  : 
Naval. 

SPHAKIANAKIS,  Dr.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Crete:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

SPIERS,  Bishop;  Murder  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Africa:  A.  D.  1905. 

SPITZBERGEN  CONFERENCE.— 
“The  Norwegian  government,  by  a note  ad- 
dressed on  January  26,  1909,  to  the  Department 
of  State,  conveyed  an  invitation  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  to  take  part  in  a 
conference  which,  it  is  understood,  will  be  held 
in  February  or  March,  1910,  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  means  to  remedy  existing  conditions 
in  the  Spitzbergen  Islands.  This  invitation  was 
conveyed  under  the  reservation  that  the  ques- 


SPITZBERGEN  CONFERENCE 


SUDAN 


tion  of  altering  the  status  of  the  islands  as 
countries  belonging  to  no  particular  State,  and 
as  equally  open  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of 
all  States,  should  not  be  raised. 

“The  European  Powers  invited  to  this  con- 
ference by  the  government  of  Norway  were 
Belgium,  Denmark,  France,  Germany,  Great 
Britain,  Russia,  Sweden,  and  the  Netherlands. 

“ The  Department  of  State,  in  view  of  proofs 
filed  with  it  in  1906,  showing  the  American  pos- 
session, occupation,  and  working  of  certain 
coal-bearing  lands  in  Spitzbergen,  accepted  the 
invitation  under  the  reservation  above  stated, 
and  under  the  further  reservation  that  all  inter- 
ests in  those  islands  already  vested  should  be 
protected,  and  that  there  should  be  equality 
of  opportunity  for  the  future.  It  was  further 
pointed  out  that  membership  in  the  conference 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  qualified 
by  the  consideration  that  this  government  would 
not  become  a signatory  to  any  conventional  ar- 
rangement concluded  by  the  European  members 
of  the  Conference  which  would  imply  contribu- 
tory participation  by  the  United  States  in  any 
obligation  or  responsibility  for  the  enforcement 
of  any  scheme  of  administration  which  might 
be  devised  by  the  conference  for  the  islands.” 
— Message  of  the  President  of  the  U.  S.  to  Con- 
gress, Dec.  6,  1909. 

SPOILS  SYSTEM : Cause  of  Corrup- 
tion in  the  United  States  Customs  Service. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States  : A.  D.  1909 
(Oct. -Nov.). 

See  Civil  Sekvice  Reform. 

SPRECKELS,  Rudolph.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government  : San  Francisco. 

SPRIGGS,  Sir  J.  Gordon.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  South  Africa  -.  A.  D.  1902-1904. 

Opposition  to  the  Disfranchisement  of 
Blacks  in  South  Africa.  See  South  Africa  : 
A.  D.  1908-1909. 

SPRING-RICE,  Sir  C. : British  Minister 
to  Persia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D. 
1907  (Jan. -Sept.). 

STACKELBERG,  General.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July),  and  after. 

STANDARD  OIL  COMPANY:  Suit  by 
the  Government  for  its  Dissolution.  — Decree 
of  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court. — Appeal  to  the 
Supreme  Court.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c. : United  States  : 
A.  D.  1906-1909. 

STATE  LEGISLATION,  Need  of  Unity 

in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Law  and  its  Courts: 
United  States. 

“STATE  RIGHTS’’:  The  question  in 
Australia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia  : A.  D. 
1902. 

STEUNENBERG,  Ex-Governor  Frank, 
of  Idaho:  His  assassination.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1899-1907. 

STEVENS,  Durham  White:  Adviser  to 
the  Korean  Foreign  Office,  by  Japanese  Se- 
lection. — His  assassination.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Korea;  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

STEVENS,  John  L.:  Chief  Engineer  of 
the  Panama  Canal.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Pan- 
ama Canal:  A.  D.  1905  and  1905-1909. 

STEYN,  President  M.  T.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  South  Africa:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

STOCK  EXCHANGE,  New  York:  Re- 
port on  its  Operations.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Fi- 


nance and  Trade  : United  States  : A.  D. 
1909. 

STOCKHOLM:  A.  D.  1909. — Lockout 
and  attempted  General  Strike.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization  : Sweden. 

STOLYPIN,  P.  A. : Premier  of  the  Rus- 
sian Government.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : 
A.  D.  1906,  1907,  and  after. 

STONE,  Ellen  M.:  Capture  by  Brigands 
in  Turkey  and  Ransom  paid  for  Release. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

STOSSEL,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July)  ; (Feb. -Aug.), 
and  A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

STRAUS,  Oscar  S.:  Secretary  of  Com- 
merce and  Labor.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United 
States  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

On  the  Chinese  Exclusion  Laws  and 
their  Administration.  See  Race  Problems  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

STRIKE,  A General:  The  Idea  of  it. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
France:  A.  D.  1884-1909. 

STRIKES.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Or- 
ganization. 

STUNDISTS,  Political  Ideas  of  the.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Russia  : A.  D.  1902. 

SUBMARINE  SIGNAL  BELLS.  See(in 
this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention:  Submarine 
Signal  Bells. 

SUBWAYS,  New  York.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
New  York  City:  A.  D.  1900-1909. 

SUCCESSION  DUTIES:  Treaty  con- 
cerning, between  England  and  France.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Death  Duties. 

SUGAR  TRUST,  The  Frauds  of  the. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c.  : United  States:  A.  D.  1907-1909,  and 
1909. 

SUDAN,  The  Western:  A.  D.  1903. — 
English  Ascendancy  established  in  Nigeria. 

See  (inthisvol.)  Africa:  A.  D.  1903  (Nigeria). 

A.  D.  1907.  — Great  Changes  wrought  in 
Ten  Years.  — The  new  Khartoum.  — “ After 
Khartoum  had  fallen  the  palace  was  looted  and 
demolished,  but  on  its  ruins  another  stately 
pile  has  arisen  wherein  Gordon’s  memory  is 
kept  green  by  a tablet  marking  the  fatal  spot 
where  on  the  26th  of  January,  1885,  he  was 
done  to  death.  And  even  as  a new  palace 
sprang  up  on  the  ashes  of  the  old,  so  likewise 
after  a thorough  clearing  away  of  the  ruins 
of  Gordon’s  city,  a new  Khartoum  has  been 
planned  and  built  on  the  ancient  site.  This 
new  city  lies  at  an  altitude  of  1263  feet  above 
sea  level,  has  a moderate  yearly  rainfall  of  but 
some  forty  inches,  and  a mean  annual  tempera- 
ture of  84°  Fahrenheit;  by  water  it  is  1560  miles 
from  the  source  of  the  Nile  at  Ripon  Falls,  and 
1920  miles  from  the  Rosetta  mouth  of  that  fer- 
tilising river.  Slowly  but  surely  vaccination  is 
reducing  the  small-pox  mortality  among  the 
Soudanese;  the  old  mosquito-breeding  pools 
have  been  filled  up,  and  the  mosquito  brigade 
is  still  doing  good  work.  Thus  the  new  Khar- 
toum may  be  said  to  enjoy  a fairly  salubrious 
climate,  which,  morever,  should  yearly  become 
more  and  more  healthy.  . . . 

“South  of  Khartoum  proper,  across  the 
desert  race-course  and  golf-links,  and  hard  by 
what  remains  of  Gordon’s  fortifications,  dwell, 
each  in  their  own  settlement  with  its  distinctive 
huts,  the  divers  native  tribes  who  make  up  the 


634 


SUDAN 


SUNDAY  OBSERVANCE 


c;ity’s  indigenous  population.  Probably  the  new 
Khartoum  of  to-day,  with  Omdurman  and  the 
near  villages,  totals  nearly  one  hundred  thou- 
sand souls,  and,  considering  that  its  geogra- 
phical situation  so  admirably  adapts  itself  to 
fostering  the  expansion  of  trade,  I venture  to 
predict  that  in  another  fifty  years  Khartoum 
will  contain  half  a million  inhabitants.  . . . 

“The  material  condition  of  the  people  is  im- 
proving ; indeed,  it  is  already  prosperous.  For 
the  first  time  in  their  history  the  Soudanese  are 
an  absolutely  free  people,  living  under  a Gov- 
ernment anxious  to  protect  them  from  injustice 
and  to  promote  their  welfare;  it  is  hard  for 
stay-at-home  Britishers  to  realise  adequately 
how  far-reaching  is  this  change  in  a land 
‘ where  slavery  in  one  form  or  another  has  been 
for  thousands  of  years  a permanent  and  univer- 
sal institution.’  . . . 

“To  Lord  Cromer’s  wise  counsel  and  untir- 
ing efforts  the  new  Soudan  owes  much,  and  in 
1901  the  Shillook  and  Dinka  representatives 
fully  recognised  this,  when,  using  for  the  sim- 
ple ceremony  a sort  of  dark  green  fez,  they 
crowned  him  their  king.  In  the  name  of  his 
own  great  Sovereign,  whose  ensign  holds  sway 
on  every  continent  and  on  all  known  seas,  his 
Lordship  promised  that  the  sacred  law  of  Islam 
shall  be  respected ; and  the  very  remarkable 
agreement  of  the  19th  of  January,  1899,  gave  to 
this  hitherto  down  trodden  people  their  Magna 
Charta,  for  Article  II.  stipulates  that  ‘ the 
British  and  Egyptian  flags  shall  be  used  to- 
gether, both  on  land  and  water,  throughout  the 
Soudan.’” — W.  F.  Mieville,  The  New  Khar- 
toum ( Nineteenth  Century , Jan .,  1908). 

SUEZ  CANAL:  Renewed  Agreements 

between  England  and  France.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Europe  : A.  D.  1904  (April). 

SUFFRAGE,  Political.  See  Elective 
Franchise. 

SUFFRAGETTES.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Elective  Franchise  : Woman  Suffrage. 

SUGAR-BOUNTY  CONFERENCE, 
and  Convention.  — As  the  result  of  a Confer- 
ence, at  Brussels,  in  which  Germany,  Austria- 
Hungary,  Belgium,  France,  Spain,  Great  Brit- 
ain, Italy,  the  Netherlands,  Sweden  and  Norway 
were  represented,  a Convention  was  framed 
and  signed  March  5,  1902,  the  occasion  for  which 
is  set  forth  in  these  words  : “ Desiring,  on  one 
hand,  to  equalize  the  conditions  of  competition 
between  beet  and  cane  sugars  from  different 
sources,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  promote 
the  development  of  the  consumption  of  sugar; 
considering  that  this  double  result  can  only  be 
attained  by  the  suppression  of  bounties  as  well 
as  by  limiting  the  surtax  ” — the  high  contracting 
parties  concluded  a convention,  the  first  article 
of  which  binds  them  as  follows:  “to  suppress 
the  direct  and  indirect  bounties  by  which  the 
production  or  export  of  sugar  may  benefit, 
and  they  agree  not  to  establish  bounties  of  this 
kind  during  the  whole  duration,  of  the  said  con- 
vention. In  view  of  the  execution  of  this  pro- 
vision, sweetmeats,  chocolates,  biscuits,  con- 
densed milk,  and  all  other  analogous  products 
which  contain  in  a notable  proportion  sugar  arti- 
ficially incorporated,  are  to  be  classed  as  sugar. 
The  above  paragraph  applies  to  all  advantages 
resulting  directly  or  indirectly,  for  the  different 
categories  of  producers,-  from  the  fiscal  legisla- 
tion of  the  States,  notably:  (a)  The  direct 


bounties  granted  to  exports.  (6)  The  direct 
bounties  granted  to  production,  (c)  The  total 
or  partial  exemptions  from  taxation  granted  for 
a part  of  the  manufactured  output.  ( d ) The 
profits  derived  from  surplusages  of  output,  (e) 
The  profits  derived  from  the  exaggeration  of 
the  drawback.  ( /)  The  advantages  derived 
from  any  surtax  in  excess  of  the  rate  fixed”  in 
a subsequent  article.  Further  articles  elaborate 
the  programme  of  measures  for  carrying  out 
this  agreement.  It  was  to  come  into  force  from 
September  1,  1903;  to  remain  in  force  during 
five  years  from  that  date,  and  if  none  of  the 
high  contracting  parties  should  have  notified 
the  Belgium  Government,  twelve  months  after 
the  expiration  of  the  said  period  of  five  years,  of 
its  intention  to  have  its  effects  cease,  it  should 
continue  for  one  year,  and  so  on  from  year  to 
year.  — Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations 
of  the  United  States,  p.  80. 

Under  this  Convention,  a Permanent  Commis- 
sion was  established  at  Brussels.  In  July,  1907, 
this  Commission  gave  attention  to  a suggestion 
from  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  “ to  the 
effect  that  if  Great  Britain  could  be  relieved 
from  the  obligation  to  enforce  the  penal  pro- 
visions of  the  Convention  they  would  be  pre- 
pared not  to  give  notice  on  the  first  of  Septem- 
ber next  of  their  intention  to  withdraw  on  the  1st 
of  September,  1908,  a notice  which  they  would 
otherwise  feel  bound  to  give  at  the  appointed 
time.”  The  ensuing  discussion  and  correspond- 
ence resulted  in  the  signing,  on  the  28th  of  Au- 
gust, 1907,  of  “An  Additional  Act  to  the  Sugar 
Convention  of  March  5,  1902,”  renewing  it  for  a 
fresh  period  of  five  years  from  September  1, 
1908,  with  the  privilege  to  any  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  to  withdraw  after  September  1, 
1911,  on  one  year’s  notice,  “if  the  Permanent 
Commission,  at  the  last  meeting  held  before  the 
1st  September,  1910,  have  decided  by  a major 
ity  of  votes  that  circumstances  warrant  such 
power  being  granted  to  the  contracting  States. 
The  request  of  Great  Britain  was  granted  in  the 
following  article  of  the  Additional  Act: 

“Notwithstanding  Article  I,  Great  Britain 
will  be  relieved,  after  the  1st  September,  1908. 
from  the  obligation  contained  in  Article  IV  of 
the  Convention.  After  the  same  date  the  Con- 
tracting States  may  demand  that,  in  order  to  en- 
joy the  benefit  of  the  Convention,  sugar  refined 
in  the  United  Kingdom  and  thence  exported  to 
their  territories  shall  be  accompanied  by  a cer- 
tificate stating  that  none  of  this  sugar  comes 
from  a country  recognized  by  the  Permanent 
Commission  as  granting  bounties  for  the  pro- 
duction or  exportation  of  sugar.”  — Parliament- 
ary Papers,  1907,  Commercial,  No.  10  ( Cd . 3780). 

SULLY-PRUDHOMME,  Rend  Fran- 
qois  Armand.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

SULTAN  AHMED  MIRZA,  The  young 
Shah  of  Persia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A. 
D.  1908-1909. 

SUMATRA:  A.  D.  1909  (June).  — Earth- 
quake in  Upper  Padang.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Earthquakes:  Sumatra. 

SUNDAY  OBSERVANCE  : Legal  insti- 
tution of  a weekly  Rest  Day.  — Recent 
Legislation  in  Europe.  — The  Canadian 
Lord’s  Day.  — A British  Parliamentary  Paper, 
published  in  the  spring  of  1909,  gave  informa- 
tion, gathered  by  the  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  Government,  relative  to  legislation  in 


635 


SUNDAY  OBSERVANCE 


SUPREME  COURT 


many  foreign  countries  bearing  on  the  observ- 
ance of  Sunday,  or  otherwise  prescribing  a 
weekly  Day  of  Rest.  The  facts  presented  in 
these  reports  were  discussed  editorially  by  the 
Loudon  Times  in  an  article  from  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  quoted. 

“Within  quite  recent  years  the  principle  of 
the  weekly  rest-day  has  been  enforced,  with  vari- 
ous practical  modifications,  in  most  of  the  chief 
Continental  countries.  It  forms,  indeed,  a strik- 
ing vindication  of  the  claim  for  the  observance 
of  one  day’s  rest  in  seven  — which  was  recog- 
nized among  Eastern  races  long  before  the  days 
of  Moses  — that  while  Sunday  work  has  shown 
a regrettable,  if  in  some  ways  scarcely  avoid- 
able, tendency  to  increase  iu  tiiis  country,  steps 
to  restrict  it  have  been  widely  taken  elsewhere. 
While  the  English  Sunday  has  been  becoming 
in  some  respects  more  ‘ Continental,’ the  actual 
Continental  Sunday  has  shown  a distinct  tend- 
ency to  approximate  to  our  own.  . . . The 
review  provided  by  the  present  report  of  the 
legislation  already  in  force  in  France,  Germany, 
Austria,  Belgium,  Holland,  and  other  leading 
industrial  States  gives  plenty  of  examples  of  the 
way  in  which  the  general  principle  of  making 
Sunday  a day  of  rest  has  been  accommodated  to 
the  necessities  of  a modern  community.  The 
case  of  France  is  particularly  interesting,  since 
the  French  method  of  observing  Sunday  has 
traditionally  provided  the  English  public  with 
the  most  familiar  contrast  with  its  own.  In 
France  the  law  establishing  a statutory  weekly 
day  of  rest,  and  making  that  day  Sunday,  was 
passed  so  recently  as  in  1906.  In  common  with 
the  similar  legislation  passed  in  other  countries, 
it  allows  partial  and  carefully  regulated  excep- 
tions, to  provide  for  the  necessary  sale  of  food, 
and  for  such  uninterrupted  attention  as  is  re- 
quired, for  example,  by  foundries.  But  the 
application  of  the  law  is  both  thorough  and  ex- 
tensive, while  supplementary  legislation  is  to 
be  introduced,  with  the  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, to  extend  its  benefits  to  all  servants  of  the 
State  and  to  all  other  workers  on  railways,  tram- 
lines, and  steamboat  services  who  do  not  already 
enjoy  it.  On  the  other  hand,  while  the  report 
bears  decided  witness  to  the  efficiency  and  suc- 
cess with  which  the  law  has  been  enforced,  it 
notes  certain  points  on  which  concession  is  being 
made  by  the  Government  in  deference  to  the 
strong  demands  of  certain  interests  which 
claimed  that  they  were  being  unjustly  sacri- 
ficed. . . . 

“The  law  seems  at  first  to  have  aroused  op- 
position among  many  shopkeepers,  especially 
those  who  were  handicapped  by  competition 
with  rivals  whose  business  was  carried  on  by 
members  of  the  family,  and  therefore  was  not 
affected  by  it.  . . . The  difficulty  is  now  said  to 
be  settling  itself,  as  the  public  is  gradually 
learning  to  restrict  its  shopping  to  week-days, 
when  there  is  a wider  field  of  choice.  The  en- 
couraging evidence  provided  by  the  operation 
of  the  law  of  1906  in  France  is  supported  more 
or  less  explicitly  by  the  reports  forwarded  by 
His  Majesty’s  representatives  in  other  parts  of 
Europe.  The  aim  and  method  of  the  various 
enactments  show  a prevailing  similarity,  and 
where  they  have  already  been  sufficiently  long 
in  operation  for  a fair  estimate  to  be  made, 
their  success  seems  to  be  recognized  with  but 
few  exceptions.  Material  is  not  available  in 


every  case  for  forming  a full  opinion  of  the 
completeness  with  which  the  law  of  rest  has 
been  enforced.  In  Vienna,  however,  it  is  ex- 
pressly reported  that  its  administration  is  effect- 
ive ; and  although  no  such  statement  is  ex- 
pressly made  in  the  case  of  Germany,  it  appears 
improbable  that  the  regulations,  though  less 
stringent  than  those  of  some  other  States,  are 
lightly  disregarded.” 

The  Canadian  “Lord’s  Day  Act”  of  1906  is  a 
measure  of  much  stringency.  Making  numer- 
ous well-defined  and  carefully  guarded  excep- 
tions for  “works  of  necessity  and  mercy,”  and 
for  such  railway  service  as  is  subject  to  pro- 
vincial regulation,  the  prohibitions  of  the  Act 
include  the  following: 

“To  sell  or  offer  for  sale  or  purchase  any 
goods,  chattels,  or  other  personal  property,  or 
any  real  estate,  or  to  carry  on  or  transact  any 
business  of  his  ordinary  calling,  or  in  connec- 
tion with  such  calling,  or  for  gain  to  do,  or  em- 
ploy any  other  person  to  do,  on  that  day,  any 
work,  business,  or  labour.”  “To  require  any 
employee  engaged  in  any  work  of  receiving, 
transmitting,  or  delivering  telegraph  or  tele- 
phone messages,  or  in  the  work  of  any  indus- 
trial process,  or  in  connection  with  transporta- 
tion, to  do  on  the  Lord’s  Day  the  usual  work  of 
his  ordinary  calling,  unless  such  employee  is 
allowed  during  the  next  six  days  of  such  week 
twenty-four  consecutive  hours  without  labour.” 
“ To  engage  in  any  public  game  or  contest  for 
gain,  or  for  any  prize  or  reward,  or  to  be  pre- 
sent thereat,  or  to  provide,  engage  in,  or  be  pre- 
sent at  any  performance  or  public  meeting, 
elsewhere  than  in  a church,  at  which  any  fee  is 
charged,  directly  or  indirectly.”  “To  run,  con- 
duct, or  convey  by  any  mode  of  conveyance  any 
excursion  on  which  passengers  are  conveyed  for 
hire,  and  having  for  its  principal  or  only  object 
the  carriage  on  that  day  of  such  passengers  for 
amusement  or  pleasure.”  “To  shoot  with  or 
use  any  gun,  rifle  or  other  similar  engine,  either 
for  gain,  or  in  such  a manner  or  in  such  places 
as  to  disturb  other  persons  in  attendance  at  pub- 
lic worship  or  in  the  observance  of  that  day.” 
“ To  bring  into  Canada  for  sale  or  distribution, 
or  to  sell  or  distribute  within  Canada,  on  the 
Lord’s  Day,  any  foreign  newspaper  or  publica- 
tion classified  as  a newspaper.” 

SUPREME  COURT,  of  the  United 
States  : Summary  of  Decisions  (1901-1906) 
touching  the  Governmental  Regulation  of 
Corporations.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions, Industrial:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1901-1906. 

Decision  in  the  Case  of  the  Trans-Mis- 
souri Freight  Association.  See  Railways: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1890-1902.  .. 

On  Constitutionality  of  Utah  Law  re- 
stricting Hours  of  Adult  Labor  in  Mines. 
Sec  Labor  Organization:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1902. 

In  the  Northern  Securities  Case.  See 
Railways:  United  States:  A.  I).  1901-1905. 

In  the  “Beef  Trust”  Cases,  so-called. 
See  Combinations,  Industrial:  United 

States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

On  Interstate  Commerce  Act  of  1887.  See 
Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1870-1908. 

Limiting  Police  Power  to  regulate  Hours 
of  Labor.  See  Labor  Protection:  Hours  of 
Labor. 


C36 


SUPREME  COURT 


SWITZERLAND 


In  the  Tobacco  Trust  Case  of  Hale  vs. 
Henkel.  See  Cumulations,  Industuial  : 
United  Stat  es  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

Concerning  the  Isle  of  Pines.  See  Cuha  : 
A.  1).  1907  (April). 

In  Case  of  Virginia  Railroads  vs.  the  State 
Corporation  Commission  of  Virginia.  See 

Railways  : United  States  : A.  D.  1908 
(Nov.). 

On  the  Constitutionality  of  the  “ Com- 
modities Clause  ” of  the  Hepburn  Act.  See 
Railways:  United  States  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

On  the  Right  of  a State  to  Specially 
Limit  the  Hours  of  Labor  for  Women.  See 
Labor  Protection  : Hours  op  Labor. 

Limiting  State  Authority  in  matters 
touching  Interstate  Commerce.  See  Rail- 
ways: United  States:  A.  D.  1907-1908. 

On  Law  against  Rebating  in  Armour 
Packing  Company  Case.  See  Railways: 
United  States  : A.  D.  1908. 

Invalidating  Debts  to  an  Illegal  Combina- 
tion. See  Combinations,  Industrial:  United 
States : A.  D.  1909. 

Affirming  Fines  on  the  New  York  Central 
Railroad  Co.  See  Railways:  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909. 

SUTTNER,  Baroness  Bertha  von.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Nobel  Prizes. 

SWADESHI  MOVEMENT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  India:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

SWALLOW,  Silas  E.  : Nomination  for 
President  of  the  U.  S.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.). 

SWARAJ.  — The  Hindu  term  for  self  gov- 
ernment. 

SWAZILAND.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa:  A.  D.  1909. 

“SWEATING,”  English  Act  to  sup- 
press.— The  Trade  Boards  Bill.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Remuneration:  Wages  Regula- 
tion. 

SWEDEN:  A.  D.  1901.  — Unveiling  of 
Monument  to  John  Ericsson.  — The  Nobel 
Prizes.  — The  First  Awarding  of  them.  — A 

monument  to  the  memory  of  John  Ericsson,  the 
Swedish-American  inventor,  was  unveiled  at 
Stockholm  with  impressive  ceremonies  on  the 
14th  of  September,  1901,  that  being  the  date  of 
the  reception  of  his  remains  at  Stockholm  eleven 
years  before. 

The  first  award  of  the  munificent  prizes  for 
beneficial  services  to  mankind,  instituted  by  the 
will  of  Alfred  Bernard  Nobel,  the  eminent 
Swedish  engineer  and  inventor,  was  made  on 
the  10th  of  December,  1901.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Nobel  Prizes. 

A.  D.  1903.  — Agreement  for  Settlement  of 
Claims  against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Venezuela  : A.  D.  1902-1904. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Secession  of  Norway  from 
the  Union  of  Crowns.  — Acceptance  by  King 
Oscar  of  his  Practical  Deposition.  See  Nor- 
way: A.  D.  1902-1905. 

A.  D.  1906.  — At  the  Algeciras  Conference 
on  the  Morocco  Question.  See  Europe  : 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1908.  — Municipal  Office  opened  to 
Women.  See  Elective  Franchise  : Woman 
Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  Den- 
mark, England,  France,  Germany,  and  the 
Netherlands,  for  maintenance  of  the  Status 


Quo  on  the  North  Sea.  See  Europe:  A.  D. 
1907-1908. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Franchise  Reform  Legisla- 
tion.— During  many  successive  years,  earnest 
attempts  by  the  Swedish  Government,  strongly 
backed  by  liberal  majorities  in  the  Second  or 
popular  Chamber  of  the  Riksdag,  to  answer  the 
public  demand  for  a broadening  of  the  suffrage, 
were  defeated  in  the  First  Chamber,  whose 
members  are  elected  by  the  provincial  Lands- 
tings  and  by  municipal  corporations.  Success 
was  not  attained  until  1909,  when  a Franchise 
Reform  Bill,  establishing  universal  suffrage 
and  proportional  representation,  was  passed  by 
the  Riksdag  on  the  10th  of  February,  by  larger 
majorities.  According  to  a Press  report  from 
Stockholm,  “ the  leader  of  the  Liberals  declared 
in  the  Lower  House  that,  though  his  party 
had  originally  opposed  it,  they  would  now  vote 
for  the  Bill,  as  the  country  demanded  a solution 
of  this  long  pending  question.  The  Social  Demo- 
crats and  a few  extremists  of  the  Liberal  party 
voted  against  it,  considering  it  unacceptable  in 
principle  and  inadequate  because  it  excluded 
female  suffrage.  In  the  Upper  House  the  Bill 
was  opposed  by  a few  uncompromising  Con- 
servatives, to  whom  it  seemed  too  democratic.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Lockout  and  Attempted 
General  Strike.  See  Labor  Organization: 
Sweden. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.).  — Arbitration  of  Fron- 
tier Dispute  with  Norway.  See  Norway: 
A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). 

SWIFT  & CO.  et  al.,  The  Case  of  the 
United  States  against.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial  : United  States: 
A.  D.  1903-1906. 

SWITZERLAND:  Backwardness  of 
Woman  Suffrage.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective 
Franchise:  Woman  Suffrage. 

A.  D.  1870-1905.  — Increase  of  Population 
compared  with  other  European  Countries. 
See  Europe  : A.  D.  1870-1905. 

A.  D.  1902.  — General  Election.  — The 
general  election,  in  October,  of  representatives  in 
the  Federal  Assembly,  returned  97  Radicals,  35 
Catholic  Conservatives,  25  Moderate  Liberals, 

9 Socialists,  and  1 Independent,  being  a total 
of  167.  The  previous  Chamber  had  contained 
but  147,  the  increase  of  population  having 
raised  the  number  of  representatives. 

A.  D.  1902.  — Use  of  the  Referendum  and 
Initiative  down  to  that  time.  See  (in  this--, 
vol.)  Referendum. 

A.  D.  1905. — Rupture  between  Radicals 
and  Socialists. — Completion  of  the  Simplon 
Tunnel.  — The  coalition  hitherto  maintained 
between  Radical  and  Socialist  parties  was 
broken  entirely  in  the  elections  of  October, 
1905,  because  of  the  anti-militarv  attitude  of 
the  latter,  who  sought  to  have  all  national  feel- 
ing and  policy  sunk  in  international  sentiments 
and  principles.  The  Socialists  elected  but  two 
representatives  in  the  National  Council.  In 
April  the  completion  of  the  Simplon  Railway 
Tunnel,  furnishing  a second  passage  through 
the  Alps,  was  celebrated  with  much  rejoicing. 
The  work  of  boring  this  twelve-mile  length  of 
tunnel  had  been  begun  in  1898.  See,  also, 
Railways  : Switzerland. 

A.  D.  1909. — Acquisition  of  the  St.  Goth- 
ard  Tunnel  and  Railway  by  the  Govern- 
ment. See  Railways  : Switzerland. 


637 


SYDOW 


TARIFFS 


SYDOW,  Reinhold.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Germany:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

SYNDICATES,  German.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial  (in  Ger- 
many). 


SYNDICATS  AND  SYNDICALISM, 
French.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion: France:  A.  D.  1884-1909. 

SZELL  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 


T. 


TABAH  INCIDENT,  The.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Egypt:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

TABRIZ,  Siege  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Per- 
sia : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

TACNA  AND  ARICA  QUESTIONS. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Chile:  A.  D.  1907. 

TAFF-VALE  DECISION.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Labor  Organization:  England:  A.  D. 
1900-1906. 

TAFT,  William  H.  — President  of  the 
Second  Philippine  Commission.  — Civil 
Governor  of  the  Philippines.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1901. 

Secretary  of  War.  See  United  States: 
A.  D.  1901-1905,  and  1905-1909. 

Report  on  the  Purchase  of  the  Friars’ 
Lands.  See  Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1902- 
1903. 

Organization  of  Provisional  Government 
in  Cuba.  See  Cuba:  A.  D.  1906  (Aug. -Oct.). 

Special  Report  on  the  Philippine  Islands. 
See  Philippine  Islands:  A.  D.  1907. 

Elected  President  of  the  United  States. 
See  United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (April- 

Nov.). 

Inauguration  and  Inaugural  Address. — 
Cabinet  Appointments.  See  United  States: 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

On  the  Tariff.  See  Tariffs:  United  States. 

Statement,  as  President,  relative  to  the 
Tariff  Maximum  and  Minimum  Clause.  See 
Tariffs:  United  States:  A.  D.  1908-1909. 

Tour  of  the  United  States.  — Meeting  with 
President  Diaz,  of  Mexico.  See  United 
States:  A.  D.  1909  (Sept. -Oct.). 


Legislation  Recommended  for  the  Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources.  See  Conser- 
vation, &c.  : United  States. 

On  Injunctions  in  Labor  Disputes  and  on 
the  Expediting  of  Civil  and  Criminal  Proce- 
dure. See  Law  and  its  Courts:  United 
States. 

Special  Message  on  “Trusts”  and  on  In- 
terstate Commerce.  See  Combinations,  In- 
dustrial, &c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1910, 
and  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1910. 

TAI  HUNG  CHI.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : 
A.  D.  1906. 

TAI  HUNG-TZE:  Grand  Councillor  of 

China.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China  : A.  D.  1909 
(Oct.). 

TAIREN.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Dalny. 

TAI-TZE-HO,  Battles  at  the.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 

TAKAHIRA  KOGORO:  Japanese  Minis- 
ter at  Washington  and  Plenipotentiary  for 
negotiating  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Russia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1905  (June- 
Oct.). 

TAKUSHAN  HILL,  Capture  of.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

TALIENWAN,  re-namcd  Dalny,  — which 
see.  Later  named  Tairen,  by  the  Japanese. 

TAMMANY  HALL:  Struggles  with  it. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  New  York  City. 

TANG  SHAO  YI.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Opium 
Problem  : China. 

TANGIER:  A.  D.  1905. — The  German 
Emperor’s  Speech.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 


TARIFFS. 


Australia : The  question  in  the  First  Par- 
liament. See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia  : A.  D. 
1901-1902. 

Tariff  Excise  Act.  See  Labor  Remunera- 
tion : TnE  New  Protection. 

Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1907. — Settle- 
ment of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Tariff  Ques- 
tion. See  Austria-Hungary  : A.  D.  1907. 

Balkan  States:  A.  D.  1905. — Serbo-Bul- 
garian  Customs  Union.  See  Balkan  States: 
Bulgaria  and  Servia. 

British  Empire:  A.  D.  1909.  — Resolutions 
of  Empire  Congress  of  Chambers  of  Com- 
merce. See  British  Empire  : A.  D.  1909 
(Sept.). 

Canada:  Attitude  of  Canadian  Manufac- 
turers’ Association  toward  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  on  Tariff  Questions. 
See  Canada:  A.  D.  1903-1905. 

Canada  and  Germany:  German  retaliation 
for  Discriminating  Duties  in  Favor  of  Brit- 
ish Goods.  — Consequent  on  the  discrimination 
in  favor  of  British  goods  which  was  granted 
in  the  Canadian  tariff  of  1897,  Germany  took 


action  which  is  explained  in  the  following, 
from  the  Canadian  side  of  the  official  corre- 
spondence that  ensued : 

“ Prior  to  July  31,  1898,  Canada,  as  a portion 
of  the  British  Empire,  received  the  most  favour- 
able tariff  treatment  in  Germany,  under  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  which  had  long  existed  be- 
tween that  country  and  Great  Britain.  On  the 
date  named,  that  treaty,  having  been  denounced 
by  the  British  Government,  ceased  to  have  ef- 
fect. Provisional  agreements  have  since  been 
entered  into  from  time  to  time  between  Great 
Britain  and  Germany.  Canada,  however,  lias 
been  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  such  agree- 
ments. The  products  of  Canada  are  no  longer 
admitted  into  Germany  on  the  favoured  terms 
known  in  the  German  tariff  as  * conventional 
duties,’  but  are  specially  excluded  therefrom 
and  made  subject  to  the  higher  duties  of  the 
general  tariff.  The  reason  assigned  by  the  Ger- 
man Government  for  this  discrimination  against 
Canada  is  the  enactment  by  the  Dominion  of 
legislation  granting  preferential  tariff  rates  to 
the  products  of  Great  Britain.  The  under- 


638 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


signed  desires  to  point  out  that  the  policy  of 
the  Canadian  Government  was  not  designed  to 
give  to  any  foreign  nation  more  favoured  treat- 
ment than  was  to  be  allowed  to  Germany.  The 
Canadian  policy  has  been  confined  to  a read- 
justment of  the  commercial  relations  of  the 
Dominion  with  the  British  Empire  of  which  it 
is  a part,  a domestic  affair  which  could  hardly 
be  open  to  reasonable  objection  by  any  foreign 
government.  It  would  therefore  seem  that  the 
action  of  Canada  afforded  no  just  ground  for 
complaint  by  Germany.  The  undersigned  is 
of  opinion  that  there  has  been  some  miscon- 
ception of  the  Canadian  policy  in  this  respect, 
and  hopes  that  upon  further  consideration  the 
German  Government  will  see  that  Canada,  in 
taking  the  step  referred  to,  did  not  forfeit  her 
claim  to  the  advantages  accorded  by  Germany 
to  the  most- favoured  nations.” 

The  German  Government,  however,  main- 
tained with  firmness  the  ground  it  had  taken ; 
but  eleven  years  later,  in  1909,  a German  Cana- 
dian Economic  Association  at  Berlin  sent  dele- 
gates to  Canada  to  confer  with  chambers  of 
commerce  and  solicit  efforts  for  bettering  com- 
mercial relations  between  them.  The  Montreal 
Board  of  Trade  declined  to  take  any  action,  say- 
ing, substantially  : “the  reprisals  against  Can- 
ada were  commenced  by  Germany  on  account 
of  the  granting  of  preference  by  the  Dominion 
to  Great  Britain.  If  Germany  now  finds  that 
she  has  made  a mistake  the  Montreal  Board 
holds  that  she  should  restore  Canadian  products 
to  the  conventional  tariff,  when  the  Canadian 
surtax  on  German  goods  will  be  automatically 
removed.” 

Finally,  an  agreement  was  reached  which 
ended  this  tariff  war  between  Germany  and  Can- 
ada. Announcement  of  it  was  made  in  the 
Canadian  Parliament  on  the  15th  of  February, 
1910,  and  it  went  into  effect  on  the  1st  of  March. 

France:  A.  D.  1910.  — A revision  of  the  tar- 
iff, on  which  the  French  Parliament  had  long 
been  engaged,  was  completed  and  became  law 
on  March  29,  1910,  going  into  effect  April  1. 

France-Canada:  Commercial  Convention 
with  Great  Britain  concerning  Canada.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 

Germany:  A.  D.  1902-1906.  — The  New 
Tariff  Law  and  seven  Special  Tariff  Trea- 
ties with  European  Countries.  — A changed 
Commercial  Policy.  — In  the  Diet  of  the  Em- 
pire the  committee  which  had  been  laboring 
long  and  arduously  on  a tariff  bill  reported  the 
measure  in  October,  and  its  increase  of  duties, 
which  the  government  did  not  favour,  was 
stoutly  opposed  by  Socialists,  Radicals,  and 
Liberals;  but  the  Conservatives,  representing 
the  protected  interests,  constrained  the  govern- 
ment to  withdraw  its  opposition  and  the  bill 
was  carried  through  as  a whole,  without  change. 

“ How  deliberately  the  Germans  go  about 
their  tariff  policy ; how  thoroughly  they  study 
all  the  strong  and  weak  points  in  their  adver- 
saries’ positions ; with  what  scientific  care  they 
measure  their  own  manifold  interests;  how 
carefully  they  guard,  in  their  work  of  tariff  leg- 
islation, against  disturbing  the  stability  of  ex- 
isting business  conditions  may  best  be  seen 
from  the  way  in  which  the  new  tariff  has  been 
adopted.  As  early  as  1898  — i.  e.,  more  than 
five  years  before  the  expiration  of  the  old  tariff 
treaties  — a Commission  of  government  experts 


and  leading  representatives  of  the  industrial 
and  commercial  interests  was  organized  to  make 
a detailed  study  of  the  needs  of  every  industry 
whose  products  were  in  any  way  affected  by 
the  tariff.  After  five  years  of  incessant  work 
of  that  character,  in  which  more  than  2,000  ex- 
perts took  part,  the  new  general  or  so-called 
‘autonomous’  tariff  was  enacted  into  law  (but 
not  put  into  effect)  by  the  German  Reichstag. 

“The  new  tariff  law  adopted  on  December 
25,  1902,  with  rates  considerably  raised,  formed 
the  basis  of  diplomatic  bargaining,  of  which  it 
took  more  than  two  years  to  conclude  commer- 
cial treaties  with  the  following  seven  countries  : 
Austria-Hungary,  Russia,  Italy,  Switzerland, 
Belgium,  Roumania  and  Servia.  These  trea- 
ties, which  considerably  reduce  some  of  the 
rates  provided  for  in  the  tariff  of  1902,  were  en- 
acted into  law  on  February  22d  of  this  year, 
[1905],  and  together  form  the  new  so-called 
‘ conventional  ’ tariff,  which  will  be  applied  to 
all  countries  enjoying  ‘most  favored  nation’ 
privileges.  Deliberate  and  cautious  as  these 
steps  have  been,  the  new  tariff  is  not  to  be 
thrust  upon  the  business  community  of  the  Em- 
pire on  short  notice,  but  the  country  is  given 
one  full  year  in  which  to  adjust  itself  to  the 
new  rates.  Hence  the  date  for  giving  effect  to 
the  new  tariff  law  has  been  set  for  March  1, 
1906.”  — N.  I.  Stone,  The  New  German  Customs 
Tariff  ( North  American  Review,  Sept.,  1905). 

The  chief  point  of  interest  for  the  United 
States  in  this  law  is  to  be  found,  not  so  much  in 
the  high  rates  adopted,  as  in  the  statement  made 
in  the  Reichstag  foreshadowing  a changed  pol- 
icy on  the  part  of  Germany  in  making  new  com- 
mercial treaties.  On  the  final  day  of  the  tariff 
debate  Dr.  Paasche,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
majority,  asserted  that  the  government  had  pro- 
mised that  it  would  no  longer  extend  treaty  ad- 
vantages to  other  countries  than  those  that  reci- 
procate with  corresponding  concessions.  ‘We 
expect,’  said  Dr.  Paasche,  ‘that  the  government 
will  undertake  a thorough  revision  of  all  the 
treaties  containing  the  most  favored-nation 
clause.  Promises  of  this  kind  were  made  to  us 
in  committee.  We  have  absolutely  no  occasion 
to  concede  anything  to  such  nations  as  are  glad 
to  take  what  we  give  by  treaty  to  other  countries 
without  making  us  any  concessions  in  return. 
/The  United  States  has  introduced  a limitation 
of  the  most-favored-nation  clause ; we  have 
every  reason  to  act  in  precisely  the  same  man- 
ner.”— W.  C.  Dreher,  A Letter  from  Germany 
{Atlantic  Monthly , March , 1903). 

In  March,  1905,  a few  weeks  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  last  of  the  seven  special  tariff 
treaties  referred  to  above,  which  modify  the 
general  German  tariff  of  1902-6,  in  favor  of  the 
nations  which  became  parties  to  them,  the  Con- 
sul-General of  the  United  States  at  Berlin  sent 
to  the  State  Department  at  Washington  the  fol- 
lowing table,  showing,  with  reference  to  forty- 
six  of  the  principal  articles  of  German  import 
from  America  (1)  the  then  maximum  or  autono- 
mous duty  as  paid  under  the  tariff  of  1879;  (2) 
the  same  duties  as  modified  and  reduced  by  then 
existing  treaty  concessions;  (3)  the  new  autono- 
mous duties  that  were  to  go  into  effect  in  1906, 
and  (4)  the  amounts  to  which  each  of  these  rates 
of  duty  would  be  reduced  on  merchandise  com- 
ing from  certain  of  the  seven  European  countries 
which  had  just  concluded  treaties  of  commerce 


639 


/ 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


■with  Germany.  The  figures  show  in  all  cases,  [ can  currency  of  duty  per  double  centner  (100 
uidess  otherwise  specified,  the  amount  in  Ameri-  I kilograms  or  220.4  pounds): 


Merchandise. 

Tariff  (adopted  in 
1879). 

Maximum. 

Reduced 
by  treaty. 

Wheat 

$1.19 

1.19 

$0.83 

.83 

Rye 

.95 

.67 

.53 

.47 

.47 

.38 

2.50 

1.74 

Malt 

.95 

.85 

Free. 

4.76 

3.38 

.96 

.95 

Free. 

4.76 

4.04 

2.38 

2.38 

4.76 

4.04 

4.76 

3.80 

4.76 

4.76 

.71 

.47 

4.76 

3.80 

Cows  and  oxen,  per  head 

2.14 

4.76 

2.14 

4.76 

1.42 

1.19 

11.90 

11.90 

15.47 

15.47 

16.66 

16.66 

2.38 

2 38 

6 71 

5.71 

5.71 

Sewing  machines,  power 

5.71 

Electrical  machinery 

a.  Under  500  kilograms  (1.102  pounds)  per  100  kilograms 

V>.  500  to  3,000  kilograms  (1,102  to  6,614  pounds) 

c.  More  than  3,000  kilograms 

Machine  tools : 

a.  250  kilograms  (551  pounds  or  less),  per  100  kilograms. 

b.  250  to  1,000  kilograms  (551  to  2,205  pounds) 

c.  1,000  to  3,000  kilograms  (2,205  to  6,614  pounds) 

d.  3,000  to  10,000  kilograms  (6,614  to  22,046  pounds) 

Over  10,000  kilograms 

Telegraph  instruments,  telephones,  electric  lighting  and  power  apparatus. .. 

Railway  and  street  cars 

Motor  cars  and  motor  bicycles,  each: 

a.  50  kilograms  (110  pounds)  or  less,  each 

b.  50  to  100  kilograms  (llo  to  220  pounds),  each  . 

c.  100  to  250  kilograms  (220  to  550  pounds),  each 

d.  250  to  500  kilograms  (550  to  1,110  pounds)  — 

e 500  to  1,000  kilograms  (1,110  to  2,220  pounds)  . 
f.  1,000  kilograms  and  over 


New  tariff  law  of  1902  (to 
go  into  effect  in  1906). 

Difference. 

Autonomous. 

Reduced 
by  treaty. 

$1.78 

$1.30 

$0.58 

1.66 

1.19 

.47 

1.6C 

1.19 

.47 

1.66 

.95 

.71 

1.19 

.71 

.48 

4.36 

2.42 

1.94 

2.44 

1.37 

1.07 

.59 

1.24 

(“) 

16.66 

4.76 

11.90 

2.38 

.95 

1.43 

2.38 

1.19 

1.19 

2.38 

1.19 

1.19 

16.66 

9.52 

7.14 

2.97 

2.38 

.59 

10.71 

8.33-9.25 

2.38-1.46 

7.14 

4.76 

2.38 

7.14 

3.57-4.76 

3.57-2.38 

1.42 

.71 

.71 

7.14 

4.76 

2.38 

4.76 

Free. 

4.76 

4.28 

1.90 

2.38 

21.42-85.68 

7.14-28.56 

14.28-57.12 

4.28 

2.14 

2.14 

20.23 

20.23 

28.86 

23.80 

5.06 

42.84 

30.70 

7.14 

1.42 

.47 

.95 

2 38 

2.38 

8.33 

2.85 

5.48 

4.76 

1.90 

2.86 

2.14 

2.14 

1.66 

1.42 

.24 

1.42 

.95 

.47 

4.76 

2.85 

1.91 

2.85 

1.90 

.95 

1.90 

1.42 

.48 

1.42 

1.19 

.23 

.97 

.97 

14.28 

(5).95-9.52 

2.38 

.71 

1.67 

35.70 

28.56 

21.42 

14.28 

9.52 

4.76 

9.52 

5.95 

3.57 

4.76 

3.57 

1.19 

a Free  from  August  1 to  February  14. 


b According  to  weight. 


“It  needs  but  a glance  at  this  list,”  said  Con- 
sul-General Mason,  “to  show  how  important 
■will  be  the  concessions  granted  to  one  or  more 
of  the  seven  treaty  nations,  and  how  formidable 
will  be  their  competition  in  the  German  market 
against  similar  goods  coming  from  countries 
•which,  for  want  of  a reciprocal  treaty  or  other 
convention,  will  be  subject  to  the  autonomous 
or  unmodified  tariff  in  exporting  goods  into  Ger- 
many.” 

On  the  1st  day  of  March,  1906,  this  tariff  came 
into  effect,  and  the  tariff  arrangements  of  Ger- 
many with  the  United  States,  under  which  the 
latter  had  enjoyed  important  concessions,  se- 
cured by  the  “most  favored  nation”  agreement 
in  its  commercial  treaty  with  Germany,  came  to 
an  end. 

A.  D.  1909. — Economic  Results  of  the 
Protective  System.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ger- 
many: A.  D.  1009  (April). 

Great  Britain:  A.  D.  1909.  — List  of  ar- 
ticles on  which  Import  Duties  are  col- 
lected.— The  following  is  a complete  list  of 
the  articles  enumerated  iu  the  British  tariff  as 
subject  to  import  duties : 


Beer;  Cards,  Playing;  Chicory;  Cocoa;  Cof- 
fee ; Fruit,  dried  or  otherwise  preserved  with- 
out sugar  ; Spirits  and  Strong  Waters  (including 
all  alcoholic  liquors,  cordials  and  other  alcoholic 
preparations) ; Sugar  (including  all  confection- 
ery, sugar-preserved  fruits,  and  other  sugared 
preparations) ; Tea ; Tobacco,  in  all  forms ; 
Wine. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Question  of  Preferential 
Trade  raised  by  Mr.  Chamberlain.  See 

England  : A.  D.  1903  (May-Sept.). 

The  United  States:  A.  D.  1908-1909. — 
The  Demand  for  Tariff  Revision.  — Its  Ex- 
pression in  the  Presidential  Election. — 
The  Action  of  Congress  and  the  President. 
— The  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff  Act.  — For 
more  than  a decade  prior  to  the  presidential 
election  of  1908  the  popular  demand  for  a revi- 
sion of  the  exorbitantly  protective  duties  im- 
posed by  the  so-called  Dingley  Tariff  of  1897 
had  been  steadily  rising  in  the  United  States, 
and  making  itself  heard  by  men  in  public  life. 
It  had  penetrated  the  mind  of  the  great  captain- 
general  of  the  protectionist  forces.  President 
McKinley,  as  early  as  1901,  and  his  last  public 


640 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


utterance,  addressed  to  a multitude  at  the  Pan 
American  Exposition,  in  Buffalo,  on  the  5th  of 
September,  the  day  before  he  was  struck  down 
by  a murderous  anarchist,  contained  this  wise 
admonition  on  the  subject : 

“ We  have  a vast  and  intricate  business,  built 
up  through  years  of  toil  and  struggle,  in  which 
every  part  of  the  country  has  its  stake,  which 
will  not  permit  of  either  neglect  or  of  undue 
selfishness.  No  narrow,  sordid  policy  will  sub- 
serve it.  The  greatest  skill  and  wisdom  on  the 
part  of  manufacturers  and  producers  will  be  re- 
quired to  hold  and  increase  it.  . . . Our  capa- 
city to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously, 
and  our  products  have  so  multiplied,  that  the 
problem  of  more  markets  requires  our  urgent 
and  immediate  attention.  Only  a broad  and  en- 
lightened policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No 
other  policy  will  get  more.  ...  We  must  not 
repose  in  fancied  security  that  we  can  forever 
sell  everything  and  buy  little  or  nothing.  If 
such  a thing  were  possible,  it  would  not  be 
best  for  us  or  for  those  with  whom  we  deal. 
We  should  take  from  our  customers  such  of 
their  products  as  we  can  use  without  harm  to 
our  industries  and  labor.  Reciprocity  is  the 
natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  industrial 
development  under  the  domestic  policy  now 
firmly  established.  What  we  produce  beyond 
our  domestic  consumption  must  have  a vent 
abroad.  ...  If  perchance  some  of  our  tariffs 
are  no  longer  needed  for  revenue  or  to  encour- 
age and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why 
should  they  not  be  employed  to  extend  and  pro- 
mote our  markets  abroad  ? ” 

The  Party-Platform  Promises  of  1908. 
— But  President  McKinley’s  words  fell  on  deaf 
ears,  among  those  to  whom  he  had  been  leader 
and  guide  in  this  department  of  economic  policy 
hitherto.  They  gave  no  heed  to  his  new  counsels 
of  moderation  for  seven  years.  Even  treaties  of 
commercial  reciprocity,  which  he  had  learned 
to  appreciate  since  his  own  tariff-making  was 
done,  were  negotiated  in  vain  by  the  execu- 
tive department  of  Government,  to  be  scorned 
and  rejected  by  the  Senate,  By  1908,  however, 
the  claim  of  the  many-millioned  consumers  of 
the  nation,  for  some  relief  from  the  intolerable 
cost  to  which  almost  every  necessary  of  living 
had  been  worked  up  by  the  protective  tariff 
lever,  had  risen  to  a pitch  which  compelled 
some  attention  from  the  managers  of  political 
parties  and  drew  from  them  promises  in  the 
“platforms”  (see  United  States:  A.  D.  1908, 
Apiul-Nov.)  prepared  for  the  presidential  and 
congressional  canvassing  of  that  year.  The 
National  Republican  Convention  at  Chicago, 
which  nominated  Mr.  Taft  for  the  presidency, 
made  this  distinct  and  emphatic  pledge : 

“ The  Republican  party  declares  unequivo- 
cally for  a revision  of  the  tariff  by  a special  ses- 
sion of  Congress,  immediately  following  the  in- 
auguration of  the  next  President,  and  commends 
the  steps  already  taken  to  this  end,  in  the  work 
assigned  to  the  appropriate  committees  of  Con- 
gress, which  are  now  investigating  the  operation 
and  effect  of  existing  schedules.  In  all  tariff 
legislation  the  true  principle  of  protection  is  best 
maintained  by  the  imposition  of  such  duties  as 
will  equal  the  difference  between  the  cost  of 
production  at  home  and  abroad,  together  with  a 
reasonable  profit  to  American  industries.  We 
favor  the  establishment  of  maximum  and  mini- 


mum rates  to  be  administered  by  the  President 
under  limitations  to  be  fixed  in  the  law,  the 
maximum  to  be  available  to  meet  discrimina- 
tions by  foreign  countries  against  American 
goods  entering  their  markets,  and  the  minimum 
to  represent  the  normal  measure  of  protection 
at  home.” 

The  National  Convention,  at  Denver,  of  the 
Democratic  party,  supposedly  confirmed  in  op- 
position to  the  whole  theory  of  tariff  protection 
by  all  its  doctrinal  history,  made  this  declara- 
tion : 

“We  favor  immediate  revision  of  the  tariff 
by  the  reduction  of  import  duties.  Articles  en- 
tering into  competition  with  trust-controlled 
products  should  be  placed  upon  the  free  list,  and 
material  reductions  should  be  made  in  the  tariff 
upon  the  necessaries  of  life,  especially  upon 
articles  competing  with  such  American  manu- 
factures as  are  sold  abroad  more  cheaply  than 
at  home,  and  graduated  reductions  should  be 
made  in  such  other  schedules  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  restore  the  tariff  to  a revenue  basis.” 

The  Republican  Party  elected  its  candidate 
for  the  presidency,  with  a majority  in  Congress, 
and  was  given  the  greater  opportunity  to  re- 
deem its  pledge,  while  the  Democratic  Party 
obtained  sufficient  representation  in  both 
branches  of  Congress  to  aid  and  influence  the 
promised  revision  with  important  effect.  Pre- 
sident Taft,  in  his  inaugural  address,  spoke 
impressively  of  the  urgent  duty  thus  laid  on 
Congress,  saying: 

“A  matter  of  most  pressing  importance  is  the 
revision  of  the  tariff.  In  accordance  with  the 
promises  of  the  platform  upon  which  I was 
elected,  I shall  call  Congress  into  extra  session, 
to  meet  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  March,  in  order 
that  consideration  may  be  at  once  given  to  a bill 
revising  the  Dingley  act.” 

The  Making  of  the  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff. 
— The  new  Congress,  as  called  by  the  Presi- 
dent, was  convened  on  the  loth  of  March,  1909, 
and  a provisional  tariff  bill  was  introduced  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  18th  by 
Chairman  Payne  of  its  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee. This  Bill  was  a product  of  the  work  of 
the  House  Committee  of  the  preceding  Congress, 
which  had  been  giving  hearings  on  successive 
tariff  schedules  since  November.  Naturally  the 
protected  interests  swarmed  to  Washington, 
with  attorneys  and  technical  experts,  and  their 
side  of  every  argument  for  and  against  existing 
duties  was  heard  in  its  most  persuasive  form. 
Naturally,  too,  the  unprotected  consumers,  less 
able  to  combine,  were  represented  at  the  hear- 
ings in  no  such  potent  way,  and  their  side  of 
most  arguments,  according  to  all  accounts,  was 
but  feebly  pressed.  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
who  has  the  habit  of  plain  speech,  wrote  a let- 
ter to  Congressman  McCall,  of  Massachusetts, 
while  these  hearings  were  in  progress,  in  which 
he  characterized  a conspicuously  greedy  part 
of  the  clamorers  for  high  duties  in  terms  that 
were  savagely  rough,  but  not  entirely  unde- 
served. “ Speaking  after  the  fashion  of  men,” 
he  said,  “they  are  either  thieves  or  hogs.  I 
myself  belong  to  the  former  class.  I am  a 
tariff  thief,  and  I have  a license  to  steal.  It 
bears  the  broad  seal  of  the  United  States  and  is 
what  is  known  as  the  ‘ Dingley  Tariff.’  I stole 
under  it  yesterday  ; I am  stealing  under  it  to- 
day ; I propose  to  steal  under  it  to-morrow. 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


The  Government  has  forced  me  into  this  posi- 
tion, and  I both  do  and  shall  take  full  advantage 
of  it.  I am  therefore  a tariff  thief  with  a license 
to  steal.  And  — what  are  you  going  to  do- 
about  it  ? The  other  class  come  under  the  hog 
category ; that  is,  they  rush,  squealing  and 
struggling,  to  the  great  Washington  protection 
trough,  and  with  all  four  feet  in  it  they  proceed 
to  gobble  the  swill.  ...  To  this  class  I do  not 
belong.  I am  simply  a tariff  thief.  . . . But, 
on  the  other  hand,  I am  also  a tariff  reformer. 
I would  like  to  sec  every  protective  schedule 
swept  out  of  existence,  my  own  included.  Mean- 
while, what  inducement  have  I to  go  to  Wash- 
ington on  a public  mission  of  this  sort  ? A mere 
citizen,  I represent  no  one.  . . . Meanwhile,  have 
it  well  understood  that  my  position  is  exactly 
the  position  of  tens  of  thousands  of  others  scat- 
tered throughout  the  country  ; to  ask  us  to  put 
aside  our  business  affairs  and  at  our  own  ex- 
pense to  go  to  Washington  on  a desperate  mis- 
sion is  asking  a little  too  much." 

The  Bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Payne  was  under 
debate  in  the  House  for  three  weeks,  and  passed 
on  the  10th  of  April.  In  the  Senate  it  was  then 
nominally  taken  into  consideration  by  the  Fi- 
nance Committee  of  that  body,  but  that  Com- 
mittee, in  fact,  under  the  dominating  lead  of  its 
chairman,  Senator  Aldrich,  framed  a new  and 
protectively  stiffened  Bill,  changed  in  847  par- 
ticulars from  that  of  the  House.  A little  more 
than  twelve  weeks  were  required  for  this  more 
arduous  labor  of  Mr.  Aldrich,  which  the  Senate 
approved  by  the  passage  of  the  Bill  on  the  8th 
of  July.  On  the  9tli  it  went  to  a conference 
committee  of  the  two  Houses  ; and  there  the 
President’s  influence,  not  much  exerted,  appar- 
ently, until  now,  wrung  a few  important  con- 
cessions to  the  great  public  of  consumers,  which 
the  special  interests  guarded  by  a majority  in 
Congress  had  been  determined  not  to  yield. 
The  American  people  owe  it  to  President  Taft’s 
insistence  that  their  shoes  may  be  cheapened  by 
a free  importation  of  hides,  and  that  lumber  for 
their  houses  and  coal  for  warming  them  may 
come  from  Canada  at  a slightly  lower  rate  of 
duty  than  before;  but  he  failed  to  loosen  the 
grip  of  the  woolen  and  cotton  interests  on  the 
protected  prices  at  which  they  are  clothed. 

After  twenty  days  of  battle  the  conferees 
reached  agreement,  July  29;  the  House  adopted 
their  report  on  the  31st,  the  Senate  on  the  5th 
of  August.  It  was  signed  at  once  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  went  into  effect  the  next  day. 

In  the  House  the  Bill  was  adopted  by  a vote 
of  195  to  183,  twenty  Republicans  voting 
against  it  and  two  Democrats  in  its  favor.  In 
the  Senate  the  vote  stood  47  to  31,  the  negative 
including  seven  Republicans,  and  one  Demo- 
cratic senator  recording  himself  on  the  side  of 
the  Bill.  The  opposing  Republicans  in  both 
Houses  were  stigmatized  as  “insurgents,”  and 
the  autocratic  Speaker  of  the  House,  Cannon, 
of  Illinois,  presumed,  so  far  as  the'  powers  of 
his  office  would  stretch,  to  “ read  them  out”  of 
their  party.  In  their  struggle  to  secure  a more 
honest  fulfilment  of  the  election  promises  of 
both  parties,  and  more  loyalty  to  the  welfare  of 
the  people  at  large,  the  Republican  “insur- 
gents” had  no  such  compact  and  earnest  sup- 
port from  the  Democrats  of  Congress  as  even 
party  considerations  gave  reason  to  expect. 

After  signing  the  Bill,  the  President  gave 


out  a statement  for  publication,  in  part  as  fol- 
lows: 

“I  have  signed  the  Payne  tariff  bill  because 
I believe  it  to  be  the  result  of  a sincere  effort 
on  the  part  of  the  Republican  party  to  make 
a downward  revision,  and  to  comply  with  the 
promises  of  the  platform  as  they  have  been  gen- 
erally understood,  and  as  1 interpreted  them  in 
the  campaign  before  election. 

“The  bill  is  not  a perfect  tariff  bill  or  a 
complete  compliance  with  the  promises  made, 
strictly  interpreted,  but  a fulfilment  free  from 
criticism  in  respect  toa  subject  matter  involving 
many  schedules  and  thousands  of  articles  could 
not  be  expected.  It  suffices  to  say  that,  except 
with  regard  to  whiskey,  liquors,  and  wines,  and 
in  regard  to  silks  and  as  to  some  high  classes 
of  cottons  — all  of  which  may  be  treated  as  lux- 
uries and  proper  subjects  of  a revenue  tariff  — 
there  have  been  very  few  increases  in  rates. 

“ There  have  been  a great  number  of  real  de- 
creases in  rates,  and  they  constitute  a sufficient 
amount  to  justify  the  statement  that  this  bill  is 
a substantial  downward  revision,  and  a reduc- 
tion of  excessive  rates. 

“This  is  not  a free  trade  bill.  It  was  not 
intended  to  be.  The  Republican  party  did  not 
promise  to  make  a free  trade  bill. 

“ It  promised  to  make  the  rates  protective, 
but  to  reduce  them  when  they  exceeded  the  dif- 
ference between  the  cost  of  production  abroad 
and  here,  making  allowance  for  the  greater  nor- 
mal profit  on  active  investments  here.  I be- 
lieve that  while  this  excess  has  not  been  reduced 
in  a number  of  cases,  in  a great  majority,  the 
rates  are  such  as  are  necessary  to  protect  Amer- 
ican industries,  but  are  low  enough,  in  case  of 
abnormal  increase  of  demand,  and  raising  of 
prices,  to  permit  the  possibility  of  the  importa- 
tion of  the  foreign  article,  and  thus  to  prevent 
excessive  prices.” 

“The  administrative  clauses  of  the  bill  and 
the  customs  court  are  admirably  adapted  to 
secure  a more  uniform  and  a more  speedy  final 
construction  of  the  meaning  of  the  law.  The 
authority  to  the  President  to  use  agents  to  assist 
him  in  the  application  of  the  maximum  and 
minimum  section  of  the  statute,  and  to  enable 
officials  to  administer  the  law,  gives  a wide  lati- 
tude for  the  acquisition,  under  circumstances 
favorable  to  its  truth,  of  information  in  respect 
to  the  price  and  cost  of  production  of  goods  at 
home  and  abroad,  which  will  throw  much  light 
on  the  operation  of  the  present  tariff  and  be  of 
primary  importance  as  officially  collected  data 
upon  which  future  executive  action  and  execu- 
tive recommendations  may  be  based. 

“The  corporation  tax  is  a just  and  equitable 
excise  measure,  which  it  is  hoped  will  produce 
a sufficient  amount  to  prevent  a deficit,  and 
which,  incidentally,  will  secure  valuable  statis- 
tics and  information  concerning  the  many  cor- 
porations of  the  country,  and  will  constitute  an 
important  step  toward  that  degree  of  publicity 
and  regulation  which  the  tendency  in  corporate 
enterprises  in  the  last  twenty  years  has  shown 
to  be  necessary.” 

New  Apparatus  of  Tariff  Administration. 

— The  President’s  remarks  in  the  next  to  the 
last  paragraph  of  the  above  statement  have  re- 
ference to  an  important  section  of  the  Tariff 
Act,  which  authorized  the  creation  of  a Board 
of  General  Appraisers,  a Customs  Court  of  Ap- 


642 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


peals,  aud  an  agency  for  the  collection  of  infor- 
mation. The  Board  is  to  consist  of  nine  gen- 
eral appraisers  of  merchandise,  the  salary  of 
each  to  be  $9,000  per  annum,  who  shall  possess 
all  the  powers  of  a Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States.  To  these  general  appraisers  all  cases  of 
dissatisfaction  with  the  amount  and  rates  of 
duties  levied  by  the  appraisers  and  assistant  ap- 
praisers at  the  various  ports  would  be  referred  ; 
the  board  to  exercise  both  judicial  aud  inquisi- 
torial functions.  The  Customs  Court  was  to  be 
composed  of  a presiding  Judge  and  four  associ- 
ate Judges  appointed  by  the  President,  each  to 
receive  a salary  of  $10,000  per  annum;  to  be 
a Court  of  Record,  with  jurisdiction  limited  to 
Customs  cases,  and  to  have  several  judicial  cir- 
cuits, including  Boston,  New  York,  Philadel- 
phia aud  Baltimore,  New  Orleans  aud  Galveston, 
Chicago,  Seattle,  Portland  and  San  Francisco, 
and  such  other  places  as  may  be  found  neces- 
sary. 

More  important,  however,  than  either  of  these 
creations  was  the  third  one,  embodied  in  a brief 
clause  of  the  Act,  which  reads:  “ To  secure  in- 
formation to  assist  the  President  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  imposed  upon  him  by  this 
section,  and  the  officers  of  the  Government  in 
the  administration  of  the  customs  laws,  the 
President  is  hereby  authorized  to  employ  such 
persons  as  may  be  required.” 

The  President  availed  himself  promptly  of 
this  permission  to  have  assistance  from  a com- 
mission or  bureau  of  tariff  information,  and  on 
the  11th  of  September  it  was  announced  that  he 
had  chosen  for  the  service  three  well-qualified 
gentlemen,  namely:  Prof.  Henry  C.  Emery,  of 
Yale,  chairman;  James  B.  Reynolds,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, assistant  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and 
Alvin  H.  Sanders,  of  Chicago,  editor  and  pro- 
prietor of  the  Breeders’  Gazette.  In  announcing 
the  selection  of  the  board,  the  following  state- 
ment was  made  at  the  Executive  Offices:  “ The 
President  and  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  have 
agreed  upon  the  plan  that  these  three  gentle- 
men are  to  constitute  the  board  and  are  to  be 
given  authority  to  employ  such  special  experts 
as  may  be  needed  in  the  investigation  of  the  for- 
eign and  domestic  tariff.” 

The  important  direction  that  was  given  at 
once  by  President  Taft  to  this  Tariff  Board,  as 
he  has  named  it,  was  explained  in  his  Mes- 
sage to  Congress,  December  6,  1909,  as  follows: 
“An  examination  of  the  law  and  an  under- 
standing of  the  nature  of  the  facts  which 
should  be  considered  in  discharging  the  func- 
tions imposed  upon  the  Executive  show  that 
I have  the  power  to  direct  the  tariff  board  to 
make  a comprehensive  glossary  and  encylo- 
psedia  of  the  terms  used  and  articles  embraced 
in  the  tariff  law,  and  to  secure  information  as 
to  the  cost  of  production  of  such  goods  in  this 
country  and  the  cost  of  their  production  in  for- 
eign countries.  I have  therefore  appointed  a 
tariff  board  consisting  of  three  members,  and 
have  directed  them  to  perform  all  the  duties 
above  described.  This  work  will  perhaps  take 
two  or  three  years,  and  I ask  from  Congress  a 
continuing  annual  appropriation  equal  to  that 
already  made  for  its  prosecution.  I believe 
that  the  work  of  this  board  will  be  of  prime 
utility  and  importance  whenever  Congress  shall 
deem  it  wise  again  to  readjust  the  customs 
duties.  If  the  facts  secured  by  the  tariff  board 


are  of  such  a character  as  to  show  generally 
that  the  rates  of  duties  imposed  by  the  present 
tariff  law  are  excessive  under  the  principles  of 
protection  as  described  in  the  platform  of  the 
successful  party  at  the  late  election,  I shall  not 
hesitate  to  invite  the  attention  of  Congress  to 
this  fact,  and  to  the  necessity  for  action  predi- 
cated thereon.  Nothing,  however,  halts  busi- 
ness and  interferes  with  the  course  of  prosper- 
ity so  much  as  the  threatened  revision  of  the 
tariff,  and  until  the  facts  are  at  hand,  after 
careful  and  deliberate  investigation,  upon 
which  such  revision  can  properly  be  under- 
taken, it  seems  to  me  unwise  to  attempt  it. 
The  amount  of  misinformation  that  creeps  into 
arguments  pro  aud  con  in  respect  to  tariff  rates 
is  such  as  to  require  the  kind  of  investigation 
that  I have  directed  the  tariff  board  to  make, 
an  investigation  undertaken  by  it  wholly  with- 
out respect  to  the  effect  which  the  facts  may 
have  in  calling  for  a readjustment  of  the  rates 
of  duty.” 

The  Corporation  Tax.  — The  Corporation 
Tax  mentioned  in  the  final  paragraph  of  the 
President’s  statement  is  one  imposed  by  an  in- 
congruous section  of  the  Tariff  Act,  designed 
for  revenue  additional  to  the  expected  yield  of 
import  duties.  It  exacts  one  per  cent,  of  the 
net  earnings  in  excess  of  $5000  of  all  corpora- 
tions, joint  stock  companies,  and  associations 
organized  for  profit  and  having  a capital  stock 
represented  by  shares,  and  all  insurance  com- 
panies. Foreign  corporations  are  liable  for  the 
tax  to  the  extent  of  their  business  in  the  United 
States.  The  net  income  upon  which  the  tax  is 
paid  is  to  be  ascertained  by  deducting  from  the 
gross  income  of  the  corporation  all  ordinary  and 
necessary  expenses  of  operation  and  mainte- 
nance ; all  uncompensated  losses  actually  paid 
within  the  year  on  its  bonded  or  other  indebted- 
ness not  exceeding  the  paid-up  capital  stock; 
all  Federal  and  State  taxes  already  paid  and  all 
amounts  received  by  it  as  dividends  upon  stock 
of  other  corporations  subject  to  the  tax  hereby 
imposed. 

Holding  corporations  were  exempted  in  the 
original  Bill.  That  exemption  was  struck  out, 
but  the  Conference  Committee  adopted  the 
original  clause.  Corporations  exempted  from 
the  tax  are: — Labour  organizations,  fraternal 
beneficiary  societies,  orders  or  associations 
operating  under  the  lodge  system,  and  provid- 
ing for  the  payment  of  life,  sick,  accident,  and 
other  benefits  to  their  members  and  dependents; 
domestic  building  and  loan  associations  organ- 
ized and  operated  exclusively  for  the  mutual 
benefit  of  their  members,  and  any  corporation 
or  association  organized  and  operated  exclu- 
sively for  religious,  charitable,  or  educational 
purposes,  no  part  of  the  profits  of  which  inures 
to  the  benefit  of  any  private  stockholder,  or 
individual,  but  all  the  profit  of  which  is  in  good 
faith  devoted  to  these  purposes. 

Two  Opposite  Views  of  the  new  Tariff. — 
The  Payne-Aldricli  Tariff  has  been  and  will 
long  be  a subject  of  bitterly  contentious  discus- 
sion, from  opposite  standpoints  of  disgusted 
disappointment  and  happy  satisfaction,  before 
a large  indifferent  audience,  which  takes  such 
legislation  as  belonging  to  an  established  order 
of  conditions  in  the  United  States.  For  a fair 
presentation  of  the  conflicting  judgments,  two 
carefully  chosen  reviews  of  the  Act,  from  the 


643 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


two  points  of  view,  by  unquestionably  repre- 
sentative writers,  are  quoted  below.  The  first 
is  from  President  Woodrow  Wilson,  of  Princeton 
University,  as  follows: 

“The  methods  by  which  tariff  bills  are  con- 
structed have  now  become  all  too  familiar  and 
throw  a significant  light  on  the  character  of  the 
legislation  involved.  Debate  in  the  Houses  has 
little  or  nothing  to  do  with  it.  The  process  by 
which  such  a bill  is  made  is  private,  not  public ; 
because  the  reasons  which  underlie  many  of  the 
rates  imposed  are  private.  The  stronger  faction 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  House 
makes  up  the  preliminary  bill,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  ‘experts’  whom  it  permits  the  indus- 
tries most  concerned  to  supply  for  its  guidance. 
The  controlling  members  of  the  Committee  also 
determine  what  amendments,  if  any,  shall  be 
accepted,  either  from  the  minority  faction  of  the 
Committee  or  from  the  House  itself.  It  permits 
itself  to  be  dictated  to,  if  at  all,  only  by  the  im- 
perative action  of  a party  caucus.  The  stronger 
faction  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate, 
in  like  fashion,  frames  the  bill  which  it  intends 
to  substitute  for  the  one  sent  up  from  the  House. 
It  is  often  to  be  found  at  work  on  it  before  any 
bill  reaches  it  from  the  popular  chamber.  The 
compromise  between  the  two  measures  is 
arranged  in  private  conference  by  conferees 
drawn  from  the  two  committees.  What  takes 
place  in  the  committees  and  in  the  conference  is 
confidential.  It  is  considered  impertinent  for 
reporters  to  inquire.  It  is  admitted  to  be  the 
business  of  the  manufacturers  concerned,  but 
not  the  business  of  the  public,  who  are  to  pay 
the  rates.  The  debates  which  the  country  is 
invited  to  hear  in  the  open  sessions  of  the  Houses 
are  merely  formal.  They  determine  nothing 
and  disclose  very  little.  . . . 

“One  extraordinary  circumstance  of  the  de- 
bates in  the  Senate  should  receive  more  than  a 
passing  allusion.  The  Republican  party  plat- 
form had  promised  that  the  tariff  rates  should  be 
revised  and  that  the  standard  of  revision  should 
be  the  differences  between  the  cost  of  produc- 
ing the  various  articles  affected  in  this  country 
and  in  the  countries  with  which  our  manufac- 
turers compete.  One  of  our  chief  industrial 
competitors  is  now  Germany,  with  its  extraordi- 
nary skill  in  manufacture  and  the  handicrafts 
anti  its  formidable  sagacity  in  foreign  trade; 
and  the  Department  of  State,  in  order  to  enable 
Congress  the  more  intelligently  to  fulfil  the  pro- 
mises of  the  party,  had,  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  President,  requested  the  German  Govern- 
ment to  furnish  it  with  as  full  information  as 
possible  about  the  rates  of  wages  paid  in  the 
leading  industries  of  that  country,  — wages  be- 
ing known,  of  course,  to  be  one  of  the  largest 
items  in  the  cost  of  production.  The  German 
Government  of  course  complied,  with  its  usual 
courtesy  and  thoroughness,  transmitting  an  in- 
teresting report,  each  portion  of  which  was 
properly  authenticated  and  vouched  for.  The 
Department  of  State  placed  it  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate.  But 
Senators  tried  in  vain  to  ascertain  what  it  con- 
tained. Mr.  Aldrich  spoke  of  it  contemptuously 
as  ‘anonymous,’  which  of  course  it  was  not,  as 
‘ unofficial,’  and  even  as  an  impertinent  attempt, 
on  the  part  of  the  German  Government,  to  in- 
fluence our  tariff  legislation.  It  was  only  too 
plain  that  the  contents  of  the  report  made  the 


members  of  the  controlling  faction  of  the  Fi- 
nance Committee  very  uncomfortable  indeed. 
...  It  would  have  proved  that  the  leaders  of 
the  party  were  deliberately  breaking  its  promise 
to  the  country.  It  was,  therefore,  thrown  into 
a pigeonhole  and  disregarded.  It  was  a private 
document. 

“In  pursuance  of  the  same  policy  of  secrecy 
and  private  management,  the  bill  was  filled 
with  what  those  who  discovered  them  were 
good-natured  or  cynical  enough  to  call  ‘ jokers,’ 
— clauses  whose  meaning  did  not  lie  upon  the 
surface,  whose  language  was  meant  not  to  dis- 
close its  meaning  to  the  members  of  the  Houses 
who  were  to  be  asked  to  enact  them  into  law, 
but  only  to  those  by  whom  the  law  was  to  be 
administered  after  its  enactment.  This  was 
one  of  the  uses  to  which  the  ‘experts’  were  put 
whom  the  committees  encouraged  to  advise 
them.  They  knew  the  technical  words  under 
which  meanings  could  be  hidden,  or  the  ap- 
parently harmless  words  which  had  a chance  to 
go  unnoted  or  unchallenged.  Electric  carbons 
had  been  taxed  at  ninety  cents  per  hundred  ; 
the  new  bill  taxed  them  at  seventy  cents  per 
hundred  feet;  — an  apparent  reduction  if  the 
word  feet  went  unchallenged.  It  came  very  near 
escaping  the  attention  of  the  Senate,  and  did 
quite  escape  the  attention  of  the  general  public, 
who  paid  no  attention  at  all  to  the  debates,  that 
the  addition  of  the  word  feet  almost  doubled 
the  existing  duty. 

“The  hugest  practical  joke  of  the  whole  bill 
lay  in  the  so-called  maximum  and  minimum 
clause.  The  schedules  as  they  were  detailed  in 
the  bill  and  presented  to  the  country,  through 
the  committees  and  the  newspapers,  — the 
schedules  by  which  it  was  made  believe  that  the 
promise  to  the  country  of  a ‘ downward  ’ revision 
was  being  kept  by  those  responsible  for  the 
bill,  were  only  the  minimum  schedules.  There 
lay  at  the  back  of  the  measure  a maximum  pro- 
vision about  which  very  little  was  said,  but  the 
weight  of  which  the  country  may  come  to  feel 
as  a very  serious  and  vexatious  burden  in  the 
months  to  come.  In  the  case  of  articles  imported 
from  countries  whose  tariff  arrangements  dis- 
criminate against  the  United  States,  the  duties 
are  to  be  put  at  a maximum  which  is  virtually 
prohibitive.  The  clause  is  a huge  threat.  Self- 
respecting  countries  do  not  yield  to  threats  or 
to  ‘ impertinent  efforts  on  the  part  of  other 
Governments,  to  affect  their  tariff  legislation.’ 
Where  the  threat  is  not  heeded  we  shall  pay 
heavier  duties  than  ever,  heavier  duties  than 
any  previous  Congress  ever  dared  impose. 

“When  it  is  added  that  not  the  least  at- 
tempt was  made  to  alter  the  duties  on  sugar  by 
which  every  table  in  the  country  is  taxed  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Sugar  Trust,  but  just  now  con- 
victed of  criminal  practices  in  defrauding  the 
Government  in  this  very  matter ; that  increased 
rates  were  laid  on  certain  classes  of  cotton  goods 
for  the  benefit,  chiefly,  of  the  manufacturers 
of  New  England,  from  which  the  dominant 
party  always  counts  upon  getting  votes,  and 
that  the  demand  of  the  South,  from  which  it 
does  not  expect  to  get  them,  for  free  cotton 
bagging  was  ignored ; that  the  rates  on  wool 
and  woollen  goods,  a tax  which  falls  directly 
upon  the  clothing  of  the  whole  population  of 
the  country,  were  maintained  unaltered  ; and 
that  relief  was  granted  at  only  one  or  two 


644 


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TARIFFS 


points,  — by  conceding  free  hides  and  almost 
free  iron  ore,  for  example,  — upon  which  pub- 
lic opinion  had  been  long  and  anxiously  concen- 
trated ; and  granted  only  at  the  last  moment 
upon  the  earnest  solicitation  of  the  President,  — 
nothing  more  need  be  said  to  demonstrate  the 
insincerity,  the  uncandid,  designing,  unpatriotic 
character  of  the  whole  process.  It  was  not  in- 
tended for  the  public  good.  It  was  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  the  interests  most  directly  and 
selfishly  concerned.” — Woodrow  Wilson,  The 
Tariff  Make-Believe  ( North  American  Review , 
Oct.,  1909). 

The  second  quotation  is  from  an  article  in 
The  Atlantic  Monthly,  by  Hon.  Samuel  W.  Mc- 
Call, Congressman  from  Massachusetts,  setting 
forth  reasons  for  a moderate  satisfaction  with 
the  Act : 

‘‘The  certain  method  of  determining  just 
what  the  Payne  Act  does,  is,  as  I have  said,  to 
take  its  paragraphs  in  detail  and  scrutinize  the 
new  duties  in  comparison  with  those  which  they 
have  supplanted.  Such  a course  will  show  the 
exact  character  and  number  of  the  increases  and 
decreases.  Those  who  have  no  other  means  of 
comparison  at  hand  may  safely  take  the  table 
prepared  by  the  Hon.  Champ  Clark  of  Missouri, 
Democratic  leader  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  produced  by  him  July  31  last,  in  his 
speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  against 
the  Conference  Report  on  the  bill.  It  is  true 
that  in  commenting  upon  it  he  showed  that  he 
was  a trifle  rusty  on  his  Cobden,  and  made  the 
amount  of  actual  revenue  the  test, — a method 
only  less  weird  than  that  based  upon  the  average 
ad  valorem,  for  it  is  demonstrable  that  a purely 
free-trade  tariff  after  the  British  model  would 
provide  us  a greater  revenue  than  does  the  Payne 
Act.  While  the  table  given  by  Mr.  Clark  ex- 
aggerates in  some  cases  the  extent  of  the  in- 
creases, it  will  clearly  appear  from  it  that  on 
the  whole  the  decreases  so  vastly  outnumber 
the  increases  as  to  make  the  new  law  seem 
almost  revolutionary  in  character.  If  one  takes 
the  schedules  in  their  order,  he  will  find  in  the 
first  schedule,  which  relates  to  chemicals,  that 
the  increases  are  a bare  half-dozen  in  number, 
and  include  fancy  soaps  and  alkaloids  of  opium 
aud  cocaine,  while  the  decreases  are  more  than 
fifty,  and  include  many  of  the  articles  which 
are  in  general  consumption,  such  as  sulphur, 
various  forms  of  soda,  potash,  lead,  and  sulphate 
of  ammonia,  the  last  of  which  is  put  on  the 
free  list. 

“ The  second  schedule  shows  a slight  increase 
upon  the  smaller  sizes  of  plate  glass,  and  this 
increase  is  many  times  offset  by  decreases  upon 
fire  and  other  brick,  gypsum,  various  kinds  of 
window-glass,  nearly  all  the  grades  of  marble, 
and  other  important  articles. 

“In  the  metal  schedule  there  is  an  increase  in 
fabricated  structural  steel,  zinc  ore,  and  a very 
few  other  items,  some  of  which  relate  to  articles 
not  manufactured  when  the  Dingley  law  was 
passed ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  basic  article 
of  iron  ore  is  reduced  from  forty  to  fifteen  cents 
per  ton,  the  lowest  ad  valorem  that  it  has  had  in 
the  history  of  the  country  ; pig  iron  is  reduced 
from  four  dollars  to  two  dollars  and  a half  per 
ton,  scrap  iron  and  steel  from  four  dollars  to  one 
dollar  per  ton,  bar  iron  from  six-tenths  to  three- 
tenths  of  a cent  a pound,  cotton  ties  from  five- 
tenths  to  three-tenths  of  a cent  per  pound,  steel 


rails  from  seven  dollars  and  eighty-four  cents 
to  three  dollars  and  ninety-two  cents  per  ton. 
There  are  nearly  a hundred  other  reductions 
in  the  metal  schedule:  in  fact,  the  reductions  in 
this  schedule  are  so  general,  and  in  some  cases 
so  drastic,  that  it  may  be  said,  practically,  that 
these  duties  have  been  cut  in  two. 

“ The  lumber  schedule  shows  but  two  unim- 
portant increases,  while  the  schedule  generally 
is  cut  nearly  forty  per  cent.  One  grade  of 
sawed  boards  is  reduced  from  one  dollar  to  fifty 
cents  per  thousand  feet,  and  all  other  sawed 
lumber  from  two  dollars  to  a dollar  and  a quar- 
ter per  thousand.  Fence  posts  are  put  on  the 
free  list.  Dressed  lumber,  telephone  poles, 
railroad  ties,  and  other  important  products  of 
wood,  are  very  much  reduced. 

“Notwithstanding  the  attempt  that  is  being 
made  to  create  a sectional  feeling  in  the  West, 
the  only  schedule  covering  necessary  articles  in 
which  increases  predominate  is  the  agricultural 
schedule.  The  duties  are  also  increased  upon 
champagnes  and  other  wines,  brandy,  ale,  beer, 
tobacco,  silks,  high-priced  laces,  and  various 
other  articles,  which  for  want  of  a better  term, 
are  called  luxuries. 

“Bituminous  coal  is  reduced  from  sixty-seven 
cents  to  forty-seven  cents  per  ton,  which  with 
the  exception  of  a very  brief  period,  is  in 
value  the  lowest  duty  we  have  ever  imposed 
upon  it. 

“ Agricultural  implements  are  reduced,  and  a 
provision  added  admitting  them  free  of  duty 
from  any  country  which  admits  our  agricultural 
machinery  free. 

“Works  of  art  more  than  twenty  years  old 
are  put  on  the  free  list. 

“ Hides  of  cattle  are  put  on  the  free  list,  and 
an  enormous  reduction  made,  not  merely  on 
all  the  products  of  these  hides,  but  on  nearly 
all  articles  of  leather.  Sole  leather  is  cut  from 
twenty  to  five  per  cent  ad  valorem,  upper 
leather  from  twenty  to  seven  and  a half  per 
cent,  and  boots  and  shoes  from  twenty-five  to 
fifteen  per  cent,  and,  on  important  kinds,  to  ten 
per  cent.  . . . The  two  great  textile  schedules 
are  practically  unchanged.  The  wool  duty  is 
politically  the  most  powerful  of  any  in  the  tariff. 
The  farmers  of  the  country  have  been  pretty 
thoroughly  educated  to  the  belief,  whether 
rightly  or  wrongly,  that  the  free-wool  agitation, 
culminating  in  the  tariff  of  1894,  was  responsible 
for  the  slaughter  of  their  flocks.  Their  repre- 
sentatives formed  the  strongest  single  element 
behind  the  passage  of  the  Dingley  law  ; and,  in 
the  session  just  ended,  their  strength  was  so 
great  as  to  discourage  any  assault  upon  the 
wool  duties.  These  duties  range  from  forty  to 
more  than  one  hundred  per  cent  of  the  value, 
and  so  long  as  they  are  maintained  at  such  a 
high  point  it  is  idle  to  talk  of  any  very  material 
reduction  on  woolens  or  worsteds.  The  centre 
of  the  entire  schedule  is  the  duty  upon  wool. 

. . . Every  duty  in  this  schedule  from  top  to 
bottom  might  have  been  cut  ten  per  cent  with- 
out trenching  upon  the  necessary  amount  of 
protection. 

“ The  Dingley  duties  upon  cottons  were 
greatly  less  than  those  in  the  woolen  schedule. 
This  was  doubtless  due  to  the  fact  that  we  are 
the  great  cotton-producing  nation,  and  our 
manufacturers  are  at  no  disadvantage  in  raw 
material  with  any  of  their  foreign  competitors. 


645 


TARIFFS 


TARIFFS 


. . . These  duties  are  so  complicated  that  it  is 
difficult  for  one  who  is  not  an  expert  to  under- 
stand them ; but  according  to  the  best  experts, 
they  are,  at  least,  no  higher  in  the  Payne  Act 
than  the  Dingley  duties  were  intended  to  be, 
and  were  interpreted  to  be  for  four  years  after 
the  passage  of  the  act.” 

The  following  is  from  an  article  in  the  Amer- 
ican Review  of  Reviews,  Sept.,  1909: 

“ Summing  up  the  changes  made  in  the  tariff 
as  shown  in  the  various  Senate  documents,  the 
new  act  has  increased  the  Dingley  rates  in  300 
instances,  while  reducing  them  in  584  cases. 
The  increases  affect  commodities  imported  in 
1907  to  the  value  of  at  least  8105,844,201,  while 
the  reductions  affect  not  more  than  $132,141,074 
worth  of  imports.  Four  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  million  dollars’  worth  of  imports  (on  the 
basis  of  1907)  remain  subject  to  the  same  duties 
as  under  the  Dingley  tariff.  That  is  to  say,  05 
per  cent  of  the  total  imports  remain  subject  to 
the  old  rates,  more  than  fifteen  per  cent  of  the 
total  will  be  subject  to  higher  duties,  the  aver- 
age increase  amounting  to  31  per  cent,  over  the 
Dingley  rates  ; and  less  than  20  per  cent,  of  the 
imports  are  to  be  subject  to  lower  duties,  the 
reduction  being  estimated  about  23  per  cent, 
below  the  Dingley  rates.  All  of  these  figures 
greatly  underestimate  the  increases  of  duty  for 
the  following  reasons : First  they  do  not  take 
into  account  the  numerous  changes  (nearly  all 
increases  of  duty)  due  to  classification,  similar 
to  the  instances  cited  in  the  case  of  sawn  wood, 
structural  iron,  and  cotton  cloth;  second  a large 
part  of  the  imports  subject  to  ad  valorem  duties 
will  now  be  assessed  on  the  basis  of  domestic 
prices  instead  of  the  prices  in  foreign  markets 
(with  due  allowance  for  freight  and  duty),  as 
has  hitherto  been  the  case  ; and,  finally,  the 
possibility,  even  if  remote,  of  the  application  of 
maximum  rates  to  imports  from  some  of  the  for- 
eign countries,  which  will  amount  on  the  aver- 
age to  an  increase  of  more  than  50  per  cent,  over 
the  new  rates.  The  real  increase  of  duty  will 
not  be  accurately  known  for  a year,  until  we 
have  full  returns  of  the  imports  and  duties 
actually  levied  under  the  new  law  under  the 
decisions  of  the  Board  of  General  Appraisers 
and  the  new  Customs  Court.” 

Certain  Outside  Effects.  — As  between  the 
United  States  and  France,  the  situation  pro- 
duced by  the  new  Tariff  Act,  which  caused  ex- 
isting commercial  agreements  between  the  two 
countries  to  be  abrogated  on  the  31st  of  Octo- 
ber, 1909,  was  explained  as  follows  in  a Press 
despatch  of  September  22  from  Washington  : 
“The  State  Department  has  received  from  Con- 
sul-General Mason  at  Paris  the  text  of  the  an- 
nouncement by  the  French  government  of  the 
abrogation  of  the  several  commercial  agree- 
ments with  the  United  States  by  the  action  of 
President  Taft  in  conformity  with  the  provi- 
sions of  our  new  tariff  act. 

“ ‘Under  and  in  consequence  of  these  condi- 
tions,’ the  French  announcement  says,  ‘ there 
is  reason  to  decide  that  the  decrees  dated  July 
7,  1893,  May  28,  1898,  and  February  21,  1903, 
which  constitute  the  measure  of  the  application 
of  the  Franco- American  agreement  for  mer- 
chandise produced  in  the  United  States  and  the 
Island  of  Porto  Rico  shall  cease  to  be  enforced 
on  October  31,  1909.’ 

“ On  that  date  the  articles  produced  in  the 


United  States  and  exported  to  France  will  pay 
what  is  known  in  France  as  its  general  tariff, 
but  which  in  effect  is  its  maximum  rates  of 
duty.  The  principal  articles  of  export  from 
the  United  States  under  this  agreement  are 
mineral  oils  and  coffee  from  Porto  Rico.  At 
the  same  time  articles  imported  from  France 
into  the  United  States  under  these  agreements 
will  pay  our  regular  or  highest  rate.  These 
include  canned  meats,  fresh  and  dried  fruits, 
manufactured  and  prepared  pork  meats,  lard, 
and  a few  other  articles  of  less  importance.” 

The  effect  of  the  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff  Act  on 
trade  between  the  United  States  and  Canada 
was  left  an  open  question,  dependent  on  a de- 
cision which  President  Taft  must  make  on  or 
before  April  1,  1910.  Section  2 of  the  Law 
expressly  provides  the  President  with  power  to 
treat  “ any  dependency,  colony,  or  other  politi- 
cal subdivision  having  authority  to  adopt  and 
enforce  tariff  legislation”  as  a separate  fiscal 
entity.  The  question  for  the  President  to  de- 
cide is  whether  Canada,  by  reason  of  her  pre- 
ferential treatment  of  the  Mother  Country  or 
by  reason  of  the  commercial  treaty  which  she 
is  about  to  conclude  with  France,  will  be 
judged  guilty  of  “undue  discrimination  ” and 
unworthy  of  the  minimum  rates. 

Looked  at  from  the  English  standpoint,  it  is 
thought  that  he  “ can  hardly  declare  so  natural 
a relationship  as  the  existing  British  preference 
to  be  ‘unduly’  discriminatory  when  a similar 
relationship  exists  between  Cuba  and  the 
United  States,  and  when  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii, 
and  the  Philippines  actually  enjoy  reciprocal 
free  trade  with  America  and  with  America 
alone.” 

A more  practical  consideration  in  the  matter, 
however,  is  that  suggested  in  the  following, 
from  a Boston  newspaper,  which  remarks: 

“According  to  the  Department  of  Commerce 
and  Labor,  there  are  now  147  branch  factories 
in  Canada,  representing  a capital  of  $125,000,- 
000,  established  by  United  States  concerns 
which  formerly  supplied  their  Canadian  trade 
with  the  product  of  industry  on  this  side  the 
national  border.  This  is  the  result  of  retalia- 
tory legislation  in  Canada  invited  by  our  own 
tariff  against  Canadian  imports.  If  further 
tariff  war  is  invited  by  the  imposition  of  the 
maximum  schedules  against  Canada,  still  more 
United  States  capital  will  go  over  the  line  to 
provide  employment  and  wages  for  Canadian 
workmen." 

The  Monetary  Times,  of  Toronto,  made  an 
exhaustive  inquiry  on  this  subject  late  in  1909, 
and  found  168  American  manufacturing  con- 
cerns in  Canada,  representing  an  estimated  in- 
vestment of  $226,000,000. 

The  spirit  in  which  President  Taft  will  inter- 
pret the  maximum  and  minimum  clause  of  the 
Act,  and  exercise  his  discretion  in  applying  it, 
was  indicated  by  him  in  his  Message  to  Con- 
gress, Dec.  6,  1909,  when  he  said  : “ By  virtue 
of  the  clause  known  as  the  ‘ Maximum  and 
Minimum  ’ clause,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Execu- 
tive to  consider  the  laws  and  practices  of  other 
countries  with  reference  to  the  importation  into 
those  countries  of  the  products  and  merchan- 
dise of  the  United  States,  and  if  the  Executive 
finds  such  laws  and  practices  not  to  be  unduly 
discriminatory  against  the  United  States,  the 
minimum  duties  provided  in  the  bill  are  to  go 


646 


TARIFFS 


TIBET 


into  force.  Unless  the  President  makes  such  a 
finding,  then  the  maximum  duties  provided  in 
the  bill,  that  is,  an  increase  of  25  per  cent,  ad 
valorem  over  the  minimum  duties,  are  to  be  in 
force.  Fear  has  been  expressed  that  this  power 
conferred  and  duty  imposed  on  the  Executive 
is  likely  to  lead  to  a tariff  war.  I beg  to  ex- 
press the  hope  and  belief  that  no  such  result 
need  be  anticipated. 

“The  discretion  granted  to  the  Executive 
by  the  terms  ‘ unduly  discriminatory  ’ is  wide. 
In  order  that  the  maximum  duty  shall  be 
charged  against  the  imports  from  a country,  it 
is  necessary  that  he  shall  find  on  the  part  of 
that  country  not  only  discrimination  in  its  laws 
or  the  practice  under  them  against  the  trade  of 
the  United  States,  but  that  the  discriminations 
found  shall  be  undue;  that  is,  without  good 
and  fair  reason.  I conceive  that  this  power 
was  reposed  in  the  President  with  the  hope 
that  the  maximum  duties  might  never  be  ap- 
plied in  any  case,  but  that  the  power  to  apply 
them  would  enable  the  President  and  the  State 
Department  through  friendly  negotiation  to  se- 
cure the  elimination  from  the  laws  and  the 
practice  under  them  of  any  foreign  country  of 
that  which  is  unduly  discriminatory.  No  one 


is  seeking  a tarilf  war  or  a condition  in  which 
the  spirit  of  retaliation  shall  be  aroused.” 

On  the  19th  of  January,  1910,  the  President 
issued  the  first  of  his  proclamations  relative  to 
the  operation  of  the  maximum  and  minimum 
rates  of  duty.  Six  countries,  namely  Great 
Britain,  Russia,  Italy,  Spain,  Switzerland,  and 
Turkey,  were  designated  as  entitled  to  the  min- 
imum rates.  Negotiations  with  Germany  and 
France  were  understood  to  be  still  in  progress, 
which  might,  it  was  hoped,  clear  away  the  dif- 
ferences that  obstructed  a similar  concession  to 
those  countries.  In  the  case  of  Germany,  the 
difficulty  related  to  the  exclusion  of  American 
meats. 

A second  proclamation,  February  7,  an- 
nounced the  conclusion  of  an  agreement  with 
Germany  which  gave  to  each  country  the  min- 
imum rates  of  the  other.  This  agreement  had 
been  ratified  by  the  Reichstag  on  the  5th. 

Negotiations  with  France  and  with  Canada  oc- 
cupied more  time,  being  protracted  in  the  latter 
case  almost  to  the  limit  of  the  period  prescribed 
in  the  Act.  Terms  of  agreement  were  arrived  at 
in  both  instances,  and,  in  the  end,  the  President 
was  not  called  on  to  apply  the  maximum  rates 
to  any  country. 


TARSUS:  Moslem  attack  on  Armenians. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.- 
May). 

TARTARS : Holy  War  against  Armenians 
in  the  Caucasus.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  ; 
A.  D.  1905  (Feb.-Nov.). 

TASHINCHIAO,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan;  A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 

TAVERA,  Dr.  T.  H.  Pardo  de.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Philippine  Islands  : A.  D.  1901. 

TAXATION:  Graduated  Taxation  of 

Land.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New  Zealand:  A.  D. 
1905. 

Progressive  Taxation  of  Fortunes.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Wealth,  The  Problems  of. 

TAYLOR,  Edward  R.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Municipal  Government:  San  Francisco. 

TEACHERS:  English  and  American  In- 
terchange of  Visits.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion : International  Interchanges. 

TEAMSTERS’  UNION:  Strike  at  Chi- 
cago. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1905  (April-July). 

TECHNICAL  EDUCATION.  See  Edu- 
cation. 

TEHERAN,  or  Tehran,  Revolutionary 
events  in.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia. 
TELEGRAPHERS’  STRIKE,  in  France. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization: 
France:  A.  D.  1909  (March-May). 

In  Russia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D. 
1904-1905. 

In  the  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1907. 

TELEGRAPHY.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention  : Electrical. 

TELEPHONE  AND  TELEGRAPH 
MERGER,  United  States.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : United 

States:  A.  D.  1909. 

TELISSU,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). 

TELLES,  Sebastiao.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 


TEMPERANCE.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Alco- 
hol Problem. 

TENEMENT  HOUSE  REFORM.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  New  York:  A.  D.  1900-1903. 

TERRITORIAL  FORCE,  The  British. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations 
for  : Military. 

TEWFIK  PASHA.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

TEXAS:  A.  D.  1906-1909.  — Successful 
Prosecution  of  the  Waters-Pierce  Oil  Com- 
pany. See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial, &c.  : United  States:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

THEOTOKIS  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Greece  : A.  D.  1906,  and  1909. 

THIBET.  See  Tibet. 

THOMSON,  Sir  Joseph:  Presidential 

Address  to  British  Association  for  the  Ad- 
vancement of  Science,  at  Winnipeg.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention  : Re- 
cent : Physical. 

THOMSON,  J.  J.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Nobel 
Prizes. 

TIBET:  A.  D.  1902.  — Russo-Chinese 

Treaty  for  Control  of  the  Country.  — “A 

Russo-Chinese  treaty  concerning  Tibet  was  ne- 
gotiated [in  the  later  months  of  1902]  ...  by 
Yung-lu.  And  as  it  had  to  be  notified  to  the 
Chief-Lamas  of  the  different  Buddhist  countries, 
it  became  possible  to  obtain  the  confidential 
communication  of  its  text  immediately  on  its 
conclusion.  This  text,  which  I published  a 
month  ago  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung,  and 
which  has  since  been  admitted  as  correct  by 
Russian  semi-official  papers,  runs  as  follows: 

“Art.  1st. — Tibet  being  a territory  situated 
between  Central  China  and  Western  Siberia, 
Russia  and  China  are  mutually  obliged  to  care 
for  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  that  country. 
In  case  troubles  should  arise  in  Tibet,  China, 
in  order  to  preserve  this  district,  and  Russia, 
in  order  to  protect  her  frontiers,  shall  despatch 
thither  military  forces  on  mutual  notification. 

“Art.  2nd. — In  case  of  apprehension  of  a 
third  Power’s  contriving,  directly  or  indirectly, 


647 


TIBET 


TISZA  MINISTRY 


troubles  in  Tibet,  Russia  and  China  oblige 
themselves  to  concur  in  taking  such  measures 
as  may  seem  advisable  for  repressing  such 
troubles. 

“Art.  3d.  — Entire  liberty  in  what  concerns 
Russian  orthodox  as  well  as  Lamaist  worship 
will  be  introduced  in  Tibet;  but  all  other  re- 
ligious doctrines  will  be  absolutely  prohibited. 
For  this  purpose,  the  Grand-Lama  and  the  Su- 
perintendent of  the  Orthodox  Peking  Mission 
are  bound  to  proceed  amicably  and  by  mutual 
assent,  so  as  to  guarantee  the  free  propagation 
of  both  religions  and  take  all  necessary  mea- 
sures for  avoiding  religious  disputes. 

“Art.  4th.  — Tibet  shall  be  made,  gradually, 
a country  with  an  independent  inner  administra- 
tion. In  order  to  accomplish  this  task,  Russia 
and  China  are  to  share  the  work.  Russia  takes 
upon  herself  the  reorganisation  of  the  Tibetan 
military  forces  on  the  European  model,  and 
obliges  herself  to  carry  into  effect  this  reform  in 
a good  spirit  and  without  incurring  blame  from 
the  native  population.  China,  for  her  part,  is 
to  take  care  of  the  development  of  the  economic 
situation  of  Tibet,  and  especially  of  her  progress 
abroad.”  — Alexander  Ular,  England,  Russia, 
and  Tibet  {Contemporarg  Review , Dec.,  1902). 

A.  D.  1902-1904. — British  Enforcement  of 
Unfulfilled  Promises.  — The  Peaceful  Mis- 
sion of  Colonel  Younghusband  which  forced 
its  way  to  Lhasa. — For  a dozen  years  prior  to 
1902  there  had  been  unfulfilled  promises  from 
China  to  India  of  a settlement  of  trade  relations 
between  Tibet  and  the  latter,  so  far  as  the 
nominal  suzerain  at  Peking  had  power  to  settle 
them.  In  that  year  the  Chinese  Government 
proposed  to  send  a Commissioner  to  the  Tibetan 
frontier  to  discuss  matters  there,  and  the  Vice- 
roy of  India,  assenting  promptly  to  the  pro- 
posal, commissioned  Colonel  Younghusband,  in 
June,  1903,  to  proceed,  with  the  British  Political 
Officer  in  Sikkim,  to  Khamba  Jong,  for  a meet- 
ing with  Chinese  and  Tibetan  representatives. 
The  mission  was  escorted  by  200  native  troops, 
and  reached  the  meeting  place  in  July,  but 
found  no  Chinese  or  Tibetan  envoys  on  the  spot. 
It  remained  encamped  at  the  appointed  place 
for  six  months  or  more,  Colonel  Younghusband 
returning  personally  meantime  to  Simla  to  re- 
port the  situation  and  receive  instructions.  A 
reserve  force  was  stationed  in  Sikkim  to  protect 
the  mission  in  case  of  need. 

Early  in  1904  the  mission  moved  forward, 
over  the  Tang  Pass,  to  Tuna,  where  it  halted 
again  until  the  end  of  March,  no  envoys  appear- 
ing, but  many  marks  of  hostility  shown.  Then, 
after  being  reinforced, — as  the  intention  of 
Tibetans  to  oppose  its  further  advance  had  be- 
come plain,- — its  march  was  resumed.  Thrice 
attacked  within  the  next  few  days  and  forced 
to  severe  fighting,  it  reached  Gyangtse  on  the 
11th  of  April,  where  it  was  halted  again  until 
near  the  end  of  June,  in  a camp  established  on 
the  plain.  There  Colonel  Younghusband  re- 
ceived a communication  from  the  Chinese  Resi- 
dent or  Amban  at  Lhasa,  promising  to  meet  him 
in  three  weeks.  This  was  followed  immediately 
however  by  a fierce  attack  of  the  Tibetans  on 
the  British  camp.  The  assault  was  repelled,  but 
bombardment  of  the  camp  was  opened  from 
a neighboring  fort.  The  Mission  now  aban- 
doned attempts  to  maintain  its  peaceful  char- 
acter, and  with  approval  of  the  governments 


behind  it,  both  in  India  and  Great  Britain, 
prepared  to  force  its  way  to  Lhasa  and  extort 
fulfilment  of  the  promises  on  the  strength  of 
which  it  had  been  sent.  General  Macdonald, 
who  held  the  military  command,  brought  up 
further  reinforcements,  and  the  expedition,  now 
numbering  about  1000  British  and  2000  native 
troops,  after  capturing  the  fort  at  Gyangtse 
which  had  harassed  it,  set  forth  on  its  march  to 
Lhasa  July  14th.  It  met  with  slight  resistance 
in  the  Karola  Pass,  across  which  a wall  had 
been  built ; but  otherwise  it  found  little  but  the 
natural  obstacles  of  the  mountain  country  to 
overcome.  Lhasa  was  reached,  but  not  entered 
in  force,  on  August  3d.  The  Dalai  Lama  had 
left  the  city,  but  had  appointed  an  intelligent 
monk  to  act  as  regent  in  his  place.  With  him 
and  with  the  Chinese  Amban  Colonel  Young- 
husband succeeded  in  negotiating  the  treaty  de- 
sired, which  was  signed  September  7th.  As  soon 
as  possible  thereafter  the  expedition  started  on 
its  return,  but  suffered  severely  from  the  cold 
and  snows  of  the  mountains  before  India  was 
reached.  Its  total  death  roll  was  411,  of  which 
only  37  officers  and  men  had  died  from  battle- 
wounds. 

By  the  treaty  secured,  the  Tibetan  Govern- 
ment was  pledged  to  carry  out  former  agreements 
concerning  the  marking  of  boundaries  and  the 
opening  of  trade  at  three  marts ; to  arrange  a 
fixed  tariff ; to  maintain  certain  roads  from  the 
frontier;  and  to  make  no  territorial,  political,  or 
commercial  concession  to  any  foreign  Power 
without  granting  similar  or  equivalent  conces- 
sions to  Great  Britain.  It  also  undertook  to  pay 
an  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  the  British  expedi- 
tion, pending  the  payment  of  which  the  Chumbi 
Valley  should  be  held  by  a British  force. 

A.  D.  1907. — Convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  relative  to  Tibet.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Europe:  A.  D.  1907  (Aug.). 

A.  D.  1910.  — Chinese  Authority  strength- 
ened in  Tibet.  — Flight  of  the  Dalai  Lama. 
— His  formal  Deposition.  — The  Dalai  Lama, 
who  had  fled  from  Lhasa  in  1904,  on  the  ap- 
proach of  the  British  expeditionary  force  under 
Colonel  Younghusband,  did  not  return  to  Tibet 
until  more  than  five  years  later.  Meantime 
he  had  visited  Peking,  where  he  was  coldly  re- 
ceived, and  seems  to  have  wandered  widely 
through  the  Empire.  During  his  absence  the 
Chinese  authority  in  Tibet  had  been  strength- 
ened, and  his  return  was  followed  by  a consid- 
erable reinforcement  of  troops  to  support  the 
Ambans  who  represent  the  Chinese  Government 
at  Lhasa.  Exactly  what  friction  arose  then  has 
not  yet  been  made  clear;  but,  in  February,  1910, 
the  Lama  fled  again  from  his  capital,  into  India, 
and  on  the  25tli  he  was  solemnly  deposed  from 
his  sacred  office  by  an  imperial  decree. 

TIEN-TSIN : Delivered  to  the  Chinese 
Viceroy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  CniNA:  A.  D.  1902. 

TIGER  HILL.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). 

TILAK,  Bal  Gangadhar:  His  Trial  and 
Imprisonment.  Sec  (in  this  vol.)  India  : A.  1). 
1907-1908. 

TIRPITZ,  Admiral:  On  German  Navy- 
building. See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Prepa- 
rations for  : Naval. 

TISZA  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Austria-Hungary:  A.  D.  1902-1903;  1 905— 
1906. 


648 


TITTONI  MINISTRY 


TURKEY,  1901 


TITTONI  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Italy  : A.  1).  1905-1906. 

TOBACCO  FARMERS’  UNION,  in 
Kentucky:  Its  Night-Riders.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Kentucky  : A.  I).  1905-1909. 

TOBACCO  TRUST  : Suit  of  the  Govern- 
ment against  it.  — Report  of  Commissioner 
of  Corporations.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions,  Industrial,  <&c.  : United  States:  A.  D. 
1901-1906;  1905-1906;  1907-1909;  and  1909. 

TOGO,  Admiral:  In  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904 
(Feb. -July),  and  after. 

TOLSTOI,  Count  Lyoff  : His  Challenge 
to  the  Russian  Government.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1909. 

TOMUCHENG.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (July-Seft.). 

TORONTO:  A.  D.  1909.  — Meeting  of 
International  Council  of  Women.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Women,  International  Council  of. 

TOWN-PLANNING  LEGISLATION. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Social  Betterment:  Eng- 
land ; A.  D.  1909. 

TRADE  BOARDS  BILL,  The  English. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Remuneration: 
Wages  Regulation. 

TRADE  U N I O NS.— DISPUTES  — 
AGREEMENTS:  See  Labor  Organization. 

TRANSANDINE  RAILWAY  TUN- 
NEL. See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways  : Argen- 
tine-Chile. 


TRANS-MISSOURI  FREIGHT  ASSO- 
CIATION, The  Case  of  the.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Railways  : United  States:  A.  I).  1890- 
1902. 

TRANSVAAL,  The.  See  South  Africa. 

TREPOFF.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia  : 
A.  D.  1904-1905. 

TRIPLE  ALLIANCE,  The:  A.  D.  1902. 
— Renewal.  — The  Triple  Alliance  of  Ger- 
many, Austria-Hungary,  and  Italy,  originally 
negotiated  in  1879,  was  renewed  in  June,  1902, 
for  twelve  years  from  May,  1903. 

A.  D.  1905. — Effect  of  the  Defeat  of  Rus- 
sia in  the  War  with  Japan.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

TROU BETZ  KOI,  Prince  S.  N.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1905-1907. 

TRUSTS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c. 

TSAI-TSE,  Prince:  His  Mission  abroad. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  CniNA:  A.  D.  1905-1908. 

TSONTSHEFF,  General:  Operations  in 
Macedonia.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey:  A.  D. 
1902-1903. 

TSUSHIMA,  Naval  Battle  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (Oct.-May). 

TUBERCULOSIS,  The  Crusade 
against.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health. 

TUNG  FANG.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China: 
A.  D.  1906. 

TURBINE  ENGINE.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent. 


TURKEY. 


A.  D.  1901.  — The  Bulgarian  Committee 
which  directs  Revolutionary  Operations  in 
Macedonia.  — Its  Instructions  to  the  Bands 
and  Control  of  their  Murders.  — “The  Com- 
mittee which  was  originally  formed  at  Sofia  for 
the  purpose  of  conducting  the  nationalist  cam- 
paign among  the  Macedonians  has  been  the 
dominant  factor  in  the  later  developments  of 
the  Macedonian  problem,  and  is  directly  respon- 
sible for  all  the  periodical  outbreaks  which  stu- 
dents of  Eastern  politics  have  been  accustomed 
to  look  for  at  the  approach  of  spring  during  the 
last  few  years.  The  nature  of  this  Society  will 
be  clearly  appreciated  from  the  following  docu- 
ment, which  sets  forth  in  unequivocal  terms 
both  the  Committee’s  mission  and  the  means  re- 
sorted to  for  its  fulfilment.  This  document  was 
seized  on  the  Bulgarian  conspirators  who  in  the 
spring  of  1901  were  arrested  at  Salonica,  tried, 
sentenced  to  fifteen  years’  incarceration  at 
Rhodes,  and  permitted  to  escape  a few  months 
after.  I obtained  a literal  translation  of  it  from 
an  official  source  at  the  time  . . . : 

“ ‘ Each  armed  band  to  consist  of  Bulgarians 
belonging  to  each  particular  district.  Their  duty 
is  to  carry  out  secretly  the  orders  given  by  the 
president  of  the  committee.  The  bands  are 
armed  with  weapons  furnished  by  the  Commit- 
tee. These  bands  are  formed  by  the  revolution- 
ary committees  of  each  district  or  village,  and 
receive  the  military  training  necessary  for  their 
purpose.  These  bands  depend  on  the  committees, 
and  in  their  turn  distribute  arms  among  those 
whom  they  enrol  or  gain  over  to  the  cause.  . . . 
The  armed  bands  are  placed  under  the  command 
of  the  local  committees  in  accordance  with  the 
following  rules: 


“ ‘ To  obey  received  instructions.  By  means  of 
persuasion  or  intimidation  to  place  new  recruits 
at  the  committees’  disposal.  To  put  to  death  the 
persons  indicated  by  the  committees.  . . . Each 
band,  under  the  command  of  the  revolutionary 
committee  established  in  the  district,  to  be  ready 
to  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  on  being  so  or- 
dered by  the  local  committee,  which  cannot  act 
except  by  the  order  of  the  president  of  the  Sofia 
committee.  . . . The  bands  shall  also  commit  po- 
litical crimes:  that  is  to  say,  they  shall  kill  and 
put  out  of  the  way  any  person  who  will  attempt 
to  hinder  them  from  attaining  their  ends,  and 
shall  immediately  inform  the  Sofia  committee  of 
the  crimes  committed.  The  instructions  of  the 
bands  must  be  kept  quite  secret,  as  the  least  in- 
discretion may  lead  to  great  disaster.  . . . “Acts 
of  personal  vengeance,  attacks  on  villages,  and 
generally  all  kinds  of  unauthorised  attempts 
to  raise  a revolution  are  strictly  forbidden,  and 
those  who  are  guilty  of  such  acts  will  be  sen- 
tenced to  death.  No  murder  shall  be  committed 
by  the  bands  without  a previous  decision  taken 
by  the  committee,  except  those  which  are  inevi- 
table in  an  accidental  encounter.’ 

“The  reports  of  the  action  of  the  Committee 
in  Macedonia  during  the  last  twelve  months 
alone  form  a dossier  which  leaves  little  doubt  to 
the  reader  of  average  candour  that  the  regula- 
tions printed  above  are  not  allowed  to  remain 
a dead  letter,  but  that  practice  goes  hand  in  hand 
with,  or  rather  outstrips,  precept.  The  exploits 
of  the  Committee  and  its  brigands  in  the  country 
may  be  classed  under  three  heads : extortion, 
intimidation,  provocation.  . . . 

“Cases  of  wanton  massacre,  though  not  so 
numerous  as  the  atrocities  committed  with  a ma- 


649 


TURKEY,  1901-1902 


TURKEY,  1902-1903 


terial  object  in  view,  are  not  uncommon.  The 
victims  in  these  cases  are  generally  Moham- 
medans. . . . The  motive  of  these  outrages  is 
purely  to  provoke  reprisals  — that  is,  a gen- 
eral massacre  — and  then  pose  as  the  victims  of 
Turkish  cruelty  and  fanaticism,  a cry  which 
never  fails  to  move  the  nations  of  Europe  to 
sympathy  and  their  Governments  to  interven- 
tion.”— G.  F.  Abbott,  T lie  Macedonian  Question 
{Nineteenth  Century , March , 1903). 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — Abduction  of  Miss 
Ellen  M.  Stone,  by  Brigands.  — The  Ran- 
som paid  for  her  Release.  — In  a communi- 
cation to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
March  24,  1908,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Root,  recited  the  circumstances  which  attended 
the  abduction  by  brigands,  in  1901,  of  Miss 
Ellen  M.  Stone,  an  American  missionary  to 
Turkey,  as  she  travelled  the  highway  from 
Raslog  to  Djumabala  in  the  Turkish  Empire, 
and  the  necessary  payment  of  a ransom  to  her 
captors,  to  secure  her  release.  In  the  judgment 
of  Mr.  Root  the  Government  should  refund  the 
ransom  money  to  the  citizens  from  whom  it  was 
obtained  by  subscription  at  the  time,  and  his 
communication,  as  follows,  was  to  that  end: 

“Our  diplomatic  and  consular  representa- 
tives in  Turkey,  in  correspondence  with  the 
Department  of  State,  shortly  after  the  capture, 
indicated  their  belief  that  the  motive  therefor 
was  to  obtain  a ransom,  and  stated  that  they 
had  requested  the  Turkish  officials  to  abstain 
from  too  close  pursuit  of  the  brigands,  lest  the 
death  of  the  captured  might  result.  From  later 
correspondence  with  our  representatives  it 
appeared  that  the  brigands  had  retired  to  the 
mountains  with  the  captive,  probably  over  the 
border  into  Bulgaria.  The  exact  location  of 
the  party  during  the  captivity,  however,  is  not 
established  by  any  evidence  in  the  possession  of 
the  Department  of  State,  nor  does  it  appear 
clearly  of  what  government  the  bandits  were 
subjects. 

“About  October  1,  1901,  the  bandits  opened 
negotiations  for  a ransom,  demanding  £25,000, 
and  transmitting  a letter  from  Miss  Stone,  ask- 
ing that  the  sum  demanded  be  paid  and  that 
pursuit  of  the  brigands  by  the  Turkish  troops 
be  stopped.  Our  diplomatic  representatives 
were  of  the  opinion  that  Miss  Stone’s  release 
could  only  be  obtained  by  the  payment  of  the 
ransom,  and  the  State  Department  shared  this 
view.  Miss  Stone’s  friends,  of  course,  entered 
into  correspondence  with  the  Department  re- 
garding the  payment  of  the  ransom,  and  were 
told  that  it  must  be  raised  by  private  means. 

“On  October  3,  1901,  the  State  Department 
wrote  to  the  Rev.  Judson  Smith,  of  the  Ameri- 
can Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Mis- 
sions, Boston,  Mass.,  as  follows:  ‘ It  seems  im- 
perative that  the  amount  (of  the  ransom)  should 
be  raised  or  pledged,  so  as  to  be  available  by 
your  treasurer  at  Constantinople  in  season  to 
save  Miss  Stone.  Statutory  prohibitions  make 
it  impossible  for  this  Government  to  advance 
the  money  or  guarantee  its  payment.  If  paid 
by  Miss  Stone’s  friends,  every  effort  will  be 
made  to  obtain  reimbursement  from  whichever 
government  may  be  found  responsible  under 
international  law  and  precedent.  In  the  event 
of  its  proving  impossible  to  hold  any  foreign 
government  responsible  for  the  capture  and  to 
secure  the  repayment  of  the  money,  this  Gov- 


ernment is  willing  in  the  last  resort  to  urge 
upon  Congress  as  strongly  as  possible  to  appro- 
priate money  to  repay  the  missionaries.’ 

“ It  is  claimed  that  this  assurance  given  by 
the  Department  in  its  letter  to  Mr.  Smith,  to 
the  effect  that,  as  a last  resort,  a recommenda- 
tion would  be  made  to  Congress  looking  toward 
the  appropriation  of  a sum  sufficient  to  pay  the 
donors,  was  largely  instrumental  in  enabling 
Miss  Stone’s  friends  to  secure  the  sum  of  $66,- 
000,  which  was  raised  through  public  subscrip- 
tion in  this  country  by  October  23,  1901,  for 
the  purpose  of  effecting  Miss  Stone’s  release. 
After  negotiations  of  considerable  length,  the 
brigands  finally  consented  to  accept  the  amount 
raised  and  arrangements  were  made  by  United 
States  Minister  Leishman  for  the  payment  of 
the  money  at  a point  near  Bansko,  Macedonia, 
the  Turkish  authorities  consenting  to  withhold 
their  troops  from  the  vicinity  of  the  place  in 
order  that  the  negotiations  might  have  a suc- 
cessful issue.  The  release  of  the  captive  was 
not  obtained  so  soon  as  expected,  but  was 
finally  reported  by  Minister  Leishman  on  Febru- 
ary 23,  1902. 

“After  careful  consideration  of  all  the  facts 
my  predecessor,  Mr.  Hay,  decided  on  January 
19,  1905,  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  attempt 
to  hold  the  Turkish  Government  responsible  for 
the  capture  and  to  secure  the  repayment  of  the 
money.  Upon  the  subsequent  application  for 
reconsideration  of  this  decision  Mr.  Hay  again, 
on  April  11,  1905,  reaffirmed  the  judgment 
which  he  had  originally  expressed.  Upon  a 
further  review  of  the  same  subject  I have  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  not  advisable  to  re- 
verse or  change  the  conclusion  which  Mr.  Hay 
reached. 

“It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  the  Execu- 
tive Department  is  bound  to  make  good  its 
promise  to  recommend  to  Congress  that  money 
be  appropriated  to  repay  the  ransom  money,  a 
promise  which  was  probably  relied  upon  by 
many  of  those  who  contributed  of  their  private 
means  to  save  the  life  of  an  American  citizen 
believed  to  be  in  the  gravest  peril.  Accordingly 
I have  the  honor  to  advise  that  Congress  be 
recommended  to  appropriate  an  amount  suffi- 
cient to  repay  the  contributors.” — 60th  Cong. 
1st  Sess.,  Senate  Doc.  No.  408. 

A.  D.  1902-1903. —Conventions  for  Build- 
ing the  Bagdad  Railway.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Railways  : Turkey  : A.  D.  1899-1909. 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Insurgent  operations 
in  Macedonia.- — Horrible  Retaliatory  Atro- 
cities. — Misery  of  the  Macedonian  Peas- 
ants. — Contradictory  Reports  and  Views  of 
the  Situation. — Insurgent  operations  in  Mace- 
donia were  opened  in  the  fall  of  1902  and  contin- 
ued the  following  year,  and  into  1904.  Besides 
an  activity  of  insurgent  bands  and  collisions  with 
Turkish  soldiery,  there  were  many  dynamite 
explosions,  wrecking  a bank  at  Salonica,  blow- 
ing up  a railway  train,  a passenger  steamer,  and 
other  outrages  of  that  kind.  Then  came  con- 
fused and  revolting  accounts  of  a terrible  retali- 
ation by  the  Turks.  According  to  Dr.  Dillon, 
the  monthly  reviewer  of  “ Foreign  Politics”  for 
The  Contemporary  Review,  the  substantial  facts 
of  what  occurred  were  these: 

“The  insurrection  in  Macedonia  planned  by 
outsiders  and  fixed  for  last  autumn  [1902] 
proved  abortive.  The  first  shot  should  have 


TURKEY,  1902-1903 


TURKEY,  1902-1903 


been  fired  in  August,  but  the  members  of  the 
revolutionary  agencies  which  organised  the 
scheme  quarrelled  among’  themselves  at  the 
Congress  held  during  that  month  in  Sofia,  and 
then  split  up  into  hostile  factions.  In  the  com- 
mittee of  one  of  these  sections,  General  Tsont- 
sheff occupied  the  foremost  position,  and  he 
resolved  on  his  own  initiative  to  stir  up  the 
Macedonians  to  rebellion.  Now  it  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  all  these  committees  are 
composed  of  so-called  outsiders  — that  is  to  say, 
mainly  Macedonian  refugees  in  Bulgaria,  and 
that  whether  their  aim  be  to  get  the  provinces 
annexed  to  Bulgaria  or  Servia,  or  to  demand 
simple  autonomy,  they  meet  with  but  little 
sympathy  and  less  active  support  in  Macedo- 
nia itself,  where  there  is  a very  intelligent  na- 
tive organisation  in  favour  of  self-government. 
Tsontsheff  was  therefore  left  largely  to  his  own 
resources.  Outlie  23rd  of  September  his  adju- 
tant, Nikoloff,  crossed  the  frontier,  but  owing 
to  the  Shipka  festivities,  it  was  not  until  the 
15th  of  October  that  Tsontsheff  himself,  who 
had  meanwhile  escaped  from  prison,  took  the 
field.  The  scene  of  action  was  the  valley  of  the 
Struma,  which  a week  later  was  wholly  occu- 
pied by  the  Turks,  and  the  insurrection,  which 
had  hardly  even  flashed,  suddenly  fizzled  and 
went  out.  The  natives  warned  by  their  own 
committee  had  generally  held  aloof.  But  there 
were  people  among  them  who,  not  content  with 
holding  back,  resolved  to  act  in  the  spirit  of  the 
admonitions  vouchsafed  to  them  by  the  Great 
Powers,  and  ordered  the  revolutionary  bands  to 
quit  the  country,  and  when  the  latter  refused, 
actually  drove  them  off  with  arms  in  their 
hands.  . . . 

“ When  the  people  had  gone  home  the  Turks 
came  to  search  for  arms.  The  peasants  denied 
that  they  possessed  any,  and  then  the  work  of 
torture  began.  All  who  could,  ran  away,  and, 
owing  to  the  height  of  the  mountain  passes  and 
the  enormous  snowdrifts,  had  to  leave  their 
wives  and  children  behind.  Before  this  calam- 
ity overtook  the  place,  the  district  of  Razlog 
had  twelve  hamlets  and  3,665  Bulgarian  houses 
containing  about  25,000  inmates.  Of  these 
Madame  Bakhmetieff,  the  American  wife  of  the 
Russian  minister  in  Sofia,  counted  961  fugitives, 
besides  some  hundreds  who  found  a refuge  in 
the  Peshtshersky  district.  The  entire  number 
of  able-bodied  men  driven  away  from  Razlog 
alone  is  about  1,500  ! 

“ In  that  loyal  and  well-conducted  district 
there  were  fourteen  churches  with  twenty-two 
priests ; of  the  latter  eight  escaped  to  Bulgaria, 
one  was  killed,  one  arrested,  and  the  fate  of  the 
remainder  is  unknown.  According  to  the  state- 
ment of  the  priest  who,  having  made  good  his 
escape,  found  an  asylum  in  the  Principality, 
their  churches  were  defiled  and  destroyed  by 
the  Turks.  A considerable  number  of  the  re- 
maining peasants  are  said  to  have  perished  on 
the  way  over  the  mountains.  Over  one-third, 
therefore,  of  the  male  population  of  the  best 
behaved  district  of  Macedonia  has  been  thus 
forced  to  flee  the  country.  . . . 

“We  have  the  authority  of  Madame  Bakhme- 
tieff — who  travelled  about  in  the  deep  snow 
with  the  thermometer  at  22  Celsius  below  freez 
ing  point,  to  bring  succour  to  the  fugitives  — 
for  saying  that  two  priests  of  the  villages  of 
Oranoff  and  Padesh  were  tortured  in  a manner 


which  suggests  the  story  of  St.  Lawrence’s 
death.  They  were  not  exactly  laid  on  gridirons, 
but  they  were  hung  over  a lire  and  burned  with 
red  hot  irons.  In  the  Djumaisk  District  six 
churches  were  destroyed,  and  the  Church  of  St. 
Elias  was  turned  into  a stable,  while  the  shrine 
dedicated  to  the  same  saint  in  Shelesnitza  was 
converted  into  a water  closet.  The  churches  of 
Padesh,  Troskoff  and  Serbinoff  were  razed  to 
the  ground;  the  school  buildings  in  the  Dju- 
maisk District  were  used  as  barracks,  and  the 
teachers  put  in  prison  or  obliged  to  flee.  The 
horror  of  the  situation  is  intensified,  Madame 
Bakhmetieff  says,  by  the  fact  that  large  num- 
bers of  fugitives  have  been  driven  back  by  the 
Turks  into  the  interior  southwards  towards 
Seres,  where  their  horrible  sufferings  and  their 
miserable  end  will  be  hidden  from  all  who 
might  give  them  help  or  pity.”  — E.  J.  Dillon, 
The  Reign  of  Terror  in  Macedonia  ( Contempo- 
rary Review,  March,  1903). 

Another  view  of  the  Macedonian  situation  is 
presented  in  the  following,  from  another  of  the 
English  reviews: 

“The  Macedonian  problem  is  desperate 
mainly  because  it  has  been  overlaid  with  ab- 
stractions. We  talk  of  trouble  in  the  Balkans, 
of  insurgent  excesses,  and  Turkish  atrocities, 
without  realising  that  these  occasional  and 
startling  phenomena  are  the  product  of  a misery 
that  is  as  constant  as  it  is  uninteresting  — and 
unbearable.  We  think  of  Turkish  misrule  as 
an  isolated  and  irrational  fact,  without  compre 
bending  that  it  is  a highly  organised  and  quite 
intelligent  system,  designed  to  promote  the  pro- 
fit of  a small  minority  of  officials,  tax  farmers, 
and  landlords.  It  rests  on  a substantial  basis  of 
corrupt  and  anti-social  interest.  The  political 
mismanagement  is  the  least  of  all  the  evils  it 
produces.  The  reality  behind  the  whole  muddle 
of  racial  conflicts,  beyond  the  Chauvinism  of 
the  Balkan  peoples  and  the  calculations  of  the 

freater  Powers,  is  the  unregarded  figure  of  the 
lacedonian  peasant,  harried,  exploited,  en- 
slaved, careless  of  national  programmes,  and 
anxious  only  for  a day  when  he  may  keep  his 
warm  sheepskin  coat  upon  his  back,  marry  his 
daughter  without  dishonour,  and  eat  in  peace 
the  bread  of  his  own  unceasing  labour.  All  our 
efforts  might  fail  to  bestow  upon  him  an  ideal 
government  — there  are  not  the  makings  of  a 
harmonious  nation  in  Macedonia.  But  politics 
are,  after  all,  a mere  fraction  of  life.  While 
Servia  earns  the  contempt  of  the  civilised  world, 
the  Servian  peasant  sows  in  hope  and  reaps  in 
peace,  keeping  for  winter  evenings  the  tale  of 
murdered  forbears  and  ravished  ancestors.  The 
Macedonian  villager  is  ignorant.  But  his  lead- 
ers have  heard  of  a far-off  England  which 
twenty-five  years  ago  flung  them  back  under 
the  heels  of  the  Turk,  after  Russia  had  won 
their  freedom  at  San  Stefano.  The  tale  runs 
that  this  same  England  then  guaranteed  them, 
at  Berlin,  the  amplest  of  reforms.  And  there- 
upon these  simple  men  will  talk  about  their 
rights.  It  is  for  these  they  are  fighting.”  — 
H.  N.  Brailsford,  The  Macedonian  Revolt  {Fort- 
nightly Review,  Sept.,  1903). 

And  still  a third  view  in  this  which  follows  : 
“The  Turks  are  honestly  doing  their  best  to 
administer  justice  indifferently.  Again  and 
again  during  my  travels  in  Macedonia  I have 
admired  the  energy  of  Yalis  and  Kaimakams, 


651 


TURKEY,  1902-1903 


TURKEY,  1903-1904 


■who  hold  thankless  posts  with  courage  and  de- 
termination. If  the  Albanians  could  be  kept  in 
order  and  Bulgarian  anarchism  could  be  sup- 
pressed, there  would  be  no  grievances  in  Mace- 
donia to-day.  The  Albanians  are  turbulent 
sportsmen,  engaging  as  individuals,  but  intol 
erable  as  neighbours.  They  must  be  made  to 
understand  that  no  further  nonsense  will  be 
permitted.  The  Porte  would  be  quite  capable 
of  reducing  them  to  order  if  they  had  not  a 
powerful  protector  at  hand.  The  Porte  could 
also  reduce  the  Bulgarian  conspirators  if  she 
did  not  fear  to  arouse  prejudice  in  Europe.  The 
echo  of  former  Bulgarian  ‘atrocities’  (as  reso- 
lute government  was  dubbed),  paralyses  effect- 
ive action.  The  Turks  cannot  punish  Christian 
criminals  so  long  as  Exeter  Hall  is  on  the  qui 
vive  to  defend  them.  Give  the  Sultan  a free 
hand,  and  the  Macedonian  conspiracy  may  be 
ended  in  a few  weeks.”  — Herbert  Vivian,  The 
Macedonian  Conspiracy  ( Fortnightly  Review, 
May,  1903). 

The  British  Government  received  the  follow- 
ing representation  of  facts  from  its  Minister  to 
Bulgaria,  Mr  Elliott,  in  a despatch  dated  May 
19,  1903. 

‘‘There  are  some  points  which  appear  to 
me  to  be  too  frequently  lost  sight  of  in  appor- 
tioning responsibilities  for  occurrences  in  Mace- 
donia. In  the  first  place,  the  term  ‘ Bulgarian  ’ 
is  applied  indiscriminately  to  subjects  of  the 
Principality  and  to  Macedonians  of  Bulgarian 
race,  and  the  former  are  made  to  bear  the  blame 
for  the  actions  of  the  latter.  In  the  same  way, 
it  appears  to  be  believed  that  the  ‘Bulgarian 
bands’  which  make  incursions  into  Macedonia 
from  the  territory  of  the  Principality  are  com- 
posed of  Bulgarian  subjects,  whereas  the  latter 
probably  do  not  contribute  more  than  10  per 
cent,  of  the  number  of  incursionists,  the  re- 
mainder being  all  Macedonians,  of  whom  there 
are  some  200,000  in  the  Principality.” 

The  same  Minister  wrote  from  Sophia  on  the 
1st  of  July:  “ All  the  reports  received  concur  in 
stating  that  every  Turkish  official,  civil  and 
military,  from  Hilmi  Pasha  downwards,  look  to 
war  as  the  only  means  of  escape  from  a situa- 
tion which  is  becoming  intolerable.  It  is  obvi- 
ous that  in  such  a war  both  sides  would  have 
much  to  lose  and  little  material  advantage  to 
gain;  but  the  Turks  argue  that  if  they  could 
administer  a crushing  defeat  to  Bulgaria,  of 
which  they  have  no  doubt,  they  would,  even  if 
they  were  afterwards  obliged  to  withdraw,  ob- 
tain some  years’  peace  in  Macedonia,  by  the  de- 
struction of  what  they  have  been  taught  to  be- 
lieve, with  some  justification  in  the  past,  is  the 
centre  of  disaffection,  though  the  real  cause  of 
it  is  to  be  sought  in  their  own  maladministra- 
tion. The  Bulgarians,  although  believing  that 
the  conquest  of  Bulgaria  would  not  prove  the 
easy  matter  that  the  Turks  seem  to  imagine, 
are,  for  the  most  part,  under  no  illusions  as  to 
their  ability  to  hold  out  single-handed  against 
the  Ottoman  Empire ; they  are  unprepared,  and 
they  have  apparently  been  deserted  by  their 
protectors.  They  are,  therefore,  sincere  in  their 
desire  to  do  everything  to  avoid  a conflict.  But 
it  does  not  rest  with  them  to  avoid  it.  The 
Macedonian  agitators  will  naturally  do  all  they 
can  to  provoke  a war.  It  is  therefore  of  the 
most  urgent  importance  that  an  attempt  should 
be  made  by  the  Turkish  Government  to  restore 


the  conditions  of  life  in  Macedonia  to  something 
like  their  normal  state.  If  the  persecutions  of 
the  last  few  weeks  continue,  it  will  be  impossi- 
ble for  the  Government  to  restrain  the  Macedo- 
nians established  in  thiscountry.”  — Parliament- 
ary Papers,  Cd.  1875. 

The  condition  of  suffering  in  the  region  of 
country  tormented  by  this  inhuman  strife  is  in- 
dicated by  such  despatches  as  the  following, 
from  the  British  Vice-Consul  at  Monastir,  writ- 
ing September  23,  1903:  “According  to  the  best 
data  actually  available,  the  number  of  persons 
now  wandering  on  the  mountains  homeless  and 
destitute  cannot  be  estimated  at  less  than  40,000, 
while  the  number  of  Christians  massacred  may 
be  safely  put  down  at  3,000.  Some  of  my  col- 
leagues, notably  the  Austrian,  French,  and  Ital- 
ian Consuls,  have  sent  even  higher  figures  to 
their  embassies.”  — Parliamentary  Papers  ( Tur- 
key, No.  2,  1904),  Cd.  1879. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — The  Miirzsteg  Pro- 
gramme of  Reforms  in  the  Administration  of 
Macedonia.  — During  a meeting  of  the  Emper- 
ors of  Austria-Hungary  and  Russia,  in  1903,  at 
Miirzsteg,  in  the  Austrian  Alps,  a plan  of  super- 
vised administration  in  Macedonia  (known  since 
as  the  Miirzsteg  Programme),  to  be  pressed  on 
the  Turkish  Government,  was  agreed  upon  by 
the  two  sovereigns  and  their  advisers.  With 
the  assent  and  support  of  the  other  Powers  in 
Europe  this  was  submitted  to  the  Porte,  and 
was  accepted  in  principle  on  the  25th  of  Novem- 
ber; but  it  was  not  until  the  following  May  that 
it  could  be  said  to  have  been  brought  at  all  into 
action.  Turkey  ‘ ‘ agreed  (1)  to  the  appoint- 
ment, for  two  years  only,  of  Austrian  and  Rus- 
sian civil  agents,  with  a limited  staff  of  drago- 
mans and  secretaries,  to  reside  in  the  same  place 
as  the  Inspector-General,  and  to  make  tours  in 
the  interior,  accompanied  by  a Turkish  official, 
to  question  the  inhabitants  as  to  their  griev- 
ances; (2)  to  the  appointment  of  an  Italian 
general  to  reorganize  the  gendarmerie;  (3)  to 
consider  the  question  of  altering  the  administra- 
tive districts  so  as  to  establish  a more  regular 
grouping  of  the  various  nationalities;  (4)  that 
neither  race  nor  religion  shall  be  a hindrance  to 
official  employment;  (5)  that  an  amnesty  shall 
he  granted  to  all  persons  implicated  in  the  in- 
surrection, except  those  guilty  of  dynamite 
outrages ; and  (6)  to  exempt  the  inhabitants  of 
destroyed  villages  from  all  taxation  for  one 
year.”  — Annual  Register,  1904,  p.  318. 

General  De  Giorgis,  of  Italy,  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  gendarmerie.  Hostility 
to  the  arrangements  of  the  Miirzsteg  programme 
in  Albania  was  carried  to  the  extent  of  open 
warfare,  and  a number  of  serious  engagements 
between  Turkish  and  Albanian  forces  occurred. 
Other  collisions  between  the  various  quarreling 
races  — Greek,  Bulgarian  and  Servian  — were  not 
stopped  by  the  reorganized  gendarmerie.  Turk- 
ish action  and  inaction  afforded  about  equal 
occasion  for  Bulgarian  complaints ; but  in  April 
the  Bulgarian  and  Turkish  governments  came 
to  mutual  agreements,  that  the  former  would 
stop  the  work  of  revolutionary  committees 
within  her  territory,  and  that  the  latter  would 
carry  out  the  reforms  of  the  Miirzsteg  pro- 
gramme in  good  faith.  No  effective  perform- 
ance of  either  engagement  appears  to  have  been 
secured. 

A.  D.  1903-1904. — Incursions  of  Armenian 


652 


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TURKEY,  1905-1908 


Revolutionists  from  Russia  and  Persia  into 
Asiatic  Turkey.  — Exaggerated  accounts  of 
retaliatory  Massacre.  — Many  bands  of  revolu- 
tionary Armenians  who  crossed  the  frontiers 
from  Russia  and  Persia  during  1903  and  1904, 
making  incursions  into  Armenian  Turkey,  and 
bringing  upon  the  inhabitants  there  the  tender 
mercies  of  Turkish  troops,  appear  to  have  been 
acting  generally  in  cooperation  with  the  Bulga- 
rian revolutionists  in  Macedonia.  The  conse- 
quent barbarities  were  dreadful  enough,  no 
doubt,  but  were  found  to  be  greatly  exaggerated 
in  the  reports  current  at  the  time.  This  was 
the  conclusion  of  the  British  Ambassador  to 
Turkey,  derived  from  investigations  made  on 
the  ground  by  a consular  officer  who  traversed 
it  with  care.  In  a despatch  dated  August  16, 
1904,  the  Ambassador,  Sir  N.  O’Conor,  related 
a conversation  on  the  subject  that  he  had  had 
with  the  Armenian  Patriarch,  Mgr.  Ormanian, 
as  follows : 

“ In  the  course  of  conversation  I told  his 
Beatitude  that  I had  heard  with  deep  concern  the 
statements  he  had  made  to  several  newspaper 
correspondents,  to  the  effect  that  he  believed  that 
between  6,000  and  9,000  persons  had  been  mas- 
sacred in  the  Sasun  and  Talori  districts  during 
the  late  troubles,  and  that  I deeply  regretted 
that  upon  my  applying  for  precise  information 
which  would  enable  me  to  make  earnest  repre- 
sentations to  the  Grand  Vizier,  his  Beatitude 
has  sent  me  word  that  he  was  unable  to  indicate 
the  places  at  which  these  massacres  had  taken 
place  or  to  affirm  that  his  reports  were  based  on 
really  trustworthy  information.  His  Beatitude 
replied  that  he  had  had  no  means  of  controlling 
these  reports,  and  that  he  had  communicated 
them  to  others  as  he  had  received  them.  I said 
that,  judging  from  the  reports  of  His  Majesty’s 
Consul  at  Van,  who  had  visited  many  of  the  dis- 
tricts in  question,  the  numbers  of  victims  men- 
tioned by  his  Beatitude  was  grossly  exaggerated. 
Captain  Tyrrell  was  more  inclined  to  estimate 
the  number  at  900  than  9,000,  and  he  had,  more- 
over, been  unable  to  confirm  the  statements  in 
the  public  press  that  there  had  been  any  massa- 
cre of  Armenians  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  these 
words,  although,  no  doubt,  many  innocent  per- 
sons had  been  killed  both  by  the  insurgents  and 
the  troops.  ...  I did  not  despair  of  following 
to  the  end  the  investigations  which  had  been  set 
on  foot  by  the  Grand  Vizier.  If,  however,  his 
Beatitude  could  now  furnish  me  with  more  de- 
finite information,  I would  do  all  in  my  power, 
in  conjunction  with  my  French  and  Russian 
colleagues,  to  bring  about  a searching  investiga- 
tion on  the  spot.  Mgr.  Ormanian  replied  that 
he  was  not  in  a position  to  give  me  this  infor- 
mation. ” 

A.  D.  1903-1905.  — A “ Holy  War  ” in  Ara- 
bia.— The  Sheik  Hamid  Eddin  contesting 
the  Caliphate  with  the  Sultan. — “Under  the 
obscure  heading  of  ‘ Rebellion  in  the  Yemen,’  a 
series  of  brief  telegrams  has  recently  appeared 
in  the  British  and  American  press,  describing  in 
skeleton  language  the  exploits  of  Sheik  Hamid 
Eddin,  the  Sovereign  of  Hadramaut,  against 
the  troops  of  the  Turkish  Sultan.  Absorbed  in 
the  contemplation  of  the  Far-Eastern  struggle, 
neither  the  writers  nor  readers  of  the  newspa- 
pers have  yet  found  leisure  to  reflect  upon  the 
meaning  of  the  movement,  which  the  Lord  of 
the  Land  of  Frankincense  is  leading.  . . . But 


the  Government  in  Constantinople,  though  it 
would  fain  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  is 
itself  painfully  conscious  of  the  menacing  char- 
acter of  the  challenge  which  has  gone  forth 
from  Arabia.  It  is,  indeed,  impossible  for  it  any 
longer  to  doubt  that  Hamid  Eddin,  the  name- 
sake of  Abdul  Hamid,  is  contesting  not  only 
the  possession  of  Yemen,  but  also  the  spiritual 
supremacy  of  Islam.  A Holy  War,  in  fact,  has 
started  in  Arabia,  and  upon  its  issue  depend 
the  fate  of  Mecca  and  the  title  of  Caliph.  . . . 

“For  several  years,  the  propaganda  pro- 
ceeded on  comparatively  peaceful  lines.  Only 
occasionally  it  was  marked  by  collisions  with 
the  Turkish  troops.  But,  towards  the  end  of 
1903,  the  Sheik  entered  the  northern  district 
of  the  Yemen  and  laid  seige  to  the  Turkish  gar- 
rison of  Assyr.  The  engagement  ended  disas- 
trously for  the  Turks.  . . . For  a whole  year 
the  Turks  refrained  from  attempting  any  seri- 
ous resistance  to  the  Arabian  movement.  In 
February  of  this  year,  however,  they  succeeded 
in  inflicting  on  Hamid  Eddin  a slight  reverse, 
which  the  authorities  in  Constantinople,  for 
political  reasons,  at  once  magnified  into  a dis 
aster.”  — W.  F.  Bullock,  The  Fight  for  the  Ca- 
liphate {North  American  Review,  Aug.,  1905). 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Demand  in  Crete  for 
Union  with  Greece. — Resignation  of  Prince 
George  as  High  Commissioner.  — Appoint- 
ment of  M.  Zaimis.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Crete  : 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Anti-British  agitation 
in  Egypt. — Encroachments  on  the  Sinai 
Frontier.  — The  Tabah  Incident.  See  Egypt: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1905-1908.  — Continued  Reign  of 
Terror  in  Macedonia.  — Financial  Reform 
forced  on  Turkey  by  a Naval  Demonstration. 
— Barbaric  Warfare  of  Greek  and  Bulgarian 
Bands.  — Efforts  of  Great  Britain  to  secure 
further  action  by  the  Powers.  — On  the  17th 
of  January,  1905,  the  Austro-Hungarian  and 
Russian  Governments  proposed  to  supplement 
the  Murzsteg  Programme  by  a measure  of  finan- 
cial reform,  which  would  empower  the  agencies 
of  the  Imperial  Ottoman  Bank  to  “ act  as  Trea- 
surer and  Paymaster-General  in  the  three  vilay- 
ets of  Salonika,  Kossovo  and  Monastir,”  to 
receive  the  net  revenues  of  those  vilayets,  and 
to  “be  intrusted  with  the  issue  of  payments  of 
whatever  nature  and  in  whatever  form.”  The 
Turkish  Government  submitted  a counter  pro- 
position, somewhat  to  the  same  purpose,  on  the 
5th  of  March ; and,  after  much  discussion  be- 
tween the  six  great  Powers,  of  Austria-Hungary, 
Russia,  Germany,  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Italy,  they  joined  in  a note  to  the  Sublime 
Porte,  on  the  8th  of  May,  accepting  the  Turkish 
project  of  financial  reform,  provided  the  Porte 
would  consent  to  complete  it  by  adding  the  fol- 
lowing : 

“To  supervise  the  execution  of  the  financial 
reforms  and  the  application  of  the  preceding 
Regulation,  and  to  insure  its  observation,  the 
Governments  will  each  nominate  a financial 
Delegate.  These  Delegates  of  the  four  Powers 
will  act  in  concert  with  the  Inspector-General 
and  the  Austro-Hungarian  and  Russian  Civil 
Agents,  whose  functions  were  defined  in  the 
Miirzsteg  programme.  The  Commission  thus 
formed  will  have  all  the  powers  necessary  for 
the  accomplishment  of  its  task,  and  particularly 


653 


TURKEY,  1905-1908 


TURKEY,  1905-1908 


for  the  supervision  of  the  regular  collection 
of  taxes,  including  also  the  tithe.  Before  being 
finally  settled,  the  budgets  must  be  submitted 
to  the  Commission,  which  will  have  the  right  to 
amend,  under  the  head  of  receipts  and  expendi- 
ture, any  provision  which  may  be  inconsistent 
with  the  existing  laws  or  unsuited  to  the  econo- 
mic and  financial  requirements  of  the  country. 
With  a view  to  facilitating  its  task,  the  Com- 
mission will  have  the  power  of  nominating  for 
each  vilayet  an  inspector  charged  with  the 
supervision  of  the  agents  employed  in  the  dif - 
ferent  services  of  the  Treasury.” 

The  Porte  declined  to  acquiesce  in  a proposal 
which  it  declared  to  be  “contrary  to  the  es- 
sential principles  of  the  maintenance  of  the 
rights  and  independence  of  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment.” The  demand  was  persisted  in  by 
the  six  Powers,  inflexibly,  and  resisted  as  de- 
terminedly by  the  Sultan  and  his  Ministers, 
during  more  than  six  months  of  parley.  By 
that  time  the  Powers  had  arranged  for  a joint 
naval  demonstration,  and  landed  forces  at  Myti- 
lene  on  the  26th  of  November.  This  brought 
the  Turkish  Government  to  terms;  details  of 
the  financial  reform  were  settled  on  the  16th  of 
December,  1905,  and  the  international  fleet  was 
withdrawn. 

Meantime  conditions  in  the  wretched  country 
for  which  these  attempted  reforms  of  govern- 
ment were  being  so  deliberately  and  laboriously 
prepared  do  not  seem  to  have  been  much  im- 
proved, if  at  all.  On  the  4th  of  September,  the 
British  Ambassador,  Sir  N.  O’Conor,  forwarded 
to  his  Government  “a  statistical  resume  of  the 
despatches  recording  occurrences  in  Macedonia” 
sent  to  him  “by  His  Majesty’s  Consuls  at  Sa- 
lonica,  Uskup,  and  Monastir  between  the  1st  of 
January  and  the  27th  of  August,”  giving  “the 
number  of  deaths  for  which  the  various  nation- 
alities and  organizations  are  responsible”  in 
those  eight  months  of  the  year.  The  statistics 
were  as  follows: 

Christians  killed  by  Bulgarian  Komitajis 
[Committees!,  69;  Moslems  killed  by  Bulgarian 
Komitajis,  60;  Christians  killed  by  Greek  Ko- 
mitajis, 211 ; Moslems  killed  by  Servian  Komita- 
jis, 12 ; Christians  killed  by  Servian  Komitajis, 
10:  total,  362. 

Troops  killed  by  various  bands,  60;  Bulgar 
Komitajis  killed  by  troops,  145;  Greek  Komita- 
jis killed  h.y  troops,  38;  Serb  Komitajis,  killed 
by  troops,  83 ; total  326. 

Christians  murdered  by  Moslems,  43 ; Chris- 
tians killed  during  military  operations,  54; 
total  97. 

Throughout  the  next  two  years  the  monthly 
reports  of  British  consular  officers  and  the  de- 
spatches of  the  Ambassador  at  Constantinople, 
as  published  in  the  British  Blue  Books,  are 
monotonous  in  their  sickening  enumeration  of 
single  murders,  wholesale  massacres,  destruc- 
tion of  villages,  flights  to  the  mountains  of 
starving  refugees, — outrages  and  miseries  be- 
yond description.  On  the  10tli  of  June,  1906, 
the  Consul-General  at  Salonika  wrote  : 

“The  general  state  of  insecurity  in  the  dis- 
turbed areas  tends  to  grow  worse  rather  than 
better,  chiefly  owing  to  the  increase  in  the  num- 
bers and  activity  of  the  Greek  bands  and  a slight 
recrudescence  of  Moslem  crime,  the  most  re- 
markable cases  of  which  are  attributed  to  a band 
of  fifteen  Albanians,  who  at  the  beginning  of 


the  month  infested  the  forest  country  north  of 
Niausta,  where  they  robbed  and  murdered  with 
impunity.  The  fact  that  their  victims  were 
nearly  all  Greeks  has  given  rise  to  the  belief  in 
Greek  circles  that  they  have  been  acting  in  the 
interests  of  the  Vlach  and  Bulgarian  propagan- 
das, though,  so  far  as  I know,  there  is  no  evi 
dence  whatever  in  support  of  this  theory.  The 
operations  of  Turkish  troops  have  been  on  the 
whole  very  successful  as  against  the  small  Bul- 
garian and  Servian  bands  which  still  kept  the 
field.  Four  of  the  former  and  two  of  the  latter 
were  totally  destroyed,  with  comparatively  small 
loss  to  the  soldiery.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  loss 
of  life  by  violence  again  amounts  to  over  200 
during  the  month.  Of  armed  revolutionaries, 
about  40  Bulgarians,  19  Servians  and  26  Greeks 
wrere  accounted  for,  at  a loss  to  the  Turkish 
army  of  23  killed.  The  great  majority  of  the 
unarmed  victims  were  Bulgarians,  of  whom  33 
were  killed  by  Greek  bands,  15  by  soldiers  or  in 
operation  by  the  troops,  about  15  by  the  Mos- 
lems, and  12  by  Bulgarian  Komitajis  of  rival 
factions  ; while  11  Ylachs  were  killed  by  Greek 
bands,  14  Greeks  by  Albanian  brigands,  1 Greek 
by  Bulgarian  Komitajis,  and  6 Mussulmans  by 
Greek  revolutionaries.” 

Conditions  were  still  the  same  at  the  end  of 
another  year,  and  in  December,  1907,  the  British 
Government  addressed  a memorandum  on  the 
subject  to  France  and  similarly  to  the  other 
Powers,  reciting  some  of  the  recent  facts  re- 
ported by  its  consular  officers,  and  saying: 
“These  facts  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
outrages  committed  afford  striking  evidence  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  gradual  extermination 
of  the  Christian  inhabitants  is  being  tolerated  in 
Macedonia,  where  the  Ottoman  authorities  have 
displayed  an  utter  incapacity  to  maintain  pub- 
lic tranquility.  It  therefore  devolves  upon  the 
Powers  to  suggest  the  adoption  of  measures 
which  will  put  an  end  to  such  a condition  of 
affairs,  and  His  Majesty’s  Government  earnestly 
hope  that  the  French  Government  will  give 
their  most  serious  consideration  to  the  proposals 
which  they  are  about  to  put  forward.  . . . His 
Majesty’s  Government  are  profoundly  convinced 
that  the  time  has  now  arrived  when  General 
Degiorgis  and  the  foreign  Staff  Officers  should 
be  intrusted  with  a full  measure  of  executive 
control,  and  when  the  force  under  his  com- 
mand should  be  properly  qualified  for  effective 
action  by  a substantial  increase  in  numbers  and 
an  adequate  equipment.” 

To  this  communication  there  was  no  encour- 
aging response  from  any  other  Government; 
and  on  the  3d  of  March,  1908,  the  British  For- 
eign Minister,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  reopened  the 
subject,  expressing  the  regret  with  which  His 
Majesty’s  Government  had  received  the  replies 
made  to  their  proposals. 

“The  situation  is  not  beyond  remedy,  but  it 
cannot  be  remedied  by  half-measures.  Were  a 
Governor  of  Macedonia  to  be  appointed  who 
would  be  given  a free  hand  and  be  irremovable 
for  a term  of  years  except  with  the  consent  of 
the  Powers,  and  were  an  adequate  force  of  gen- 
darmerie and  European  officers  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal, His  Majesty’s  Government  are  convinced 
that  the  country  might  be  cleared  of  bands  and 
pacified  in  a short  time.” 

The  measure  proposed  to  other  Powers  by  the 
British  Government,  in  this  communication  of 


654: 


TURKEY,  1900 


TURKEY,  1908 


the  3d  of  March,  1908,  obtained  the  assent  of 
none,  but  it  opened  a discussion  of  the  subject 
between  London  and  St.  Petersburg  which 
brought  Great  Britain  and  Russia  together,  in 
joint  action  that  gave  promise  of  effective  re- 
sults. The  negotiations  ensuing,  between  the  two 
Governments  led  to  the  drafting  of  two  schemes 
of  further  reform  in  Macedonia,  to  be  pressed 
upon  the  Porte.  Great  Britaiu  accepted  the  Rus- 
sian scheme,  submitted  in  the  form  of  an  aide 
memoire,  dated  July  2,  1908.  Some  inkling  of 
this  new  programme,  which  the  European  Con- 
cert of  Powers  was  about  to  be  asked  to  sup- 
port, had  been  given  to  the  public  by  this  time, 
and  it  seems  to  have  precipitated  a revolution- 
ary conspiracy  for  the  self-reformation  of  Turk- 
ish Government,  which  had  been  in  the  process 
of  organization  for  many  years,  and  which  had 
now  drawn  near  to  the  point  of  open  action. 

A.  D.  1906. — A Troublesome  Punctilio 
removed.  — The  United  States  represented 
at  Constantinople  by  an  Ambassador. — “Ac- 
cording to  usage  in  Constantinople,  an  Ambas- 
sador may  obtain  an  audience  at  any  time  with 
the  Sultan,  and  force  many  items  through  even 
against  the  influence  of  both  the  Palace  and  the 
Porte.  But  every  representative  lower  than  an 
Ambassador  can  never  appear  before  the  Sultan 
except  when  called  for  by  His  Gracious  Ma- 
jesty. This  invitation  can  be  secured  sometimes 
by  indirect  means;  but  when,  for  any  reason, 
the  Sultan  does  not  wish  to  see  a Minister  of  any 
foreign  Power,  the  Palace  officials  can  baffle 
him,  if  necessary,  for  years.  Now,  the  American 
representative  is  called  ‘ Envoy  Extraordinary 
and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,’  and  is  outranked 
by  every  Ambassador  to  Turkey.  Hence,  he 
lacks  the  all-important  privilege  of  approaching 
the  Sultan  uninvited.”  — Americus,  Some  Phases 
of  the  Issues  between  the  United  States  and  Tur- 
key (North  American  Review,  May,  1906). 

The  obstacle  to  American  influence  with  the 
Turkish  Government  which  is  explained  in  the 
statement  above  was  removed  in  1906,  by  rais- 
ing the  diplomatic  representative  of  the  United 
States  at  Constantinople  to  the  rank  of  Ambas- 
sador. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — The  Cretan  Situation 
as  dealt  with  by  the  Four  Protecting  Pow- 
ers. See  (in  this  vol.)  Crete:  A.  D.  1907- 
1909. 

A.  D.  1908. — Building  the  Damascus  to 
Mecca  Railway.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
Asiatic  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (March). — The  Races  in  Ma- 
cedonia. — Struggle  for  Political  Predom- 
inance.— The  Bulgarian  Propaganda.— 

“Macedonia,  although  a country  of  numerous 
tribes  and  tongues,  has  a population  of  which 
the  chief  ethnic  elements  are  Serbs,  Bulgari- 
ans, and  Greeks.  The  last-named  are  numeri- 
cally the  most  important,  while  the  Turks  are, 
so  to  say,  intruders.  Between  Bulgarians  and 
Serbs,  a bitter  struggle  has  been  waged  for  po- 
litical predominance,  each  party  being  sup- 
ported more  or  less  effectively  by  its  kindred 
in  the  kingdom  of  Servia  or  the  Principality 
of  Bulgaria.  Both  races  in  Macedonia  speak 
almost  the  same  language,  profess  the  same 
religion,  and  inter  marry,  so  that  the  need  of 
distinguishing  between  them  did  not  arise  until 
the  Bulgarian  Church,  freeing  itself  from  the 
Greek  Patriarch,  established  an  exarchate. 


Then  all  the  flock  of  the  Exarchate  was  deemed 
to  consist  of  Bulgarians,  although  in  reality 
many  were  Serbs ; and  the  vigorous  proselytis- 
ing campaign  carried  on  by  agents  from  the 
Principality  was  successful  in  gathering  many 
thousands  more  into  the  true  fold. 

“ Bulgaria  had  luck  from  the  outset.  Before 
this  people  had  been  freed  from  the  Moham- 
medan yoke  the  Turkish  Government  favoured 
them  because  it  hated  the  Serbs,  who  were  be- 
lieved to  be  trying  to  gather  together  all  Slavs 
and  to  found  a powerful  Slav  state.  After  the 
creation  of  the  Bulgarian  Principality  the 
Turks  continued  to  wink  at  the  Bulgarian  pro- 
paganda in  Macedonia,  because  of  Stambuloff’s 
anti-Russian  and  Turcophile  policy.  And  in 
this  way  crowds  of  Macedonians  were  won  over 
to  the  Bulgarian  Exarchate.  Moreover,  the 
Prince’s  Government  warmly  seconded  the  ef- 
forts of  its  agents.  Money  was  spent  liberally 
and  judiciously.  Many  Macedonians  who  dis- 
tinguished themselves  at  school  were  sent  to 
finish  their  education  at  Sofia,  where  the  most 
gifted  among  them  received  high  places  in  the 
civil  service  or  the  army.  In  time,  however, 
peaceful  agitation  gave  way  to  filibustering  ex- 
peditions, culminated  in  bloodshed,  and  drove 
the  Turks  to  repressive  measures  against  the 
Bulgarian  element  in  Macedonia.”  — E.  J.  Dil- 
lon, Foreign  Affairs  ( Contemporary  Review, 
March,  1908). 

A.  D.  1908  (July-Dee.).  — The  Young 
Turk  party  and  its  Revolutionary  organiza- 
tion.— Its  Plans  hurried  by  the  Anglo-Rus- 
sian  project  of  a new  Macedonian  Interven- 
tion. — Beginning  and  Rapid  Spread  of 
Revolt.  — Proclamation  of  the  Constitution 
of  1876. — Yielding  of  the  Sultan.  — Intense 
Joy  in  the  Empire.  — Election  of  a Parlia- 
ment.— Until  July  3,  1908,  — the  day  after  M. 
Isvolsky,  Russian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
had  dated  (as  stated  above)  his  aide  memoire  of 
Macedonian  Reform,  which  he  and  Sir  Edward 
Grey  were  about  to  submit  to  the  Powers,  — 
the  Turkish  party  since  famous  under  the  name 
of  “ the  Young  Turks”  had  attracted  not  much 
general  attention,  and,  even  in  diplomatic  cir- 
cles, there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  much 
known  of  the  extraordinary  work  of  revolution- 
ary propagandism  and  organization  it  had  done. 
Its  leadership,  seated  at  Salonika,  had  been  in  a 
Committee,  named  formerly  the  Committee  of 
Liberty,  but  styled  in  later  years  the  Ottoman 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress.  Of  the  rise 
and  origin  of  this  Young  Turk  party,  the  fol- 
lowing account  was  written  some  years  before  it 
leaped  into  public  fame,  by  the  veteran  apostle 
of  political  liberty,  Karl  Blind: 

“ I remember  its  rise  and  origin  in  the  sixties, 
when,  between  1867  and  1868,  a small  group  of 
Turkish  exiles  — namely,  Zia  Bey,  Ali  Suavi, 
and  Aghaia  Effendi  — lived  in  London.  They 
published  here  and  in  Paris  an  ably  conducted 
journal,  called  the  Mukhbir  (the  ‘ Advertiser  ’), 
copies  of  which  are  still  in  my  library.  That 
paper  came  out  under  the  auspices  of  Mustafa 
Fazil  Pasha,  the  well-known  statesman  who 
contributed  so  much  to  the  spread  of  public  in- 
struction and  of  Liberal  ideas  by  sending  young 
students  and  others  — among  them,  a distin- 
guished poet,  Kemal  — to  Paris  and  London. 
In  the  Mukhbir,  parliamentary  institutions  and 
all  other  desirable  reforms  were  advocated. 


TURKEY,  1908 


TURKEY,  1908 


“In  1876,  the  Sofia  rising  at  Constantinople 
at  last  brought  about  the  introduction  of  a 
Charter  under  the  young  Sultan,  who  had  just 
come  to  the  throne — the  present  Abdul  Hamid 
the  Second.  It  was  a popular  movement,  offi- 
cered by  the  better  educated  class  of  Moham- 
medans. In  a famous  rescript,  the  Sultan  said 
that  ‘ if  his  sire  had  lived  longer,  a constitu- 
tional era  would  have  been  inaugurated  under 
him.  Providence,  however,  had  reserved  for 
him  (the  son)  the  task  of  accomplishing  this 
happy  transformation,  which  is  the  highest  guar- 
antee of  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.’  He  went 
on  to  denounce  ‘ the  abuses  which  are  the  re- 
sult of  the  arbitrary  rule  of  one  or  of  some 
individuals.’  He  then  enumerated  the  various 
reforms  to  be  accomplished  by  the  National 
Assembly  : responsibility  of  ministers ; parlia- 
mentary right  of  control ; independence  of  the 
courts  of  justice  ; equilibrium  of  the  budget. 

“ All  races  and  all  creeds  were  represented  in 
that  Parliament,  which  sat  during  1877-78 : 
Turks  and  Armenians,  Bulgars,  Greeks,  Alban- 
ese,  Syrians,  and  Arabs ; Mohammedans,  Greco- 
Catholics,  Armenian  Christians,  Protestants, 
and  Jews.  Its  debates,  through  the  whole  of 
which  I went  carefully  at  the  time  in  the 
French  text  of  the  Constantinople  press,  exhib- 
ited a remarkable  degree  of  ability.  I learnt 
afterwards,  from  men  conversant  with  Turkish, 
and  who  had  repeatedly  been  present  at  the 
sittings,  that  these  official  reports  had  even 
considerably  toned  down  the  liveliness  of  the 
discussions. 

“I  need  not  refer  to  the  activity  of  Midhat 
Pasha,  nor  go  into  the  many  useful  reforms 
then  debated,  including  freedom  of  the  press  ; 
equality  before  the  law;  liberty  in  matters  of 
public  instruction ; admission  of  all  citizens,  ir- 
respective of  race  and  creed,  to  the  various  pub- 
lic employments  ; an  equal  imposition  of  taxes  ; 
free  exercise  of  every  religious  cult,  and  so 
forth.  . . . 

“How  did  that  Assembly  come  to  grief? 
When  the  Russian  army  arrived  before  the 
gates  of  Constantinople  [in  1878],  the  Sultan, 
pressed  close  by  the  Czar,  and  being  at  issue 
with  the  representatives  of  the  people  on  ac- 
count of  the  exile  of  Midhat  and  about  budget 
questions,  suddenly  prorogued  Parliament.  Al- 
exander the  Second,  the  ‘ Divine  Figure  from 
the  North,’  was  thus  freed  from  the  danger  of 
hearing  Liberal  subjects  of  his  own  uttering 
the  cry  : ‘ Let  us,  by  way  of  reward  for  our 
sacrifices  in  blood  and  money  in  this  war,  have 
parliamentary  government  as  in  Turkey  1 ’ 

“Prorogued  the  Turkish  National  Assembly 
was,  let  it  well  be  remembered  — not  abolished  ; 
not  dissolved  even.  Ever  since,  the  Young 
Turkish  party  has  called  for  its  restoration.”  — 
Karl  Blind,  Macedonia  and  England’s  Policy 
(Nineteenth  Century , Nov.,  1903). 

When  it  came  to  be  known,  in  the  spring  or 
early  summer  of  1908,  that  Great  Britain  and 
Russia  were  concerting  a fresh  proposal  to  the 
Powers  of  more  thorough  going  intervention  in 
Macedonian  affairs,  the  Young  Turk  leaders 
are  said  to  have  been  driven  to  a hurried  rear- 
rangement of  their  own  plans.  They  had  not 
expected,  it  seems,  to  be  in  readiness  for  a de- 
cisive movement  until  some  months  or  a year 
hence  ; but  they  could  not  afford  to  have  the 
Concert  of  Europe  as  well  as  the  despotism  of 


the  Sultan  to  deal  with  in  their  revolutionary 
undertaking,  contemplating  as  that  did  a state 
of  government  for  Turkey  which  outside  na- 
tions would  have  no  right  or  need  to  be  meddle- 
some with.  Hence  they  hastened  preparations 
for  an  explosion  of  the  revolt  they  had  organ- 
ized so  patiently,  and  its  first  outbreaks  chanced 
to  occur  just  as  M.  Isvolsky  had  signed  and 
dated  the  statement  of  his  scheme  of  interven- 
tion for  communication  to  other  Powers. 

The  beginnings,  on  the  3d  of  July,  were  in  the 
vilayet  of  Monastir,  where  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  two  battalions,  at  Resna  and  Presba, 
with  some  officials  of  the  district,  formed  them- 
selves openly  into  a “Young  Turk”  band,  seized 
arms  and  the  military  chest,  and  went  into  the 
mountains.  Similar  movements  in  the  Kossovo 
and  Salonika  vilayets  followed  quickly.  On  the 
7th,  at  the  city  of  Monastir,  General  Shemsi 
Pasha,  when  setting  forth  to  take  command  of 
operations  against  the  insurgents,  was  shot,  and 
the  soldiers  of  his  escort  were  reported  to  have 
allowed  the  assassins  to  escape  by  firing  in  the 
air.  Other  murders  of  officers  who  showed  ac- 
tivity against  the  rebels  were  soon  announced. 
The  Ottoman  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress 
had  now  issued  a manifesto,  announcing  that  the 
object  of  their  League  was  to  secure  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Constitution  of  1876,  and  appealing 
to  the  Great  Powers  “to  show  their  good  will 
towards  the  peoples  of  Turkey  by  earnestly 
urging  His  Majesty,  the  Sultan,  to  yield  to  the 
legitimate  demands  of  his  subjects,  who  are 
loyal,  though  in  revolt  against  the  shameful 
situation  of  their  country.”  The  Committee 
protested  solemnly  that  the  League  entertained 
no  hostility  to  non-Moslems;  that  it  would  avoid 
useless  bloodshed,  and  employ  “ energetic  meth- 
ods ” only  in  extreme  cases  against  the  enemies 
of  liberty. 

By  the  22d  of  the  month  the  Sultan  had  be- 
come sufficiently  alarmed  to  dismiss  his  Grand 
Vizier,  Ferid  Pasha,  and  call  Kiamil  Pasha,  the 
former  Grand  Vizier,  to  his  council  again.  Kia- 
mil exacted  conditions  which  his  master  was 
slow  in  yielding  to,  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
Grand  Vizier  de  facto  for  a short  time  before  he 
accepted  the  responsible  title.  Change  of  Min- 
istry, however,  did  not  check  the  deepening 
and  spreading  of  revolt.  On  the  23d  of  July  the 
Young  Turks,  having  complete  possession  of 
the  cities  of  Monastir  and  Salonica,  and  of  sev- 
eral lesser  towns,  made  solemn  proclamation  of 
the  Constitution,  with  popular  demonstrations 
and  ceremonies  of  prayer  and  speech  in  which 
Moslems  and  Christians  were  joined.  That 
night  the  Sultan  held  long  counsel  with  his  Min- 
isters, at  the  Palace,  and  before  morning  the 
reestablishment  of  the  suspended  Constitution 
of  1876  (see,  in  this  vol.,  Constitution  of  Tur- 
key) was  decided.  The  morning  papers  of  the 
24th  gave  the  decree  to  the  public  of  Constanti- 
nople and  the  news  of  it  was  flashed  throughout 
the  Empire  and  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  This 
was  the  message  that  went  from  the  Grand  Viz- 
ier to  Hilmi  Pasha,  Inspector  General  at  Salon 
ika:  “In  compliance  with  the  wish  expressed 
by  the  people  and  by  order  of  His  Majesty  the 
Sultan,  the  Constitution  promulgated  on  the 
lltli  (23d)  December,  1876,  which  had  for  vari 
ous  reasons  been  withdrawn,  lias  been  again 
enforced.  The  General  Assembly  (Senate  and 
Chamber  of  Deputies)  may  assemble  on  the 


TURKEY,  1908 


TURKEY,  1908 


terms  prescribed  by  law.  I beg  you  to  convey 
this  news  to  the  public.” 

According  to  all  accounts  of  the  time,  the  feel- 
ing evoked  by  the  announcement  of  a constitu- 
tionalized government — as  soon  as  the  long  op- 
pressed people  could  be  persuaded  of  its  actuality 

— was  quite  extraordinary,  and  it  swept  away 
temporarily,  at  least,  the  enmities  of  religion 
and  race  to  a remarkable  extent.  What  occurred, 
for  example,  at  Beirut,  in  Syria,  as  described 
by  a missionary,  was  probably  not  exceptional 
in  that  place.  “ Men  gathered, ” lie  says,  “in 
large  groups.  Audiences  and  orators  sprung  up 
like  mushrooms.  The  torrent  of  eloquence  that 
poured  forth  there  was  such  as  would  put  Ni- 
agara to  shame.  There  were  people  mingling 
together  there  who  during  the  past  years  had 
been  bitterly  antagonistic  to  each  other,  but  who 
now  were  showing  their  friendship  in  public  ; 
Greek  Orthodox  and  Mohammedan  priests  were 
embracing  each  other  ; branches  were  cut  down 
from  the  trees ; rugs  were  brought  out  from  the 
houses  ; the  streets  were  lined  with  people  offer- 
ing their  hospitality  to  their  new-found  brothers; 
everywhere,  even  among  the  criminal  classes, 
there  were  these  evidences  of  good  fellowship.” 

— Howard  S.  Bliss,  Address  to  National  Geo- 
graphic Soc.,  Dec.  18,  1908. 

On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  July  the  Sultan 
received  a deputation,  headed  by  the  Sheikh-ul- 
Islam,  who  petitioned  for  the  removal  of  certain 
obnoxious  favorites  of  the  “Palace  camarilla,” 
and  especially  for  the  dismissal  of  the  notorious 
Izzet  Pasha,  one  of  his  secretaries,  who  was 
hated  and  feared  above  all.  Abdul  Hamid  re- 
fused at  first ; but  three  days  later  he  ordered 
Izzet  Pasha  into  exile  and  disgraced  Ismail 
Pasha,  his  Aide-de-camp,  who  was  said  to  be 
the  chief  spy  of  the  military  schools.  Izzet  suc- 
ceeded, a few  days  later,  in  escaping  from  the 
country,  and  so,  undoubtedly,  saved  his  life. 

On  the  29th  of  July  the  British  Ambassador 
at  Constantinople,  Sir  G.  Lowther,  sent  the  fol- 
lowing telegram  to  Sir  Edward  Grey  : “ The  Sul- 
tan has  sworn  on  the  Koran,  as  Caliph,  not  to 
repeal  the  Constitution,  and  the  Slieikh-ul-Islam 
has  officially  notified  the  oath,  which  was  regis- 
tered at  his  Department,  to  the  people.  It  re- 
ligiously binds  not  only  Abdul  Hamid  but  also 
his  successors  in  the  Caliphate  to  govern  in 
accordance  with  the  Constitution,  and  becomes 
part  of  the  Sheri  law.  This  step  was  demanded 
by  the  Young  Turkey  and  Constitutional  party, 
in  order  to  prevent  the  Constitution  being  put 
aside,  as  was  that  of  1876.”  On  the  31st,  an- 
nouncement was  made  in  the  morning  papers  of 
Constantinople  that  “a  Hatti  Humayun  which 
is  binding  on  the  successors  of  the  Sultan  will  be 
publicly  read  at  the  Porte  confirming  the  Con- 
stitution.” Subsequently,  on  sending  a copy 
of  this  instrument  to  his  Government,  Sir  G. 
Lowther  remarked  that  “a  Hatti  Humayun  is 
the  most  binding  form  of  legislation  in  the  Otto- 
man Empire.”  In  the  present  case  it  seems  to 
have  supplemented  as  well  as  confirmed  the  ori- 
ginal Constitution,  pledging  equality  of  freedom 
and  of  rights  to  all  subjects  of  every  race  and 
religion  ; supremacy  of  law  ; inviolability  of  the 
individual  domicile  ; inviolability  of  the  Post ; 
freedom  of  the  Press;  freedom  of  Education, 
etc.,  etc. 

The  ministers  and  spies  of  the  old  regime  of 
despotism  and  corruption  were  now  proceeded 


against  with  celerity  and  vigor.  Some  escaped, 
some  were  imprisoned,  some  were  killed  by  en- 
raged crowds  of  people.  The  latter  was  the 
fate  of  Fehiin  Pasha,  who  had  been  at  the  head 
of  the  secret  police.  At  the  same  time  exiles  of 
an  opposite  character  were  returning  to  their 
country  and  meeting  with  excited  welcomes  as 
they  came. 

Kiamil  Pasha  took  his  proper  place  as  Grand 
Vizier  on  the  7th  of  August,  and  formed  a new 
Cabinet,  with  Tewfik  Pasha  as  President  of  the 
Council  of  State  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
In  announcing  the  composition  of  the  Cabinet, 
Ambassador  Lowther  remarked  : “ Kiamil  Pasha 
appears  very  wisely  to  have  taken  the  League 
of  Union  and  Progress  into  his  counsels  in  form- 
ing his  Ministry,  all  of  whom  were  incorruptible 
opponents  of  the  old  regime,  while  two  of  them 
are  Christians,  in  accordance  with  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution.” 

While  practically  dominating  the  Imperial 
Government  on  one  hand,  the  ruling  Committee 
of  the  League  wras  likewise  bringing  to  terms 
the  lawless  Bulgarian,  Greek,  and  other  bauds 
which  had  tortured  and  terrorized  Macedonia  so 
long,  and  was  respectfully  but  plainly  intimat- 
ing its  expectation  that  foreign  management  of 
the  gendarmerie  and  the  finances  of  that  region 
would  soon  be  withdrawn.  Already,  as  early 
as  the  25th  of  July,  M.  Isvolsky  had  withdrawn, 
for  the  time  being,  at  least,  his  project  of  fur- 
ther intervention,  saying  that  “Russia  will  fol- 
low with  the  most  sympathetic  attention  the  ef- 
forts of  Turkey  to  insure  the  working  of  the  new 
regime.  She  will  abstain,  for  her  part,  from  all 
interference  calculated  to  complicate  this  task, 
and  will  exercise  all  her  influence  in  order  to 
obviate  and  prevent  all  disturbing  action  on  the 
part  of  the  Balkan  States.”  Of  course  the  Brit- 
ish Government  was  moved  by  the  same  feeling, 
and,  as  the  new  order  in  Turkey  gave  more  and 
more  promise  of  stability,  the  willingness  to 
suspend  the  foreign  organization  of  gendarmerie 
in  the  Macedonian  provinces  became  general 
among  the  Powers.  A collective  note,  accord- 
ingly, was  addressed  to  the  Sublime  Porte  in 
September,  asking  if  the  Imperial  Government 
had  any  objection  to  a provisional  suspension  of 
its  contract  with  foreign  officers,  with  leave  of 
absence  to  them  sine  die.  The  Porte  promptly 
acquiesced  and  the  Macedonian  intervention 
came  to  an  end. 

Preparations  for  the  election  of  representa- 
tives in  the  new  Parliament  became  active  in 
October,  the  League  of  Union  and  Progress 
sending  agents  into  the  provinces  to  give  much- 
needed  instructions  to  officials  and  people  as  to 
what  they  must  do  and  how.  The  elections 
were  conducted  under  a complicated  electoral 
law.  Excepting  foreign  residents,  natives  in 
foreign  service,  soldiers  not  on  furlough,  bank- 
rupts, criminals,  and  a few  other  classes,  all 
male  tax-payers  twenty-five  years  of  age  were 
made  “electors  in  the  first  degree.”  By  their 
vote  they  chose,  not  the  parliamentary  repre- 
sentative, but  “electors  in  the  second  degree” 
who  would  meet  subsequently  and  make  that 
choice.  At  the  preliminary  elections  250  to  750 
voters  were  entitled  to  one  elector;  750  to  1250 
to  two,  and  so  on.  The  representation  in  Par- 
liament was  by  one  Deputy  for  25,000  to  75,000 
electors  of  the  first  degree;  two  for  75,000  to 
125,000,  — and  further  at  that  rate.  Candidates 


657 


TURKEY,  1908 


TURKEY,  1909 


for  Parliament  were  to  be  not  less  than  thirty 
years  of  age. 

According  to  the  Constitution  the  chosen  Dep- 
uties to  Parliament  were  to  assemble  at  Constan- 
tinople on  the  30th  of  October,  old  style ; but 
inevitable  delays  in  the  elections  postponed  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  until  the  17th  of  Decem- 
ber, on  which  day  it  was  opened  by  the  Sultan 
in  person,  good  order  prevailing  in  the  city.  In 
a written  Speech  from  the  Throne,  read  by  his 
First  Secretary,  he  offered  as  an  explanation  of 
the  long  suspension  of  the  Constitution  of  1876, 
that,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulties  encoun- 
tered in  operating  the  parliamentary  system 
thirty  years  ago,  it  was  thought  best  that  “ the 
execution  of  the  said  Constitution  should  be 
postponed  until,  by  the  progress  of  instruction 
in  my  Empire,  the  capacity  of  my  people  should 
be  brought  up  to  the  desired  level.”  As  this 
was  now  believed  to  have  been  accomplished, 
he  had  “proclaimed  the  Constitution  anew 
without  hesitation,  in  spite  of  those  who  hold 
views  and  opinions  opposed  thereto.”  With 
marked  abruptness  the  Sultan’s  speech  was 
then  turned  to  some  recent  occurrences  which 
have  not  yet  been  touched  in  this  narrative  of 
events.  Its  reference  to  them  was  in  these 
words  : “ Whilst  the  Ministry  formed  under  the 
Presidency  of  Kiamil  Pasha,  to  whom  the  office 
of  Grand  Vizier  was  intrusted  upon  this  change 
in  the  system  of  administration,  was  occupied 
with  organizing  the  new  Constitutional  Admin- 
istration, Prince  Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Bulgaria 
and  Vali  of  the  Province  of  Eastern  Roumelia, 
departing,  for  whatever  reason,  from  the  loyalty 
due  to  our  Empire,  proclaimed  the  independence 
of  Bulgaria;  and  immediately  after  this  the 
Government  of  Austria-Hungary  also  announced 
to  the  Porte  and  to  the  Cabinets  of  the  other 
Great  Powers  that  it  had  decided  to  annex  to 
the  sphere  of  its  dominion  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina, which  were  subject  to  the  temporary 
occupation  and  administration  of  Austria  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  These  two 
important  events,  which  are  prejudicial  to  ex- 
isting legal  rights  and  relations,  are  occurrences 
which  have  moved  me  to  very  great  regret,  and 
our  Ministers  have  been  intrusted  with  the  task 
of  taking  the  necessary  action  consequent  on 
these  encroachments  and  of  safeguarding  (he 
rights  of  the  State.  In  regard  to  this  matter, 
and  under  all  circumstances,  the  help  and  sup- 
port of  Parliament  are  desired.” 

The  concluding  words  of  the  Sultan’s  brief 
speech  were  these  : “ I open  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  to-day  with  prayers  for  the  happiness 
and  prosperity  of  our  Empire  and  country.  I 
am  happy  to  see  in  my  presence  the  Deputies  of 
my  nation.  My  intention  to  govern  our  country 
under  the  Constitution  is  absolute  and  unalter- 
able. Please  God  our  Chamber  of  Deputies  will 
accomplish  good  work  for  our  Empire  and  our 
nation,  and  our  fatherland  will  attain  to  happi- 
ness of  every  kind.  May  God  make  us  all  the 
objects  of  His  divine  grace!” 

A.  D.  1909.  — American  Mission  Schools. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Education:  Turkey  and  the 
Near  East. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). — Wise  Modera- 
tion of  the  Young  Turks.  — Gathering  of  Op- 
position to  them.  — The  Counter-Revolution 
of  April  13. — Treacherous  Agency  of  the 
Sultan  in  it.  — Quick  Recovery  of  Power 


by  the  Young  Turks.  — Battle  in  Constan- 
tinople. — Moslem  attack  on  Armenians  in 
Asiatic  Turkey.  — Deposition  of  Abdul 
Hamid.  — Mohammed  V.  placed  on  the 
Throne.  — The  declaration  of  Bulgarian  inde- 
pendence and  the  Austrian  annexation  of  Bos- 
nia and  Herzegovina,  protested  against  by  the 
Sultan  in  his  Speech  from  the  Throne  at  the 
opening  of  the  new  Parliament,  on  the  17th  of 
December,  are  recounted  at  some  length  in 
another  place,  — see  Europe:  A.  D.  1908-1909 
(Oct.-March),  — with  notice  of  the  prolonged 
anxieties  they  produced  in  Europe  at  large. 
In  Turkey  itself  the  feeling  roused  by  these 
offensive  proceedings  was  overborne  to  a great 
extent  by  increasing  excitements  in  home  politics 
at  the  time.  The  first  unity  of  welcome  and 
support  to  the  revolution,  as  organized  by  the 
League  of  Union  and  Progress,  was  now  be- 
ing broken,  as  always  happens  in  such  move- 
ments, by  conflicts  of  ambition  and  differences 
of  opinion  and  aim.  In  other  words,  conten- 
tions of  party  and  faction  were  coming  into 
play.  The  Young  Turk  leaders  of  the  League 
had  manifestly  conducted  the  whole  movement 
of  revolution  with  extraordinary  ability,  self- 
effacement,  and  restraint.  The  President  of 
Robert  College,  at  Constantinople,  Dr.  C.  Frank 
Gates,  who  must  be  accounted  a trustwor- 
thy observer  of  events  in  the  Ottoman  capital, 
writing  in  The  Outlook , November  7,  1908,  of 
“Turkey  under  the  New  Regime,”  paid  this 
high  tribute  to  its  chiefs  : “ One  of  the  most 
striking  features  of  this  movement  to  those  who 
have  lived  long  in  the  country  is  the  moderation 
shown  by  the  Young  Turks.  The  regime  which 
has  been  overthrown  was  oppressive  in  the 
extreme,  and  all  the  people  had  suffered  terribly 
from  it.  The  Turks  have  often  said,  ‘ We  suffer 
more  than  the  Christians.’  Many  have  predicted 
a day  of  terrible  retribution,  when  the  old  re- 
gime should  fall  into  the  hands  of  its  victims. 
But  there  have  been  no  reprisals.  Officers  of 
the  army  were  killed  in  order  to  gain  control 
of  the  army,  a few  spies  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  people  and  were  killed,  the  notorious  Fehim 
Pasha  was  torn  to  pieces  by  the  mob  at  Broussa, 
but  most  of  the  rascals  have  been  held  for  regu- 
lar trial,  and  the  leaders  of  the  new  movement 
have  firmly  insisted  that  it  is  no  time  for  ven- 
geance or  for  the  gratification  of  personal  ani- 
mosities; only  one  consideration  can  be  admitted, 
and  that  is  the  good  of  the  country.  Their 
eyes  are  upon  the  future,  not  upon  the  past.  This 
is  wonderful.  If  one  could  have  expected  a 
reign  of  terror  anywhere,  here  was  the  place  to 
expect  it,  but  it  has  not  come. 

“The  Young  Turks  have  shown  a practical 
wisdom  in  dealing  with  the  various  parties  and 
in  solving  the  questions  which  have  arisen 
which  commands  the  admiration  of  all.  A 
friend  who  is  very  well  acquainted  with  the 
leaders  in  this  movement  said  the  other  day, 
‘The  most  wonderful  thing  of  all  is  the  com- 
mittees.’ Properly  speaking,  there  are  no 
committees  and  no  tangible  organization. 
There  are  men  who  stand  behind  the  present 
Government  and  practically  guide  and  control 
it,  but  they  are  content  to  be  unknown  and  to 
work  in  silence.  They  say,  ‘ It  is  the  work  of 
God,’  ' Do  not  congratulate  us  : thank  God.’ 

“The  difficulties  which  these  men  have  to 
face  are  enormous.  There  is  the  difficulty  of 


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% 


financing  the  Government,  which  is  aggravated 
by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  provinces  have 
understood  liberty  as  meaning  freedom  from 
taxes.  Then  there  is  the  difficulty  of  forming 
a programme  for  the  new  regime.  There  have 
been  two  parties  among  the  Young  Turks,  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  and  the 
Party  of  Decentralization  headed  by  Sebahed- 
din.  . . . Sebaheddin  has  been  explaining  his 
programme  to  popular  audiences.  His  plan  is 
to  have  local  assemblies  in  the  provinces,  to 
which  shall  be  relegated  many  of  the  functions 
which  have  been  centralized  in  Constantinople 
under  the  old  regime.” 

The  working  of  the  new  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment went  smoothly,  in  appearance,  for 
some  weeks  after  this  was  written.  On  the  1st 
of  January  the  Sultan  gave  a banquet  to  the 
Deputies  of  Parliament  at  the  Yildiz  Kiosk, 
sitting  with  them  at  table  and  speaking  to 
them  with  eloquent  piety  and  patriotism  ; sub- 
sequently permitting  a general  kissing  of  his 
hands,  which  performance  of  affectionate  rever- 
ence was  much  disapproved  by  some  of  the 
Turkish  journals  next  day.  A fortnight  later 
Mr.  Hagopian,  special  correspondent  at  Con- 
stantinople of  the  New  York  Evening  Post , 
seemingly  intimate  in  acquaintance  with  the 
inner  circles  of  parties,  began  to  be  sharply 
critical  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Pro- 
gress, saying  that  their  “arrogant  programme’’ 
“has  led  more  enlightened  Turks  to  organize 
a new  party,  the  Sons  of  Liberal  Ottomans.” 
Then  he  speaks  of  what  appears  to  be  another 
party,  “the  association  of  ‘ Fedakiarans ’ (Con- 
federates), composed  of  all  former  political  ex- 
iles and  prisoners  who  became  free  after  the 
establishment  of  the  new  regime.  On  the  sur- 
face their  aim  is  said  to  be  to  assist  all  their 
unfortunate  members  who  have  been  brought 
to  poverty,  or  disabled  by  the  tortures  of  prison 
and  exile.  Their  membership  within  the  last 
four  months  has  reached  twenty  thousand.  . . . 

“The  mistake  which  the  Young  Turks  com- 
mitted in  opposing  Kiamil  Pasha,  and  in  perse- 
cuting the  Confederates,”  this  writer  goes  on  to 
say,  “has  strengthened  the  cause  of  Sabakhed- 
din  Bey  and  his  followers.  All  the  oppressed 
Christian  races,  who  welcomed  the  inauguration 
of  a liberal  government  in  Turkey,  were  alarmed 
when  a part  of  the  young  Turks  came  forward 
as  champions  of  Panislamism,  and  to-day  they 
are  inclined  to  be  in  the  rank  and  file  of  this 
new  liberal  movement.  The  Young  Turkish 
Parliament  has  shown  a tendency  to  be  a Mos- 
lem institution.” 

A fortnight  later  Kiamil  Pasha,  the  Grand 
Vizier,  or  Prime  Minister,  as  he  preferred,  it  is 
said,  to  be  called,  dropped  Ali  Riza  Pasha,  Min- 
ister of  War,  and  Aarif  Pasha,  Minister  of  Ma- 
rine, from  his  Cabinet,  appointing  them  to 
other  posts,  which  they  declined  ; and  this  com- 
pleted his  breach  with  the  Committee  of  Union 
and  Progress.  Mr.  Hagopian,  in  his  next  letter 
to  the  Evening  Post,  averred  that  the  Grand 
Vizier  had  discovered  a plot,  organized  by  the 
Young  Turks,  to  dethrone  the  Sultan  and  pro- 
claim Youssuf-Izeddin,  elder  son  of  Abdul  Aziz, 
the  murdered  former  Sultan,  and  that  he  de- 
feated their  project  by  the  sudden  change  he 
made  in  the  Ministries  of  War  and  Marine. 
Other  reporters  from  Constantinople  to  the 
Press  do  not  seem  to  have  given  credit  to  this 


explanation.  Whatever  the  inner  facts  may- 
have  been,  the  Young  Turk  Committee  proved 
stronger  than  the  Grand  Vizier,  and  they  forced 
his  resignation  on  the  13th  of  February,  by  an 
overwhelming  vote  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
198  to  8,  that  he  “ no  longer  possesses  its  confi- 
dence.” He  had  commanded  foreign  confidence 
more,  perhaps,  than  any  other  Turkish  states- 
man, and  his  overthrow  gave  a serious  shock 
for  the  moment  to  the  hopefulness  with  which 
the  Turkish  constitutional  experiment  had  come 
to  be  quite  generally  regarded. 

Hilmi  Pasha,  who  had  been  Minister  of  the 
Interior  under  Kiamil,  was  now  called  by  the 
Sultan  to  be  Grand  Vizier,  and  a new  Cabinet 
was  formed,  Ali  Riza  Pasha  resuming  the  port- 
folio of  the  Ministry  of  War,  and  with  it  that 
of  the  Marine.  The  administration  was  now 
entirely  in  harmony  with  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress.  During  the  next  two 
months  there  was  not  much  in  Turkish  affairs 
to  command  attention  abroad.  But  political 
hostility  to  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Pro- 
gress was  evidently  increasing.  The  correspond- 
ent of  the  London  Times  wrote  to  his  paper 
from  Constantinople  in  March  that  “one  of  the 
most  perplexing  and  disquieting  features  of  the 
situation  since  the  fall  of  the  late  Cabinet  has 
been  the  persistent  manner  in  which  the  Com- 
mittee have  denied  that  any  extra-Parliamentary 
pressure  was  employed  to  effect  that  change, 
or  that,  since  it  was  accomplished,  extra-Parlia- 
mentary forces  have  exercised  any  influence  on 
the  conduct  of  affairs.  Had  they  frankly  ad- 
mitted that  such  influences  had  been,  and  were 
still,  brought  to  bear  — as,  indeed,  the  speech 
of  the  President  of  the  Chamber  implicitly  ac- 
knowledges— but  that  such  interference  was 
justified  by  circumstances  and  would  continue 
to  be  exercised  until  the  country  had  safely 
emerged  from  the  critical  period  through  which 
it  is  passing,  many  who  are  now  falling  away 
from  them  would  have  been  found  to  agree,  and 
few  persons  capable  of  forming  an  unbiassed 
opinion  would  have  ventured  to  declare  that 
their  contention  was  altogether  unreasonable 
and  unjustifiable.  By  adopting  a different 
course  they  have  alienated  much  of  the  sympa- 
thy and  confidence  they  hitherto  commanded, 
and  given  rise  to  suspicions,  quite  possibly  un- 
founded, as  to  the  purity  of  their  motives,  with 
the  result  that  the  country,  which  needs  and 
will  long  continue  to  need  the  united  energies 
of  all  its  ablest  and  most  enlightened  citizens, 
for  the  tremendous  task  of  regeneration  and 
reorganization,  is  now  weakened  by  a fierce 
party  struggle,  and  that  many  competent  ob- 
servers regard  a fresh  Ministerial  crisis  as  an 
event  which  cannot  be  delayed  for  many 
weeks.” 

The  anticipated  crisis  came  about  four  weeks 
after  this  had  been  written,  in  a form  much 
more  serious  than  that  of  a mere  Ministerial 
collapse.  It  was  precipitated  by  excitements 
that  followed  the  murder,  on  the  6th  of  April, 
of  a political  journalist,  Hassan  Fehmi  Effendi, 
editor  of  the  Serbesti,  the  organ  of  the  Liberal 
party.  As  the  murdered  man  had  been  a vig- 
orous critic  and  opponent  of  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress,  that  organization  was 
accused  at  once  of  having  brought  about  his 
death.  This  gave  the  start  to  agitations  and 
demonstrations  that  were  secretly  pushed  for 


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several  days,  until  they  culminated,  on  the  13th, 
in  an  outbreak  of  soldiers  and  city  mobs  which 
reversed  for  a time  the  Young  Turk  revolution 
of  the  previous  July.  That  the  crafty  Abdul 
Hamid  had  more  than  lent  his  hand  to  the  re- 
actionary outbreak  was  universally  believed ; 
but  when  it  had  accomplished  the  overthrow  of 
Hilmi  Pasha  and  his  Ministry  the  Sultan  did 
not  venture  to  call  creatures  of  his  own  to  take 
their  place.  On  the  contrary,  he  gave  the  office 
of  Grand  Vizier  to  Tewfik  Pasha,  one  of  the 
most  respected  and  independent  of  the  elder 
officials  of  the  Empire,  charging  him,  in  an  im- 
perial rescript,  “to  form  a Cabinet  to  conform 
more  directly  to  the  sacred  law  and  to  main- 
tain the  Constitution  and  guard  public  order.” 
These  words  are  indicative  of  the  nature  of  the 
hostility  to  the  regime  of  the  Young  Turks 
which  had  been  worked  up.  Formerly,  as  ap- 
pears in  one  of  the  quotations  above  from  Mr. 
Hagopian,  the  Young  Turks  had  been  accused 
of  being  “champions  of  Pan-Islamism,”  and 
their  Parliament  of  showing  “a  tendency  to  be 
a Moslem  institution.”  Latterly,  Moslem  or- 
thodoxy had  been  appealed  to  against  them  on 
the  charge  that  they  were  unfaithful  to  “the 
sacred  law”  (the  Sheriat),  and  that  they  were 
making  the  Constitution  a mere  cover  for  de- 
signs that  boded  evil  to  Islam.  A fair  infer- 
ence from  the  contradictoriness  of  the  charges 
brought  against  them  is  decidedly  favorable  to 
the  party  of  the  Young  Turks. 

At  the  outset  of  the  revolutionary  riot  in  Con- 
stantinople a few  murders  were  committed  and 
some  fatal  shooting  at  random  was  done,  the 
victims  including  the  Minister  of  Justice,  an 
Albanian  Deputy  and  a few  officers  of  the  riot- 
ous soldiery;  but  the  mob-rising,  as  a whole, 
appears  to  have  been  kept  under  singular  re- 
straint. No  important  members  of  the  League 
of  Union  and  Progress  are  reported  to  have 
been  killed.  Those  who  were  in  Constantinople 
escaped,  and  their  ruling  Committee  was  soon 
established  in  activity  at  Salonika  again,  taking 
measures  which  resulted  quickly  in  the  recovery 
of  more  than  the  power  that  they  had  seemed 
for  the  moment  to  have  lost. 

That  no  reaction  of  substantial  influences  at 
Constantinople  against  constitutional  and  repre- 
sentative government  was  signified  by  what 
had  occurred  there  was  made  plain  by  an  impor- 
tant proclamation,  issued  on  the  16th  of  April, 
by  the  Committee  of  the  Ulema,  the  Moslem 
Doctors  of  the  Sacred  Law.  It  was  addressed 
to  the  Deputies  and  the  Nation,  in  these  words: 

“We  are  informed  that  certain  Deputies, 
fearing  for  their  lives,  wish  to  resign,  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  public  fears  the  return  of 
despotic  rule.  The  Committee  of  the  Ulema, 
which  has  never  doubted  that  the  Constitution 
is  in  entire  conformity  with  sacred  law,  and 
has  not  forgotten  the  burning  of  Islamic  books 
at  Gulhaneli  in  the  days  of  absolutism,  will  de- 
fend the  Constitution,  which  is  in  conformity 
with  the  Sheriat,  to  the  last,  aided  by  the  army 
aud  Parliament.  Its  members  consider  it  to 
be  a religious  duty  to  sacrifice  their  lives  for 
this  end.  They  and  the  nation  preserve  the 
confidence  of  Deputies,  Moslem  and  non-Moslem 
alike,  save  such  as  have  resigned,  or  have  fled 
and  are  thereby  considered  to  have  resigned. 
Deputies,  therefore,  are  informed  that  hence- 
forth those  who  resign  will  be  considered  trai- 


tors. Let  them  do  their  duty  justly  and  honour- 
ably, and  they  may  be  sure  of  the  support  of  the 
nation  and  the  spiritual  aid  of  the  Prophet.  We 
beg  the  glorious  army  to  maintain  order  and 
discipline,  following  the  counsels  of  the  Ulema, 
for  it  is  thus  that  the  Almighty  will  grant  salva- 
tion to  the  country  and  happiness  in  this  world 
aud  the  next.” 

But  Asiatic  Turkey  was  easily  made  distrust- 
ful and  suspicious  of  a change  in  government 
which  appeared  to  lower  the  authority  and  dig- 
nity of  the  Sultan-Caliph  ; and  news  of  the 
seeming  triumph  of  that  sacred  sovereign  in 
what  had  happened  at  Constantinople  must 
have  had  not  a little  to  do  with  the  sudden  out- 
burst, on  the  loth  of  April,  of  Moslem  hostility 
to  the  Armenian  Christians  in  parts  of  Asia 
Minor  and  Syria.  The  fighting  and  massacre 
then  begun,  and  which  continued  for  many 
days,  was  most  fiercely  carried  on  within  a 
circle  of  towns  at  the  corner  where  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor  touch,  and  where  the  Gulf  of  Iskan- 
derun  runs  far  into  the  land.  On  the  northern 
and  western  side,  this  piece  of  the  Turkish  do- 
minion was  the  ancient  province  of  Cilicia, 
which  Pompey  added  to  the  empire  of  Rome;  in 
which  St.  Paul  was  born,  and  which  received 
its  modern  name  of  Adana  from  Haroun  al  Ras- 
chid,  the  most  famous  of  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad, 
— thanks  to  “The  Arabian  Nights.”  In  and 
around  its  three  principal  towns,  of  Adana, 
Mersina,  and  Tarsus,  the  first  and  worst  of  the 
atrocities  occurred. 

The  League  of  Union  and  Progress  had  given 
way  for  an  instant,  only,  to  the  outbreak  at  Con- 
stantinople, which  must  have  taken  its  leaders 
by  surprise.  But  the  momentary  reverse  was  a 
gift  of  opportunity,  in  fact,  to  prove  the  aston- 
ishing energy  of  ability  that  was  in  this  remark- 
able body  of  men.  They  had  been  betrayed  by 
a considerable  part,  at  least,  of  the  division  of 
the  army  which  garrisoned  Constantinople,  and 
which  is  said  to  have  been  heavily  bribed  with 
money  that  must  have  come  from  the  Sultan’s 
purse.  But  the  Second  and  Third  Corps  of  the 
army  in  Macedonia  were  unshaken  in  fidelity  to 
them  and  their  cause.  It  was  on  Tuesday,  the 
13th  of  April,  that  their  opponents  at  the  capital 
had  their  triumph;  on  Wednesday,  the  14th,  the 
two  trusted  corps  were  under  orders  from  Sa- 
lonika to  march  on  Constantinople.  Nine  days 
later  Mahmud  Shevket  Pasha,  who  commanded 
the  movement,  was  in  full  possession  of  the  city, 
with  the  Sultan  a prisoner,  and  the  victorious 
general  was  about  to  publish  the  following  brief 
report  of  what  had  been  done  in  the  interval : 

“Our  Second  and  Third  Army  Corps,”  he 
wrote,  “being  the  nearest  to  Constantinople, 
undertook  as  the  executive  power  of  the  whole 
Ottoman  nation  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  their 
blood  in  defence  of  the  Constitutional  regime. 
Having  therefore  taken  counsel  together  and 
organized  a force  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  they 
marched  to  Constantinople,  in  order  to  counter- 
act the  effects  of  the  despotic  blow  recently 
struck  at  that  regime , to  subdue  and  chastise  the 
guilty,  and  to  take  the  necessary  measures  for 
the  prevention  of  similar  attempts  in  the  future. 
Leaving  Salonika  on  Wednesday,  I arrived  the 
following  day  at  San  Stcfano  and  gave  orders 
for  a general  movement  preparatory  to  entering 
the  capital  on  Friday.  The  troops  quartered  at 
the  Ministry  of  War  were  compelled  to  surren- 


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der  before  they  had  time  to  defend  themselves. 
Only  the  mutinous  troops  at  Taslikishla  and 
other  barracks  in  Pera  offered  any  resistance  to 
the  army  of  occupation.  These  barracks  were 
accordingly  bombarded  and  destroyed,  their 
garrisons  being  disabled  or  forced  to  surrender. 
As  our  heroic  army  began  operations  at  night 
and  entered  the  town  at  dawn,  and  as  the  in- 
habitants remained  in  their  houses  and  the  shops 
were  closed,  there  were  no  deaths  in  the  civil 
population  and  no  disorder  took  place.  The 
losses  on  both  sides  were  heavy,  but  the  num- 
bers are  not  yet  known.  I pray  God  that  the 
hearts  of  all  Ottomans  may  rejoice  at  the  news 
of  this  great  victory  and  that  it  may  prove  the 
dawn  of  a great  future  for  our  country.  ” 

Military  observers  who  accompanied  Shevket 
Pasha  and  his  army  are  said  to  have  been  pro- 
foundly impressed  by  the  masterly  handling  of 
the  whole  operation,  from  start  to  finish.  His 
fellow  Constitutionalists  were  equally  impressed 
by  the  qualities  that  he  had  revealed.  A Press 
despatch  to  New  York,  from  Constantinople, 
April  26,  reported:  “Scliefket  Pasha,  com- 
mander of  the  Constitutional  army,  is  the  man  of 
the  hour.  The  leading  civilian  members  of  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress  desire  him  to 
be  grand  vizier  in  succession  to  Tewfik  Pasha, 
and  he  has  been  assured  that  a majority  of  Par- 
liament would  gladly  support  a ministry  under 
his  leadership  in  succession  to  the  Tewfik  minis- 
try, which  resigned  to-day.  In  reply  to  these 
proposals  Scliefket  Pasha  said  that  the  premier- 
ship afforded  such  a splendid  opportunity  to  as- 
sist in  the  political  development  of  the  country 
that  he  would  have  rejoiced  to  accept  the  honor 
had  it  come  to  him  under  any  other  circum- 
stances, but  that  he  could  not  accept  it  while 
still  leader  of  the  army.  To  do  so  would  not  ac- 
cord with  his  ideas  of  civil  and  political  liberty 
of  action.”  This  seems  to  have  been  a true  ex- 
hibit of  the  fine  spirit  and  intelligent  patriotism 
of  the  man,  and  it  added  much  to  the  hopeful- 
ness of  the  regenerative  undertaking  of  the 
Young  Turks.  Shevket  is  an  Arab,  from  Bag- 
dad, who  had  his  training  as  a soldier  in  Ger- 
many and  had  lived  in  Europe  twelve  years. 

What  to  do  with  Abdul  Hamid  was  a ques- 
tion over  which  the  Committee  of  Union  and 
Progress  wasted  very  little  time.  He  became 
their  captive  on  the  24th.  On  the  26th  it  was 
known  that  he  would  be  deposed  and  exiled  to 
Salonika.  His  falsity  in  all  that  he  had  pro- 
fessed of  a willing  adoption  of  constitutional 
government,  and  his  treacherous  engineering  of 
the  conspiracy  against  it,  were  believed  to  be 
open  to  no  doubt.  It  was  probably  not  easy  to 
save  him  from  the  doom  of  death  which  he 
feared : but  the  men  of  calmly  tempered  mind 
and  will  who  had  ruled  the  revolution  from  its 
beginning  were  still  in  control.  On  the  morning 
of  the  27th  a fetva  or  formal  decision  by  the 
Sheik-ul-Islam,  authorizing  the  deposition  of 
Abdul  Hamid  from  the  Ottoman  throne,  was 
sent  to  the  National  Assembly  and  read.  It 
was  in  the  form  of  a question  from  that  body, 
answered  tersely  by  the  supreme  judge  of  the 
law  of  Islam,  — as  follows:  “ What  becomes  of 
an  Imam  [the  title  of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  as 
head  of  the  Orthodox  faith]  who  has  destroyed 
certain  holy  writings,  who  has  seized  property 
in  contravention  to  the  Sheri  laws,  who  has 
committed  cruelties  in  ordering  the  assassina- 


tion and  imprisonment  of  exiles  without  any 
justification  under  the  Sheri  laws,  who  has 
squandered  the  public  money,  who,  having 
sworn  to  govern  according  to  the  Slieriat,  has 
violated  his  oath,  who,  by  gifts  of  money,  has 
provoked  internecine  bloodshed  and  civil  war, 
and  who  no  longer  is  recognized  in  the  pro- 
vinces?” To  this  the  Sheik-ul-Islam  replied: 
“He  must  abdicate  or  be  deposed.”  At  once, 
by  unanimous  vote,  the  deposition  of  Abdul 
Hamid  and  the  succession  of  his  younger  bro- 
ther, Mohammed  Rescliad  Effendi  was  pro- 
nounced by  the  National  Assembly.  The  new 
Sultan  was  proclaimed  with  impromptu  cere- 
mony in  the  afternoon,  at  the  Seraskierat,  to 
which  he  went  in  the  plain  costume  of  a Turk- 
ish gentleman.  He  was  received  by  Mahmud 
Shevket  Pasha  and  his  staff  in  the  central  court. 
The  Grand  Vizier,  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam,  Said 
Pasha,  President  of  the  Senate,  and  Ahmed 
Riza,  President  of  the  Chamber,  stood  at  the 
foot  of  the  stairs.  All  kissed  hands,  and  the 
whole  group,  headed  by  his  Majesty,  proceeded 
to  a reserved  chamber,  the  gallery  above  the 
court  being  in  the  meantime  crowded  with  Sen- 
ators, Deputies,  officers,  journalists,  and  ordi- 
nary sightseers.  The  Deputies  and  Senators 
were  then  admitted  to  kiss  hands,  and  a prayer 
was  recited.  This  ended  the  simple  ceremony 
of  the  day;  but  one  of  more  solemnity  occurred 
on  the  10th  of  May,  when  the  Sultan  received 
the  sword  of  Osman  — the  equivalent  of  a cor- 
onation— in  the  Mosque  Ayub,  which  Chris- 
tians are  never  permitted  to  enter,  and  was  con- 
ducted in  an  imposing  procession  through  the 
streets  of  the  city. 

Mohammed  Reschad  Effendi,  who  reigns  as 
Mohammed  V.,  was  in  his  sixty -fifth  year  when 
he  came  to  the  throne.  Until  the  revolution 
of  the  previous  July  he  had  been  practically  a 
prisoner  in  one  of  the  palaces  on  the  Bosporus, 
surrounded  by  the  creatures  of  his  jealous  and 
suspicious  brother,  without  whose  permission 
he  could  not  leave  the  palace  grounds.  Latterly 
he  had  enjoyed  some  degree  of  personal  free- 
dom, for  the  first  time  in  his  life.  An  anony- 
mous contributor  to  the  London  Times,  who 
had  had  an  opportunity  to  meet  him  since  the 
revolution  broke  his  bonds,  wrote  thus  of  the 
interview  : “I  had  the  privilege  of  a long  con- 
versation with  Reschad  when  I was  in  Constan- 
tinople in  the  autumn,  on  condition  that  the 
visit  should  be  conducted  with  some  secrecy 
and  should  remain  secret  until  the  return  of  Ha- 
midianism  was  beyond  the  range  of  possibility. 
I believe  I was  the  first  European  whom  he  had 
seen  since  the  revolution  of  July  mitigated  the 
severity  of  the  reclusion  enforced  for  30  years 
by  Abdul  Hamid.  The  Heir  Apparent  was 
still  living  in  the  Palace  adjoining  Dolma 
Baghche,  which  had  been  his  prison  throughout 
the  reign,  jealously  guarded  by  the  Sultan’s 
Pretorians  at  the  entrances  from  the  main  road, 
and  by  a gunboat  moored  in  the  Bosporus 
opposite  the  water  approach.  . . . 

“ His  Highness  talked  slowly  and  hesitatingly, 
often  lowering  his  voice  to  a whisper  and  cast- 
ing furtive  glances  round  the  room  as  if  he  was 
still  haunted  by  the  fear  of  spies,  but  he  listened 
eagerly  while  I told  him  of  my  own  many  jour- 
neyings  in  Turkey,  whose  people  I had  known 
since  the  beginning  of  the  Hamidian  regime , 
occasionally  interrupting  me  with  an  apposite 


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TURKEY,  1909 


remark,  or  asking  for  an  explanation  which 
showed  both  interest  and  intelligence.  There 
was  something  strangely  pathetic  in  this  desire 
for  information  about  his  own  country,  over 
which  his  Highness  was  soon  destined  to  reign. 
A full  hour’s  conversation  left  the  impression 
that,  given  favourable  circumstances  and  good 
advisers,  the  Prince  was  well  qualified  to  preside 
over  a period  of  peaceful  transition.” 

Punishment  of  the  authors  of  the  counter- 
revolution followed  quickly  on  the  reestablish- 
ment of  constitutional  authority,  and  it  was 
sternly  meted  out.  As  Mr.  Hagopian  expressed 
the  feeling  of  the  Young  Turks,  in  his  letter  of 
April  26  to  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  they 
**  could  not  afford  to  be  lenient.  The  conspiracy 
of  April  13,”  he  added,  “ was  no  longer  a secret. 
In  the  last  two  days  15,000  soldiers  and  6,000 
hodjas  and  spies  had  been  arrested.  In  their  pos- 
session over  half  a million  dollars  had  been 
found.  Where  had  this  money  come  from?  Who 
could  deny  any  longer  that  Abdul  Hamid  drew 
from  his  bank  about  ten  million  dollars  a month 
ago  ? His  favored  son,  Burhaneddin  Effendi, 
went  from  barrack  to  barrack  and  distributed 
the  money  among  the  soldiers.  Former  spies, 
disguised  in  Turkish  clergymen’s  garments, 
went  among  the  troops  and  won  them  over  with 
the  Sultan’s  bribes.  Soldiers,  when  arrested, 
were  found  to  have  an  average  of  one  hundred 
dollars  ; some  had  two  hundred,  three  hundred, 
and  even  five  hundred.  Indeed,  Abdul  Hamid 
was  the  head  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the  massa- 
cre in  Adana  was  instigated  by  his  emissaries 
sent  from  Constantinople.  The  old  and  the  new 
Yildiz  cliques  were  not  less  responsible.”  By  the 
12th  of  May  thirty-eight  executions  had  been 
reported,  most  of  them  by  hanging  in  public 
places.  “A  member  of  the  court-martial  that 
sentenced  these  men  to  death  explained  the  rea- 
son of  the  public  hangings  by  saying  that  Con- 
stantinople was  such  a city  of  rumor  and  tradi- 
tions of  corruption  that,  had  the  announcement 
been  made  that  these  men  had  been  executed 
in  private,  it  would  not  have  been  believed  by 
the  masses.  It  was  desired  to  impress  the  peo- 
ple with  the  fact  that  the  guilty  had  been  pun- 
ished.” 

(April-Dee.).  — Outbreak  of  Massacre  in 
Southeastern  Asia  Minor.  — The  first  news 
of  the  outbreak  of  massacre  in  southeastern  Asia 
Minor  came  to  Europe  and  America  in  a tele- 
gram from  Constantinople,  dated  April  15,  say- 
ing: “A  massacre  of  Armenians  is  in  progress 
to-day  at  Mersina,  a seaport  of  Asia  Minor  on 
the  Mediterranean.”  In  this  report  the  out- 
break was  ascribed  to  the  provocation  of  a 
murder  of  two  Moslems  by  an  Armenian ; but 
nothing  that  appeared  subsequently  gave  any 
confirmation  to  this.  The  Sultan  has  been  ac- 
cused of  having  instigated  the  rising,  as  a 
means  of  starting  complications  which  might 
check  the  Young  Turks;  but  that  remains  un- 
proved. 

Mersina,  from  which  the  first  report  of  mas- 
sacre came,  is  thirty-six  miles  by  railway  from 
Adana,  the  capital  of  the  vilayet  of  that  name 
and  an  important  missionary  station  of  several 
American  missionary  organizations.  Adana 
was  a city  of  about  45,000  inhabitants,  mostly 
Mohammedans,  but  with  Armenians  in  consid- 
erable numbers  and  a few  Greeks.  The  Chris- 
tian missions  included  important  schools.  In 


this  city  the  murderous  mob  had  begun  its 
work  on  the  14th  of  April,  a day  prior  to  the 
Mersina  report,  and  it  is  found  to  have  been  the 
center  of  the  deadly  outbreak  throughout.  The 
Moslem  fury  was  directed  against  the  Armeni- 
ans, and,  though  two  missionaries  were  among 
the  killed,  they  do  not  appear  to  have  been  ob- 
jects of  attack,  but  to  have  suffered  incidentally 
to  the  efforts  they  made  for  the  protection  of 
their  Armenian  neighbors  and  their  schools. 
There  were  Turkish  troops  in  the  city  from  the 
beginning  of  the  slaughter,  but  they  did  no- 
thing to  stop  it  for  five  days.  According  to  some 
accounts  the  vali,  or  governor,  kept  them  shut 
up  in  quarters;  according  to  others  they  took 
part  in  the  massacre.  The  Rev.  Stephen  Trow- 
bridge, who  was  in  Adana  during  these  terrible 
daj’S,  declared  a little  later:  “One  man  is  re- 
sponsible for  the  disorders  here.  This  is  the 
vali  himself.  He  had  it  in  his  power  to  suppress 
lawlessness  and  massacre,  but  deliberately  re- 
frained from  doing  so.  He  said  simply : ‘ We 
are  not  responsible.’  The  better  class  of  Turks 
in  Adana,”  Mr.  Trowbridge  continued,  “the 
members  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Pro- 
gress, are  deeply  grieved  and  saddened  at  these 
dreadful  events.  Some  of  them  are  ready  to 
join  us  in  relief  work  for  the  Armenians.  One 
Bey  already  has  opened  his  house  to  refugees.” 
This  gives  color  to  the  belief  that  the  out- 
break was  not  mere  mob-madness,  but  captained 
in  some  way  from  a higher  center  of  Turkish 
authority.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  firm  conviction 
of  many  who  were  witnesses  of  what  occurred. 
Writing  on  the  24th  of  April  from  Tarsus, 
which  bore  its  share  of  the  widespread  attack, 
another  missionary  said:  “The  massacres  all 
began  on  the  same  day,  Wednesday,  the  14th, 
showing,  were  there  no  other  proof,  that  they 
were  inaugurated  by  telegraphic  orders  from 
Adana,  probably  from  Constantinople.  The 
only  places  where  the  Christians  took  up  arms 
for  a short  time  to  defend  themselves  were 
Adana,  Hadjin,  and  near  the  battle-field  of 
Issus;  at  the  latter  place  they  are  still  holding 
out.  The  statement  by  Turkish  officials  that 
there  was  an  Armenian  insurrection,  that  Turks 
were  massacred,  and  houses  burned  by  the 
Christians,  etc.,  etc.,  are  simply  abominable  lies. 
This  cannot  be  put  too  strongly.  . . . During 
fifty  long  hours,  while  battle  and  murder  and 
burnings  were  going  on  all  around  our  school 
and  residence  in  Adana,  the  vali,  though  he  had 
hundreds  of  soldiers  at  the  Konak,  sent  not  one 
to  protect  us  and  our  property.  ” 

According  to  a report  made  some  months 
later,  after  investigations  under  the  new  Turk- 
ish regime,  and  quoted  from  a Turkish  news- 
paper, the  number  killed  in  all  parts  of  the 
province  was  20,008 ; 620  were  Moslems,  and 
the  remaining  19,400  were  non  Moslems.  Of 
the  non-Moslems  killed,  418  were  Old  Chal- 
deans, 163  Chaldeans,  210  Armenian  Catholics, 
655  Protestants,  99  Greeks,  and  the  remainder 
Gregorian  Armenians.  The  same  report  esti- 
mated the  destruction  of  property  as  having 
been  equal  to  two-thirds  of  the  entire  wealth  of 
the  province.  The  appearance  of  Adana  and 
of  the  surrounding  country  after  the  massacres 
were  stopped  was  described  by  one  who  made 
the  journey  from  Tarsus  to  Adana,  and  who 
wrote  : “ Leaving  behind  us  the  ruins  of  Tar- 
sus, and  the  hundreds  of  weeping  widows  and 


662 


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TURKEY,  1909 


orphans  there,  we  came  by  train  to  Adana. 
Near  the  city  the  road  runs  for  miles  through 
vineyards  and  gardens,  in  former  days  a beauti- 
ful sight.  But  now  it  is  a waste  of  desolation ; 
all  the  houses  of  the  Christians  are  heaps  of 
ruins;  in  and  around  those  houses  more  than 
five  hundred  were  slain  during  the  three  terri- 
ble days  of  April.  The  houses  of  Moslems  have 
not  been  injured.  We  noted  a like  contrast  as 
respects  the  numerous  farms  on  the  plain  be- 
tween Tarsus  and  Adana.  And  yet  the  charge 
is  made,  and  believed,  that  the  Armenians  were 
the  aggressors ! 

“In  the  once  prosperous  Adana,  nothing  but 
ruins ; it  is  like  the  pictures  I have  seen  of 
Pompeii.  The  wretched  survivors  wander  by 
twos  and  threes  around  the  places  where  once 
stood  their  happy  homes  ; they  look  more  like 
ghosts  than  human  beings,  these  pale,  dejected, 
barefooted  widows  and  orphans.” 

On  the  12th  of  May,  after  the  Young  Turks 
had  recovered  power  at  Constantinople,  the 
Turkish  Embassy  at  London  gave  out  the  fol- 
lowing announcement : “ Order  and  tranquillity 
prevail  throughout  the  Sanjak  of  Djebel-i- 
Bereket.  Troops  are  arriving  gradually  and 
are  being  distributed  according  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  each  place.  The  local  authorities  at 
Adana  are  about  to  proceed  at  once  to  confiscate 
stolen  property  and  to  disarm  Musulmans  and 
non-Musulmans  alike.  This  measure  will  be 
adopted  generally  in  the  other  parts  of  the 
vilayet  as  soon  as  the  troops  which  are  coming 
from  the  various  places  have  reached  the  posi- 
tions to  which  they  have  been  assigned.  The 
authorities  are  very  busily  engaged  in  finding 
homes  for  people  who  are  without  shelter  and  in 
supplying  them  with  food.  A Commission  for 
that  purpose  has  been  appointed  at  Adana.” 

A Court  Martial  and  a Parliamentary  Commis- 
sion were  now  sent  to  Adana  to  investigate  the 
massacre  and  punish  the  guilty.  Their  work 
was  soon  showing  results.  On  the  24th  of  May 
a report  came  from  Constantinople  that  “ Ferid 
Pasha  has  informed  a representative  of  the 
Tanin  that  several  of  the  soldiers  who  took 
part  in  the  recent  massacres  in  Cilicia  have  been 
arrested.  Nine  persons  have  already  been  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  Court-martial.  With 
regard  to  the  responsibility  for  the  outbreak, 
the  Minister  said  that,  while  he  could  not  de- 
finitely ascribe  it  to  official  promptings,  certain 
officials  had  failed  to  do  their  duty,  among  them 
the  Mutesarrif  of  Jebel  Bereket,  who  had  been 
imprisoned  pending  an  inquiry  into  his  con- 
duct. The  reactionaries  had  certainly  played  a 
part  in  fomenting  the  outbreak,  but  other  ele- 
ments— which  the  Minister  did  not  specify  — 
had  contributed  thereto.” 

On  the  13th  of  July  it  was  reported  that  ‘‘an 
Imperial  Iradeli  has  been  issued  ordering  the 
arrest  of  the  ex-Governors  of  Adana  and  Djebel 
Bereket,  the  commander  of  the  Adana  garri- 
son, and  a number  of  notables  of  Cilicia,  among 
whom  is  the  editor  of  the  Itidal,  the  notorious 
Baghdadi.  ” 

Two  days  later  it  was  said  that  “ the  ex-Gov- 
ernors  of  Adana  and  Djebel  Bereket  have  been 
sent  to  Adana  under  a strong  escort.  Some  20 
leading  Moslem  notables  of  Adana  who  have 
been  arrested  will  be  immediately  brought  before 
a Court-Martial.  The  Grand  Vizier  has  given 
orders  for  a manifesto  to  be  prepared  by  the 


Sheikh-ul-Islam,  demonstrating  by  means  of 
texts  from  the  Koran  and  the  Traditions  that  the 
duty  of  all  good  Moslems  is  to  treat  Christians 
with  justice  and  to  regard  them  as  fellow-citi- 
zens with  equal  rights.  It  is  to  be  distributed 
by  the  kadis,  muftis,  and  hodjas  in  every  town 
and  village  of  the  empire,  and  the  most  learned 
ulema  are  to  take  it  as  their  text  in  the  sermons 
to  be  preached  during  next  Ramazan.” 

July  18th  the  court-martial  was  stated  to  have 
made  a report  which  concluded  as  follows: 
‘‘‘Fifteen  persons  have  been  already  hanged, 
800  deserve  death,  15,000  deserve  hard  labour 
for  life,  and  80,000  deserve  minor  sentences.  If 
it  is  decided  to  proceed  with  the  punishment, 
we  will  draw  a cordon  around  the  town  and  deal 
expeditiously  with  the  matter.’  In  view,  how- 
ever, of  the  general  reconciliation  between  the 
various  elements,  the  Court-martial  recommends 
a general  amnesty  on  the  occasion  of  the  Na- 
tional Fete.” 

The  11th  of  August  brought  accounts  of  the 
publication  of  a declaration  by  a Commission  of 
three  ministers  in  the  Turkish  Cabinet  appointed 
to  prepare  it,  acquitting  the  Armenians  of  all 
responsibility  for  the  outbreak  at  Adana.  This 
declaration,  drawn  up  after  a careful  examina- 
tion of  the  reports  of  the  members  of  the  Par- 
liamentary Commission  on  the  massacres  and 
approved  by  the  Council  of  Ministers,  ascribes 
the  massacre  to  the  ignorance  of  the  population. 
‘‘In  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid  the  people  had 
become  imbued  with  the  idea  that  every  Arme- 
nian was  a separatist  at  heart,  and  were  therefore 
averse  from  equality  with  the  Armenian  com- 
munity. They  had  become  in  consequence  the 
tools  of  religious  or  political  agitators.  The  de- 
claration censures  severely  the  local  officials  for 
their  failure,  not  only  to  quell  the  outbreak,  but 
to  warn  the  Government  that  the  situation  in 
Cilicia  was  critical.” 

One  of  the  Deputies  of  the  Parliamentary 
Commission  which  investigated  matters  at 
Adana  gave,  perhaps,  a more  distinct  idea  of 
the  causes  that  worked  to  produce  the  massa- 
cres, in  an  interview  published  during  August, 
when  he  said:  “ The  massacre  in  Adana  had  two 
strong  causes  : reaction  and  tyranny.  The  joy 
of  the  July  demonstrations  [of  1908]  had  scarcely 
passed  when,  at  the  beginning  of  August,  tyran- 
nical tendencies  began  to  appear.  The  former 
Mufti  of  Baklicheh  went  hither  and  thither  de- 
claring that  liberty  and  the  constitution  were 
the  work  of  the  Christians,  that  the  constitution 
was  contrary  to  the  Sheriat.  In  this  way  he 
stirred  up  Moslems  against  the  Christians  and 
the  constitution.  In  place  of  the  joy  which  ap- 
peared among  all  classes  during  the  first  days  of 
the  constitution,  a spirit  of  revenge  and  enmity 
against  non -Moslems  began  to  spread.” 

Evidently  the  amnesty  recommended  by  the 
Court-martial  in  July  was  not  granted  ; for  the 
following  telegram  was  sent  from  Constantinople 
on  the  12th  of  December  to  the  London  Times: 
“ Twenty-six  Moslems,  who  were  sentenced  to 
death  in  connexion  with  the  Adana  massacres 
in  April  last,  were  executed  at  Adana  yesterday 
and  to-day.  Order  was  maintained,  although 
the  population  was  much  moved,  the  women 
relatives  of  the  condemned  publicly  manifesting 
their  grief.  One  Armenian  is  awaiting  execu- 
tion.” 

Nevertheless  the  Armenians  have  not  been 


663 


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satisfied  with  the  punishments  inflicted,  and  the 
Armenian  Patriarch  resigned  in  September,  as 
a mark  of  protest,  maintaining  that  the  real  in- 
stigators of  the  massacres  went  unpunished. 

A.  D.  1909  (May-Dec.).  — Hilmi  Pasha, 
Grand  Vizier.  — Parliament  opened  by  the 
new  Sultan. — Constitutional  Amendments 
on  Religion  and  Education.  — The  Commit- 
tee of  Union  and  Progress.  — Change  of 
Ministry.  — From  the  1st  to  the  5th  of  May 
Tewfik  Pasha  was  Grand  Vizier,  by  appoint- 
ment from  the  new  Sultan.  Then,  as  had  been 
expected,  Hilmi  Pasha  was  called  to  his  place, 
and  remained  at  the  head  of  the  Government 
until  the  last  week  of  the  year.  On  the  20th  of 
the  month  the  Sultan  in  person  opened  the  ses- 
sion of  Parliament,  and,  after  a speech  from  the 
throne  had  been  read  by  the  Grand  Vizier,  pro- 
nounced the  following  words:  “I  have  sworn 
to  respect  the  Sheriat  and  the  Constitution  in 
its  entirety,  and  not  to  transgress  for  one  instant 
from  safeguarding  the  national  rights  and  inter- 
ests of  the  country.  You  must  now  in  return 
take  the  necessary  oath.”  The  oath  was  then 
taken  by  the  Senators  and  Deputies  in  turn,  his 
Majesty  watching  the  proceedings  from  the  Im- 
perial box.  On  the  24th  the  Grand  Vizier  an- 
nounced the  programme  of  measures  and  gen- 
eral policy  to  be  undertaken  by  his  Ministry, 
and  received,  after  debate,  a vote  of  confidence 
by  190  to  5.  The  reconstituted  Government 
was  now  a fully  organized  fact. 

Questions  concerning  the  attitude  of  the  State 
towards  religion  and  education,  as  it  should  be 
defined  in  the  Constitution,  were  among  the 
earliest  of  high  importance  to  be  brought  be- 
fore the  Parliament.  On  the  8th  of  June  it 
adopted  an  amendment  to  the  article  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  1876  (see,  in  this  vol..  Constitution 
of  Turkey)  reading  as  follows  : 

“ Islam  is  the  State  religion. 

“The  State,  while  safeguarding  this  princi- 
ple, guarantees  the  free  exercise  of  all  cults 
recognized  in  the  Empire,  and  maintains  the 
religious  privileges  granted  to  divers  communi- 
ties, provided  public  order  and  morality  be  not 
infringed.” 

On  the  subject  of  education  the  Constitution 
was  amended  to  read  : 

“Education  is  free. 

“All  schools  are  placed  under  the  control  of 
the  Government.  The  necessary  measures  shall 
be  taken  to  assure  to  every  Ottoman  subject  a 
uniform  system  of  education.  There  shall  be 
no  interference  with  the  religious  education  of 
the  different  communities.” 

The  Christian  communities,  especially  the 
Greek,  objected  strenuously  to  this,  fearing  that 
governmental  control  would  be  found  to  mean 
the  imposition  of  the  Turkish  language  in  all 
schools,  as  an  instrument  of  nationalization. 

Another  proposed  amendment,  making  mem- 
bers of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  eligible  for  the 
posts  of  Parliamentary  Under-Secretaries  of 
State,  failed  to  secure  the  requisite  two-thirds 
majority,  and  this  was  regarded  as  a defeat  of 
the  civilian  leaders  of  the  “Young  Turk”  Com- 
mittee of  Union  and  Progress,  who  were  sup- 
posed to  be  desirous  of  holding  the  posts  in 
question,  while  sitting  also  in  the  Chamber. 

The  firm  control  of  afFairs  which  the  Commit- 
tee in  question  had  exercised  throughout  the 
revolutionary  movement,  while  keeping  itself 


mysteriously  anonymous  in  the  background, 
had  been  extraordinarily  successful,  indicative 
of  high  wisdom  and  a very  genuine  public 
spirit.  But  the  forces  thus  handled  by  the 
Committee,  especially  in  the  military  element 
of  the  revolution,  were  growing  restive,  it 
would  appear,  under  the  feeling  of  too  much 
subordination,  and  gave  increasing  signs  of  dis- 
content with  the  invisibility  of  the  wires  by 
which  they  were  pulled.  Without  doubt,  it 
was  evidence  of  this  which  led  the  Committee, 
at  a meeting  at  Salonika,  in  October,  to  resolve 
and  announce  that  their  organization  should  no 
longer  be  a secret  society,  but  open  to  public 
knowledge  and  directed  henceforth  by  a respon- 
sible executive.  Whether  the  Committee  did 
or  did  not  strengthen  itself  by  thus  coming  into 
the  open,  it  has  maintained  its  ascendancy  and 
still  exercises  a controlling  power. 

The  second  session  of  Parliament  was  opened 
by  the  Sultan,  on  the  14th  of  November,  with  a 
speech  of  roseate  contentedness  in  its  contem- 
plation of  Turkish  affairs.  Late  in  December  a 
change  of  Ministry  occurred,  in  somewhat  ob- 
scure connection  with  a consolidation  of  steamer 
lines  on  the  Euphrates.  A British  line  of  steam- 
ers, known  as  the  Lynch  Line,  which  had  been 
running  on  that  river  since  1860,  was  being 
consolidated  with  a Turkish  line  that  the  Turk- 
ish Government  controlled,  and  something  in 
the  transaction  which  raised  an  issue  between 
Parliament  and  the  Grand  Vizier.  Hilmi  Pasha, 
led  the  latter  to  resign  December  28.  Nobody 
seems  to  have  doubted,  however,  that  the  real 
cause  of  his  leaving  office  was  in  the  willing- 
ness of  the  Committee  that  he  should  do  so. 
General  Mahmud  Shevket,  the  able  military 
leader  of  the  Revolution,  wras  invited  to  form  a 
Cabinet,  but  declined,  as  he  is  said  to  have  done 
before.  The  high  office  was  then  conferred  on 
Hakki  Bey,  Turkish  Ambassador  at  Rome,  and 
Mahmud  Shevket  Pasha  accepted  office  in  his 
Cabinet  as  Minister  of  War. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). — Railway  and  Irriga- 
tion Projects  in  the  Tigris-Euphrates  Delta. 
— Sir  William  Willcoeks,  the  British  engineer 
who  has  been  engaged  for  some  time  past  in 
surveys  for  the  Turkish  Government,  having 
reference  to  irrigation  and  railway  improve- 
ments for  the  reclamation  of  the  great  Mesopota- 
mian region,  made  a report  to  the  Ministry  of 
Public  Works  at  Constantinople  in  October, 
1909,  of  which  the  following  account  was  given 
to  the  Press  through  Reuter’s  Agency:  “Sir 
William  Willcoeks  advocates  the  construction 
of  a railway  from  Baghdad  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean. The  proposed  railway  v'ould  start  from 
Baghdad,  cross  the  Euphrates  at  Feludia,  and 
follow  the  Valley  to  Hit.  At  Hit  the  line  would 
take  the  Euphrates  Valley  and  traverse  the  flat 
desert  in  a straight  line  to  El  Ivaiin,  near  Abu 
Ivemal,  the  northern  limit  of  the  cataracts. 
From  El  Kaim  to  Der  Zor,  the  Euphrates  has  no 
cataracts,  and  the  river  Khabour,  wdiich  joins 
the  Euphrates  at  Mayadin,  the  ancient  Rehoboth, 
is,  like  the  Euphrates,  navigable  during  the 
whole  year.  These  parts  of  the  Euphrates  and 
Khabour  could  be  extensively  developed  and  all 
their  products  transported  to  El  Kaim  by  boat 
and  thence  by  rail.  From  El  Kaim  the  railway 
would  proceed  to  Tidmor  (Palmyra)  and  follow 
the  old  trade  route  over  a flat  desert  supplied 
with  water.  From  Palmyra  the  line  would  go 


664 


TURKEY,  1909 


UNITED  STATES,  1901 


cither  to  Iloms  or  Damascus.  The  total  length 
of  the  railway  from  Baghdad  to  Damascus  is 
placed  at  880  kilometres. 

“ The  report  next  deals  with  the  works  of 
irrigation  to  be  undertaken  at  once.  These  con- 
sist of  barrages  of  the  Hindieh  canal,  dams  on 
the  Habbania  and  Sakhlawia,  and  works  for  the 
navigation  on  the  Tigris.  The  total  cost  of  the 
entire  works  on  the  Euphrates  is  estimated 
at  £T1, 034,000,  while  that  of  the  works  on  the 


TUSKEGEE  INSTITUTE:  Its 

Twenty-fifth  Anniversary.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Education:  United  States:  A.  1).  1906. 

TWEEDMOUTH,  Lord:  First  Lord  of 

the  Admiralty.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  D.  1905-1906. 

TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE 
METRE  HILL.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.). 

TWO  POWER  STANDARD,  Naval. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Preparations  for. 

TURNEY,  Daniel  Braxton:  Nominated 
for  President  of  the  United  States.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1908  (Apiiil- 
Nov.). 

TYRREL,  Father  George:  Writer  of  a 
Famous  Letter  on  Questions  of  Religion.  — 
His  death. — The  Rev.  George  Tyrrel,  widely 
known  as  Father  Tyrrel,  died  on  the  15th  of 
July,  1909,  at  Storrington,  Sussex,  England. 
He  was  the  writer  of  a letter  which  gave  a not- 
able impulse  to  the  movement  of  thought  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  known  as  “ Modern- 
ism,” which  Pope  Pius  X.  condemned  as  hereti- 


Tigris  is  placed  at  £T1,110,480.  The  cost  of  the 
works  to  be  undertaken  forthwith  attains  the 
following  figures:  — On  the  Euphrates,  £T822,- 
700;  on  the  Tigris,  £T710,000;  total,  £T1,532,- 
700.  The  railway  could  be  built  in  two  years, 
while  the  irrigation  works  would  take  eight 
years  to  complete.  To  begin  with,  one  million 
hectares  of  land  would  be  restored  to  its  former 
prosperity  out  of  five  million  hectares  which 
comprise  the  Tigris-Euph rates  delta.” 


cal  in  his  encyclical  of  1907.  The  letter  was 
addressed  to  an  English  man  of  science  (sup- 
posed to  have  been  Prof.  Mivart)  who,  being  a 
Roman  Catholic,  found  difficulty  in  reconciling 
his  scientific  convictions  with  the  tenets  of  his 
Church.  Parts  of  the  letter  obtained  publica- 
tion in  Italy,  and  led  to  the  expulsion  of  Father 
Tyrrel  from  the  Society  of  Jesus.  He  then  gave 
publication  to  the  full  text  of  the  letter,  under 
the  title  of  “ A Much  Abused  Letter.”  On  the 
appearance  of  the  encyclical  against  Modernism 
he  criticised  it  with  keenness,  and  was  virtually 
excommunicated  from  the  Church.  The  fact 
that  on  his  death-bed,  when  stricken  with 
speechlessness,  he  received  the  sacraments  of 
the  Church,  gave  rise  to  much  controversy,  as 
to  his  volition  in  the  matter  and  as  to  the  justi- 
fication of  the  priest  who  ministered  to  him. 

Father  Tyrrel  had  entered  the  Roman  Church 
in  1879,  under  the  influence  of  the  writings  of 
Cardinal  Newman. 

TZE-HSI:  Dowager-Empress  of  China. — 
Her  death.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1908  (Nov.). 


u. 


UGANDA:  Its  habitability  by  Whites. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa. 

ULEMA,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Turkey: 
A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

UNDERFED  SCHOOL  CHILDREN. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  The  Problems  of. 

UNEMPLOYMENT,  The  Problem  of. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Poverty,  The  Problems 
of. 

UNIFORM  STATE  LAWS.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Law  and  its  Courts:  United  States. 


UNITED  DRY  GOODS  COMPANIES- 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c.  : United  States:  A.  D.  1909. 

UNITED  FREE  CHURCH,  of  Scotland. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Scotland  : A.  D.  1904-1905. 

UNITED  MINE-WORKERS,  of  Amer- 
ica. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion : United  States. 

UNITED  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH, 
of  Scotland.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Scotland:  A. 
D.  1904. 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


A.  D.  1901  (Sept.).  — The  Assassination 
of  President  McKinley.  — “On  the  sixth  of 
September,  President  McKinley  was  shot  by  an 
anarchist  while  attending  the  Pan-American  Ex- 
position at  Buffalo,  and  died  in  that  city  on  the 
fourteenth  of  that  month.  Of  the  last  seven 
elected  Presidents,  he  is  the  third  who  has  been 
murdered,  and  the  bare  recital  of  this  fact  is 
sufficient  to  justify  grave  alarm  among  all  loyal 
American  citizens.  Moreover,  the  circum- 
stances of  this,  the  third  assassination  of  an 
American  President,  have  a peculiarly  sinister 
significance.  Both  President  Lincoln  and  Pre- 
sident Garfield  were  killed  by  assassins  of  types 
unfortunately  not  uncommon  in  history ; Presi- 
dent Lincoln  falling  a victim  to  the  terrible  pas- 
sions aroused  by  four  years  of  civil  war,  and 
President  Garfield  to  the  revengeful  vanity  of  a 


disappointed  office-seeker.  President  McKinley 
was  killed  by  an  utterly  depraved  criminal  be- 
longing to  that  body  of  criminals  who  object  to 
all  governments,  good  and  bad  alike,  who  are 
against  any  form  of  popular  liberty  if  it  is  guar- 
anteed by  even  the  most  just  and  liberal  laws, 
and  who  are  as  hostile  to  the  upright  exponent 
of  a free  people’s  sober  will  as  to  the  tyrannical 
and  irresponsible  despot. 

“It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  at  the  time 
of  President  McKinley’s  death  he  was  the  most 
widely  loved  man  in  all  the  United  States ; 
while  we  have  never  had  any  public  man  of  his 
position  who  has  been  so  wholly  free  from  the 
bitter  animosities  incident  to  public  life.  His 
political  opponents  were  the  first  to  bear  the 
heartiest  and  most  generous  tribute  to  the  broad 
kindliness  of  nature,  the  sweetness  and  gentle- 


665 


UNITED  STATES,  1901 


UNITED  STATES,  1902 


ness  of  character,  which  so  endeared  him  to  his 
close  associates.  To  a standard  of  lofty  integrity 
in  public  life  he  united  the  tender  affections  and 
home  virtues  which  are  all-important  in  the 
make-up  of  national  character.  A gallant  sol- 
dier in  the  great  war  for  the  Union,  he  also 
shone  as  an  example  to  all  our  people  because 
of  his  conduct  in  the  most  sacred  and  intimate 
of  home  relations.  There  could  be  no  personal 
hatred  of  him,  for  he  never  acted  with  aught 
but  consideration  for  the  welfare  of  others.  No 
one  could  fail  to  respect  him  who  knew  him  in 
public  or  private  life.  The  defenders  of  those 
murderous  criminals  who  seek  to  excuse  their 
criminality  by  asserting  that  it  is  exercised  for 
political  ends,  inveigh  against  wealth  and  ir- 
responsible power.  But  for  this  assassination 
even  this  base  apology  cannot  be  urged.  . . . 

“The  blow  was  aimed  not  at  this  President, 
but  at  all  Presidents ; at  every  symbol  of  gov- 
ernment. President  McKinley  was  as  emphati- 
cally the  embodiment  of  the  popular  will  of  the 
Nation  expressed  through  the  forms  of  law  as  a 
New  England  town  meeting  is  in  similar  fash- 
ion the  embodiment  of  the  law-abiding  purpose 
and  practice  of  the  people  of  the  town.  On  no 
conceivable  theory  could  the  murder  of  the 
President  be  accepted  as  due  to  protest  against 
‘inequalities  in  the  social  order,’  save  as  the 
murder  of  all  the  freemen  engaged  in  a town 
meeting  could  be  accepted  as  a protest  against 
that  social  inequality  which  puts  a malefactor 
in  jail.”  — Message  of  President  Roosevelt  to  Con- 
gress, Dec.  3,  1901.  See,  also,  Buffalo  : A.  D. 
1901. 

A.  D.  1901  (Sept.).  — Settlement  of  Boxer 
Indemnity  from  China.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China:  A.  D.  1901-1908. 

A.  D.  1901  (Dec.).  — Communication  of  Ger- 
man Claims  and  Complaints  against  Vene- 
zuela. — The  President’s  Reply.  — Interpre- 
tation of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  See  Vene- 
zuela : A.  D.  1901. 

A.  D.  1901-1902.  — The  “Boom  Years” 
in  Trade  and  Investment  of  Capital.  See 
Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

A.  D.  1901-1902. — Efforts  of  Secretary 
Hay  to  maintain  the  “ Open  Door  ” in  Man- 
churia. See  China:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1901-1902  (Oct. -Jan.). — The  Sec- 
ond International  Conference  of  American 
Republics.  See  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1901-1902  (Nov. -Feb.).  — Negotia- 
tion and  Ratification  of  the  Second  Hay- 
Pauncefote  Treaty,  relative  to  a Ship  Ca- 
nal between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
Oceans.  See  Panama  Canal:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1901-1903.  — Urgency  of  President 
Roosevelt  for  more  Effective  Legislation  to 
control  the  Operation  of  so-called  Trusts. 
See  Combinations  : Industrial,  &c. : United 
States:  A.  D.  1901-1903. 

A.  D.  1901-1903.  — Purchase  of  Fran- 
chises and  Property  of  French  Panama 
Canal  Co.  — Failure  of  Canal  Treaty  with 
Colombia. — -Secession  and  recognized  Inde- 
pendence of  Panama.  — T reaty  with  the  Re- 
public of  Panama.  — Undertaking  of  the 
Canal.  See  Panama  Canal. 

A.  D.  1901-1905.  — The  Cabinet  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  during  his  First  Term.  — On 
succeeding  the  murdered  President  McKinley, 
to  fill  the  unexpired  term,  President  Roosevelt 


retained  his  predecessor’s  Cabinet,  three  mem- 
bers of  which  remained  in  it  throughout  the 
term.  These  were  John  Ilay,  Secretary  of 
State,  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  and  James  Wilson,  Secretary  of  Agri- 
culture. Lyman  J.  Gage,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  resigned  in  1902  and  was  succeeded 
by  Leslie  M.  Shaw.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of 
War,  was  succeeded  by  William  H.  Taft  in 
1904.  John  D.  Long,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
retired  in  1902,  to  be  succeeded  by  William  H. 
Moody,  who  went  two  years  later  to  the  De- 
partment of  Justice,  as  Attorney-General,  tak- 
ing the  place  of  Philander  C.  Knox,  and  being 
followed  in  the  Navy  Department  by  Paul  Mor- 
ton. Charles  E.  Smith,  Postmaster-General, 
left  the  Cabinet  in  1902,  and  his  place  was 
taken  by  Henry  C.  Payne,  who  was  succeeded 
in  turn  by  Robert  J.  Wynne  in  1904.  The  De- 
partment of  Commerce  and  Labor,  created  in 
February,  1903,  was  .filled  first  by  George  B. 
Cortelyou,  until  1904,  then  by  Victor  H.  Met- 
calf. 

A.  D.  1901-1905.  — Urgency  of  President 
Roosevelt  for  more  effective  Railway  Rate 
Legislation.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Railways: 
United  States:  A.  D.  1870-1908. 

A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Governmental  Action 
against  Corporate  Wrongdoing.  — A sum- 
mary of  Legislation,  Litigation,  and  Court 
Decisions.  See  Combinations,  Industrial  : 
United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1906. 

A.  D.  1901-1909.  — Progress  of  Civil  Ser- 
vice Reform  under  President  Roosevelt.  See 
Civil  Service  Reform  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1901-1909.  — The  great  National 
Movement  for  an  organized  Conservation  of 
vNatural  Resources.  See  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources^  United  States. 

A.  D.  1902.- — Arbitration  at  The  Hague  of 
the  Pious  Fund  Dispute  with  Mexico.  See 
Mexico:  A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (Aug.).  — Assertion  to  Ger- 
many of  Principles  involved  in  the  Right  of 
Expatriation.  See  Naturalization. 

A.  D.  1902  (Jan.).  — Founding  of  the 

Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington.  See 
Science  and  Invention:  Carnegie  Institu- 
tion. 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.-March).  — Visit  of  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia. — A visit  by  Prince  Henry 
of  Prussia,  brother  of  the  German  Emperor,  was 
an  event  of  considerable  importance,  in  what  it 
signified  of  friendly  relations  between  Germany 
and  the  United  States.  The  Prince  arrived  on 
the  22d  of  February  and  remained  in  the  country 
until  the  lltli  of  March,  visiting  and  being  en- 
tertained at  Washington  (aud  Mt.  Vernon),  An- 
napolis, West  Point,  Philadelphia,  New  York, 
and  making  a six  days  trip  into  the  West. 

A.  D.  1902  (March).  — Creation  of  a Per- 
manent Census  Bureau.  — After  long  urging, 
Congress,  in  February,  1902,  passed  a bill  au- 
thorizing the  organization  of  a permanent  Cen- 
sus Bureau  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 

A.  D.  1902  (May). — Unveiling  of  a Monu- 
ment to  Marshal  de  Rochambeau.  — A joint 
resolution  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  in  the 
following  words,  was  approved  by  the  President 
on  the  21st  of  March,  1902  : “That  the  President 
be,  aud  is  hereby,  authorized  and  requested  to 
extend  to  the  Government  and  people  of  France 
and  the  family  of  Marshal  de  Rochambeau,  com- 


666 


UNITED  STATES,  1902 


UNITED  STATES,  1902 


mander  in  chief  of  the  French  forces  in  America 
during  the  war  of  independence,  and  to  the 
family  of  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  a cordial  invi- 
tation to  unite  with  the  Government  and  people 
of  the  United  States  in  a lit  and  appropriate 
dedication  of  the  monument  of  Marshal  de  Ro- 
chambeau  to  he  unveiled  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington ou  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  May,  nineteen 
hundred  and  two;  and  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing out  the  provisions  of  this  resolution  the  sum 
of  ten  thousand  dollars  is  hereby  appropriated, 
out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise 
appropriated,  the  same,  or  so  much  thereof  as 
may  be  necessary,  to  be  expended  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  Secretary  of  State.” 

The  invitation  was  conveyed  to  the  President 
of  France  by  an  autograph  letter  from  President 
Roosevelt,  while  Secretary  Hay,  at  the  same 
time,  communicated  it  officially,  through  the 
American  Ambassador  at  Paris,  to  representa- 
tives of  the  families  of  Marshal  de  Rochambeau 
and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  France,  in  re 
sponse,  sent  a battleship,  the  Gaulois,  bearing  a 
general  and  an  admiral,  with  two  aids  each,  and 
two  officials  from  the  foreign  office.  The  invi- 
tation was  accepted  by  the  present  Count  and 
Countess  de  Rochambeau  ; and,  as  explained  by 
Ambassador  Porter  in  a despatch,  “Mr.  Gaston 
de  Sahune  de  Lafayette  and  his  wife,  not  being 
able  to  proceed  to  the  United  States,  the  invi- 
tation is  accepted  for  Mr.  Paul  de  Sahune  de 
Lafayette,  who  has  been  living  in  the  United 
States  for  the  last  two  years  and  who  speaks 
English.  He  is  the  brother  of  Mr.  Gaston  de 
Sahune  de  Lafayette.” 

The  ceremonies  of  the  unveiling  of  the  monu- 
ment took  place  at  Washington  on  the  24th  of 
May,  and  were  followed  by  official  hospitalities 
to  the  guests  of  the  occasion  at  Washington, 
Annapolis,  West  Point,  New  York,  Newport, 
and  Boston.  With  the  sailing  of  the  Gaulois,  on 
the  1st  of  June,  the  formalities  of  the  visit  came 
to  an  end. 

A.  D.  1902  (May).  — Establishment  of  the 
Republic  of  Cuba. — Transfer  of  Executive 
Authority  from  U.  S.  Military  Governor  to 
President-elect  Palma.  See  (in  this  vol. ) 
Cuba  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

A.  D.  1902  (May-Nov.).  — The  Restora- 
tion of  the  White  House. — Until  1902  the 
residence  and  the  executive  offices  of  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States  were  crowded  to- 
gether in  the  historic  White  House,  with  in- 
creasing inconvenience  and  impropriety.  Many 
projects  for  their  separation  had  been  discussed, 
involving  generally  the  erection  of  a new  man- 
sion for  the  chief  magistrate  ; but  they  had  no 
result  until  President  Roosevelt,  with  charac- 
teristic resolution,  took  the  matter  in  hand. 
His  emphatic  pronouncement  that  “under  no 
circumstances  should  the  President  live  else- 
where than  in  the  historic  White  House”  ap- 
pealed strongly  to  a very  common  public  feel- 
ing, and  smoothed  the  way  for  an  undertaking 
which  speedily  cleared  the  White  House  of  its 
secretarial  and  clerical  offices  and  made  it  a fit 
and  worthy  residence  for  the  chief  citizen  of 
the  Republic  and  his  family. 

On  consultation  with  the  Park  Commission  of 
Washington,  and  especially  with  the  architect, 
Mr.  McKim,  who  was  one  of  its  members,  as  to 
the  expenditure  of  the  annual  appropriations 
of  Congress  for  repairs  to  the  White  House,  it 


was  decided  to  be  thriftless  policy  “to  patch  a 
building  that  needed  thorough  reconstruction. 
When  asked  for  his  ideas  as  to  such  reconstruc- 
tion, Mr.  McKim  advised  that  a temporary  one- 
story  building  be  located  west  of  the  White 
House,  nearly  on  the  site  once  occupied  by 
Thomas  Jefferson’s  offices,  and  be  distinctly 
subordinate  to  the  main  building;  and  that  the 
White  House  be  restored  to  its  original  uses  as 
a residence.  This  solution  commended  itself  to 
the  President,  but  lateness  in  the  session  of 
Congress  seemed  to  make  the  project  impossible 
of  immediate  execution. 

“The  discussion  was  still  in  the  academic 
stage  when,  one  day  [in  May,  1902],  Mr.  Mc- 
Kim outlined  his  ideas  to  the  late  Senator  Mc- 
Millan, who  straightway  asked  the  cost  of  the 
proposed  changes.  Pressed  for  an  immediate 
answer,  Mr.  McKim  made  a rough  estimate. 
The  Sundry  Civil  Appropriation  Bill  was  then 
pending  in  the  Senate  Committee  on  Appropri- 
ations, and  within  an  hour  from  the  time  the  fig- 
ures were  given  that  committee  agreed  to  insert 
an  item  for  the  restoration  of  the  White  House 
and  for  the  construction  of  temporary  executive 
offices.  To  Senators  Allison  and  Hale  the  Pre- 
sident afterward  submitted  the  architect’s 
scheme  ; and  when  the  item  was  reached  dur- 
ing the  passage  of  the  bill  in  the  Senate,  the 
plan  was  received  with  favor,  and  the  appro- 
priation was  agreed  to  without  objection.” 

It  passed  the  House  with  equal  promptitude. 
The  President  then  stipulated  that  “the  work 
should  be  completed  in  time  for  the  next  social 
season,  and  that  the  executive  offices  and  the 
living  portion  of  the  White  House  should  be 
ready  in  November,  1902.  That  meant  a cam- 
paign. Stones  for  floors  and  stairways  must  be 
selected  piece  by  piece  at  the  distant  quarry; 
steel  must  be  found  to  replace  the  over-tired 
wooden  floor-beams  ; velvets  and  silks  must  be 
woven ; hardware  must  be  fashioned ; and  a 
thousand  and  one  details  must  be  looked  after, 
because  in  less  than  six  months  the  White 
House  was  to  be  made  over  from  cellar  to  gar- 
ret, and  every  piece  of  woodwork,  every  item 
of  furniture,  each  ceiling  and  panel  and  mould- 
ing, must  be  both  architecturally  correct  and 
also  befitting  a house  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  Such  was  the  task  which 
the  architects,  Messrs.  McKim,  Mead  & White, 
took  upon  themselves.  . . . 

“The  total  amount  which  Congress  placed  in 
President  Roosevelt’s  hands  for  both  the  execu- 
tive offices  and  the  White  House  was  $530,641, 
and  he  might  expend  the  money  either  by  con- 
tract or  otherwise  in  his  discretion.  This 
amount  was  based  on  estimates  furnished  by 
the  architects,  with  the  understanding  that  any 
portion  saved  on  one  item  might  be  used  on 
others,  a very  happy  proviso,  as  it  turned  out, 
because  the  electric  wiring  had  to  be  entirely 
renewed,  new  heating  apparatus  provided,  and 
even  a new  roof  put  on  the  house  — all  unfore- 
seen requirements.  . . . 

“ At  the  outset  the  architects  discovered  that 
simply  by  carrying  out  completely  the  early 
plans  as  to  the  exterior,  and  by  making  certain 
rearrangements  in  the  interior,  the  . . . White 
House  problems  could  be  solved,  at  least  for  the 
immediate  future,  without  destroying  one  single 
feature  of  the  historic  building.  . . . 

‘ ‘ By  the  restoration  of  the  east  and  west  ter- 


667 


UNITED  STATES,  1902 


UNITED  STATES,  1903-1906 


races  the  White  House  now  rises  from  a stylo- 
hate  460  feet  in  length,  thus  greatly  enhancing 
the  dignity  of  the  structure.  The  roofs  of  these 
terraces  (which  are  level  with  the  ground  on  the 
north)  are  surrounded  with  stone  balustrades 
bearing  electric  lamps.”  — Charles  Moore,  The 
Restoration  of  the  White  House  ( Century  Maga- 
zine, April,  1903). 

A.  D.  1902  (June). — Reclamation  (Irriga- 
tion) Act  of  Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Con- 
servation of  Natural  Resources:  United 
States. 

A.  D.  1902  (Oct.).  — Failure  of  Projected 
Purchase  of  the  Danish  West  Indies.  See 

Denmark  : A.  D.  1902. 

A.  D.  1902-1903.  — Friendly  course  of  Ger- 
many in  undertaking  Proceedings,  with  Great 
Britain  and  Italy,  against  Venezuela. — 
Recognition  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  — In- 
termediation of  the  United  States.  — “If 
any  proof  were  needed  of  Germany’s  purpose 
to  maintain  good  relations  with  our  country 
[the  United  States],  her  course  in  the  Venezuela 
matter  [see  Venezuela:  A.  D.  1902-1904]  has 
amply  supplied  it.  Indeed,  the  fact  that  Ger- 
many came  to  an  understanding  with  our  gov- 
ernment before  taking  forcible  measures  against 
Venezuela  is  of  most  momentous  significance. 
Why?  Because  this  was  the  first  explicit  recog- 
nition of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  by  any  Continen- 
tal Power.  It  is  a notable  milestone  passed  in 
the  history  of  our  country  and  its  relations  with 
European  governments.  It  gives  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  a validity  no  longer  to  be  disputed. 
All  this  was  instantly  recognized  in  Germany. 
‘America  for  the  Americans,’  said  a great  Ber- 
lin daily,  ‘has  become  an  irreversible  fact.’ 
German  Jingo  organs  were  dazed,  and  angrily 
exclaimed,  ‘ Must  we  ask  permission  at  Wash- 
ington to  collect  our  claims  from  Venezuela?  ’ 
Papers  of  more  rational  temper,  however,  ac- 
cepted Germany's  course,  as  not  only  without 
detriment  to  her  dignity,  but  as  in  harmony  with 
her  political  interests.  Indeed,  this  saner  section 
of  the  German  press  was  even  pleased  that  the 
government  had  thus  made  such  an  emphatic 
disavowal  of  the  aims  and  dreams  of  the  noisy, 
fantastic  Pan-Germans.”  — W.  C.  Dreher,  A 
Letter  from  Germany  (Atlantic  Monthly,  March, 
1902). 

A.  D.  1902-1903. — Extension  of  Civil  Ser- 
vice Classification  to  Rural  Free  Deliv- 
ery Service.  — Order  concerning  Unclassified 
Laborers.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Civil  Service 
Reform  : United  States  : A.  D.  1902-1903. 

A.  D.  1902-1905.  — Negotiation  and  Sen- 
atorial Destruction  of  the  Hay-Bond  Reci- 
procity Treaty  with  Newfoundland.  See 
Newfoundland  : A.  D.  1902-1905. 

A.  D.  1902  (Feb.).  — Creation  of  the  De- 
partment of  Commerce  and  Labor  in  the 
National  Government.  — The  Bureau  of  Cor- 
porations.— “The  establishment  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor,  with  the  Bureau 
of  Corporations  thereunder,  marks  a real  advance 
in  the  direction  of  doing  all  that  is  possible  for 
the  solution  of  the  questions  vitally  affecting 
capitalist  and  wage-workers.  The  act  creating 
the  Department  was  approved  on  February  14, 
1903,  and  two  days  later  the  head  of  the  Depart- 
ment was  nominated  and  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  Since  then  the  work  of  organization 
has  been  pushed  as  rapidly  as  the  initial  appro- 


priations permitted,  and  with  due  regard  to 
thoroughness  and  the  broad  purposes  which  the 
Department  is  designed  to  serve.  After  the 
transfer  of  the  various  bureaus  and  branches  to 
the  department  at  the  beginning  of  the  curreut 
fiscal  year,  as  provided  for  in  the  act,  the  per- 
sonnel comprised  1,289  employees  in  Washing- 
ton and  8,836  in  the  country  at  large.  The  scope 
of  the  Department’s  duty  and  authority  em- 
braces the  commercial  and  industrial  interests 
of  the  Nation.  It  is  not  designed  to  restrict  or 
control  the  fullest  liberty  of  legitimate  business 
action,  but  to  secure  exact  and  authentic  infor- 
mation which  will  aid  the  Executive  in  enforc- 
ing existing  laws,  and  which  will  enable  the 
G’ongress  to  enact  additional  legislation,  if  any 
should  be  found  necessary,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  few  from  obtaining  privileges  at  the  expense 
of  diminished  opportunities  for  the  many. 

“The  preliminary  work  of  the  Bureau  of 
Corporations  in  the  Department  has  shown  the 
wisdom  of  its  creation.  Publicity  in  corporate 
affairs  will  tend  to  do  away  with  ignorance,  and 
will  afford  facts  upon  which  intelligent  action 
may  be  taken.  Systematic,  intelligent  investi- 
gation is  already  developing  facts  the  know- 
ledge of  which  is  essential  to  a right  under- 
standing of  the  needs  and  duties  of  the  business 
World.  The  corporation  which  is  honestly  and 
fairly  organized,  whose  managers  in  the  conduct 
of  its  business  recognize  their  obligation  to  deal 
squarely  with  their  stockholders,  their  competi- 
tors, and  the  public,  has  nothing  to  fear  from 
such  supervision.  The  purpose  of  this  Bureau 
is  not  to  embarrass  or  assail  legitimate  business, 
but  to  aid  in  bringing  about  a better  industrial 
condition  — a condition  under  which  there  shall 
be  obedience  to  law  and  recognition  of  public 
obligation  by  all  corporations,  great  or  small.” 
— Message  of  the  President  to  Congress,  Dec.  7, 
1903. 

A.  D.  1903  (Feb.).  — Passage  of  the  Act  to 
further  regulate  Commerce  with  Foreign 
Nations  and  among  the  States,  known  com- 
monly as  the  Elkins  Anti-Rebate  Law.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Railways:  United  States:  A.  D. 
1903  (Feb.). 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Settlement  of  the 
Alaska  Boundary  Question.  See  Alaska: 
A.  D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Lease  from  Cuba  of 
two  Coaling  and  Naval  Stations.  See  Cuba: 
A.  D.  1903. 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — New  Treaty  with 
China.  — Two  Ports  in  Manchuria  opened  to 
Foreign  Trade.  See  China:  A.  D.  1903 
(May-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1903  (Oct.).  — Commercial  Relations 
with  Germany  as  affected  by  the  new  Ger- 
man Tariff  Law.  See  Germany:  A.  D.  1902 
(Oct.). 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — The  Financial  Crisis. 
See  Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D.  1901-1909. 

A.  D.  1903-1904.  — Contention  against 
Canadian  claims  to  Sovereignty  over  Land 
and  Sea  in  Hudson  Bay  Region.  — Canadian 
Measures  to  establish  it.  See  Canada: 
A.  D.  1903-1904. 

A.  D.  1903-1905.  — Investigation  and 
Prosecution  of  the  “ Beef  Trust,”  so  called. 
See  Combinations,  Industrial:  United 

States:  A.  D.  1903-1906. 

A.  D.  1903-1906.—  Unearthing  of  Exten- 


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UNITED  STATES,  1904 


sive  Frauds  in  the  Land  Office.  — Late  in 
December,  1902,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
Department,  the  lion.  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock, 
received  information  which  led  him,  with  the 
President’s  approval,  to  demand  the  resignation 
of  the  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  Binger 
Hermann,  of  Oregon.  Mr.  Hermann  was  a man 
of  importance  in  the  Republican  party,  and  he 
rallied  powerful  influences  to  his  support. 
They  could  not  anchor  him  durably  in  the  Land 
Office,  but  they  did  delay  his  departure  from  it 
for  about  a mouth,  during  which  time  he  is  said 
to  have  destroyed  thousands  of  letters  and  doc- 
uments bearing  on  land  frauds  which  he  was 
under  suspicion  of  having  protected  and  pro- 
moted. Returning  to  Oregon  from  Washington 
he  sought  and  obtained  from  his  party  an  elec- 
tion to  Congress,  to  fill  a vacancy  which  death 
had  caused  opportunely,  and  this  seemed  to 
augment  his  political  power.  But  agents  of  the 
Interior  Department  were  in  Oregon  and  other 
Western  States  at  the  same  time,  gathering  evi- 
dence which  soon  removed  all  doubt  of  the 
huge  conspiracy  of  fraud  which  Commissioner 
Hermann  had  been  a party  to,  and  which  had 
wide  ramifications  wherever  public  lands  of 
value  were  open  to  entry,  under  the  Homestead 
Act,  the  Desert  Land  Act,  or  the  Timber  and 
Stone  Act. 

The  frauds  were  carried  on  under  false  ap- 
pearances of  compliance  with  the  requirements 
of  law,  and  the  dismissal  of  Hermann  had  not 
cleared  from  the  General  Land  Office  all  the 
treacherous  connivance  which  made  them  pos- 
sible. Other  allies  of  the  land-thieves  were 
tracked  to  their  official  desks,  some  at  Washing- 
ton, some  in  the  Interior  Department,  some  in 
Congress,  and  some  out  in  the  land  offices  at 
the  West.  Then  the  Federal  Grand  Jury  at 
Portland,  Oregon,  began  to  turn  out  indict- 
ments, on  evidence  handled  by  Francis  J. 
Heney,  now  entering  on  a famous  career,  as 
special  prosecutor  for  the  Government.  Mr. 
Heney  was  appointed  by  the  President  on  the 
recommendation  of  Secretary  Hitchcock  and 
Attorney -General  Knox,  with  neglect  of  advice 
from  Oregon  Senators  and  Congressmen.  One 
of  the  first  of  the  indictments  found  struck  an 
Oregon  Senator,  John  II.  Mitchell,  and  brought 
him  to  a prison  sentence,  which  death  rescued 
him  from.  Another  put  a member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  J.  H.  Williamson,  on  trial ; 
a third  put  its  brand  on  a recently  removed 
United  States  District  Attorney,  John  H.  Hall. 
Binger  Hermann,  a State  Senator,  and  several 
special  agents  of  the  Land  Office  were  among 
the  other  subjects  of  prosecution,  besides  a 
large  number  of  private  operators  in  the  land- 
thieves’  ring. 

These  proceedings  were  at  the  beginning  of 
vigorous  measures  which  have  gone  far  to- 
wards, if  not  fully  to  the  end  of  arresting  the 
frauds  which  were  rapidly  robbing  the  nation 
of  the  last  of  its  valuable  public  lands. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Representation  in  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union.  See  (in  thisvol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1904  (May).  — Kidnapping  of  Mr. 
Ion  Perdicaris  at  Tangier,  for  Ransom.  See 
Morocco:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1904  (May-Oct.). — The  Louisiana 
Purchase  Exposition.  See  St.  Louis  : A.  D. 
1904. 


A.  D.  1904  (May-Nov.). — The  Presiden- 
tial Election. — Parties,  Candidates,  and 
Platforms. — Election  of  President  Roose- 
velt.— The  questions  of  leading  interest  and 
influence  in  the  canvass  preliminary  to  the 
Presidential  election  of  1904  were  undoubtedly 
those  relating  to  the  governmental  regulation 
of  interstate  railways  and  of  the  capitalistic 
combinations  called  “trusts”;  but  those  ques- 
tions had  not  yet  acquired  the  height  of  impor- 
tance in  the  public  mind  which  they  reached  be- 
fore the  next  quadrennial  polling  of  the  nation 
occurred.  The  question  of  tariff  revision  and 
a moderated  protective  system,  in  the  interest 
of  the  great  mass  of  consumers,  was  rising  in 
interest,  especially  at  the  West ; but  that,  too, 
was  but  mildly  influential  in  the  campaign.  As 
for  the  imperialistic  ambitions  that  had  been 
excited  for  a time  by  the  conquests  of  1898, 
they  had  cooled  to  so  great  a degree  as  to  offer 
no  longer  much  challenge  to  opposition ; opin- 
ion in  the  country  now  differing  on  little  more 
than  the  length  of  time  to  which  American 
guardianship  over  the  Philippine  Islands  should 
be  allowed  to  run.  The  voters  of  the  United 
States,  in  fact,  made  their  election  between  the 
men  who  were  offered  to  it  as  candidates,  far 
more  than  between  the  parties  and  the  policies 
whom  the  candidates  represented  ; and  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  was  reelected  on  personal 
grounds,  in  the  main,  because  the  kind  of  vig- 
orous character  he  had  shown  was  greatly  to 
the  liking  of  a large  part  of  the  people. 

The  first  nominating  convention  to  be  held 
was  that  of  the  Socialist  party,  whose  delegates 
met  at  Chicago,  May  2,  and  nominated  for 
President  Eugene  V.  Debs,  of  Indiana;  for 
Vice-President  Beniamin  Hanford,  of  New 
York. 

On  the  same  day  the  United  Christian  Party, 
whose  declaration  of  principles  appears  below, 
met  at  St.  Louis. 

The  Convention  of  the  Republican  Party, 
also  held  at  Chicago,  came  next  in  time,  June 
21,  and,  with  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New 
York,  for  reflection  as  President,  it  named  for 
Vice-President  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  of 
Indiana. 

The  Prohibition  Party,  in  convention  at  Indi- 
anapolis, June  29,  named  Silas  C.  Swallow,  of 
Pennsylvania,  for  President,  and  George  W. 
Carroll,  of  Texas,  for  Vice-President. 

On  the  4th  of  July  the  People’s  or  Populist 
Party  held  convention  at  Springfield,  Illinois, 
and  nominated  Thomas  E.  Watson,  of  Georgia, 
for  President,  with  Thomas  H.  Tibbies,  of  Ne- 
braska, for  Vice-President. 

Meeting  two  days  earlier,  in  New  York  City, 
but  in  session  some  days  longer,  the  Socialist 
Labor  Party  named  for  President  Charles  Hun- 
ter Corregan,  of  New  York,  and  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent William  Wesley  Cox,  of  Illinois. 

The  convention  of  the  Democratic  Party 
opened  its  session,  at  St.  Louis,  on  the  6th  of 
July.  Its  nominee  for  President  was  Alton 
B.  Parker,  of  New  York;  for  Vice-President 
Henry  G.  Davis,  of  West  Virginia. 

The  National  Liberty  Party  met  at  St.  Louis 
on  the  7tli  of  July  and  put  forth  its  platform  of 
principles. 

The  last  of  the  nominations  were  presented 
on  the  31st  of  August,  at  Chicago,  by  a con- 
vention representing  a new  party,  the  Conti- 


669 


UNITED  STATES,  1904 


UNITED  STATES,  1904 


nental,  whose  candidates  then  named  declined 
and  were  subsequently  replaced  by  Austin  Hol- 
comb, of  Georgia,  for  President,  and  A.  King, 
of  Missouri,  for  Vice-President. 

With  some  abridgment,  the  declarations  of 
principles  and  pledges  of  party  policy  adopted 
by  these  several  conventions  on  the  main  ques- 
tions at  issue  are  given  conveniently  for  com- 
parison in  the  following  arrangement  by  sub- 
jects: 

Trusts. —The  Republican  Party  contented 
itself  with  a brief  boast  of  “ laws  enacted  by  the 
Republican  party  which  the  Democratic  party 
failed  to  enforce,”  but  which  “ have  been  fear- 
lessly enforced  by  a Republican  President,”  and 
of  “ new  laws  insuring  reasonable  publicity  as  to 
the  operations  of  great  corporations  and  provid- 
ing additional  remedies  for  the  prevention  of 
discrimination  in  freight  rates.” 

The  Democratic  Party  condemned  with  vigor 
the  failure  of  Republicans  in  Congress  to  pro- 
hibit contracts  with  convicted  trusts  ; declared 
that  “ gigantic  trusts  and  combinations”  “ are  a 
menace  to  beneficial  competition  and  an  obstacle 
to  permanent  business  prosperity ; ” denounced 
“ rebates  and  discrimination  by  transportation 
companies  as  the  most  potent  agency  in  promot- 
ing and  strengthening  these  unlawful  conspir- 
acies against  trade,”  demanded  “ an  enlargement 
of  the  powers  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission,” “a  strict  enforcement  of  existing  civil 
and  criminal  statutes  against  all  such  trusts, 
combinations  and  monopolies,”  and  “the  en- 
actment of  such  further  legislation  as  may  be 
necessary  to  effectually  suppress  them.” 

The  People’s  Party  set  forth  the  proposition 
that,  “ to  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and  mo- 
nopoly the  Government  should  own  and  control 
the  railroads  and  those  public  utilities  which  in 
their  nature  are  monopolies.”  It  should  “own 
and  operate  the  general  telegraph  and  telephone 
systems  and  provide  a parcels  post.”  Corpora- 
tions “ should  be  subjected  to  such  govern- 
mental regulations  and  control  as  will  adequately 
protect  the  public,”  and  demand  was  made  for 
“the  taxation  of  monopoly  privileges,  while 
they  remain  in  private  hands,  to  the  extent  of 
the  value  of  the  privileges  granted.” 

The  Continental  Party  contended  for  a guarded 
chartering  by  Congress  of  “ all  railroad  and 
other  corporations  doing  business  in  two  or 
more  States,”  and  for  having  the  “creating  of 
‘ corners  ’ and  the  establishing  of  exorbitant 
prices  for  products  necessary  to  human  exist- 
ence . . made  a criminal  offence.” 

The  United  Christian  Party  declared  that 
“ Christian  government  through  direct  legisla- 
tion will  regulate  the  trusts  and  labor  problem 
according  to  the  golden  rule.” 

The  Tariff.  — -The  Republican  Party  declared 
“ Protection”  to  be  its  “cardinal  policy,”  main- 
tenance of  the  principles  of  which  policy  is  in- 
sisted upon;  wherefore  “rates  of  duty  should 
be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  have  so 
changed  that  the  public  interest  demands  their 
alteration,”  aud  “this  work  cannot  safely  be 
committed  to  any  other  hands  than  those  of  the 
Republican  party.” 

The  Democratic  Party,  on  the  contrary,  de- 
nounced “protection  as  a robbery  of  the  many 
to  enrich  the  few,”  favored  “ a tariff  limited 
to  the  needs  of  the  Government,  economically 
administered,”  and  called  for  a “ revision  aud 


I gradual  reduction  of  the  tariff  by  the  friends  of 
the  masses,  for  the  commonwealth,  aud  not  by 
the  friends  of  its  abuses,  its  extortions  and  its 
discriminations.” 

The  People’s  Party  declared  for  a change  in 
our  laws  that  “ will  place  tariff  schedules  in  the 
hands  of  an  omni-partisan  commission.” 

The  Continental  Party  limited  its  declaration 
on  this  subject  to  one  pronouncing  for  an  “ad- 
herence to  the  principles  of  reciprocity  advocated 
by  that  eminent  statesman,  James  G,  Blaine,  as 
applied  to  Canada  and  all  American  Republics.” 
Capital  and  Labor.  — Public  Ownership. — 
Socialism.  — The  Republican  Party  recognized 
“combinations  of  capital  and  labor”  as  “being 
the  results  of  the  economic  movements  of  the 
age,”  but  “ neither  must  be  permitted  to  infringe 
upon  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people  ” ; 
“ both  are  subject  to  the  laws,  and  neither  can 
be  permitted  to  break  them.” 

The  Democratic  Party  expressed  similar  im- 
partiality, in  favoring  “ the  enactment  and  ad- 
ministration of  laws  giving  labor  and  capital 
impartially  their  just  rights.” 

The  People’s  Party  pledged  its  effort  to  “pre- 
serve inviolate  ” “ the  right  of  labor  to  organize 
for  the  benefit  and  protection  of  those  who  toil.” 
It  would  seek  “the  enactment  of  legislation 
looking  to  the  improvement  of  conditions  for  the 
wage-earners,  the  abolition  of  child  labor,  the 
suppression  of  sweat  shops  and  of  convict  labor 
in  competition  with  free  labor”  ; also  the  “ex 
elusion  from  American  shores  of  foreign  pauper 
labor,”  and  “ the  shorter  work  day.” 

The  Continental  Party  adopted  these  expres- 
sions of  the  People’s  Party,  in  identical  words. 

The  National  Liberty  Party  asked  “ that  the 
General  Government  own  and  control  all  public 
carriers  in  the  United  States.” 

The  Prohibition  Party  declared  itself  “in 
favor  of . . . the  safeguarding  of  the  people’s 
rights  by  a rigid  application  of  the  principles  of 
justice  to  all  combinations  and  organizations  of 
capital  and  labor.” 

The  United  Christian  Party  pronounced  sim- 
ply for  “ Government  ownership  of  coal  mines, 
oil  wells  and  public  utilities.” 

The  Socialist  Party  pledged  itself  “to  watch 
and  work,  in  both  the  economic  and  the  political 
struggle,  for  each  successive  immediate  interest 
of  the  working  class”:  for  “shortened  days  of 
labor  and  increases  of  wages”;  for  “insurance 
of  the  workers  against  accident,  sickness  and 
lack  of  employment  ” ; for  pensions ; for  “ public 
ownership  of  the  means  of  transportation,  com- 
munication and  exchange”;  for  graduated  taxa- 
tion of  incomes,  etc.  ; for  “complete  education 
of  children  and  their  freedom  from  the  work- 
shops ” ; for  “ free  administration  of  justice  ” ; for 
“ the  initiative,  referendum,  proportional  repre 
sentation,  equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women,” 
etc.  ; and  for  “ every  gain  or  advantage  for  the 
workers  that  may  be  wrested  from  the  capitalist 
system  and  that  may  relieve  the  suffering  and 
strengthen  the  hands  of  labor”  ; but  in  so  doing 
it  proclaims  that  it  is  “ using  these  remedial 
measures  as  means  to  the  one  great  end  of  the 
co-operative  commonwealth.” 

The  Socialist  Labor  Party  declared  that  “ the 
existing  contradiction  between  the  theory  of 
democratic  government  and  the  fact  of  a des- 
potic economic  system  . . . perverts  govern- 
ment to  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  capitalist 


670 


UNITED  STATES,  1904 


UNITED  STATES.  1905 


class”;  wherefore,  “against  such  a system  the 
Socialist  Labor  Party  raises  the  banner  of  revolt, 
and  demands  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the 
capitalist  class.” 

Nomination  and  Election. — Initiative  and 
Referendum.  — The  Democratic  Party  declared 
for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by 
direct  popular  vote. 

The  People’s  Party  demanded  “that  legal 
provision  be  made  under  which  people  may  ex- 
ercise the  initiative  and  referendum,  and  pro- 
portional representation,  and  direct  vote  for  all 
public  officers,  with  the  right  of  recall.” 

The  Continental  Party  demanded  “ the  enact- 
ment by  the  several  States  of  a primary  election 
law”;  the  “ elimination  of  the  party  ‘boss’”; 
“direct  legislation  by  the  method  known  as  the 
initiative  and  referendum,”  and  the  possession 
by  each  State  of  “the  sole  right  to  determine  by 
legislation  the  qualifications  required  of  voters 
within  its  jurisdiction,  irrespective  of  race, 
color  or  sex.” 

The  Prohibition  Party  expressed  itself  in 
favor  of  the  popular  election  of  U.  S.  Senators ; 
of  “a  wise  application  of  the  principle  of  the 
initiative  and  referendum,”  and  of  making  the 
right  of  suffrage  “depend  upon  the  mental  and 
moral  qualifications  of  the  citizen.” 

Natural  Resources.  — Land.  — Reclama- 
tion.— Waterways.  — The  Republican  Party 
pointed  simply  to  the  fact  that  it  had  “passed 
laws  which  will  bring  the  arid  lands  of  the 
United  States  within  the  area  of  cultivation.” 

The  Democratic  Party  congratulated  “our 
western  citizens  upon  the  passage  of  the  law 
known  as  the  Ncwlands  Irrigation  Act,”  claim- 
ing it  as  “a  measure  framed  by  a Democrat, 
passed  in  the  Senate  by  a non-partisan  vote,  and 
passed  in  the  House  against  the  opposition  of 
almost  all  Republican  leaders,  by  a vote  the 
majority  of  which  was  Democratic.”  It  de- 
clared for  “liberal  appropriations  for  the  im- 
provement of  waterways  of  the  country,”  and 
pronounced  its  opposition  to  “ the  Republican 
policy  of  starving  home  development  in  order  to 
feed  the  greed  for  conquest  and  the  appetite  for 
national  prestige.” 

The  People’s  Party  asserted  that  “Land,  in- 
cluding all  the  natural  sources  of  wealth,  is  a 
heritage  of  all  the  people,  and  should  not  be 
monopolized  for  speculative  purposes;  and  alien 
ownership  of  land  should  be  prohibited.” 

Each  of  the  party  platforms  was  fluent  on 
many  other  topics,  such  as  the  protection  of 
citizens  at  home  and  abroad,  the  Panama  Canal, 
territories  and  dependencies,  injunctions,  public 
economy,  taxation,  monetary  questions,  pen- 
sions, the  civil  service,  army  and  navy,  mer- 
chant marine,  liquor-licensing  and  prohibition 
(the  specialty  of  the  Prohibition  Party),  di- 
vorce, polygamy,  etc. ; but  these  entered  so 
little  into  the  canvass  that  the  party  declarations 
on  them  had  small  effect,  if  any,  on  the  popular 
vote. 

At  the  election,  in  November,  the  votes  given 
to  the  Republican  nominees  numbered  7,623,- 
486  ; to  Democratic,  5,077,971 ; to  Socialist,  402,- 
283;  to  Prohibition,  258,536;  to  People’s,  117,- 
183;  to  Socialist  Labor,  31,249. 

The  electoral  votes  cast  were  336  for  Roose- 
velt and  Fairbanks;  140  for  Parker  and  Davis. 

The  States  which  gave  Republican  majorities 
were  California,  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Dela- 


ware, Idaho,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
Missouri,  Montana,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Da- 
kota, Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Is- 
land, South  Dakota,  Utah,  Vermont,  Washing- 
ton, West  Virginia,  Wisconsin,  Wyoming,  — 32. 

Democratic  majorities  were  given  in  Alabama, 
Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisi- 
ana, Mississippi,  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina, Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia, — 12. 

In  Maryland,  where  the  electors  are  chosen  by 
the  Legislature,  6 votes  were  given  to  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  and  2 to  the  Republican. 

A.  D.  1904  (Oct.). — Initial  invitation  by 
the  President  to  the  holding  of  a Second 
Peace  Conference.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1904  (Nov.). — President  Roosevelt’s 
Renunciation  of  any  Third  Term  Candidacy. 
— On  the  evening  of  the  day  of  election,  as  soon 
as  the  result  was  known  to  have  given  him  a 
second  term  in  the  presidential  office,  President 
Roosevelt  issued  the  following  acknowledgment 
and  announcement  to  the  country  : 

“ I am  deeply  sensible  of  the  honor  done  me 
by  the  American  people  in  thus  expressing  their 
confidence  in  what  I have  done  and  have  tried 
to  do.  I appreciate  to  the  full  the  solemn  re- 
sponsibility this  confidence  imposes  upon  me, 
and  I shall  do  all  that  in  my  power  lies  not  to 
forfeit  it.  On  the  Fourth  of  March  next  I shall 
have  served  three  and  one-half  years,  and  this 
three  and  one-half  years  constitutes  my  first 
term.  The  wise  custom  which  limits  the  Presi- 
dent to  two  terms  regards  the  substance  and  not 
the  form.  Under  no  circumstances  will  I be  a 
candidate  for  or  accept  another  nomination.” 

A.  D.  1904-1905. — Beginning  and  Organ- 
ization of  Work  on  the  Panama  Canal.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Panama  Canal:  A.  D.  1904- 
1905. 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — Progress  of  State, 
County,  and  Town  Prohibition.  See  Alcohol 
Problem  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Arbitration  Treaty  with 
Mexico.  See  Mexico:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

A.  D.  1905.  — Reopened  Controversy  over 
American  Fishing  Rights  on  the  Newfound- 
land coast.  See  Newfoundland:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1905. —Assistance  to  San  Domingo 
against  threatening  Creditors.  See  San 
Domingo:  A.  D.  1904^-1907. 

A.  D.  1905  (Feb.).  — Concentration  of 
Forest  Service  in  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. See  Conservation  of  Natural  Re- 
sources : United  States. 

A.  D.  1905  (Feb. -June).  — Recovery  from 
France  of  the  body  of  Admiral  John  Paul 
Jones.  — On  the  13th  of  February,  1905,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  addressed  a Message  to  Con- 
gress which  gave  the  following  information: 

“For  a number  of  years  efforts  have  been 
made  to  confirm  the  historical  statement  that 
the  remains  of  Admiral  John  Paul  Jones  were 
interred  in  a certain  piece  of  ground  in  the 
city  of  Paris  then  owned  by  the  Government 
and  used  at  the  time  as  a burial  place  for  for- 
eign Protestants.  These  efforts  have  at  last  re- 
sulted in  documentary  proof  that  John  Paul 
Jones  was  buried  on  July  20,  1792,  between  8 
and  9 o’clock  p.  M. , in  the  now  abandoned  ceme- 


671 


UNITED  STATES,  1905 


UNITED  STATES,  1905-1909 


tery  of  St.  Louis,  in  the  northeastern  section 
of  Paris.  About  500  bodies  were  interred  there, 
and  the  body  of  the  admiral  was  probably 
among  the  last  hundred  buried.  It  was  encased 
in  a leaden  coffin,  calculated  to  withstand  the 
ravages  of  time. 

“The  cemetery  was  about  130  feet  long  by  120 
feet  wide.  Since  its  disuse  as  a burial  place  the 
soil  has  been  tilled  to  a level  and  covered  almost 
completely  by  buildings,  most  of  them  of  an 
inferior  class.  The  American  ambassador  in 
Paris,  being  satisfied  that  it  is  practical  to  dis- 
cover and  identify  the  remains  of  John  Paul 
Jones,  has,  after  prolonged  negotiations  with 
the  present  holders  of  the  property  and  the  ten- 
ants thereof,  secured  from  them  options  in  writ- 
ing which  give  him  the  right  to  dig  in  all  parts 
of  the  property  during  a period  of  three  months 
for  the  purpose  of  making  the  necessary  exca- 
vations and  searches,  upon  condition  of  a stated 
compensation  for  the  damage  and  annoyance 
caused  by  the  work.  The  actual  search  is  to  be 
conducted  by  the  chief  engineer  of  the  mu- 
nicipal department  of  Paris  having  charge  of 
subterranean  works  at  a cost  which  has  been 
carefully  estimated.  The  ambassador  gives  the 
entire  cost  of  the  work,  including  the  options, 
compensation,  cost  of  excavating  and  caring 
for  the  remains  as  not  exceeding  180,000  francs, 
or  $35,000,  on  the  supposition  that  the  body 
may  not  be  found  until  the  whole  area  has  been 
searched.  If  earlier  discovered,  the  expense 
would  be  proportionately  less.” 

The  President  recommended  an  appropriation 
of  the  sum  named,  “or  so  much  thereof  as  may 
be  necessary  for  the  purposes  above  described, 
to  be  expended  under  the  direction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.” 

On  the  14th  of  April  following  a telegram 
from  the  Ambassador  at  Paris,  General  Horace 
Porter,  announced  that  his  “six  years’  search 
for  the  remains  of  Paul  Jones”  had  resulted  in 
success,  and  described  the  identification  of  the 
body.  This  had  been  verified  by  Doctors  Capi- 
tan  and  Papillault,  distinguished  professors  of 
the  School  of  Anthropology,  who  had  ample 
particulars  of  information  from  which  to  judge. 
Arrangements  were  made  at  once  for  sending 
a naval  squadron,  under  Admiral  Sigsbee,  to 
France,  to  bring  the  remains  to  the  United 
States.  This  was  done  in  the  following  June, 
when  the  relics  of  the  first  of  American  naval 
heroes  received  the  high  honors  that  were  due 
to  his  exploits.  They  were  deposited  in  a vault 
on  the  grounds  of  the  Naval  Academy  at  An- 
napolis. 

A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.).  — Mediation  by  the 
President  between  Russia  and  Japan.  — The 
Peace  Treaty  of  Portsmouth.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1905  (June-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1905  (July). — Proclamation  of  the 
Death  of  John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State. — 
“John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States,  died  on  July  1st.  His  death,  a crushing 
sorrow  to  his  friends,  is  to  the  people  of  this 
country  a national  bereavement;  and  it  is  in  ad- 
dition a serious  loss  to  all  mankind,  for  to  him 
it  was  given  to  stand  as  a leader  in  the  effort  to 
better  world  conditions  by  striving  to  advance 
the  cause  of  international  peace  and  justice. 
He  entered  the  public  service  as  the  trusted 
and  intimate  companion  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
and  for  well  nigh  forty  five  years  he  served  his 


country  with  loyal  devotion  and  high  ability  in 
many  positions  of  honor  and  trust,  and  finally 
he  crowned  his  life  work  by  serving  as  Secre- 
tary of  State  with  such  far-sighted  reading  of 
the  future  and  such  loyalty  to  lofty  ideals  as 
to  confer  lasting  benefits  not  only  upon  our 
own  country,  but  upon  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth. 

“Asa  suitable  expression  of  national  mourn- 
ing, I direct  that  the  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  United  States  in  all  foreign  countries  dis- 
play the  flags  over  their  embassies  and  legations 
at  half-mast  for  ten  days  ; that  for  a like  period 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  be  displayed  at 
half-mast  at  all  forts  and  military  posts  and  at 
all  naval  stations  and  on  all  vessels  of  the  Lfnited 
States.  I further  order  that  on  the  day  of  the 
funeral  the  Executive  Departments  in  the  city 
of  Washington  be  closed,  and  that  on  all  public 
buildings  throughout  the  United  States  the  na- 
tional flag  be  displayed  at  half-mast. 

“Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  third 
day  of  July,  A.  D.  1905,  and  of  the  Independ- 
ence of  the  United  States  of  America  the  one 
hundred  and  twenty-ninth.  Theodore  Roose- 
velt.” 

A.  D.  1905-1906. — American  Claims 
against  Venezuela.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Vene- 
zuela: A.  D.  1905-1906,  and  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.- — Part  taken  in  the  or- 
ganization of  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Agriculture. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — The  new  Period  of  In- 
flated Exploitation  of  Capital.  — Increased 
Cost  of  Living.  See  Finance  and  Trade  : 
A.  D.  1901-1909. 

A.  D.  1905-1907.- — Receivership  of  San 
Domingo  Revenues. — The  “ Modus  Vivendi  ” 
and  the  Treaty.  See  San  Domingo:  A.  D. 
1905-1907. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — The  Cabinet  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  during  his  Second  Term. — 

During  the  second  term  of  President  Roosevelt 
his  Cabinet  underwent  the  following  changes  : 
On  the  death  of  John  Hay,  in  July,  1905,  Elihu 
Root  became  Secretary  of  State,  and  continued 
in  the  office  until  January,  1909,  when  he  re- 
signed, and  was  succeeded  by  the  Assistant 
Secretary  of  State,  Robert  Bacon.  Leslie  M. 
Shaw  left  the  Treasury  Department  in  1907,  and 
the  secretaryship  was  given  to  George  B.  Cor- 
telyou.  William  II.  Taft  continued  in  charge  of 
the  War  Department  until  his  nomination  for 
President,  in  1908,  when  General  Luke  E. 
Wright  was  called  to  his  place.  Charles  J.  Bona- 
parte, appointed  Secretary  of  the  Navy  at  the 
beginning  of  the  President’s  new  term,  was 
transferred  in  1907  to  the  Department  of  Justice, 
succeeding  Attorney-General  Moody,  appointed 
to  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  being 
succeeded  in  the  Navy  Department  by  Victor 
H.  Metcalf,  previously  Secretary  of  Commerce 
and  Labor.  In  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
Secretary  Hitchcock  resigned  in  1907,  and 
James  R.  Garfield,  previously  Commissioner  of 
Corporations,  came  into  his  place.  George  B. 
Cortelyou  had  been  called  to  the  Post  Office  De- 
partment at  the  beginning  of  the  new  presiden- 
tial term,  and  transferred  thence  to  the  Treasury 
Department  in  1907.  His  place  in  the  Post  Of- 
fice was  then  filled  by  George  von  L.  Meyer. 
The  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  James  Wilson, 
remained  at  the  head  of  that  Department 


672 


UNITED  STATES,  1906 


UNITED  STATES,  1906 


throughout  the  term.  On  the  transfer  of  Mr. 
Metcalf  from  the  Department  of  Commerce  and 
Labor  to  that  of  the  Treasury,  in  1907,  his  place 
in  the  former  was  taken  by  Oscar  S.  Straus. 

A.  D.  1906. — Joint  Action  with  Mexico 
in  Central  American  Mediation.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Central  America. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Act  for  the  Preservation  of 
the  Scenic  Grandeur  of  Niagara  Falls.  See 
Niagara  Falls. 

A.  D.  1906.  — Dealings  with  Turkey  facil- 
itated by  making  the  American  Minister  an 
Ambassador.  See  Turkey:  A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906. — Enactment  of  a National 
Pure  Food  Law.  See  Public  Health. 

A.  D.  1906  (Jan. -April).  — Represented  at 
the  Algeciras  Conference  on  the  Morocco 
Question.  — Instructions  to  the  Delegates. — 
Declaration  made  on  signing  the  Act  of  the 
Conference.  See  Europe  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (March).  — Supreme  Court  De- 
cision enforcing  the  Demand  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  production  of  Books  and  Papers 
by  the  so-called  Tobacco  Trust  before  a Fed- 
eral Grand  Jury.  See  Combinations,  Indus- 
trial : United  States  : A.  D.  1905-1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (April). — Laying  the  Corner 
Stone  of  an  Office  Building  for  Congressmen. 

— On  the  14th  of  April,  1906,  the  corner  stone 
of  a building  designed  to  supply  each  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  with  an  office 
was  laid  with  ceremony,  the  President  deliver- 
ing an  address.  Besides  410  distinct  offices,  the 
design  of  the  building  contemplated  a large 
assembly  room  for  public  hearings  before  com- 
mittees of  the  House.  Its  estimated  cost  was 
something  over  $3,000,000.  A corresponding 
office  building  for  the  Senate  was  also  in  view. 

A.  D.  1906  (April).  — Convention  with 
British  Government  for  Determining  and 
Marking  the  Alaska  Boundary  Line.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Alaska:  A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (April-July). — Long  and  Wide- 
spread Suspension  of  Coal  Mining,  both  An- 
thracite and  Bituminous.  See  Labor  Organ- 
ization : United  States  : A.  D.  1906. 

A.  D.  1906  (June).  — The  Joint  Statehood 
Act. — By  the  Joint  Statehood  Bill,  approved 
by  the  President  June  16, 1906,  Indian  Territory 
and  Oklahoma  were  united  to  form  the  State  of 
Oklahoma,  the  people  being  authorized  to  adopt 
a constitution.  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  were 
proffered  a similar  union,  in  a State  to  be  called 
Arizona.  On  the  question  of  such  union  the 
Bill  provided  for  a vote  to  be  taken  in  each  Ter- 
ritory, following  which,  if  a majority  in  each 
should  be  found  to  favor  the  union,  delegates 
to  be  chosen  at  the  same  election  should  meet 
and  frame  a constitution  for  submission  to  the 
people.  The  contemplated  vote  was  taken  at 
the  election  of  November  6,  and  resulted  in  the 
rejection  of  the  proposal  by  Arizona,  while 
New  Mexico  gave  assent.  The  project  was  thus 
defeated. 

The  plan  of  union  was  successful,  however, 
in  the  creation  of  the  State  of  Oklahoma.  Dele- 
gates to  a convention  for  framing  its  Consti- 
tution were  elected  November  6,  1906 ; the 
convention  began  its  session  on  the  20th  of  the 
same  month,  and  finished  its  labors  on  the  16th 
of  July,  1907.  By  proclamation  of  the  President 
the  new  State,  — the  46t.h  of  the  Federal  family, 

— was  admitted  to  the  Union  on  the  16th  of 

6' 


November  following,  under  the  Constitution 
which  had  been  ratified  by  vote  of  a majority 
of  the  citizens  of  each  of  the  Territories  now 
united  in  it.  For  some  account  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, see  (in  this  vol.)  Constitution  of  Okla- 
homa. 

A.  D.  1906  (July-Aug.).  — The  Third  Inter- 
national Conference  of  American  Republics, 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics. 

A.  D.  1906  (Aug.).  — The  Brownsville 
Affair.  — On  the  13th  of  August,  1906,  a riotous 
affair  of  a much-disputed  nature  occurred  at 
Brownsville,  Texas,  in  which  one  man  was 
killed  and  two,  at  least,  were  wounded.  The 
shooting  was  alleged  to  have  been  done  by  col- 
ored soldiers  who  formed  part  of  a battalion 
of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  U.  S.  Army,  sta- 
tioned at  Brownsville.  An  investigation  of  the 
affair  convinced  the  President  that  some  few 
soldiers  of  the  battalion  were  guilty  of  what 
had  been  done,  and  that  their  comrades  knew 
of  their  guilt,  but  were  shielding  them,  by  as- 
sertions to  the  contrary.  On  this  belief  he  or- 
dered the  entire  battalion  to  be  discharged  from 
the  service,  and  angry  controversy  over  his  ac- 
tion arose  at  once.  The  negro  soldiers  were 
championed  by  a considerable  part  of  the  Press 
of  the  country,  and  by  a section  of  Congress 
when  it  met.  The  evidence  of  their  guilt  was 
declared  to  be  more  than  doubtful,  and  the  au- 
thority of  the  President  to  issue  the  order  of 
discharge  was  challenged. 

In  the  annual  report  of  the  then  Secretary  of 
War,  now  President  Taft,  the  action  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  was  firmly  sustained.  Secretary 
Taft’s  version  of  the  circumstances  of  the  affair 
was  substantially  to  the  following  effect : Some 
number  of  men,  from  a battalion  of  170,  formed 
a preconcerted  plan  to  revenge  themselves  upon 
the  people  of  a town  for  insults  which  they 
resented.  They  left  their  barracks  about  mid- 
night and  fired  into  the  houses  of  the  town  for 
the  purpose  of  killing  those  against  whom  they 
had  a grievance.  They  did  kill  one  man,  wound 
another,  and  seriously  injure  the  chief  of  police. 
There  can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  this 
squad  of  men  were  guilty ; the  purpose  of  one 
was  the  purpose  of  all.  Within  a few  minutes 
after  the  crime  was  committed,  the  men  re- 
turned to  their  places  in  the  ranks  (a  call  to 
arms  having  been  sounded),  and  must  have  been 
among  the  last  to  take  their  places,  for  the  fir- 
ing continued  after  the  formations  had  begun. 
The  absence  of  their  rifles  from  the  racks  could 
not  have  escaped  the  attention  of  the  sergeants 
who  had  the  keys  ; yet  all  the  sergeants  swear 
that  the  rifles  were  in  the  racks,  untouched.  It 
is  impossible  that  many  of  the  battalion  who  did 
not  take  part  as  active  members  of  the  conspir- 
acy were  not  made  aware,  by  one  circumstance 
or  another,  of  the  identity  of  the  persons  who 
committed  the  offense,  instead  of  giving  to 
their  officers  or  the  inspectors  the  benefit  of  any- 
thing which  they  knew  tending  to  lead  to  a con- 
viction of  the  guilty  men,  there  was  a conspiracy 
of  silence  on  the  part  of  many  who  must  have 
had  some  knowledge  of  importance.  “These 
enlisted  men,”  said  Secretary  Taft,  “ took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Government,  and  were 
to  be  used  under  the  law  to  maintain  its  suprem- 
acy. Can  the  Government  properly,  therefore, 
keep  in  its  employ  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 

r3 


UNITED  STATES,  1906 


UNITED  STATES,  1908 


law  and  order  any  longer  a body  of  men,  from 
five  to  ten  per  cent,  of  whom  can  plan  and  com- 
mit murder,  and  rely  upon  the  silence  of  a num- 
ber of  their  companions  to  escape  detection  ? ” 

Mr.  Taft  then  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
“when  a man  enlists  in  the  army  he  knows  that, 
for  the  very  purpose  of  protecting  itself,  the 
Government  reserves  to  itself  the  absolute  right 
of  discharge,  not  as  a punishment,  but  for  the 
public  safety  or  interest.’’  He  thus  corrected 
the  supposition  that  the  discharge  was  a punish- 
ment either  of  the  innocent  or  the  guilty.  He 
said  further:  “The  discharge  ‘without  honor’ 
is  merely  the  ending  of  a contract  and  separa- 
tion from  the  service  under  a right  reserved  in 
the  statute  for  the  protection  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which  may  work  a hardship  to  the  private 
discharged,  but  which,  in  the  public  interest, 
must  sometimes  be  arbitrarily  exercised.” 

Of  the  repeated  investigations,  Congressional 
and  military,  that  ensued,  and  of  the  protracted 
disputation,  led  in  Congress  by  Senator  Foraker, 
and  echoed  in  the  newspapers,  it  is  needless  to 
attempt  an  account;  for  no  greater  certainty  as 
to  the  facts  in  the  case  can  be  recognized  to-day 
than  when  Secretary  Taft's  report  was  made. 

A.  D.  1906  (Aug.-Oct.).  — Insurrection  in 
Cuba.  — American  Intervention  called  for. — 
The  Cuban  Government  dissolved.  — Provi- 
sional Government  established  by  Secre- 
tary-of-War  Taft.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba: 
A.  D.  1906  (Aug.-Oct.). 

A.  D.  1906  (Oct. -Nov.).  — Segregation  of 
Orientals  in  San  Francisco  Schools.  — Re- 
sentment of  the  Japanese.  See  Race  Prob- 
lems : United  States  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1906-1909. — The  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  Cuba.  — Reinstatement  of  the 
Republic.  See  Cuba:  A D.  1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1906-1909.  — The  Reform  of  the 
Consular  Service.  See  Civil  Service  Re- 
form : United  States. 

A.  D.  1907. — Monetary  Panic.  — Distress 
among  the  Speculative  Great  Capitalists.  — 
Industrial  Paralysis. — Unemployment  for 
Labor.  See  Finance  and  Trade:  A.  D.  1901— 
1909. 

A.  D.  1907.- — -Enactment  of  a new  Law  of 
Citizenship.  See  Naturalization. 

A.  D.  1907  (Jan.).  — Act  to  prohibit  Cor- 
porations from  making  Contributions  in  con- 
nection with  Political  Elections.  — The  fol- 
lowing Act  of  Congress  was  approved  by  the 
President,  January  26,  1907.  “ That  it  shall  be 

unlawful  for  any  national  bank,  or  any  corpora- 
tion organized  by  authority  of  any  laws  of  Con- 
gress, to  make  a money  contribution  in  connec- 
tion with  any  election  to  any  political  office.  It 
shall  also  be  unlawful  for  any  corporation  what- 
ever to  make  a money  contribution  in  connec- 
tion with  any  election  at  which  Presidential  and 
Vice-Presidential  electors  or  a Representative  in 
Congress  is  to  be  voted  for  or  any  election  by 
any  State  legislature  of  a United  States  Senator. 
Every  corporation  which  shall  make  any  contri- 
bution in  violation  of  the  foregoing  provisions 
shall  be  subject  to  a fine  not  exceeding  five  thou- 
sand dollars,  and  every  officer  or  director  of  any 
corporation  who  shall  consent  to  any  contribu- 
tion by  the  corporation  in  violation  of  the  forego- 
ing provisions  shall  upon  conviction  be  punished 
by  a fine  of  not  exceeding  one  thousand  and  not 
less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  or  by 


imprisonment  for  a term  of  not  more  thau  one- 
year,  or  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment  in  the 
discretion  of  the  court.” 

According  to  a statement  presented  to  the 
Senate  in  February,  1908,  the  laws  of  the  fol- 
lowing nineteen  States  and  Territories  contain 
provisions  for  the  publicity  of  election  contribu- 
tions or  expenditures  originally  enacted  at  the 
dates  given  : Alabama,  1903;  Arizona,  1895; 
California,  1893 ; Colorado,  1891  ; Connecticut, 
1895;  Iowa,  1907;  Massachusetts,  1892;  Minne- 
sota, 1895  ; Missouri,  1893  ; Montana,  1895 ; 
Nebraska,  1897 ; New  York,  1890 ; Pennsyl- 
vania, 1906  ; South  Carolina,  1905;  South  Da- 
kota, 1907;  Texas,  1905;  Virginia,  1903;  Wash- 
ington, 1907;  Wisconsin,  1897. 

The  laws  of  the  three  following  States,  which 
contain  no  publicity  provisions,  forbid  corpora- 
tions to  contribute  in  any  manner  for  political 
purposes:  Florida,  1897  ; Kentucky,  1897  ; Ten- 
nessee, 1897. 

A.  D.  1907  (April). — First  National  Peace 
Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907  (June-Oct.).  — Represented  at 
the  Second  Peace  Conference.  See  War, 
The  Revolt  against  : A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — The  World-round 
Cruise  of  the  Battleship  Fleet.  See  War, 
The  Preparations  for:  Naval. 

A.  D.  1908. — Supreme  Court  Decision  af- 
firming right  to  specially  limit  the  Hours  off 
Labor  for  Women.  See  Labor  Protection  : 
Hours  of  Labor. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Conditional  Ratifica- 
tion, by  the  Senate  of  the  Peace  Conference 
Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  In- 
ternational Disputes.  See  War,  The  Revolt 
against:  A.  D.  1907. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Treaty  with  Great 
Britain  respecting  the  Demarcation  of  the 
International  Boundary  between  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1908 
(April). 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Convention  for  the 
Preservation  and  Propagation  of  Food  Fishes 
in  waters  contiguous  to  the  United  States 
and  Canada.  See  Food  Fishes. 

A.  D.  1908  (April).  — Passage  of  Act  relat- 
ing to  the  Liability  of  Common  Carriers  by 
Railroad  to  their  Employees.  See  Labor  Pro- 
tection: Employers’  Liability. 

A.  D.  1908  (April-Nov.).  — The  Presiden- 
tial Election.  — Parties,  Candidates,  and 
Platforms. — Election  of  President  Taft. — 
In  the  interval  between  the  presidential  elections 
of  1904  and  1908  the  Trust  and  the  Tariff  ques- 
tions had  both  received  an  increase  of  attention 
and  of  real  study,  and  were  factors  of  more  in- 
fluence in  the  latter  thau  in  the  former  election. 
The  energy  with  which  President  Roosevelt  had 
pressed  both  legislative  and  executive  action, 
towards  a more  effective  restraint  and  regula- 
tion of  monopolistic  combinations,  had  greatly 
strengthened  his  party  in  public  favor.  His  ex- 
traordinary personal  force,  moreover,  had  made 
itself  felt  in  many  quickenings  and  stimulations 
of  public  spirit  and  of  governmental  action, 
which  gave  a cheering  experience  to  the  coun- 
try. The  various  ends  to  which  this  worked,  and 1 
especially  on  the  lines  which  looked  to  the  res- 
cuing of  the  rich  natural  resources  of  the  coun- 
try from  private  monopoly  and  reckless  wastet 


674 


UNITED  STATES,  1908 


UNITED  STATES,  1908 


became  associated  in  thought  witli  the  President, 
and  widely  talked  of  as  belonging  to  “ the 
Roosevelt  policies.”  Popular  satisfaction  with 
these  policies  and  their  champion  would  have 
given  Mr.  Roosevelt  a renomination  by  his  party, 
if  he  had  not  emphatically  reiterated  his  pledge 
of  four  years  before,  that  “under  no  circum- 
stances ” would  he  “ be  a candidate  for  or  accept 
another  nomination.”  There  were  some  who 
strove  to  persuade  him  to  be  false  to  that  pledge; 
but  they  were  not  the  people  who  esteemed  him 
most  truly.  Naturally  the  nomination  that 
would  have  gone  again  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  if  he 
had  been  free  to  accept  it  sought  a candidate  so 
closely  identified  with  what  he  had  stood  for  and 
labored  for  that  no  departure  from  the  favored 
“ policies  ” need  be  feared.  Quite  as  naturally 
that  candidate  won  a large  majority  of  the  popu- 
lar votes. 

The  first  nominating  convention  held  in  1904 
was  that  of  the  People’s  or  Populist  Party, 
which  sat  in  St.  Louis  April  2-3,  and  again 
named  its  old  leader,  Thomas  E.  Watson,  of 
Georgia,  for  President,  with  Samuel  W.  Wil- 
liams, of  Indiana,  for  the  second  place. 

Rev.  Daniel  Braxton  Turney,  of  Illinois,  was 
the  next  to  be  named  for  President,  and  L.  S. 
Coffin,  of  Iowa,  for  Vice-President,  by  the 
United  Christian  Party,  at  Rock  Island,  111., 
May  1. 

On  the  10th  of  May  the  Socialist  Party  met  in 
convention  at  Chicago  and  was  in  session  until 
the  18th,  again  nominating  Eugene  V.  Debs,  of 
Indiana,  and  Benjamin  Hanford,  of  New  York, 
for  President  and  Vice-President. 

The  Republican  convention  was  assembled  at 
Chicago,  June  16-19,  and  its  nominees  were 
William  Howard  Taft,  of  Ohio,  for  President, 
and  James  Schoolcraft  Sherman,  of  New  York, 
for  Vice-President. 

The  Socialist  Labor  Party,  at  New  York, 
July  24,  nominated,  for  President,  August  Gill  - 
haus,  of  New  York  ; for  Vice-President,  Donald 
L.  Munro,  of  Virginia. 

At  Denver,  July  7-10,  the  Convention  of  the 
Democratic  Party  named,  for  the  third  time, 
William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  for  Vice-President  John  Worth  Kern, 
of  Indiana. 

The  Prohibitionists  convened  at  Columbus, 
Ohio,  July  15-16,  and  the  candidates  named  by 
them  for  President  and  Vice  President  were  Eu- 
gene W.  Chafin,  of  Illinois,  and  Aaron  S.  Wat- 
kins, of  Ohio. 

The  last  of  the  parties  to  meet  in  convention 
was  that  organized  by  William  R.  Hearst  and 
named  the  Independence  Party.  The  candidates 
put  forward  were  Thomas  L.  Hisgen,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  John  Temple  Graves,  of  Georgia. 

Of  the  eight  political  parties  which  offered 
candidates  to  the  voters  of  the  nation,  four  pre- 
sented them  on  special  grounds,  aside  from 
which  their  standing  on  other  questions  of  pub- 
lic policy  was  but  slightly  and  incidentally  made 
known.  The  “ platforms”  of  the  remaining  four 
were  of  the  scope  of  general  politics,  defining 
positions  taken  on  all  or  most  of  the  political 
discussions  of  the  time.  The  declarations  of 
these  latter  on  the  questions  which  enlisted  real 
interest  in  the  country  will  be  given,  as  in 
the  treatment  of  the  party  platforms  of  1904, 
under  a dissected  arrangement,  by  subjects,  for 
convenient  comparison  ; while  the  former  cannot 


easily  be  dealt  with  in  that  analytic  way.  In 
both  cases  the  distinctly  declaratory  text  of  the 
platforms,  only,  will  be  given,  with  some 
abridgment,  as  follows : 

Trusts. — “The  Republican  Party,”  it  as- 
serted, “passed  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  over 
Democratic  opposition,  and  enforced  it  after 
Democratic  dereliction.  . . . But  experience 
has  shown  that  its  effectiveness  can  be  strength- 
ened and  its  real  objects  better  attained  by  such 
amendments  as  will  give  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment greater  supervision  and  control  over,  and 
secure  greater  publicity  in,  the  management  of 
that  class  of  corporations  engaged  in  interstate 
commerce  having  power  and  opportunity  to  ef- 
fect monopolies.” 

The  Democratic  Party  demanded  “ the  enact- 
ment of  such  additional  legislation  as  may  be 
necessary  to  make  it  impossible  for  a private 
monopoly  to  exist  in  the  United  States.”  Among 
the  additional  remedies  required  it  specified 
three:  (1)  “A  law  preventing  a duplication  of 
directors  among  competing  corporations”;  (2) 
requirement  of  a federal  license  for  a manufac- 
turing or  trading  corporation,  ‘ ‘ before  it  shall 
be  permitted  to  control  as  much  as  25  per  cent, 
of  the  product  in  which  it  deals,  the  license  to 
protect  the  public  from  watered  stock,  and  to 
prohibit  the  control  by  such  corporation  of  more 
than  50  per  cent,  of  the  total  amount  of  any  pro- 
duct consumed  in  the  United  States”;  and  (3) 
“ a law  compelling  such  licensed  corporation  to 
sell  to  all  purchasers  in  all  parts  of  the  country 
on  the  same  terms,  after  making  due  allowance 
for  the  cost  of  transportation.” 

The  People’s  Party  declared  that  “the  Gov- 
ernment should  own  and  control  the  railroads 
and  those  public  utilities  which  in  their  nature 
are  monopolies,”  including  the  telegraph  and 
telephone  systems,  and  should  provide  a parcels 
post.  From  those  trusts  and  monopolies  which 
are  not  public  utilities  or  national  monopolies  it 
demanded  a withdrawal  of  the  special  privileges 
they  enjoy;  taxation  of  all  such  privileges  while 
they  remain  in  private  hands,  and  “a  general 
law  uniformly  regulating  the  powers  and  duties 
of  all  incorporated  companies  doing  interstate 
business.  ” 

The  Independence  Party  denounced  all  com- 
binations which  “ are  not  combinations  for  pro- 
duction, but  for  extortion,”  and  demanded  “ the 
enforcement  of  a prison  penalty  against  the 
guilty  and  responsible  individuals  controlling 
the  management  of  the  offending  corporations.” 
It  advocated,  “as  a primary  necessity  for 
sounder  business  conditions  and  improved  pub- 
lic service,  the  enactment  of  laws,  State  and 
National,  to  prevent  watering  of  stock,  dishon- 
est issues  of  bonds  and  other  forms  of  corpora- 
tion frauds.” 

Tariff.  — The  declarations  of  the  Republican 
and  Democratic  national  conventions  touching  a 
revision  of  the  tariff  have  been  quoted  already 
in  this  vol.,  — see  Tariffs  : United  States. 

The  Independence  Party,  like  the  Democratic, 
demanded  a revision  of  the  tariff,  not  by  its 
friends,  but  by  the  friends  of  the  people,  and 
declared  for  a gradual  reduction  of  tariff  duties. 

Capital  and  Labor.  — Injunctions.  — The 
Republican  Party  recited  the  enactments  of  the 
existing  Congress  in  the  interest  of  labor,  and 
pledged  “ its  continued  devotion  to  every  cause 
that  makes  for  safety  and  the  betterment  of  con- 


UNITED  STATES,  1908 


UNITED  STATES,  1908 


ditions  among  those  whose  labor  contributes  to 
the  progress  and  welfare  of  the  country.”  On 
the  burning  question  of  the  interference  of 
courts  of  law,  by  writ  of  injunction,  with  labor 
“ strikes,”  it  declared  that,  while  “ the  Republi- 
can Party  will  uphold  at  all  times  the  authority 
and  integrity  of  the  courts,”  it  believes  “that 
the  rules  of  procedure  in  the  writ  of  injunction 
should  be  more  accurately  defined  by  statute, 
and  that  no  injunction  or  temporary  restraining 
order  should  be  issued  without  notice,  except 
where  irreparable  injury  would  result  from 
delay,  in  which  case  a speedy  hearing  thereafter 
should  be  granted.” 

The  Democratic  Party  gave  expression  to  the 
same  desire  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  courts, 
but  had  seen  that  “ experience  has  proven  the 
necessity  of  a modification  of  the  present  law 
relating  to  injunctions,”  and  added  : “we  reiter- 
ate the  pledges  of  our  national  platforms  of  1896 
and  1904  in  favor  of  the  measure  which  passed 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1896,  but  which  a 
Republican  Congress  has  ever  since  refused  to 
enact,  relating  to  contempts  in  Federal  courts 
and  providing  for  trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  indi- 
rect contempt.  . . . We  deem  . . . that  injunc- 
tions should  not  be  issued  in  any  case  in  which 
injunctions  would  not  issue  if  no  industrial  dis 
pute  were  involved  ” Its  further  declarations 
were  against  any  “abridgment  of  the  right  of 
wage-earners  and  producers  to  organize  for  the 
protection  of  wages  and  the  improvement  of 
labor  conditions”;  for  “the  eight  hour  law  on 
all  government  work”;  for  the  enactment  by 
Congress  of  a “ general  employers’  liability  act,” 
and  for  the  creation  of  “a  department  of  labor, 
represented  separately  in  the  President’s  cabi- 
net.” 

The  Independence  Party  denounced  “the  so- 
called  labor  planks  of  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic platforms  as  political  buncombe  and  con- 
temptible clap  trap,”  and  asserted  “that  in  all 
actions  growing  out  of  a dispute  between  em- 
ployers and  employees  concerning  terms  and 
conditions  of  employment  no  injunction  should 
issue  until  after  a trial  upon  the  merits  ; that 
such  trial  should  be  held  before  a jury,  and  that 
in  no  case  of  alleged  contempt  should  any  per- 
son be  deprived  of  liberty  without  a trial  by 
jury.”  In  further  declarations  the  party  in- 
dorsed “ those  organizations  among  farmers  and 
workers  which  tend  to  bring  about  a just  distri- 
bution of  wealth,”  and  favored  legislation  to  “re- 
move them  from  the  operation  of  the  Sherman 
anti-trust  law  ” ; endorsed  the  eight-hour  work 
day,  and  would  have  it  applied  to  all  work  done 
for  the  Government ; called  for  legislation  to 
prohibit  “any  combination  or  conspiracy  to 
blacklist  employees”;  demanded  “protection 
for  workmen  through  enforced  use  of  standard 
safety  appliances  and  provision  of  hygienic  con- 
ditions”; advocated  State  and  Federal  inspec- 
tion of  railways  to  secure  a greater  safety  for 
employees  and  the  travelling  public ; con- 
demned the  manufacture  and  sale  of  prison- 
made  goods;  favored  a Federal  department  of 
labor,  with  its  chief  in  the  Cabinet ; and  called 
for  a Federal  inspection  of  grain. 

The  People’s  Party  condemned  “all  unwar- 
ranted assumption  of  authority  by  inferior  Fed- 
eral courts  in  annulling  by  injunction  the  laws 
of  the  States,”  and  demanded  legislation  to  “ re- 
strict to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 


the  exercise  of  power  in  cases  involving  State 
legislation”;  condemned  the  “attempt  to  de- 
stroy the  power  of  trades  unions  through  the  un- 
just use  of  the  Federal  injunction  ” ; demanded 
the  abolition  of  child  labor  in  factories  and 
mines,  suppression  of  sweat  shops,  exclusion  of 
foreign  pauper  labor,  the  enactment  of  an  em- 
ployers’ liability  act  and  measures  against  care- 
lessness in  the  operation  of  mines;  opposed  the 
use  of  convict  labor;  favored  the  eight-hour 
work-day,  and  “legislation  protecting  the  lives 
and  limbs  of  workmen  through  the  use  of  safety 
appliances  ” ; declared  that  when  working  men 
are  thrown  into  enforced  idleness  works  of  pub- 
lic improvement  should  be  inaugurated. 

Banking  and  Currency.  — The  Republican 
Party  approved  “the  emergency  measures 
adopted  by  the  government  during  the  recent 
financial  disturbances”  and  declared  the  party 
to  be  “committed  to  the  development  of  a per- 
manent currency  system,  responding  to  our 
greater  needs.”  It  favored  the  establishment  of 
a postal  savings  bank  system. 

The  Democratic  Party  pointed  to  the  panic  of 
1907,  “coming  without  any  legitimate  excuse,” 
as  furnishing  additional  proof  that  the  Republi- 
can party  “is  either  unwilling  or  incompetent  to 
protect  the  interests  of  the  general  public,”  hav- 
ing “so  linked  the  country  to  Wall  Street  that 
the  sins  of  the  speculators  are  visited  upon  the 
whole  people.”  It  declared  the  belief  that  “ in 
so  far  as  the  needs  of  commerce  require  an 
emergency  currency,  such  currency  should  be 
issued,  controlled  by  the  Federal  Government 
and  loaned  on  adequate  security  to  National  and 
State  banks.”  It  pledged  itself  “ to  legislation 
under  which  the  national  banks  should  be  re- 
quired to  establish  a guarantee  fund  for  the 
prompt  payment  of  the  depositors  of  any  insol- 
vent national  bank  under  an  equitable  system 
which  shall  be  available  to  all  State  banking 
institutions  wishing  to  use  it.”  It  favored  a 
postal  savings  bank  “if  the  guaranteed  ; bank 
can  not  be  secured,  and  believed  that  it  should 
be  so  constituted  as  to  keep  the  deposited  money 
in  the  community  where  the  depositors  live.” 

The  People’s  Party  reiterated  its  belief  that 
“the  issuance  of  money  is  a function  of  govern- 
ment and  should  not  be  delegated  to  corporation 
or  individual.”  It  therefore  demanded  “that 
all  money  should  be  issued  by  the  Government 
direct  to  the  people,  without  the  intervention  of 
banks,  and  shall  be  a full  legal  tender  for  all 
debts,  public  and  private,  and  in  quantities 
sufficient  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  country.” 
It  also  demanded  postal  savings  banks. 

The  Independence  Party  made  a similar  decla- 
ration, “that  the  right  to  issue  money  is  in- 
herent in  the  Government,”  and  it  favored  “the 
establishment  of  a central  governmental  bank, 
through  which  the  money  so  issued  shall  be  put 
into  general  circulation.”  It  also  called  for  an 
extension  of  the  parcels  post  system  and  for 
postal  savings  banks,  the  deposits  in  which 
should  “be  loaned  to  the  people  in  the  locality 
of  the  several  banks.” 

Railroads. — The  Republican  Party  ap- 
proved the  railroad  rate  law  and  “the  vigorous 
enforcement  by  the  present  administration  of 
the  statutes  against  rebates  and  discrimina- 
tions ” ; believing,  “ however,  that  the  interstate 
commerce  law  should  be  further  amended  so  as 
to  give  railroads  the  right  to  make  and  publish 


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UNITED  STATES,  1908 


traffic  agreements  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
commission.”  It  declared  for  legislation  and 
supervision  to  “ prevent  the  future  overissue  of 
stocks  and  bonds  by  interstate  carriers.” 

The  Democratic  Party  asserted  “ the  right  of 
Congress  to  exercise  complete  control  over  inter- 
state commerce,  and  the  right  of  each  State  to 
exercise  like  control  over  commerce  within  its 
borders  ” ; and  it  demanded  a needed  enlarge- 
ment of  the  powers  of  the  interstate  commerce 
commission.  It  recommended  a valuation  of 
railroads  by  the  commission.  It  favored  legis- 
lation to  “ prohibit  the  railroads  from  engaging 
in  business  which  brings  them  into  competition 
with  their  shippers”;  to  prevent  the  overissue 
of  stocks  and  bonds,  and  to  “ assure  such  reduc- 
tion in  transportation  rates  as  conditions  will 
permit.”  It  approved  the  laws  prohibiting  the 
pass  and  the  rebate.  It  favored  giving  to  the 
interstate  commerce  commission  “the  initiative 
with  reference  to  rates  and  transportation 
charges,”  also  permitting  it,  “on  its  own  initia- 
tive to  declare  a rate  illegal,”  and  otherwise  en- 
hancing its  efficiency. 

The  Independence  Party  advocated  “a  bill 
empowering  shippers  in  time  of  need  to  compel 
railroads  to  provide  sufficient  cars  for  freight 
and  passenger  traffic  and  other  railroad  facili- 
ties through  summary  appeal  to  the  courts.” 
It  also  favored  “ the  creation  of  an  Interstate 
Commerce  Court,  whose  sole  function  it  shall  be 
to  review  speedily  and  enforce  summarily  the 
orders  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,” 
and  it  urged  that  the  Commission  “should  pro- 
ceed at  once  with  a physical  valuation  of  rail- 
roads engaged  in  interstate  commerce.” 

Natural  Resources.  — Public  Lands. — 
Waterways.  — The  Republican  Party  indorsed 
“ the  movement  inaugurated  by  the  administra- 
tion for  the  conservation  of  natural  resources”  ; 
commended  “ the  work  now  going  on  for  the 
reclamation  of  arid  lauds”;  reaffirmed  “ the  Re- 
publican policy  of  the  free  distribution  of  the 
available  . . . public  domain  to  the  landless  set- 
tler,” and  declared  it  to  be  “the  further  duty, 
equally  imperative,  to  enter  upon  a systematic 
improvement,  upon  a large  and  comprehensive 
plan,  just  to  all  portions  of  the  country,  of  the 
water  harbors  and  Great  Lakes.” 

The  Democratic  Party  repeated  “the  demand 
for  internal  development  and  for  the  conserva- 
tion of  our  national  resources  contained  in  pre- 
vious platforms,”  covering  lines  of  policy  the 
same  as  above,  and  adding  “the  development 
of  water  power  and  the  preservation  of  electric 
power  generated  by  this  natural  force  from  the 
control  of  monopoly.”  It  insisted  upon  “a 
policy  of  administration  of  our  forest  reserve 
which  shall  . . . enable  homesteaders  as  of  right 
to  occupy  and  acquire  title  to  all  portions 
thereof  which  are  especially  adapted  to  agri- 
culture, and  which  shall  furnish  a system  of 
timber  sales  available  as  well  to  the  private  citi- 
zen as  to  the  larger  manufacturer  and  con- 
sumer.” It  called  for  regulations  “in  relation 
to  free  grazing  upon  the  public  lands  outside  of 
forest  or  other  reservations  until  the  same  shall 
eventually  be  disposed  of.”  It  favored  the 
“immediate  adoption  of  a liberal  and  compre- 
hensive plan  for  improving  every  water  course 
in  the  Union  which  is  justified  by  the  needs  of 
commerce,”  with  “the  creation  of  an  ample 
fund  for  continuous  work.” 


The  People’s  Party  declared  that  the  public 
domain  is  a sacred  heritage  of  all  the  people, 
and  should  be  held  for  homesteads  for  actual 
settlers  only  ; alien  ownership  should  be  for- 
bidden. 

The  Independence  Party  rejoiced  “in  the 
adoption  in  both  the  Democratic  and  Republi- 
can platforms  of  the  demand  of  the  Independ- 
ence party  for  improved  national  waterways.” 
It  declared  for  the  reclamation  of  arid  lands  and 
generally  for  the  conservation  of  the  country’s 
natural  resources.  It  called  for  provision  to  be 
made  for  free  grazing  on  public  lands  outside 
of  forest  or  other  reservations.  It  protested 
against  the  sale  of  water  and  electric  light 
power  derived  from  public  works  to  private 
corporations. 

On  other  subjects  touched  in  their  platforms 
the  declarations  of  these  parties  varied  little 
from  those  of  1904,  and  cannot  be  regarded  as 
having  much  historical  significance. 

Of  the  remaining  parties,  which  are  organ- 
izations with  special  objects,  the  Socialist  set 
forth  the  most  elaborate  programme  of  de- 
mands, under  three  headings,  — General,  In 
dustrial,  and  Political.  The  first  included  “im- 
mediate Government  relief  for  the  unemployed  ” 
by  public  works  of  many  descriptions;  collect- 
ive ownership  of  railroads,  telegraphs,  etc.,  and 
all  lands  ; “collective  ownership  of  all  industries 
which  are  organized  on  a national  scale  and  in 
which  competition  has  virtually  ceased  to  ex- 
ist” ; inclusion  of  mines,  quarries,  oil  wells, 
forests  and  water-power  in  the  public  domain. 
Industrial  demands  included  improved  indus- 
trial conditions;  shortened  work  days;  a 
weekly  rest-period  of  not  less  than  a day  and 
a half ; effective  inspection  of  factories  and 
shops:  no  child  labor  under  sixteen  years  of 
age  ; no  interstate  transportation  of  products  of 
child  labor ; substitution  of  compulsory  insur- 
ance against  unemployment,  illness,  age,  etc., 
for  all  official  charity.  Political  demands  were 
for  extended  and  graduated  inheritance  taxes  ; a 
graduated  income  tax  ; equal  suffrage  for  men 
and  women  ; the  initiative,  referendum,  recall, 
and  proportional  representation ; abolition  of 
the  Senate;  abolition  of  power  in  the  Supreme 
Court  to  pass  on  the  constitutionality  of  legis- 
lation ; amendability  of  the  Constitution  by  a 
majority  vote  , election  of  all  judges  for  short 
terms  ; free  administration  of  justice  ; further 
measures  for  general  education  and  conserva- 
tion of  health. 

The  Socialist  Labor  Party  repeated  in  sub 
stantially  the  same  words  its  general  declara- 
tions of  1904,  against  a “despotic  economic 
system,”  as  quoted  above,  under  the  heading 
"Capital  and  Labor.” 

The  Prohibition  Party  embodied  its  funda- 
mental object  in  demands  for  the  submission  of 
a constitutional  amendment  prohibiting  the 
manufacture,  sale,  etc.,  of  alcoholic  liquors  for 
beverage  purposes;  suppression  of  the  liquor 
traffic  in  all  places  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
National  Government,  and  repeal  of  the  internal 
revenue  tax  on  alcoholic  liquors.  To  this  it 
added  demands  for  a popular  election  of  U.  S. 
Senators ; graduated  income  and  inheritance 
taxes;  postal  savings  banks;  guarantee  of  de- 
posits in  banks  ; regulation  of  corporations  doing 
an  interstate  business  ; a permanent  tariff  com- 
mission; uniform  marriage  and  divorce  laws; 


677 


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UNITED  STATES,  1908-1909 


enforcement  of  law  against  tbe  social  evil ; an 
equitable  employers’  liability  act ; court  review 
of  post  office  decisions ; prohibition  of  child  labor 
in  mines,  workshops  and  factories ; suffrage 
based  on  ability  to  read  and  write  the  English 
language  ; preservation  of  the  resources  of  the 
country,  and  improvement  of  highways  and 
waterways. 

The  United  Christian  Party,  basing  its  plat- 
form, as  before,  on  the  ten  commandments  and 
the  golden  rule,  favored  “direct  primary  elec- 
tions, the  initiative,  referendum,  recall,  uniform 
marriage  and  divorce  laws,  equal  rights  for  men 
and  women,  government  ownership  of  coal 
mines,  oil  wells  and  public  utilities;  the  reg- 
ulation of  trusts  and  the  election  of  the  presi- 
dent and  vice-president  and  senators  of  the 
United  States  by  the  direct  vote  of  the  peo- 
ple.” 

The  votes  cast  at  the  popular  election,  No- 
vember 3,  numbered  7,637,676  for  the  Repub- 
lican nominees;  6,393,182  for  the  Democratic; 
420,464  for  the  Socialist;  231,252  for  the  Pro- 
hibitionist; 83,183  for  the  Independence  ; 33,871 
for  the  Populist  ; 15,421  for  the  Socialist  Labor. 
The  total  of  votes  polled,  including  a few 
thousands  to  other  than  party  nominees,  was 
reported  to  be  14,863,711. 

The  States  which  gave  Republican  majorities 
were  California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Idaho, 
Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massa- 
chusetts, Michigan,  Minnesota,  Montana,  Ne- 
vada, New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
North  Dakota,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  South  Dakota,  Utah,  Vermont, 
Washington,  West  Virginia,  Wisconsin,  Wy- 
oming, — 29. 

The  States  which  gave  Democratic  majorities 
were  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Florida, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Mis- 
souri, Nebraska,  North  Carolina,  Oklahoma, 
South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  — 
16. 

Maryland,  where  the  electors  are  chosen  by 
the  Legislature,  divided  its  vote,  giving  6 to 
the  Democratic  nominees  and  2 to  the  Republi- 
can. 

The  total  vote  in  the  Electoral  College  was 
326  for  Taft  and  Sherman  and  157  for  Bryan 
and  Kern. 

A.  D.  1908  (May). — The  Emergency  Cur- 
rency Act.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and 
Trade  ; United  States  : A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (July).  — Remission  to  China 
of  Part  of  Boxer  Indemnity.  See  China: 
A.  D.  1901-1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Oct.).  — Reply  of  Secretary 
Root  to  the  announcement  from  Belgium  of 
the  Annexation  of  the  Congo  State.  — Rec- 
ognition of  the  Annexation  reserved.  See 
Congo  State  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Supreme  Court  Deci- 
sion in  Case  of  Virginia  Railroads  vs.  the 
State  Corporation  Commission  of  Virginia. 
See  Railways  . United  States  : A.  D.  1908 
<Nov.). 

A.  D.  1908  (Nov.).  — Exchange  of  Notes 
with  Japan  embodying  a Declaration  of 
Common  Policy  in  the  East.  See  Japan: 
A.  D.  1908  (Nov.). 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.).  — Extension  of  the 
Competitive  System  of  Appointment  to 
Fourth  Class  Postmasters  in  a large  section 


of  the  Country.  See  (iu  this  vol.)  Civil  Ser- 
vice Reform  • United  States:  A.  D.  1908. 

A.  D.  1908  (Dec.). — Relief  for  the  Surviv- 
ors of  the  Earthquake  at  and  around  Mes- 
sina. See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes  : Italy. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Diminished  Consump- 
tion of  Whiskey  and  Beer.  See  Alcohol 
Problem  : United  States. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — The  Government  giv- 
ing attention  to  Liberian  Affairs.  See  Li- 
beria : A.  D.  1907-1909. 

A.  D.  1908-1909  (Aug.-Feb.). — The  Coun- 
try Life  Commission,  and  its  Report.  — On 
the  10th  of  August,  1908,  President  Roosevelt 
addressed  a letter  to  five  gentlemen  whom  he 
asked  to  serve  upon  a Commission  on  Country 
Life.  The  five  thus  addressed  were  Professor 
L.  H.  Bailey,  New  York  State  College  of  Agri- 
culture, Ithaca  (named  as  Chairman  of  the 
Commission)  ; Mr.  Henry  Wallace,  of  Wallace’s 
Farmer,  Des  Moines,  Iowa  ; President  Kenyon 
L.  Butterfield,  Massachusetts  Agricultural  Col- 
lege, Amherst;  Mr.  Gilford  Pinchot,  of  the 
United  States  Forest  Service  ; Mr.  Walter  H. 
Page,  of  The  World's  Work,  New  York.  Subse- 
quently, Mr.  Charles  S.  Barrett,  of  Georgia, 
and  Mr.  William  A.  Beard,  of  California,  wrere 
added  to  the  Commission. 

In  his  letter  to  the  original  appointees  the 
President  wrote  : “I  doubt  if  any  other  nation 
can  bear  comparison  with  our  own  in  the  amount 
of  attention  given  by  the  Government,  both 
Federal  and  State,  to  agricultural  matters.  But 
practically  the  whole  of  this  effort  has  hitherto 
been  directed  toward  increasing  the  production 
of  crops.  Our  attention  has  been  concentrated 
almost  exclusively  on  getting  better  farming. 
In  the  beginning  this  was  unquestionably  the 
right  thing  to  do.  The  farmer  must  first  of  all 
grow  good  crops  in  order  to  support  himself 
and  his  family.  But  when  this  has  been  secured 
the  effort  for  better  farming  should  cease  to 
stand  alone,  and  should  be  accompanied  by  the 
effort  for  better  business  and  better  living  on 
the  farm.  It  is  at  least  as  important  that  the 
farmer  should  get  the  largest  possible  return  in 
money,  comfort,  and  social  advantages  from 
the  crops  he  grows  as  that  he  should  get  the 
largest  possible  return  in  crops  from  the  land 
he  farms.  Agriculture  is  not  the  whole  of 
country  life.  The  great  rural  interests  are  hu- 
man interests,  and  good  crops  are  of  little  value 
to  the  farmer  unless  they  open  the  door  to  a 
good  kind  of  life  on  the  farm The  farm- 

ers have  hitherto  had  less  than  their  full  share 
of  public  attention  along  the  lines  of  business 
and  social  life.  There  is  too  much  belief  among 
all  our  people  that  the  prizes  of  life  lie  away 
from  the  farm.” 

The  Commission  entered  promptly  on  its  task, 
of  obtaining  vride  and  exact  information  as  to 
the  existing  conditions  of  farm  life  and  work  in 
the  country,  as  to  homes  and  schools;  means  of 
communication  and  intercourse,  by  postal  ser- 
vice, telephone,  highway,  electric  railway  and 
other  railways;  neighborhood  organizations  to 
promote  mutual  advantages  in  buying  and  sell- 
ing ; profitable  sale  of  products  ; supply  of  la- 
bor; facilities  for  business  in  banking,  credit, 
insurance  ; sanitary  conditions  ; social  entertain- 
ment ; meetings  for  mutual  improvement,  etc  , 
etc.  This  was  sought,  in  the  first  instance,  by 
a circular  of  questions,  about  550,000  copies  of 


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UNITED  STATES,  1908-1909 


which  were  sent  to  names  supplied  by  the 
United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  state 
experiment  stations,  farmers’  societies,  women’s 
clubs,  to  rural  free  deliverymen,  country  phy- 
sicians and  ministers,  and  others.  To  these  in- 
quiries about  115,000  persons  have  replied  be- 
fore the  report  of  the  Commission  was  made, 
“mostly  with  much  care  and  with  every  evi- 
dence of  good  faith.’’ 

In  addition  to  the  replies  given  to  the  circular 
questions,  a great  number  of  persons  sent  care- 
fully written  letters  and  statements  that  were 
invaluable.  At  thirty  places,  in  all  sections  of 
the  country,  the  Commission,  or  part  of  it,  held 
appointed  hearings  in  November  and  December, 
and  obtained  much  light  from  those.  Its  report 
of  the  conclusions  to  which  it  had  been  led  was 
presented  to  the  President  on  the  23d  of  Janu- 
ary, 1909,  aud  transmitted  by  him  to  Congress 
on  February  9th. 

The  Commission  found  an  unquestionable 
lack  in  the  country  of  a well  organized  rural 
society,  and  came  to  clear  conclusions  concern- 
ing the  many  causes  therefor,  which  are  fully 
discussed  in  its  report.  The  leading  specific 
causes  are  summarized  with  brevity  at  the  out- 
set, as  follows . 

“A  lack  of  knowledge  on  the  part  of  farmers 
of  the  exact  agricultural  conditions  and  possi- 
bilities of  their  regions ; 

“ Lack  of  good  training  for  country  life  in  the 
schools ; 

“The  disadvantage  or  handicap  of  the  farmer 
as  against  the  established  business  systems  and 
interests,  preventing  him  from  securing  ade- 
quate returns  for  his  products,  depriving  him  of 
the  benefits  that  would  result  from  unmonopo- 
lized rivers  and  the  conservation  of  forests,  and 
depriving  the  community,  in  many  cases,  of  the 
good  that  would  come  from  the  use  of  great 
tracts  of  agricultural  land  that  are  now  held  for 
speculative  purposes  ; 

“ Lack  of  good  highway  facilities  ; 

“The  widespread  continuing  depletion  of 
soils,  with  the  injurious  effect  on  rural  life ; 

“A  general  need  of  new  and  active  leader- 
ship. 

“Other  causes  contributing  to  the  general  re- 
sult are  : Lack  of  any  adequate  system  of  agri- 
cultural credit,  whereby  the  farmer  may  readily 
secure  loans  on  fair  terms  ; the  shortage  of  labor, 
a condition  that  is  often  complicated  by  intem- 
perance among  workmen  ; lack  of  institutions 
and  incentives  that  tie  the  laboring  man  to  the 
soil ; the  burdens  and  the  narrow  life  of  farm 
women  ; lack  of  adequate  supervision  of  public 
health.” 

To  this  summary  of  main  deficiencies  the 
Commission  adds  the  following,  of  chief  rem- 
edies : 

“ Congress  can  remove  some  of  the  handicaps 
of  the  farmer,  and  it  can  also  set  some  kinds  of 
work  in  motion,  such  as: 

“ The  encouragement  of  a system  of  thorough- 
going surveys  of  all  agricultural  regions,  in 
order  to  take  stock  and  collect  local  fact,  with 
the  idea  of  providing  a basis  on  which  to 
develop  a scientifically  and  economically  sound 
country  life  ; 

“ The  encouragement  of  a system  of  extension 
work  in  rural  communities,  through  all  the  land- 
grant  colleges,  to  the  people  at  their  homes  and 
on  their  farms ; 


“ A thorough  investigation  by  experts  of  the 
middleman  system  of  handling  farm  products, 
coupled  with  a general  inquiry  into  the  farmer’s 
disadvantages  in  respect  to  taxation,  transporta- 
tion rates,  cooperative  organizations  and  credit, 
and  the  general  business  system  ; 

“An  inquiry  into  the  control  and  use  of  the 
streams  of  the  United  States,  with  the  object  of 
protecting  the  people  in  their  ownership  and 
of  saving  to  agricultural  uses  such  benefits  as 
should  be  reserved  for  these  purposes ; 

“The  establishing  of  a highway  engineering 
service,  or  equivalent  organization,  to  be  at  the 
call  of  the  States  in  working  out  effective  and 
economical  highway  systems; 

“ The  establishing  of  a system  of  parcel  posts 
and  postal  savings  banks  ; 

“Providing  some  means  or  agency  for  the 
guidance  of  public  opinion  toward  the  devel- 
opment of  a real  rural  society  that  shall  rest 
directly  on  the  land.  . . . 

“Remedies  of  a more  general  nature  are:  A 
broad  campaign  of  publicity,  that  must  be  un- 
dertaken until  all  the  people  are  informed  on  the 
whole  subject  of  rural  life,  and  until  there  is  an 
awakened  appreciation  of  the  necessity  of  giv- 
ing this  phase  of  our  national  development  as 
much  attention  as  has  been  given  to  other 
phases  or  interests;  a quickened  sense  of  respon- 
sibility in  all  country  people,  to  the  community 
and  to  the  State,  in  the  conserving  of  soil  fertil- 
ity, and  in  the  necessity  for  diversifying  farm- 
ing in  order  to  conserve  this  fertility  and  to 
develop  a better  rural  society,  and  also  in  the 
better  safe-guarding  of  the  strength  and  happi- 
ness of  the  farm  women  ; a more  widespread 
conviction  of  the  necessity  for  organization,  not 
only  for  economic  but  for  social  purposes,  this 
organization  to  be  more  or  less  cooperative,  so 
that  all  the  people  may  share  equally  in  the 
benefits  and  have  voice  in  the  essential  affairs 
of  the  community ; a realization  on  the  part  of 
the  farmer  that  he  has  a distinct  natural  respon- 
sibility toward  the  laborer  in  providing  him 
with  good  living  facilities  and  in  helping  him  in 
every  way  to  be  a man  among  men  ; and  a real- 
ization on  the  part  of  all  the  people  of  the  obli- 
gation to  protect  and  develop  the  natural 
scenery  and  attractiveness  of  the  open  country. 

“Certain  remedies  lie  with  voluntary  organi- 
zations and  institutions.  All  organized  forces, 
both  in  town  and  country,  should  understand 
that  there  are  country  phases  as  well  as  city 
phases  of  our  civilization,  and  that  one  phase 
needs  help  as  much  as  the  other.” 

In  his  Message  communicating  the  reports  of 
the  Commission  to  Congress  the  President  fo- 
cussed attention  on  four  “ great  general  and  im- 
mediate needs  of  country  life  ” which  stand  out 
of  the  exhibit  before  all  others: 

“First,  effective  cooperation  among  farmers, 
to  put  them  on  a level  with  the  organized  inter- 
ests with  which  they  do  business. 

“ Second,  a new  kind  of  schools  in  the  country, 
which  shall  teach  the  children  as  much  outdoors 
as  indoors  and  perhaps  more,  so  that  they  will 
prepare  for  country  life,  and  not  as  at  present, 
mainly  for  life  in  town. 

“Third,  better  means  of  communication,  in- 
cluding good  roads  and  a parcels  post,  which 
the  country  people  are  everywhere,  and  rightly, 
unanimous  in  demanding. 

“To  these  may  well  be  added  better  sanita- 


679 


UNITED  STATES,  1908-1909 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


tion:  for  easily  preventable  diseases  hold  several 
million  country  people  in  the  slavery  of  contin- 
uous ill  health. 

“The  commission  points  out,  and  I concur  in 
the  conclusion,  that  the  most  important  help 
that  the  Government,  whether  National  or  State, 
can  give  is  to  show  the  people  how  to  go  about 
these  tasks  of  organization,  education,  and  com- 
munication with  the  best  and  quickest  results. 
This  can  be  done  by  the  collection  and  spread 
of  information.” 

A.  D.  1908-1909. — Spasmodic  Process  of 
Recovery  from  the  Financial  Crisis  of  1907. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade  : A.  D. 
1901-1909. 

A.  D.  1908-1909.  — Second  Conference  of 
State  Governors  and  Report  of  National  Con- 
servation Commission.  — - Its  Inventory  of 
Natural  Resources.  See  Conservation  of 
Natural  Resources:  United  States. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Existing  Treaties  with 
China  and  existing  Enactments  relative  to 
the  Admission  of  Chinamen  to  the  United 
States.  — The  Question  of  their  Consistency 
with  each  other.- — Chinese  Complaints. — 
The  present  Status  of  the  Question.  See 
Race  Problems:  United  States. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Census  Bill  and  the 
President’s  Veto.  — The  Amended  Bill, 
which  became  Law.  See  Civil  Service  Re- 
form: United  States. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Protest  against  the  Russo- 
Chinese  Agreement  of  May,  relative  to  Mu- 
nicipalities on  the  line  of  the  Chinese  East- 
ern Railway.  See  China:  A.  D.  1909  (May). 

A.  D.  1909.  — Trouble  with  Nicaragua.  See 
Central  America  : A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Jan.).  — The  Waterways 
Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  concerning 
Waters  between  the  United  States  and 
Canada.  See  Canada:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Anti-Opium  Act.  See 
Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Initiative  in  securing 
International  Opium  Commission  at  Shang- 
hai. See  Opium  Problem. 

A.  D.  1909  (Feb.).  — Invitation  of  Canada 
and  Mexicoto  aConference  on  the  Conserva- 
tion of  Natural  Resources.  See  Conservation 
of  Natural  Resources  : North  America. 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — The  Inauguration 
of  President  Taft.  — Intimations  of  Policy 
in  his  Inaugural  Address.  - — His  Cabinet. — 
The  ceremonies  of  the  inauguration  of  President 
Taft  on  the  4th  of  March  were  performed  under 
singularly  unfavorable  circumstances,  in  conse- 
quence of  one  of  the  most  dreadful  storms  that 
ever  visited  the  Capital.  Trains  blocked  by  it 
contained  thousands  of  people  who  reached 
Washington  too  late  for  what  they  had  trav- 
elled far  to  witness  or  to  take  part  in,  while 
those  who  did  arrive  on  the  scene  were  hardly 
gladdened  by  their  success.  The  President,  how- 
ever, accepted  the  untoward  conditions  with  a 
characteristic  high-hearted  equanimity.  His 
inaugural  address,  delivered  in  the  Senate 
Chamber,  instead  of  in  the  open  air  at  the  East 
front  of  the  Capitol,  opened  with  the  following 
words : 

“Any  one  who  takes  the  oath  I have  just 
taken  must  feel  a heavy  weight  of  responsibility. 
If  not,  he  has  no  conception  of  the  powers  and 
duties  of  the  office  upon  which  he  is  about  to 


enter,  or  he  is  lacking  in  a proper  sense  of  the 
obligation  which  the  oath  imposes. 

“The  office  of  an  inaugural  address  is  to  give 
a summary  outline  of  the  main  policies  of  the 
new  Administration,  so  far  as  they  can  be  anti- 
cipated. I have  had  the  honor  to  be  one  of  the 
advisers  of  my  distinguished  predecessor,  and  as 
such,  to  hold  up  his  hands  in  the  reforms  he  has 
initiated.  I should  be  untrue  to  myself,  to  my 
promises,  and  to  the  declarations  of  the  party 
platform  upon  which  I was  elected  to  office,  if 
I did  not  make  the  maintenance  and  enforcement 
of  those  reforms  a most  important  feature  of 
my  administration.  They  were  directed  to  the 
suppression  of  the  lawlessness  and  abuses  of 
power  of  the  great  combinations  of  capital  in- 
vested in  railroads  and  in  industrial  enterprises 
carrying  on  interstate  commerce.  The  steps 
which  my  predecessor  took  and  the  legislation 
passed  on  his  recommendation  have  accom- 
plished much,  have  caused  a general  halt  in  the 
vicious  policies  which  created  popular  alarm, 
and  have  brought  about,  in  the  business  af- 
fected, a much  higher  regard  for  existing  law. 
To  render  the  reforms  lasting,  however,  and  to 
secure  at  the  same  time  freedom  from  alarm  on 
the  part  of  those  pursuing  proper  and  progres- 
sive business  methods,  further  legislative  and 
executive  action  are  needed.” 

From  this  general  intimation  of  the  course  to 
which  his  mind  was  turned,  the  incoming  Pre- 
sident went  on  to  a more  specific  unfolding  of 
his  views  on  many  subjects  of  governmental 
care.  The  following  is  a summary  of  the  sug- 
gestions of  future  policy  conveyed  in  the  Ad- 
dress : 

Reorganization  of  the  Department  of  Justice 
and  the  Bureau  of  Corporations  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor  and  of  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission. 

Tariff  revision  in  accord  with  the  promises 
made  in  the  national  platform  adopted  at  Chi- 
cago. 

A continuation  of  scientific  experiments  in 
the  Department  of  Agriculture  for  the  improve- 
ment of  agricultural  conditions. 

The  enactment  and  carrying  out  of  laws  for 
the  conservation  of  the  resources  of  the  country. 

Maintenance  of  the  army  and  navy  in  such  a 
state  of  preparation  as  will  insure  a continuance 
of  peace  with  other  countries. 

A continuation  of  that  treatment  of  aliens 
which  will  insure  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States  respect  and  fair  treatment  among  the 
peoples  of  other  countries. 

The  enactment  of  legislation  which  will  em- 
power the  Federal  government  to  enforce  treaty 
promises  made  to  other  countries  within  every 
State. 

Such  changes  in  the  monetary  and  banking 
laws  as  will  insure  a greater  elasticity  of  the 
currency. 

The  enactment  of  a law  providing  for  postal 
savings  banks. 

The  encouragement  of  American  shipping 
through  the  use  of  mail  subsidies. 

A continuation  of  work  on  the  Panama  canal 
along  the  plans  which  have  been  adopted  for  a 
lock  type  with  such  energy  as  will  insure  the 
earliest  possible  completion  of  the  work. 

The  continuation  of  a colonial  policy  which 
will  still  further  increase  the  business  prosper- 
ity of  our  dependencies. 


680 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


The  betterment  of  the  condition  of  the  negro 
in  the  South  through  observance  of  principles 
laid  down  in  the  Fifteenth  Amendment. 

The  promotion  of  legislation  for  the  protec- 
tion of  labor  and  the  betterment  of  labor  condi- 
tions. 

On  the  day  following  his  inauguration  the 
President  named  his  chosen  Cabinet  to  the  Sen- 
ate, and  the  nominations  were  duly  confirmed, 
as  follows  . 

Philander  C.  Knox  of  Pennsylvania,  to  be 
Secretary  of  State. 

Franklin  MacVeagh  of  Illinois,  to  be  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury. 

Jacob  M.  Dickinson  of  Tennessee,  to  be 
Secretary  of  W ar. 

George  W.  Wickersham  of  New  York,  to  be 
Attorney-General. 

Frank  II.  Hitchcock  of  Massachusetts,  to  be 
Postmaster-General. 

George  von  L.  Meyer  of  Massachusetts,  to  be 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Richard  A.  Ballinger  of  Washington,  to  be 
Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

James  Wilson  of  Iowa,  to  be  Secretary  of 
Agriculture. 

Charles  Nagel  of  Missouri,  to  be  Secretary  of 
Commerce  and  Labor. 

A few  days  after  the  appointment  of  the 
Cabinet,  Mr.  Dickinson,  the  new  Secretary  of 
War,  in  a speech  at  Chicago,  explained  why 
President  Taft  had  chosen  him,  a Democrat,  for 
a place  in  a Republican  Cabinet,  and  why  he 
had  accepted  it.  He  said  that  Mr.  Taft,  as 
President  of  the  whole  country,  desired  to  have 
a representative  of  the  South  among  his  coun- 
sellors. To  have  chosen  a Southern  Republican 
would  have  been  to  perpetuate  the  bitter  sec- 
tionalism which  it  was  Mr.  Taft's  desire  to  ob- 
literate. He  had  therefore  chosen  a Democrat 
who  had  voted  against  him.  Mr.  Dickinson 
continued : — 

“ That  his  purpose  was  broad,  magnanimous, 
and  patriotic  none  can  question.  The  wisdom 
both  of  his  purpose  and  his  selection  must  be 
tried  by  time,  but  I have  every  assurance  that 
his  action  in  appointing  me,  and  my  action  in 
accepting,  are  approved  by  the  South,  and,  hav- 
ing this  approval,  I can  bear  with  equanimity 
any  criticism  from  individual  Democrats  else- 
where.” 

A.  D.  1909  (March).  — Passage  of  new 
Copyright  Act.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Copyright. 

A.  D.  1909  (March-Aug.).  — Tariff  Revi- 
sion.— The  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff-Act.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Tariffs:  United  States. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Creation  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Public  Expenditures. — An 
important  incident  of  the  Special  Session  of 
Congress  which  was  called  by  President  Taft 
immediately  after  his  inauguration,  was  the 
creation  by  the  Senate  of  a new  Standing  Com- 
mittee, on  Public  Expenditures,  the  function  of 
which  was  indicated  in  the  following  resolution 
of  the  Senate,  adopted  May  29  : 

“ Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Public  Ex- 
penditures be,  and  they  are  hereby,  authorized 
and  directed,  by  subcommittee  or  otherwise,  to 
make  investigations  as  to  the  amount  of  the  an- 
nual revenues  of  the  Government,  and  as  to  the 
expenditures  and  business  methods  of  the  sev- 
eral departments,  divisions,  and  branches  of 
the  Government,  and  to  report  to  the  Senate 


from  time  to  time  the  result  of  such  investiga- 
tions and  their  recommendations  as  to  the  rela- 
tion between  expenditures  and  revenues  and 
possible  improvements  in  Government  meth- 
ods; and  for  this  purpose  they  are  authorized 
to  sit,  by  subcommittees  or  otherwise,  during 
the  recesses  or  sessions  of  the  Senate,  at  such 
times  and  places  as,  they  may  deem  advisable, 
to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  to  administer 
oaths,  and  to  employ  such  stenographic,  cleri- 
cal, expert,  and  other  assistance  as  may  be 
necessary,  and  to  have  such  printing  and  bind- 
ing done  as  may  be  necessary,  the  expense  of 
such  investigations  to  be  paid  from  the  cohtin- 
gent  fund  of  the  Senate.” 

Seven  members  of  the  Committee  are  the 
chairmen  of  the  seven  committees  in  the  Senate 
to  some  one  of  which  every  bill  providing  for 
revenue  or  carrying  an  appropriation  is  sub 
mitted.  “Thus,”  as  has  been  remarked,  “is 
provided  a medium  for  better  co-ordination  and 
co-operation  between  what  may  be  termed  the 
revenue  and  appropriation  committees.  The 
powers  of  existing  committees  are  not  affected, 
but  an  avenue  is  provided  for  concentration  and 
distribution  of  information  — a committee  fo- 
rum for  the  discussion  and  recommendation  of 
fundamentals  affecting  the  Government.” 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Establishment  in 
the  Government  of  a General  Supply  Com- 
mittee. — On  the  13th  of  May  the  President 
issued  an  Executive  Order  establishing  an  Ad- 
ministrative General  Supply  Committee,  which 
is  to  purchase  all  supplies  for  Government  use, 
paying  one  price  instead  of  several  prices  for 
the  same  supplies. 

A.  D.  1909  (May).  — Second  National 
Peace  Congress.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War, 
The  Revolt  against:  A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (July).  — Proposed  Constitu- 
tional Amendment  authorizing  the  Levy- 
ing of  an  Income  Tax. — Without  a dissenting 
vote,  on  the  5th  of  July,  1909,  the  Senate 
adopted  a joint  resolution  providing  for  the 
submission  to  the  several  States  of  a proposed 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  as  follows  : 

“Article  XVI.  The  congress  shall  have  the 
power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  incomes,  from 
whatever  source  derived,  without  any  appor- 
tionment among  the  several  states  and  without 
regard  to  any  census  or  enumeration.” 

In  reporting  this  action,  a newspaper  corre- 
spondent of  considerable  sagacity  remarked 
that  the  ease  with  which  the  resolution  glided 
through  the  Senate,  and  would  with  certainty 
pass  the  House,  must  be  regarded  as  “an  indi- 
cation of  the  expectation  of  the  representatives 
of  capital  and  of  high  protection  that  twelve 
states  can  be  found  among  the  forty -six  in  the 
union  to  refuse  their  assent  to  the  amendment, 
in  which  event  it  will  fail.” 

The  endorsement  of  the  House  to  the  resolu- 
tion was  given  on  the  12th,  by  a vote  of  317  to 
14,  the  negative  votes  being  all  from  Repub- 
licans. An  attempt  to  have  the  resolution 
amended  so  that  the  constitutional  amendment 
would  be  submitted  to  state  conventions  for 
ratification  instead  of  to  legislatures  was  ruled 
out  of  order,  and  an  appeal  from  Speaker  Can- 
non’s ruling  was  voted  down,  185  to  143,  on  a 
strict  party  division. 

The  first  State  to  act  on  the  proposed  amend- 


681 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


ment  was  Alabama,  where  it  was  ratified  by  the 
Legislature  and  signed  by  the  Governor,  Au- 
gust 17. 

In  the  State  of  New  York,  on  the  5tli  of  Jan- 
uary, 1910,  Governor  Hughes  addressed  a spe- 
cial message  to  the  Legislature,  recommending 
that  the  amendment  in  its  proposed  form  should 
not  be  ratified.  He  said : “I  am  in  favor  of 
conferring  upon  the  Federal  government  the 
power  to  lay  and  collect  an  income  tax  without 
apportionment  among  the  States  according  to 
population.  I believe  that  this  power  should 
be  held  by  the  Federal  government  so  as  prop- 
erly to  equip  it  with  the  means  of  meeting 
national  exigencies. 

“ But  the  power  to  tax  incomes  should  not  be 
granted  in  such  terms  as  to  subject  to  Federal 
taxation  the  incomes  derived  from  bonds  issued 
by  the  State  itself,  or  those  issued  by  munici- 
pal governments  organized  under  the  State’s 
authority.  To  place  the  borrowing  capacity  of 
the  State  and  of  its  governmental  agencies  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Federal  taxing  power  would 
be  an  impairment  of  the  essential  rights  of  the 
State,  which,  as  its  officers,  we  are  bound  to 
defend.  . . . 

“ The  comprehensive  words,  * from  whatever 
source  derived,’  if  taken  in  their  natural  sense, 
would  include  not  only  incomes  from  ordinary 
real  or  personal  property,  but  also  incomes  de- 
rived from  State  and  municipal  securities.  It 
may  be  urged  that  the  amendment  would  be 
limited  by  construction.  But  there  can  be  no 
satisfactory  assurance  of  this.  The  words  in 
terms  are  all-inclusive.  . . . 

“ In  order  that  a market  may  be  provided  for 
State  bonds,  and  for  municipal  bonds,  and  that 
thus  means  may  be  afforded  for  State  and  local 
administration,  such  securities  from  time  to  time 
are  excepted  from  taxation.  In  this  way  lower 
rates  of  interest  are  paid  than  otherwise  would 
be  possible.  To  permit  such  securities  to  be 
the  subject  of  Federal  taxation  is  to  place  such 
limitations  upon  the  borrowing  power  of  the 
State  as  to  make  the  performance  of  the  func- 
tions of  local  government  a matter  of  Federal 
grace.” 

A.  D.  1909  (July).  — The  Question  of 
American  Participation  in  the  Hankau-Sze- 
chuan  Railway  Loan.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China  : A.  D.  1904-1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept.).  — Visit  of  a Commer- 
cial Commission  from  Japan.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). 

A.  D.  1909  (Sept. -Oct.). — Tour  of  President 
Taft.  — Meeting  with  President  Diaz  on 
Mexican  Soil.  — In  the  fall  of  1909  President 
Taft  made  an  extended  tour  of  the  country, 
from  New  England  to  the  Pacific  Coast  and 
southward  to  Mexico  and  the  Gulf,  speaking  to 
great  assemblies  at  many  points  on  all  the  im- 
portant questions,  political  and  economical, 
that  were  then  before  the  country.  I11  the 
course  of  the  tour  a meeting  between  President 
Diaz  of  Mexico  and  himself  was  arranged,  and 
took  place  on  the  16th  of  October,  first  at  El 
Paso,  on  the  Texas  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  then  at  Ciudad  Juarez,  on  the  Mexican  side, 
formal  visits  being  thus  exchanged.  Finally, 
in  the  evening,  President  Taft  was  entertained 
at  dinner  in  the  Mexican  city  by  President 
Diaz.  This  was  a second  time  that  a President 
of  the  United  States  had  left  the  soil  of  his  own 


country  while  in  office,  President  Roosevelt  hav- 
ing done  the  same  at  Panama  in  1906. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct. -Nov.). — Further  Dis- 
closures of  Corruption  in  the  Customs  Ser- 
vice. — The  shameful  disclosure  in  1907-8  of 
Sugar  Trust  frauds  on  the  Federal  Treasury 
(see  Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : United 
States:  A.  D.  1907-1909)  afforded  glimpses  of 
a state  of  corruption  in  the  Customs  Service 
of  the  Government,  at  the  port  of  New  York 
especially,  which  were  more  than  verified  with- 
in the  next  year  and  a half.  The  Collector  of 
Customs,  Mr.  William  Loeb,  Jr.,  who  took 
charge  of  the  New  York  office  in  the  spring  of 
1909,  exercised  a watchfulness  which  soon  put 
him  on  the  traces  of  fraud,  and  he  pursued  them 
with  an  energy  and  determination  that  cannot 
have  been  brought  into  action  before.  The  first 
case  brought  to  light  was  that  of  a cheese-im- 
porting firm,  the  members  of  which,  father  and 
son,  were  found  to  have  paid  bribes  to  weighers 
of  the  Custom  House  for  false  reports  of  the 
quantities  on  which  duties  were  paid.  Convic- 
tion was  obtained  by  means  of  evidence  from 
some  of  the  guilty  officials,  who  were  given  im- 
munity and  retained  in  service,  in  order  to  se- 
cure information  without  which,  it  was  said, 
the  well-covered  corruption  in  the  service  could 
not  be  successfully  probed.  In  his  annual  re- 
port, made  in  December,  1909,  Secretary  Mac- 
Veagh,  of  the  Treasury  Department,  had  this  to 
say  of  the  vigorous  reformatory  measures  thus 
undertaken  at  the  port  of  New  York,  and  of  the 
significance  of  the  consequent  revelations: 

“The  revelations  made  and  proven  were  so 
startling  and  impressive  that  opposition  was 
silenced ; and  in  this  silence  the  necessary, 
clear-cut  measures  could  be  carried  out  without 
meeting  serious  obstructions. 

“It  soon  developed  that  the  frauds  of  the 
American  Sugar  Refining  Company,  while,  per- 
haps, the  most  important  instances,  were  as  had 
been  apprehended,  symptoms  of  a diseased  con 
dition,  not  universal  by  any  means,  but  almost 
general.  And  difficult  as  it  always  is  to  suffi- 
ciently bring  to  light  the  facts  of  such  a condi- 
tion to  afford  a basis  for  rehabilitation,  this  has 
been  already  largely  accomplished.  Much  has 
been  discovered  to  afford  an  understanding  of 
the  situation,  with  the  result  of  numerous  seiz- 
ures, of  numerous  prosecutions  made  or  pro- 
jected, and  of  important  and  successful  be- 
ginnings of  a complete  rehabilitation.  While 
the  recovery  of  evaded  duties,  and  the  prosecu- 
tion of  individuals  have  been  of  large  signifi- 
cance, the  greatest  asset  to  the  government  of 
these  disgraceful  conditions  is  the  knowledge 
and  the  light  which  guarantee  in  time  a 
wholesome  reorganization. 

“The  study  of  the  causes  of  the  demoraliza- 
tion which  has  been  revealed  is  still  incomplete, 
but  the  main  causes  are  evident.  It  is  clear, 
for  instance,  that  the  influence  of  local  politics 
and  politicians  upon  the  customs  service  has 
been  most  deleterious,  and  has  promoted  that 
laxity  and  low  tone  which  prepare  and  furnish 
an  inviting  soil  for  dishonesty  and  fraud.  Unless 
the  customs  service  can  be  released  from  the 
payment  of  political  debts  and  exactions,  and 
from  meeting  the  supposed  exigencies  of  politi- 
cal organizations,  big  and  little,  it  will  be  im- 
possible to  have  an  honest  service  for  any  length 
of  time.  Any  considerable  share  of  the  present 


UNITED  STATES,  1909 


UTILITIES 


cost  of  this  demoralization  to  the  public  reve- 
nues, to  the  efficiency  of  the  service,  and  to 
public  and  private  morality  is  a tremendous 
amount  to  pay  in  mere  liquidation  of  the  small 
debts  of  political  leaders. 

“ It  is  also  clear  that  the  widespread  disposi- 
tion of  returning  American  travellers  to  evade 
the  payment  of  legal  duties  has  greatly  helped  to 
create  the  conditions  which  have  become  intol- 
erable. Those  Americans  who  travel  abroad 
belong  to  the  sections  of  the  people  which  most 
readily  create  public  sentiment,  and  are  most 
responsible  for  it;  and  the  fact  that  in  so  many 
instances  these  travellers  are  willing  to  defraud 
the  government  out  of  considerable  or  even  small 
sums  creates  an  atmosphere  on  the  docks  that 
strongly  tends  to  affect  the  morale  of  the  entire 
customs  service.  And  when  to  this  is  added 
the  frequent  willingness  upon  the  part  of  these 
responsible  citizens  to  specifically  corrupt  the 


UNITED  STATES  SENATORS:  Pro- 
posed Election  by  Direct  Popular  Vote.  — 

“On  December  3,  1895,  the  State  of  Idaho, 
taking  advantage  of  that  provision  of  article  5, 
which  permits  States  to  apply  to  Congress  for 
authority  to  hold  a constitutional  convention, 
passed  a resolution  requesting  Congress  to  call 
such  a convention.  Since  then  the  States  of 
Wyoming,  Ohio,  Minnesota,  Montana,  Utah, 
North  Carolina,  North  Dakota,  Nevada,  Wash- 
ington, Tennessee,  South  Dakota,  Colorado, 
Oregon,  Michigan,  Nebraska,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Missouri,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  New  Jersey,  Loui- 
siana, Oklahoma,  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Texas, 
California,  Arkansas,  Kentucky,  and  Alabama, 
have  taken  legislative  action  in  some  form  or 
other  expressing  either  a demand  similar  to  that 
of  the  State  of  Idaho,  or  a sympathy  with  the 
intent  of  the  Idaho  resolution.  These  thirty-one 
States  form  a constitutional  two-thirds  of  the 
forty-six  States  of  the  Union. 

“One  of  the  complications  which  have  arisen 
in  connection  with  these  resolutions  is  the  fact 
that  only  twenty-four  of  them  are  of  record  as 
having  been  actually  received  by  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States.  One  of  them,  that  of  the 
State  of  Ohio,  which  was  the  third  State  to  act, 
was  only  recently  discovered  to  be  in  the  Senate 
files.  It  is  possible  therefore,  that  since  the 
question  of  submitting  the  proposed  amendment 
has  become  a live  issue,  a further  search  of  the 
files  may  increase  the  number  of  State  reso- 
lutions on  this  subject  which  are  actually  on 
hand. 

“ A legal  quibble  is  bound  to  ensue  over  the 
form  of  some  of  these  resolutions.  Nine  of  the 
resolutions  now  on  file  in  the  Senate  are  already 
held  to  be  of  doubtful  legality,  but  the  ground 
on  which  they  are  held  doubtful  will  appeal  to 
most  people  as  a mere  splitting  of  legal  hairs. 
Nevertheless,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
at  least,  is,  as  a whole,  a notorious  legal  hair- 
splitter,  and  this  fact  must  be  taken  into  ac- 
count. 

“It  is,  of  course,  a matter  of  record,  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  has  four  times  sent  to 
the  Senate  a proposed  joint  resolution  calling 
for  the  direct  election  of  United  States  Senators.  ” 
— Washington  Cor.  of  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post, 
Oct.  13,  1909. 

UNITED  STATES  STEEL  CORPO- 
RATION: Its  conflict  with  the  Amalga- 


government's  men,  then  the  demoralization  is 
further  accentuated.” 

A.  D.  1909  (Nov.).  — Arbitration  of  the  Al- 
sop  Claim  against  Chile.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Chile:  A.  D.  1909. 

A.  D.  1909  (Dec.).  — Proposal  to  neutralize 
Manchurian  Railways.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
China:  A.  D.  1909-1910. 

A.  D.  1910  (Jan.).  — President’s  Message 
on  Legislation  relating  to  “Trusts”  and  In- 
terstate Commerce.  See  Combinations,  In- 
dustrial, &c. : United  States  : A.  D.  1910,  and 
Railways:  United  States:  A.  D.  1910. 

Movements  of  Reform  in  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment. See  Municipal  Government. 

Comparative  Statement  of  the  Consumption 
of  Alcoholic  Drink.  See  Alcohol  Problem. 

The  Interchange  of  People  between  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  See  Canada:  A. 
D.  1896-1909. 


mated  Association  of  Iron,  Steel  and  Tin 
Plate  Workers.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Or- 
ganization : United  States:  A.  D.  1901. 

The  Placing  of  its  Stock  among  its  Em- 
ployes. See  Labor  Remuneration  : Profit- 
sharing. 

UNIVERSITIES.  See  Education. 

URIBE-URIBE,  Rafael.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Colombia:  A.  D.  1898-1902. 

URUGUAY : A.  D.  1901-1906.  — Participa- 
tion in  Second  and  Third  International  Con- 
ferences of  American  Republics.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1904.  — Rebellion  and  prolonged 
Civil  War.  — On  the  8th  of  January,  1904,  the 
American  Minister  at  Montevideo  reported  by 
telegram  to  the  State  Department  at  Washing- 
ton “ that  another  crisis  is  at  hand  in  Uruguay  ; 
that  encounters  have  taken  place  between 
groups  of  ‘ Blanco,’  and  the  Government  forces, 
and  that  the  former,  who  were  neither  con- 
centrated nor  well  organized,  have  been  dis- 
persed. A number  were  killed  and  wounded. 
The  Government  is  making  an  aggressive 
campaign  and  demands  obedience  to  the  consti- 
tuted authority  as  a condition  before  peace 
negotiations  will  be  entered  into.” 

This  was  the  beginning  of  a state  of  civil  war 
that  was  prolonged  through  nine  months,  with 
infinite  harm  to  the  country. 

When  peace  came,  at  the  end  of  September, 
it  was  practically  bought  from  the  insurgents, 
the  terms  of  submission,  as  officially  announced, 
including  the  following  : “Sixth,  incorporation 
into  the  army  of  all  the  chiefs  and  officers  in- 
cluded in  the  amnesty  law.  Seventh.  A mixed 
committee  appointed  by  agreement  by  the  Gov- 
ernment and  insurgents  will  distribute  the  sum 
of  S100,000  between  the  chiefs,  officers,  and  sol- 
diers of  the  rebel  forces.” 

A.  D.  1910.  — Agreement  with  Argentina 
concerning  the  River  Plate.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Argentine  Republic:  A.  D.  1910. 

URUSSOFF,  Prince  : Speech  in  the  Duma. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1906. 

UR  YU,  Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1904  (Feb.-July). 

UTAH:  Law  limiting  Hours  of  Adult  La- 
bor in  Mines.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Or- 
ganization : United  States:  A.  D.  1902. 

UTILITIES,  Public.  See  Public  Utili- 
ties. 


VACUUM  OIL  COMPANY 


VENEZUELA,  1902-1904 


y. 


VACUUM  OIL  COMPANY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial,  &c.  : United 
States.  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

VALIAHD,  The : Heir  to  the  Persian 
throne.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Persia:  A.  D.  1905- 
1907. 

VANNOVSKY,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia  : A.  D.  1901-1904. 

VALPARAISO,  Destructive  Earthquake 
at.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Earthquakes:  Chile. 

VEHEMENTER  NOS,  The  Papal  Ency- 
clical. See  (in  this  vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D.  1906 
(Feb.). 

VENEZUELA:  A.  D.  1901. — Claims  and 
Complaints  of  Germany. — Memorandum  pre- 
sented to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. — Its  Reply.  — Interpretation  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine.  — - On  the  11th  of  December, 
1901,  the  German  Embassy  at  Washington  pre- 
sented to  the  State  Department  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  a memorandum  of 
the  claims  and  complaints  of  Germany  against 
the  Government  of  Venezuela.  The  principal 
claim  recited  was  that  of  the  Berlin  Company 
of  Discount,  “on  account  of  the  non-perform- 
ance of  engagements  which  the  Venezuelan 
Government  has  undertaken  in  connection  with 
the  great  Venezuelan  Railway  which  has  been 
built  by  the  said  Government.”  In  respect  to 
this  it  is  remarked  that  the  “behaviour  of  the 
Venezuelan  Government  could,  perhaps,  to  a 
certain  degree,  be  explained  and  be  excused  by 
the  bad  situation  of  the  finances  of  the  State ; 
but  our  further  reclamations  against  Venezuela, 
which  date  from  the  Venezuelan  civil  wars  of 
the  years  1898  until  1900,  have  taken  during 
these  last  months  a more  serious  character. 
Through  those  wars  many  German  merchants 
living  in  Venezuela  and  many  German  land- 
owners  have  been  seriously  damaged”;  and 
the  treatment  of  claims  for  these  damages  is 
characterized  as  ‘‘  a frivolous  attempt  to  avoid 
just  obligations.”  After  some  recital  of  cir- 
cumstances in  these  cases,  the  memorandum 
proceeds  to  announce  that  “ the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment believes  that  further  negotiations  with 
Venezuela  on  the  present  base  are  hopeless,” 
and  that  measures  of  coercion  are  contemplated. 
“ But  we  consider  it  of  importance  to  let  first  of 
all  the  Government  of  the  United  States  know 
about  our  purposes,  so  that  we  can  prove  that 
we  have  nothing  else  in  view  than  to  help  those 
of  our  citizens  who  have  suffered  damages.  . . . 
We  declare  especially  that  under  no  circum- 
stances do  we  consider  in  our  proceedings  the 
acquisition  or  the  permanent  occupation  of 
Venezuelan  territory.” 

In  reply,  the  Department  of  State  returned  a 
memorandum,  in  part  as  follows  : “ The  Presi- 
dent in  his  Message  of  the  3d  of  December, 
1901,  used  the  following  language:  ‘The  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  is  a declaration  that  there  must  be 
no  territorial  aggrandizement  by  any  non- 
American  Power  at  the  expense  of  any  Ameri- 
can Power  on  American  soil.  It  is  in  no  wise 
intended  as  hostile  to  any  nation  in  the  Old 
World.’  The  President  further  said:  ‘This 
doctrine  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  commercial 
relations  of  any  American  Power,  save  that  it 


in  truth  allows  each  of  them  to  form  such  as  it 
desires.  ...  We  do  not  guarantee  any  State 
against  punishment  if  it  misconducts  itself,  pro- 
vided that  punishment  does  not  take  the  form 
of  the  acquisition  of  territory  by  any  non- 
American  Power.  . . . The  President  of  the 
United  States,  appreciating  the  courtesy  of  the 
German  Government  in  making  him  acquainted 
with  the  state  of  affairs  referred  to,  and  not  re- 
garding himself  as  called  upon  to  enter  into  the 
consideration  of  the  claims  in  question,  believes 
that  no  measures  will  be  taken  in  this  matter 
by  the  agents  of  the  German  Government  which 
are  not  in  accordance  with  the  well-known  pur- 
pose, above  set  forth,  of  His  Majesty  the  Ger- 
man Emperor.”  — Papers  Relating  to  the  For- 
eign Relations  of  the  U.  S.  ( House  Doc’s , tilth 
Cong.  1st  Session,  v.  1),  pp.  192-195, 

A.  D.  1901. — Delegates  withdrawn  from 
Second  International  Conference  of  Ameri- 
can Republics.  See  (in  this  vol.)  American 
Republics. 

A.  D.  1902-1904. — Concerted  Action  by 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  Italy  to  enforce 
Claims.  — Blockade  of  Ports  and  seizure  of 
Warships.  — Intermediation  of  the  United 
States.  — Agreements  Secured.  — Reference 
to  the  Tribunal  at  The  Hague.  — The  rebel- 
lion and  revolution  in  Venezuela  which  gave 
control  of  the  government  to  General  Cipriano 
Castro,  in  1899,  and  the  speedy  outbreak  of  revolt 
against  his  self-assumed  administration,  are  told 
of  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work  (see,  also,  in  this 
vol.,  Colombia:  A.  D.  1898-1902).  The  first  in- 
surrection was  overcome  in  May,  1900 ; but  other 
risings,  concentrated  in  leadership  finally  under 
Manuel  A.  Matos,  followed  in  1901-2.  Partly 
growing  out  of  the  disturbances  in  the  country 
and  partly  due  to  the  arbitrary  and  wayward 
conduct  of  Castro  (who  obtained  election  to  the 
Presidency  in  1902,  for  six  years)  many  claims 
for  indemnity  and  debt  against  that  Govern- 
ment accumulated  and  citizens  of  many  coun- 
tries were  interested  in  them.  As  no  satisfac- 
tion could  be  obtained  from  President  Castro  by 
diplomatic  methods,  peremptory  proceedings 
against  Venezuela  were  concerted  in  1902  by 
Great  Britain,  Germany  and  Italy.  A block- 
ade of  Venezuelan  ports  and  seizure  of  war 
vessels  was  undertaken  by  the  three  Powers, 
with  results  which  are  narrated  as  follows  in  the 
Message  of  President  Roosevelt  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  on  its  meeting  in  Decem- 
ber, 1903: 

The  ‘ ‘ employment  of  force  for  the  collection 
of  these  claims  was  terminated  by  an  agreement 
brought  about  through  the  offices  of  the  diplo- 
matic representatives  of  the  United  States  at 
Caracas  and  the  Government  at  Washington, 
thereby  ending  a situation  which  was  bound  to 
cause  increasing  friction,  and  which  jeoparded 
the  peace  of  the  continent.  Under  this  agree- 
ment Venezuela  agreed  to  set  apart  a certain 
percentage  of  the  customs  receipts  of  two  of  her 
ports  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  whatever 
obligations  might  be  ascertained  by  mixed  com- 
missions appointed  for  that  purpose  to  be  due 
from  her,  not  only  to  the  three  powers  already 
mentioned,  whose  proceedings  against  her  had 


684 


VENEZUELA,  1903-1904 


VENEZUELA,  1904 


resulted  in  a state  of  war,  but  also  to  the  United 
States,  France,  Spain,  Belgium,  the  Netherlands, 
Sweden  and  Norway,  and  Mexico,  who  had  not 
employed  force  for  the  collection  of  the  claims 
alleged  to  be  due  to  certain  of  their  citizens. 

“A  demand  was  then  made  by  the  so-called 
blockading  powers  that  the  sums  ascertained  to 
be  due  to  their  citizens  by  such  mixed  commis- 
sions should  be  accorded  payment  in  full  before 
anything  was  paid  upon  the  claims  of  any  of 
the  so-called  peace  powers.  Venezuela,  on  the 
other  hand,  insisted  that  all  her  creditors  should 
be  paid  upon  a basis  of  exact  equality.  During 
the  efforts  to  adjust  this  dispute  it  was  sug- 
gested by  the  powers  in  interest  that  it  should 
be  referred  to  me  for  decision,  but  I was 
clearly  of  the  opinion  that  a far  wiser  course 
would  be  to  submit  the  question  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague.  It 
seemed  to  me  to  offer  an  admirable  opportunity 
to  advance  the  practice  of  the  peaceful  settle- 
ment of  disputes  between  nations  and  to  secure 
for  the  Hague  Tribunal  a memorable  increase 
of  its  practical  importance.  The  nations  inter- 
ested in  the  controversy  were  so  numerous  and 
in  many  instances  so  powerful  as  to  make  it  evi- 
dent that  beneficent  results  would  follow  from 
their  appearance  at  the  same  time  before  the 
bar  of  that  august  tribunal  of  peace. 

“ Our  hopes  in  that  regard  have  been  real- 
ized. Russia  and  Austria  are  represented  in 
the  persons  of  the  learned  and  distinguished 
jurists  who  compose  the  Tribunal,  while  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  France,  Spain,  Italy,  Bel- 
gium, the  Netherlands,  Sweden  and  Norway, 
Mexico,  the  United  States,  and  Venezuela  are 
represented  by  their  respective  agents  and  coun- 
sel. Such  an  imposing  concourse  of  nations 
presenting  their  arguments  to  and  invoking  the 
decision  of  that  high  court  of  international  jus- 
tice and  international  peace  can  hardly  fail  to 
secure  a like  submission  of  many  future  contro- 
versies. The  nations  now  appearing  there  will 
find  it  far  easier  to  appear  there  a second  time, 
while  no  nation  can  imagine  its  just  pride  will 
be  lessened  by  following  the  example  now  pre- 
sented. This  triumph  of  the  principle  of  interna- 
tional arbitration  is  a subject  of  warm  congratu- 
lation and  offers  a happy  augury  for  the  peace 
of  the  world.”  — Message  of  President  Roosevelt, 
Dec.  7,  1903. 

The  claims  of  the  Powers  against  Venezuela, 
presented  in  September,  summed  up  as  follows: 
France,  $16,040,000;  United  States,  $10,900,000; 
Italy,  $9,300,000;  Belgium,  $3,003,000;  Great 
Britain,  $2,500,000  ; Germany,  $1,417,300;  Hol- 
land, $1,048,451 ; Spain,  $600,000 ; Mexico, 
$500,000;  Sweden,  $200,000.  The  claim  of 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  Italy  to  a right  of 
priority  in  payment,  because  of  their  action 
which  compelled  the  Government  of  Venezuela 
to  arrange  a settlement,  was  submitted  to  the 
Tribunal  at  The  Hague  in  November.  The 
decision,  rendered  in  the  following  January, 
affirmed  the  right  of  the  three  Powers  which 
had  exercised  coercion  in  the  case  to  priority  in 
the  payment  of  their  claims,  and  it  imposed  on 
the  United  States  the  duty  of  overseeing  the 
fulfilment  of  the  agreements  which  Venezuela 
had  made.  In  this  last  particular  the  decision 
of  the  Tribunal  could  be  regarded  as  an  inter- 
national affirmation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and 
of  signal  importance  in  that  view. 


A.  D.  1902-1905.  — A short  Period  of 
Comparative  Tranquility.  — “After  the  block- 
ade instituted  in  December,  1902,  by  Germany, 
Great  Britain  and  Italy,  had  been  raised,  and 
protocols  had  been  signed  for  the  settlement  of 
all  duly  recognized  claims  of  foreign  nations 
against  Venezuela,  Venezuela  enjoyed  a short 
period  of  tranquility ; but,  by  the  beginning  of 
1905,  every  legation  in  Caracas  had  a list  of 
grievances  founded  on  alleged  unfair  awards 
of  arbitrators,  on  denials  of  justice  on  the  part 
of  the  Venezuelan  courts  and  on  the  diminution 
by  President  Castro  of  the  percentage  he  had 
agreed  to  pay  to  the  creditor  nations  from  the 
receipts  of  his  custom-houses.  Moreover,  Ger- 
many and  Great  Britain  began  to  show  signs  of 
restlessness,  because  President  Castro  had  not 
provided,  as  had  been  agreed  in  the  protocols, 
for  the  payment  of  interest  to  British  and  Ger- 
man bondholders.  The  situation  looked  even 
worse  than  before  the  blockade,  for  the  princi- 
pal nation  aggrieved  was  the  United  States,  and 
it  had  the  moral  support  of  all  other  nations 
represented  in  Caracas  by  legations. 

“The  main  issue  between  the  United  States 
and  Venezuela  was  the  asphalt  case.  In  July, 
1904,  President  Castro  had  demanded  ten  mil- 
lion dollars  from  the  American  Company, 
known  as  the  ‘New  York  and  Bermudez  As- 
phalt Company,’  and  had  threatened,  if  that 
amount  was  not  paid  immediately,  that  the 
whole  asphalt  lake  and  the  property  of  the  Com- 
pany would  be  seized.  He  based  his  demand 
on  the  alleged  support  given  by  the  Asphalt 
Company  to  the  Matos  revolution  of  1902;  but, 
as  he  did  not  demand  anything  from  the  count- 
less other  supporters  of  the  revolution,  it  was 
clear  that  his  demand  on  the  Asphalt  Company 
was  piratical.”  — H.  W.  Bowen,  Queer  Diplo- 
macy with  Castro  {North  American  Review, 
March  15,  1907). 

A.  D.  1904.  — Adoption  of  a new  Constitu- 
tion.— The  following  summary  of  the  provi- 
sions of  a new  Constitution,  adopted  in  Vene- 
zuela, on  the  27th  of  April,  1904,  was  communi- 
cated to  the  State  Department  at  Washington 
by  United  States  Minister  Bowen: 

It  reduces  the  number  of  States  to  thirteen  — 
Aragua,  Bermudez,  Bolivar,  Carabobo,  Falcon, 
Guarico,  Lara,  Merida,  Miranda,  Tachira,  Tru- 
jillo, Zamora,  and  Zulia  — and  provides  for  five 
Territories  — Amazonas,  Cristobal  Colon,  Colon, 
Delta- Amacuro,  and  Yururari  — and  the  Fed- 
eral District,  which  is  composed  of  the  Depart- 
ments Libertador,  Varagas,  Guaicaipuro,  and 
Sucre,  and  the  island  of  Margarita. 

The  States  enjoy  equality  and  autonomy,  hav- 
ing all  rights  not  delegated  to  the  central  Gov- 
ernment. The  Territories  are  administered  by 
the  President. 

The  Government  is  divided  into  three 
branches  — the  legislative,  the  executive,  and 
the  judicial. 

The  legislative  branch  is  called  the  Congress, 
and  is  composed  of  two  bodies  — the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Deputies.  One  deputy  will 
be  elected  by  every  40,000  inhabitants,  and  all 
deputies,  as  well  as  senators  (two  from  every 
State)  and  the  President,  will  serve  for  six 
years.  Deputies  must  be  21  years  of  age,  sena- 
tors 30,  and  the  President  over  30.  No  extraor- 
dinary powers  are  given  to  the  Congress,  ex- 
cept that  14  of  its  members  shall  be  chosen  by 


685 


VENEZUELA,  1904 


VENEZUELA,  1905-1906 


itself  to  elect  every  sixth  year  a President,  a 
first  and  a second  vice-president,  and  to  elect  a 
successor  to  the  second  vice-president. 

The  President,  besides  being  charged  with 
the  usual  executive  duties,  is  authorized  to  de- 
clare war,  arrest,  imprison,  or  expel  natives  or 
aliens  who  are  opposed  to  the  reestablishment 
of  peace,  to  issue  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, 
to  permit  aliens  to  enter  the  public  service,  to 
prohibit  the  immigration  into  the  Republic  of 
objectionable  religious  teachers,  and  to  establish 
rules  for  the  postal,  telegraph,  and  telephone 
services. 

The  judicial  power  is  vested  in  the  Corte 
Federal  y de  Casacion  (seven  judges  elected  by 
the  Congress)  and  the  lower  courts  (appointed 
by  the  State  governments). 

All  Venezuelans  over  21  years  of  age  may 
vote,  and  aliens  can  obtain  that  right  by  getting 
naturalized.  No  length  of  time  is  prescribed 
for  an  alien  to  live  in  the  Republic  before  he 
can  become  naturalized. 

Article  15  of  the  constitution  denies  the  right 
of  natives  or  aliens  to  present  claims  to  the  na- 
tion or  States  for  damages  caused  by  revolu- 
tionists. 

Article  17  abolishes  the  death  penalty. 

And  article  120  provides  that  all  of  Venezue- 
la’s international  treaties  shall  hereafter  con- 
tain the  clause,  “All  differences  between  the 
contracting  parties  shall  be  decided  by  arbitra- 
tion, without  going  to  war.” 

In  conclusion,  the  constitution  provides  that 
the  next  constitutional  terms  shall  begin  May 
23,  1905.  Up  to  that  date  General  Castro  will 
be  Provisional  President.  He  took  his  oath  of 
office  as  such  on  the  5th  instant,  and  on  the 
same  day  Juan  Vicente  Gomez  was  made  first 
vice-president  and  Jose  Antonio  Velutini  sec- 
ond vice-president. 

As  Provisional  President,  General  Castro  has 
been  authorized  to  name  the  presidents  of  the 
States,  to  organize  the  Federal  Territories,  to 
fix  the  estimates  for  the  public  expenses,  and, 
in  short,  to  exercise  the  fullest  powers. 

A.  D.  1905-1906.  — Troubles  with  the 
United  States  and  France.  — President  Cas- 
tro’s Vacation.  — Both  France  and  the  United 
States  had  troubles  which  became  acute  in  1905 
with  the  arrogant  President  of  Venezuela,  grow- 
ing out  of  his  high-handed  treatment  of  French 
and  American  business  interests  and  rights  in 
that  country.  In  the  case  of  the  United  States, 
the  most  serious  grievance,  as  stated  above,  was 
that  of  the  New  York  and  Bermudez  Company, 
which  had  a concession  dating  back  to  1883,  and 
a later  mining  title,  under  Venezuela  laws, 
to  the  asphalt  deposit  known  as  Bermudez 
Lake,  together  with  the  fee-simple  ownership 
of  land  surrounding  the  lake.  Ever  since  the 
advent  of  Castro,  the  company  had  been  har- 
assed by  litigious  proceedings,  behind  which  the 
Government  was  said  to  be  always  in  action. 
In  1905  these  were  carried  to  the  point  of  put- 
ting the  whole  property  into  the  hands  of  a 
receiver  or  “depositary,”  practically  transfer- 
ring its  capital  and  plant  to  its  rivals  in  busi- 
ness. A little  later,  a judicial  decision,  pro- 
nounced by  a Venezuela  court,  annulled  the 
company’s  concession.  The  main  ground  of  this 
confiscation  appears  to  have  been  the  charge 
that  the  company  had  contributed  funds  to  the 
support  of  the  Matos  revolt,  in  1901. 


The  same  accusation  was  brought  against  the 
French  Cable  Company,  whose  franchise  was 
annulled  and  its  property  confiscated  in  like 
manner.  In  both  cases,  the  matter  was  a proper 
one  for  arbitration,  and  this  Castro  refused, 
maintaining  the  finality  of  the  decision  of  the 
Venezuela  courts.  Neither  France  nor  the 
United  States  could  afford  to  permit  such  a pen- 
alty of  confiscation  to  be  imposed  on  its  citizens 
without  a searching  investigation  of  the  justice 
of  the  act.  Under  instructions  from  Secretary 
Hay,  the  American  Minister  to  Venezuela  in- 
formed the  Government  of  that  country  that  if 
it  refused  to  arbitrate  the  questions  involved  in 
this  and  other  American  claims,  “the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  may  be  regretfully 
compelled  to  take  such  measures  as  it  may  find 
necessary  to  effect  complete  redress  without  re- 
sort to  arbitration  ” ; and  France,  about  the 
same  time,  made  a significant  movement  of  ar- 
mored cruisers  to  the  French  Antilles.  Not 
contented  with  the  strain  thus  brought  on  the 
relations  of  his  Government  with  those  of  two 
considerable  Powers  in  the  world,  the  Venezue- 
lan President  soon — in  January,  1906 — gave 
a fresh  and  quite  wanton  provocation  to  France. 
The  French  Charge  d’ Affaires  in  Venezuela  had 
gone  on  board  a French  steamer  without  official 
permit,  and  was  refused  permission  to  return  to 
shore,  on  the  pretence  that  he  might  bring  yel- 
low fever  infection.  France  at  once  dismissed 
the  Venezuelan  Charge  from  Paris,  and  added  a 
demand  for  apologies  to  her  other  claims. 

Having  brought  his  country  into  this  inter- 
esting situation,  the  eccentric  Castro,  of  incal- 
culable mind  and  temper,  found  the  occasion 
opportune  for  a vacation,  and  announced  it, 
April  9,  1906,  in  a proclamation  which  opened 
as  follows  : “Fatigue,  produced  by  constant  la- 
bor, and  which  1 have  been  endeavoring  to 
overcome  for  some  time  past,  makes  it  impera- 
tive for  me  now,  in  order  to  restore  my  broken 
health,  to  retire  from  the  exercise  of  the  office 
of  prime  magistrate. 

“ In  accordance  with  a provision  of  the  con- 
stitution I have  called  to  power  Gen.  Juan  Vin- 
cente Gomez,  a very  meritorious  citizen  of  well- 
known  civic  virtues,  who  in  my  absence  will 
fulfill  strictly  the  duties  of  his  office.  You  all 
know  him,  and  you  know  perfectly  well  that  in 
view  of  his  character  you  must  support  him 
without  any  hesitation  whatever,  in  order  that 
the  administration  may  continue,  as  it  has  up 
to  now,  under  the  surest  bases  of  stability,  or- 
der, and  progress,  thus  making  the  action  of 
the  executive  the  most  expeditious  possible. 

“On  retiring  from  power  I wish  you  to  take 
into  consideration  my  effort  and  my  sacrifices 
for  the  country’s  cause,  which  has  been,  and  still 
is,  the  cause  of  the  people,  of  reason,  justice, 
and  right,  so  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that 
he  who  has  thus  labored  has  a right  to  even  a 
slight  rest,  and  this  cannot  be  taken  except  in 
retirement  and  solitude. 

“On  the  other  hand,  our  present  international 
situation,  completely  defined  and  clear,  gives  us 
reason  to  hope  that  everything  will  continue 
harmoniously  and  on  a basis  of  mutual  respect 
and  consideration.” 

The  next  morning  he  left  quietly  for  Los 
Teques,  where  he  has  a private  estate ; his  late 
cabinet  resigned,  and  a new  Ministry  was  formed 
by  the  acting  President,  Gomez.  Six  weeks 


686 


VENEZUELA,  1905-190(5 


VENEZUELA,  1907-1909 


later,  on  the  23d  of  May,  the  President-on-vaca- 
tion, from  his  retirement,  issued  a second  pro- 
clamation, announcing  his  wish  to  withdraw 
permanently  from  public  life,  and  his  intention 
to  resign  the  presidency  at  the  next  session  of 
Congress.  But  differences  appear  to  have  arisen 
soon  after  this  between  the  retired  President  and 
his  substitute,  General  Gomez,  over  cabinet  ap- 
pointments, and  presently  there  was  a delegation 
sent  to  request  the  former  to  abandon  his  in- 
tended resignation.  The  delegation  succeeded 
in  its  mission,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  the  now 
rested  and  refreshed  Chief  Magistrate  returned 
to  Caracas  and  reburdened  himself  with  the  cares 
of  state. 

A.  D.  1905-1909.  — Trouble  given  to  Co- 
lombia over  the  Navigation  of  Rivers  flow- 
ing through  both  countries.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Colombia  : A.  D.  1905-1909. 

A.  D.  1906. — No  participation  in  Third 
International  Conference  of  American  Re- 
publics. See  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1907-1909.  — President  Castro’s  ob- 
stinate Provocations  to  France  and  the 
United  States. — His  Quarrel  with  Holland. 
— His  unwary  venture  Abroad.  — The  Tri- 
umph of  his  Enemies  in  Venezuela.  — The 
Foreign  Governments  he  Quarrelled  with 
take  part  in  Preventing  his  Return. — Presi- 
dent Castro,  practically  Dictator  iu  Venezuela, 
continued  obstinate  in  his  provocative  attitude 
towards  both  France  and  the  United  States,  and 
added  Holland  at  length  to  the  list  of  exasper- 
ated nations  which  were  questioning  and  study- 
ing how  to  deal  with  insolence  from  so  petty  a 
source.  His  courts,  after  confiscating  the  fran- 
chises and  seizing  the  property  of  the  French 
Cable  Company  and  the  American  asphalt  con- 
cessionaries, imposed  fines  of  $5,000,000  on  each. 
Of  the  five  claims  for  redress  or  indemnity  which 
the  American  Government  pressed  upon  him 
he  refused  to  submit  any  to  arbitration,  in  any 
form,  at  The  Hague  or  elsewhere.  This  situation 
continued  until  the  American  Legation  was 
withdrawn  from  Caracas,  iu  June,  1908,  to  sig- 
nify that  negotiation  was  ended,  and  the  whole 
correspondence  of  the  State  Department  with 
Venezuela  was  laid  before  Congress,  for  such 
action  as  it  might  see  fit  to  take. 

Castro  had  opened  his  quarrel  with  Holland  in 
a characteristic  way.  The  bubonic  plague  had  got 
a footing  at  the  Venezuelan  port  of  La  Guayra, 
and  he  refused  to  allow  his  own  medical  officers, 
who  reported  the  fact,  to  take  measures  for  pre- 
venting the  spread  of  the  disease.  Then,  when 
his  Dutch  neighbors  at  Curasao  protected  them- 
selves by  a quarantine  against  La  Guayra  he  re- 
taliated by  an  embargo  on  commerce  with  Cu- 
rasao, exchanged  angry  letters  with  the  Dutch 
Minister  at  Caracas,  and  ordered  him  finally  to 
quit  the  country.  The  Netherland  Government 
acted  slowly,  with  deliberation,  on  the  matter, 
despatching  a battle-ship,  at  length,  to  the 
scene,  and  otherwise  manifesting  serious  inten- 
tions. 

But  now  the  domestic  situation  in  Venezuela 
underwent  a sudden  change  ; or,  rather,  a recur- 
rence to  the  situation  in  1906,  when  Castro  had 
found  it  easy  to  lay  down  the  reins  of  authority 
and  take  them  up  again  at  his  pleasure.  He  was 
afflicted  with  some  ailment,  for  which  he  went 
abroad  to  seek  treatment,  appointing  Vice-Presi- 
dent Gomez  to  conduct  the  Government  in  his 


absence.  Landing  at  Bordeaux  on  the  10th  of 
December,  1908,  he  made  a short  visit  to  Paris, 
receiving  no  official  recognition  or  entertain- 
ment, and  went  thence  to  Berlin.  In  Germany 
he  stayed  with  his  family  and  suite  for  about 
three  months,  undergoing  a surgical  operation 
with  subsequent  treatment  for  his  malady. 
Meantime,  in  Venezuela,  his  enemies,  or  the  op- 
ponents of  his  rule,  had  acquired  the  upper  hand, 
and  were  prepared  to  resist  his  return.  On  the 
16th  of  December  a mob  at  Caracas,  crying 
“Down  with  Castro,”  wrecked  considerable  pro- 
perty of  his  friends.  A few  days  later  some 
of  his  partisans  were  arrested  on  the  charge  of 
having  plotted  the  death  of  Acting-President 
Gomez,  and  that  trusted  representative  of  the 
absent  President  became  openly  antagonistic  to 
him.  The  Castro  Cabinet  was  dismissed,  and  an 
anti-Castro  Ministry  was  formed. 

Pacific  overtures  were  now  made  to  the  for- 
eign governments  with  which  Castro  had  quar- 
relled. The  Hon.  William  I.  Buchanan,  an  able 
diplomat,  of  much  experience  in  Spanish- Amer- 
ica, was  sent  from  the  United  States  to  reopen 
negotiations  at  Caracas,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
20th  December,  and  the  late  Venezuelan  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs  went  abroad  as  an  agent 
of  President  Gomez  to  treat  with  the  Nether- 
lands, Great  Britain,  and  France.  Mr.  Buchanan 
found  difficulty  in  arranging  modes  of  settle- 
ment in  the  case  of  two  American  claims,  that 
of  the  New  York  and  Bermudez  Company,  and 
that  of  the  Orinoco  Corporation,  which  claimed 
very  extensive  concessions;  but  the  obstacles 
were  overcome  and  a satisfactory  protocol 
signed,  February  13,  1909. 

Before  this  time,  criminal  proceedings  had 
been  instituted  against  Castro,  on  the  charge 
that  he  had  instigated  the  assassination  of  Vice- 
President  Gomez,  and  the  High  Federal  Court 
had  decided  that  adequate  evidence  had  been 
adduced  to  warrant  the  action.  To  this  accusa- 
tion Castro  made  answer  from  Dresden,  Feb- 
ruary 27,  saying:  “The  only  charge  that  has 
been  raised  against  me  is  that  I tried  to  insti- 
gate the  murder  of  Gomez.  It  is  incredible 
that,  after  having  shown  my  interest  in  him  in 
so  many  ways,  I should  try  to  cause  him  to  be 
murdered.  If  Gomez  had  given  me  occasion  to 
suspect  him,  I would  have  given  orders  regard- 
ing him  before  my  departure  from  Venezuela, 
and  I would  not  have  been  so  stupid  as  to  send 
such  an  order  by  cable.  Whoever  knows  me 
knows  also  that  I am  incapable  of  such  dis- 
graceful cowardice.  I give  this  declaration  in 
the  interest  of  truth  to  the  press  and  to  the  for- 
eign countries,  in  order  to  set  at  rest  in  places 
where  I am  not  known  all  doubts  and  suspicions 
regarding  my  behavior.” 

Having  no  apparent  doubt  that  he  could 
master  the  adverse  situation  in  Venezuela,  Cas- 
tro was  now  making  his  arrangements  to  re- 
turn. On  the  24th  of  March  he  arrived  at  Paris, 
on  his  way  to  Bordeaux,  to  take  passage  on  the 
Steamer  Guadeloupe.  There  he  was  met  by  a 
statement  from  the  steamship  company,  “that 
it  had  been  informed  by  the  Venezuelan  gov- 
ernment that  Senor  Castro  will  not  be  permitted 
to  land  in  Venezuela  ; that  he  will  be  arrested 
on  board  the  Guadeloupe  if  this  vessel  calls  at 
a Venezuelan  port,  and  that  even  the  movement 
of  the  Guadeloupe  in  Venezuelan  ports  will  be 
controlled  by  the  authorities,  if  Castro  is  a pas- 


687 


VENEZUELA,  1907-1909 


VOLCANIC  ERUPTIONS 


senger.  As  a result  of  this  communication  the 
company  will  embark  Castro  only  on  condition 
that  he  leave  the  Guadeloupe  before  reaching 
Venezuela,  either  at  Martinique  or  Trinidad. 
This  official  notification  to  the  steamship  com- 
pany was  handed  in  by  Jose  de  Jesus  Paul,  the 
special  Venezuelan  envoy  to  Europe.  Sefior 
Paul  says  in  part : 

“ ‘ Cipriano  Castro  is  under  criminal  prosecu- 
tion in  Venezuela,  and  the  High  Federal  Court 
having  suspended  his  function  as  President,  he 
is  liable,  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  Vene- 
zuela, to  imprisonment  pending  the  result  of  the 
trial.  A warrant  of  arrest  can  be  executed  even 
on  board  the  Guadeloupe  at  the  first  Venezuelan 
port.’  ” 

At  Bordeaux  he  was  forced  to  take  passage 
with  the  understanding  that  he  must  leave  the 
ship  before  she  reached  a Venezuelan  port,  and 
he  accepted  tickets  to  Port-au-Spain,  Trinidad. 
On  leaving  Paris  his  parting  words  had  been  : 
“ I believe  that  God  and  destiny  call  me  back  to 
Venezuela.  I intend  to  accomplish  my  mission 
there,  even  though  it  involves  revolution.”  But 
he  mistook  the  call,  and  mere  earthly  authority 
sufficed  to  frustrate  the  mission  he  had  in  mind. 
The  British  Government,  after  consultation  with 
the  United  States  and  other  Powers  most  inter- 
ested in  the  avoidance  of  fresh  disturbances  in 
Venezuela,  forbade  his  landing  at  Trinidad, 
and  he  found  no  port  to  receive  him  but  that  of 
Fort  de  France,  Martinique.  From  that  French 
soil,  too,  he  was  ordered  away  the  next  day,  and 
look  passage  back  to  France,  ultimately  settling 
himself  with  his  family  in  Spain.  If  he  has 
made  further  efforts  or  plans  to  recover  a foot- 
ing in  Venezuela,  the  public  has  not  learned  of 
them. 

As  soon  as  the  out  cast  President  had  been 
thus  eliminated  from  Venezuelan  politics,  he 
was  cleared,  May  21,  of  the  charge  of  plotting 
to  assassinate  General  Gomez,  by  decision  of  the 
Criminal  Court.  Both  Holland  and  France  had 
settled,  by  this  time,  their  differences  with  Ven- 
ezuela, and  restored  diplomatic  relations.  On 
the  12th  of  August,  Vice-President  Gomez  was 
formally  elected  Provisional  President  by  Con- 
gress in  the  exercise  of  powers  claimed  under 
the  new  Constitution.  On  the  11th  of  Sep- 
tember announcement  was  made  that  all  but 
one  of  the  five  American  claims  for  which  Mr. 
Buchanan  had  arranged  modes  of  settlement 
had  been  settled,  and  that  one  — of  the  Orinoco 
Steamship  Company  — was  before  the  tribunal 
at  The  Hague. 

VENICE  : A.  D.  1902.  — Fall  of  the  Cam- 
panile of  St.  Marks.  — On  the  morning  of 
July  14,  1902,  the  Campanile  or  bell-tower  of 
the  cathedral  of  St.  Marks  fell  to  the  ground. 
An  attentive  architect  had  been  calling  attention 
for  several  years  to  signs  of  danger  in  its  walls, 
but  nothing  had  been  done  to  avert  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  most  interesting  monument  of  an- 
tiquity in  the  city.  The  building  of  the  tower 
was  begun  in  the  year  888,  and  underwent  a re- 
construction in  1329.  Its  height  was  322  feet. 

“At  9 o’clock,  according  to  the  story  of  an 
American  architect  who  witnessed  the  fall  of 
the  tower  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Rialto, 
he  saw  the  golden  angel  slowly  sink  directly 
downward  behind  a line  of  roofs,  and  a dense 
gray  dust  arose  in  clouds.  Instantly,  from  all 
parts  of  the  city,  a crowd  rushed  toward  the 


Piazza,  to  find  on  their  arrival  that  nothing 
was  left  of  all  that  splendid  nave  but  a mound 
of  white  dust,  80  feet  high.”  A press  telegram 
from  Venice,  Jan.  4,  1910,  announced  that 
“the  Campanile,  after  seven  years’  work,  is 
now  approaching  completion.  The  shaft  is 
finished,  and  only  lacks  the  belfry,  the  separate 
pieces  of  which  are  ready  to  be  set  in  place.” 

VEREENIGING,  Boer-British  Treaty 
of  Peace  at.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South  Africa: 
A.  D.  1901-1902. 

VERESTCHAGIN,  Vasili,  Death  of.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb.-Aug.). 

VERNON-HARCOURT,  Louis:  First 

Commissioner  of  Works.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
England:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

VESUVIUS,  Mount  : Violent  Eruption 
in  1906.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Volcanic  Erup- 
tions. 

VETO,  Civil,  in  Papal  Elections.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D.  1904. 

VIBORG  CONFERENCE.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia:  A.  I).  1906. 

VICTOR  EMMANUEL  III.,  King  of 
Italy:  His  Agency  in  founding  the  Interna- 
tional Institute  of  Agriculture.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Agriculture. 

VILHENA,  Senhor.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Portugal  : A.  D.  1906-1909. 

VILLAZON,  Elidoro:  President  of  Boli- 
via. See  (in  this  vol.)  Acre  Disputes. 

VIRCHOW,  Rudolph:  Celebration  of  his 
Eightieth  Birthday.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Sci- 
ence and  Invention  : Anniversary  Celebra- 
tions. 

VIRGINIA:  A.  D.  1907. — The  James- 
town Tercentennial  Exposition.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Jamestown. 

VITHOFT,  Admiral.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan  : A.  D.  1904  (Feb.-Aug.). 

“VLADIMIR’S  DAY.”  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

VLADIVOSTOCK:  In  the  Russo-Japan- 
ese War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D. 
1904  (Feb.-Aug.). 

VOLCANIC  ERUPTIONS:  Italy:  A.  D. 
1906  (April).  — Great  Outburst  of  Vesuvius. 
— The  Most  Violent  since  1631.  — “At  a 

meeting  of  the  Geological  Society,  London,  on 
May  9,  a paper  giving  a scientific  account  of 
the  recent  great  eruption  of  Mount  Vesuvius 
was  read  by  Professor  Giuseppe  de  Lorenzo,  of 
the  Mineralogical  Museum  in  the  Royal  Univer- 
sity of  Naples,  a foreign  correspondent  of  the 
society.  According  to  the  report  in  the  Lon- 
don Times  Professor  de  Lorenzo  stated  that 
after  the  great  eruption  of  1872  Vesuvius 
lapsed  into  repose,  marked  by  merely  solfataric 
phenomena,  for  three  years.  Fissuring  of  the 
cone  and  slight  outpourings  of  lava  began  in 
May,  1905,  and  continued  until  April  5,  1906, 
when  the  fourth  great  outburst  from  the  princi- 
pal crater  occurred,  accompanied  by  the  forma- 
tion of  deeper  and  larger  fissures  in  the  south- 
eastern wall  of  the  cone,  from  which  a great 
mass  of  fluid  and  scoriaceous  lava  was  erupted. 
After  a pause  the  maximum  outburst  took 
place  during  the  night  of  April  7 and  8,  and 
blew  3,000  feet,  into  the  air  scoriae  and  lapilli  of 
lava  as  fragments  derived  from  the  wreckage 
of  the'  cone.  The  southwesterly  wind  carried 
this  ash  to  Ottajano  and  San  Giuseppe,  which 
were  buried  under  three  feet  of  it,  and  even 


688 


VOLCANIC  ERUPTIONS 


VOLCANIC  ERUPTIONS 


swept  it  on  to  the  Adriatic  and  Montenegro. 
At  this  time  the  lava  which  reached  Torre  An- 
nunziato  was  erupted.  The  decrescent  phase 
began  on  April  8,  but  the  collapse  of  the  cone 
of  the  principal  crater  was  accompanied  by  the 
ejection  of  steam  and  dust  to  a height  of  from 
■22,000  to  26,000  feet.  On  April  9 and  10  the 
wind  was  northeast,  and  the  dust  was  carried 
■over  Torre  del  Greco  and  as  far  as  Spain  ; but 
on  April  11  the  cloud  was  again  impelled 
northward.  The  ash  in  the  earlier  eruptions 
was  dark  in  color  and  made  of  materials  de- 
rived directly  from  the  usual  type  of  leuco- 
tephritic  magma ; but  later  it  became  grayer 
and  mixed  with  weathered  elastic  material  from 
the  cone.  The  great  cone  had  an  almost  hori- 
zontal rim  on  April  13,  very  little  higher  than 
Monte  Somma,  and  with  a crater  possibly  ex- 
ceeding 1,300  feet  in  diameter  ; this  cone  was 
almost  snow  white  from  the  deposit  of  subli- 
mates. Many  deaths,  Professor  de  Lorenzo 
states,  were  due  to  asphyxia,  but  the  collapse 
of  roofs  weighted  with  dust  was  a source  of 
much  danger,  as  was  the  case  at  Pompeii  in  A. 
D.  79.  The  lava  streams  surrounded  trees, 
many  of  which  still  stood  in  the  hot  lava  with 
their  leaves  and  blossoms  apparently  unin- 
jured. The  sea  level  during  April  7 and  8 was 
lowered  six  inches  near  Pozzuoli,  and  as  much 
as  twelve  inches  near  Portici,  and  had  not  re- 
turned to  its  former  level  on  April  13.  The 
maximum  activity  conformed  almost  exactly 
with  full  moon,  and  at  the  time  the  volcanoes  of 
the  Phlegrrean  Fields  and  of  the  islands  re- 
mained in  their  normal  condition.  Professor 
de  Lorenzo  believes  that  this  eruption  of  Vesu- 
vius is  greater  than  any  of  those  recorded  in 
history  with  two  exceptions  — those  of  A.  D.  79, 
the  historic  eruption  which  destroyed  Pompeii 
and  Herculaneum,  and  of  1631,  when  Torre  del 
Greco  was  overwhelmed  and  4,000  persons  per- 
ished.”— Scientific  Notes  and  News  ( Science , 
May  25,  1906). 

West  Indies:  A.  D.  1902  (May).  — Of 
Mont  Pelee  and  La  Souffriere,  on  the 
islands  of  Martinique  and  St.  Vincent. — 
Destruction  of  the  City  of  St.  Pierre.  — The 

most  appalling  catastrophe  in  the  annals  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere  is  that  which  burst  from 
the  long  torpid  volcano  of  Mont  Pelee,  over- 
looking the  city  of  St.  Pierre,  on  the  French 
island  of  Martinique,  and  from  its  slumbering 
neighbor,  La  Souffriere,  of  the  British  island  of 
St.  Vincent,  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  May, 
1902.  The  following  particulars  of  the  fright- 
ful volcanic  explosion  are  borrowed  from  a 
graphic  account  prepared  for  The  American 
Review  of  Reviews  by  W J McGee,  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution. 

“The  outbreak  of  Mont  Pelee  seems  to  have 
been  second  only  to  that  of  Krakatoa  in  explo- 
sive violence  in  the  written  history  of  the 
world.  Nor  was  the  catastrophe  confined  to  a 
mountain  and  a city,  or  even  to  an  island : the 
towns  and  villages  of  northern  Martinique  were 
devastated  or  utterly  destroyed  as  far  south- 
ward as  Fort  de  France,  while  the  scant  400 
square  miles  of  the  whole  island  were  at  once 
shaken  from  below  and  showered  from  above 
with  uncounted  tons  of  hot  rock-powder,  scorch- 
ing what  it  touched,  and  desolating  the  tropi- 
cal luxuriance  of  one  of  the  fairest  among  the 
gems  of  the  Antilles.  At  the  same  time  the 


Vulcanian  spasm  thrilled  afar  through  subter- 
ranean nerves  and  stirred  into  sympathetic  re- 
surrection other  long-dead  volcanoes;  and  one  of 
these,  — La  Souffriere,  on  the  island  of  St.  Vin- 
cent, over  a hundred  miles  away, — sprang  into 
baleful  activity,  poured  out  vast  sheets  of  vis- 
cid lava,  showered  laud  and  sea  with  its  own 
scorching  rock-powder,  devastated  another  gem 
in  the  Antillean  necklace,  and  slew  its  thou- 
sands. The  vigor  of  such  volcanic  outbursts  as 
those  of  Martinique  and  St.  Vincent,  and  the 
vastness  of  their  products,  are  beyond  realiza- 
tion. The  governor  of  Barbados,  Sir  Freder- 
ick Hodgson,  estimates  that  ‘two  million  tons 
of  volcanic  dust’  fell  on  his  island,  which  is 
110  miles  from  La  Souffriere,  and  still  farther 
from  Mont  Pelee.  . . . 

“About  the  middle  of  April  of  the  present 
year  the  inhabitants  of  Martinique  and  passing 
seafarers  began  to  note  the  appearance  of 
‘smoke’  about  the  crest  of  the  mountain;  and 
within  a few  days  the  report  spread  that  Mont 
Pelee  was  in  an  ugly  mood.  The  smoky  col- 
umns and  clouds  increased  at  intervals,  and 
anxiety  deepened  both  at  St.  Pierre  and  Fort 
de  France ; but  as  the  days  went  by  without 
other  manifestations,  apprehension  faded.  On 
May  5,  detonations  were  heard  and  a tremor 
shook  St.  Pierre,  while  a mass  of  mud  was  vio- 
lently erupted  from  the  old  crater.  The  indi- 
cations are  that  this  eruption  was  occasioned  by 
the  rise  of  viscous  lava,  accompanied  by  steam 
and  other  gases  attending  its  formation,  prob- 
ably through  the  old  vent,  in  sufficient  quantity 
and  with  sufficient  violence  to  blow  the  lake 
out  of  the  ancient  crater  and  vaporize  the  water. 
Portions  of  the  lava  were  apparently  blown  into 
dust  by  the  flashing  into  steam  of  water  im- 
prisoned in  its  interstices,  after  the  manner  of 
volcanic  ejecta  generally ; and  this  material 
(better  called  ‘ lapilli ’ than  ‘ashes’)  hastened 
condensation  of  the  aqueous  vapor  in  the  air 
already  overcharged  by  the  addition  of  that  cast 
up  from  the  lake.  The  consequence  was  a 
shower  of  mud,  apparently  of  limited  extent. 
Some  of  the  accounts  indicate  that  the  greater 
part  of  this  mud  was  not  vomited  into  the  air, 
but  that  it  welled  up  in  such  wise  as  to  fill  and 
overflow  the  old  crater,  and  send  scalding 
streams  down  the  gorges  seaming  the  rugged 
sides  of  Mont  Pelee;  one  of  these  flooded  a 
sugar  factory  and  enveloped  a score  or  more  of 
the  employees ; others  mingled  with  the  rivers, 
converting  them  into  hot  and  muddy  torrents, 
carrying  destruction  down  their  channels  to  the 
sea.  ...  So  matters  rested,  with  Pelee  still 
grumbling,  until  the  evening  and  night  of  May 
7,  when  the  black  vapor-clouds  and  subterra- 
nean groanings  grew  more  terrifying;  but  it 
was  too  late  to  escape  before  another  day. 

‘ ‘ About  7 :50  a.  m.  on  May  8 came  the  great 
shock,  of  which  that  of  May  5 was  the  precursor ; 
and  within  ten  minutes  St.  Pierre  and  the  smaller 
towns  of  Martinique  were  in  ruins.  Few  wit- 
nesses were  left  to  describe  the  event,  and  the 
accounts  of  these  vary  so  widely  as  to  require 
interpretation  through  the  testimony  of  other 
witnesses  of  similar  eruptions  elsewhere. 
Briefly  it  seems  evident  that  the  lava  mass,  of 
which  the  uppermost  portion  exploded  on  May 
5,  had  continued  to  rise  in  the  vent  after  the 
temporary  shock  due  to  the  recoil  of  the  initial 
explosion,  and  that  by  the  morning  of  May  8 it 


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VOLCANIC  ERUPTIONS 


VULGATE 


had  reached  such  a height  in  the  throat  as  to  find 
relief  from  the  stupendous  pressure  of  the  lower 
earth-crust.  Coming  up  with  the  high  temper- 
ature of  subterranean  depths,  the  mass  was,  like 
other  rocks  in  a state  of  nature,  saturated  with 
water  held  in  liquid  state  by  the  pressure,  and 
charged  with  other  mineral  substances  ready  to 
flash  into  gas  or  to  oxidize  on  contact  with  the 
air;  and  these  more  volatile  materials,  being  of 
less  density  than  the  average,  were  more  abun- 
dant in  the  upper  portions  of  the  mass. 

“As  the  viscid  plug  of  red-hot  rock  forced  its 
way  upward,  the  mighty  mountain  travailed, 
the  interior  rocks  were  rent,  and  the  groaning 
and  trembling  were  conveyed  through  the  outer 
strata  to  the  surface  and  strange  shakings  of  the 
shores  and  quiverings  of  the  sea  marked  the  ap- 
proach of  the  culmination.  Then  the  plug 
passed  above  the  zone  of  rock-pressure  great 
enough  to  compress  steam  into  water  whatso- 
ever the  heat, — and  with  this  relief  the  liquid 
flashed  into  steam  and  the  superheated  rock- 
matter  into  gases,  while  the  unoxidized  com- 
pounds leaped  into  flame  and  smoke  as  they 
caught  the  oxygen  of  the  outer  air.  The  lava 
was  probably  acidic,  and  hence  highly  viscous; 
and  when  the  imprisoned  droplets  of  water  ex- 
panded, they  formed  bubbles,  or  vesicles,  often 
much  larger  than  the  volume  of  rock-matter; 
doubtless  some  of  this  matter  remains  in  the 
form  of  vesicular  pumice;  but  unquestionably 
immense  quantities  were  blown  completely  into 
fragments  representing  the  walls  of  the  bubbles 
and  the  angular  spicules  and  thickenings  be- 
tween bubbles.  Of  these  fragments  lapilli,  or 
so-called  volcanic  ashes,  consists ; and  the  Mont 
Pelee  explosion  was  so  violent  that  much  of  the 
matter  was  dust-fine,  and  drifted  hundreds 
of  miles  before  it  settled  from  the  upper  air  to 
the  sea  or  laud  below.  When  the  imprisoned 
water  burst  into  steam,  the  heavier  gases  were 
evolved,  also,  with  explosive  violence;  and 
while  the  steam  shot  skyward,  carrying  lapilli 
in  vast  dust-clouds,  these  gases  rolled  down  the 
slopes,  burning  (at  least  in  part)  as  they  went; 
and  at  the  same  time  the  heavier  lava  frag- 
ments, together  with  rock-masses  torn  from  the 
throat  of  the  crater  by  the  viscid  flood,  were 
dropped  for  miles  around.  . . . 

“Both  press  dispatches  and  physical  princi- 
ples indicate  that  it  was  the  debacle  of  burning 
gas  that  consumed  St.  Pierre  even  before  the 
red-hot  rocks  reached  the  roofs  and  balconies. 
Meantime  the  aerial  disturbance  was  marked  by 
electrical  discharges,  with  continuous  peal  of 
thunder  and  glare  of  lightning,  while  portions 
of  the  hot  rock-powder  were  washed  down  from 
the  clouds  by  scalding  rains.  The  heat  of  mil- 
lions of  tons  of  red-hot  lava  and  of  the  earth- 
rending  explosion,  as  well  as  of  the  burning 
gases,  fell  on  Martinique ; green  things  crum- 
bled to  black  powder,  dry  wood  fell  into  smoke 
and  ashes,  clothing  flashed  into  flame,  and  the 
very  bodies  of  men  and  beasts  burst  with  the 
fervent  heat.  Such,  in  brief,  were  the  evil 
events  of  Pelee  and  St.  Pierre  for  May  8.” 

Simultaneously,  on  St.  Vincent’s  Island,  the 
outbreak  of  La  Souffriere  occurred  that  day. 
“The  accounts  are  vague  or  conflicting  as  to  the 
hour  and  as  to  the  precise  nature  of  the  initial 
and  later  throes;  yet  it  would  appear,  from  the 
burden  of  the  testimony,  that  the  outbreak 
quickly  succeeded  that  of  Pelee.  Apparently, 


too,  the  extravasation  of  rock-matter,  both  of 
liquid  and  lava,  exceeded  that  of  the  northern 
neighbor;  yet  the  indications  are  that  the  explo- 
sion was  feebler,  and  that  the  formation  of  gases 
was  proportionately  less  abundant.  Lapilli  are 
reported  to  cover  the  entire  island  to  depths 
ranging  from  an  inch  or  more  to  several  feet, 
several  roofs,  —like  those  of  Pompeii  of  old,  — 
being  crushed  in  by  the  weight ; the  estimates 
of  human  mortality  ranged  from  a few  hundreds 
in  the  early  reports  to  over  two  thousand,  and 
were  afterward  slightly  reduced,  while  the  de- 
struction of  property  seems  to  have  been  rela- 
tively greater  than  on  Martinique.  So  far  as 
the  accounts  of  the  two  outbursts  go,  they  indi- 
cate that  the  Pelee  eruption  was  primarily  an 
explosion  due  to  the  flashing  of  water  and  other 
gases  on  relief  from  pressure,  with  attendant 
heat  and  meteorologic  disturbances,  followed  by 
a limited  and  quiet  outflow  of  lava  from  the 
deeper  and  drier  portion  of  the  lava  plug;  but 
that  the  upwelling  lava  of  Souffriere  was  in 
some  way  nearer  equilibrium, — perhaps  drier, 
perhaps  cooler,  perhaps  from  less  depth  and 
pressure,  — and  hence  poured  out  in  broad 
sheets  of  viscid  rock-matter,  likened  by  some 
observers  to  burning  sealing  wax. 

“ Such,  in  brief,  is  the  record  of  La  Souffriere 
on  May  8,  — a record  that  would  have  appalled 
the  nations  had  it  not  been  eclipsed  by  the 
ghastly  tale  of  Mont  Pelee  and  St.  Pierre.” 

In  the  case  of  St.  Pierre  almost  the  entire 
population  had  remained  in  the  town,  not  suffi- 
ciently warned  by  the  outbreak  of  May  5,  and 
was,  in  consequence,  destroyed.  It  is  estimated 
that  30,000  people  perished  in  or  near  that  town 
alone.  Death  came  to  them  almost  instantane- 
ously, — not  from  the  flow  of  lava  or  the  show- 
ers of  hot  ashes  that  fell  to  the  depth  of  perhaps 
two  feet,  but  from  such  a fierce  current  of  burn- 
ing gases  that  men  breathed  flames  instead  of 
air. 

On  the  English  island,  there  was  no  large 
town  close  to  the  mountain,  and  therefore  not 
as  great  loss  of  life  as  in  Martinique,  but  nearly 
two  thousand  persons  in  the  rural  districts  lost 
their  lives.  These  were  burned  to  death  by  hot 
sand  or  were  killed  by  lightning,  there  being  no 
suffocation,  as  in  St.  Pierre.  A layer  of  ashes 
fell  over  the  entire  island,  and  in  the  northeast- 
ern part  the  land  was  buried  in  ashes  and  stones 
to  the  depth  of  eighteen  inches.  As  a conse- 
quence, all  the  crops  were  destroyed. 

Repeated  outbreaks  of  both  Mont  Pelee  and 
La  Souffriere  occurred  at  intervals  during  more 
than  a year  following  the  great  explosion,  add- 
ing much  to  the  destruction  of  the  means  of  liv- 
ing on  large  parts  of  the  islands  and  to  the  mis- 
ery of  the  inhabitants  remaining  in  the  regions 
affected,  though  not  greatly  to  the  loss  of  life. 
Of  the  relief  in  money  and  supplies  from  all 
sources  that  was  poured  into  the  two  afflicted 
islands  no  full  reckoning  can  be  obtained ; but 
the  Governor  of  the  Windward  Islands  reported 
to  the  Colonial  Office  at  London  on  the  20th  of 
June,  1903,  that  total  receipts  for  the  Eruption 
Fund  to  that  date  were  £77,000,  and  expendi- 
tures £42,787.  “ I shall  have  sufficient  funds 

left  in  the  Colony,"  he  added,  “to  meet  all  pre- 
sent needs,  unless  any  further  unforeseen  mis- 
fortune takes  place.” 

VULGATE,  Revision  of  the.  See  (in  this 

vol.)  Papacy:  A.  D.  1907-1909. 


690 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


w. 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Remuneration:  Wages, 
&c. 

WAI-WU-PU.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China: 
A.  D.  1901-1908. 

WALDECK-ROUSSEAU,  PIERRE 
MARIE : Resignation  of  Ministry.  See 


(in  this  vol. ) France  : A.  D.  1902  ( April- 
Oct.). 

WALLER,  Dr.  Augustus.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : Opbonins. 

WALL  STREET  INVESTIGATION, 
The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Finance  and  Trade: 
United  States  : A.  D.  1909. 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR. 


At  Large  : Contradictory  Feeling  and  Ac- 
tion in  the  World.  — Its  Causes. — Interna- 
tional Barbarism  with  Inter-Personal  Civili- 
zation. — The  Two  Main  Knots  of  Difficulty 
in  the  Situation.  — The  British  and  the  Ger- 
man Posture. — There  was  never  before  in  the 
world  so  wide-spread  and  so  passionate  a hatred 
of  War,  among  civilized  peoples,  or  so  earnest 
and  determined  an  endeavor  to  supplant  it  by 
rational  methods  of  composing  international  dis- 
putes. At  the  same  time,  there  was  never  so 
frenzied  a rivalry  of  preparation  among  the 
nations  for  Warfare,  by  monstrous  accumula-’ 
tion  of  its  horrible  engines  and  tools.  How  can 
the  glaring  inconsistency  be  accounted  for 
without  impeaching  the  general  sanity  of  man- 
kind ? 

The  strangeness  of  the  situation  was  de- 
scribed most  graphically  and  feelingly,  not 
long  since,  by  Lord  Rosebery,  in  speaking  at  a 
banquet  given  to  the  delegates  attending  the 
British  Imperial  Press  Conference,  at  London, 
in  June,  1909,  and  his  own  feeling  that  went 
into  the  description  of  it  affords  an  explanation 
of  the  anomaly.  “ I do  not  know,”  said  the 
eloquent  Earl,  “ that  in  some  ways  I have  ever 
seen  a condition  of  things  in  Europe  so  remark- 
able, so  peaceful,  and  in  some  respects  so  omi- 
nous as  the  condition  which  exists  at  this  mo- 
ment. There  is  a hush  in  Europe,  a hush  in 
which  you  may  almost  hear  a leaf  fall  to  the 
ground.  There  is  an  absolute  absence  of  any 
questions  which  ordinarily  lead  to  war.  One 
of  the  great  Empires  which  is  sometimes  sup- 
posed to  menace  peace  is  entirely  engrossed 
with  its  own  internal  affairs.  Another  great 
Eastern  empire  which  furnished  a perpetual 
problem  to  statesmen  has  taken  a new  lease  of 
life  and  youth  in  searching  for  constitutional 
peace  and  reform. 

“All  forebodes  peace;  and  yet  at  the  same 
time,  combined  with  this  total  absence  of  all 
questions  of  friction,  there  never  was  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world  so  threatening  and  so  over- 
powering a preparation  for  war.  That  is  a sign 
which  I confess  I regard  as  most  ominous.  For 
40  years  it  has  been  a platitude  to  say  that  Eu- 
rope is  an  armed  camp,  and  for  40  years  it  has 
been  true  that  all  the  nations  have  been  facing 
each  other  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  that  has  been 
in  some  respects  a guarantee  of  peace.  Now, 
what  do  we  see?  Without  any  tangible  reason 
we  see  the  nations  preparing  new  armaments. 
They  cannot  arm  any  more  men  on  land,  so  they 
have  to  seek  new  armaments  upon  the  sea,  pil- 
ing up  these  enormous  preparations  as  if  for 
some  great  Armageddon  — and  that  in  a time 


of  profoundest  peace.  We  live  in  the  midst  of 
what  I think  was  called  by  Petrarch  tacens 
helium  — a silent  warfare,  in  which  not  a drop 
of  blood  is  shed  in  anger,  but  in  which,  how- 
ever, the  last  drop  is  extracted  from  the  living 
body  by  the  lancets  of  the  European  statesmen. 
There  are  features  in  this  general  preparation 
for  war  which  must  cause  special  anxiety  to 
the  friends  of  Great  Britain  and  the  British  Em- 
pire, but  I will  not  dwell  upon  these.  I will 
only  ask  you  who  have  come  to  this  country  to 
compare  carefully  the  armaments  of  Europe 
with  our  preparations  to  meet  them,  and  give 
your  impressions  to  the  Empire  in  return. 
(Cheers.)  I myself  feel  confident  in  the  resolu- 
tion and  power  of  this  country  to  meet  any 
reasonable  conjunction  of  forces.  But  when  I 
see  this  bursting  out  of  navies  everywhere, 
when  I see  one  country  alone  asking  for  25  mil- 
lions of  extra  taxation  for  warlike  preparation, 
when  I see  the  absolutely  unprecedented  sacri- 
fices which  are  asked  from  us  on  the  same 
ground,  I do  begin  to  feel  uneasy  at  the  out- 
come of  it  all  and  wonder  where  it  will  stop, 
or  if  it  is  nearly  going  to  bring  back  Europe 
into  a state  of  barbarism,  (hear,  hear),  or 
whether  it  will  cause  a catastrophe  in  which  the 
working  men  of  the  world  will  say,  ‘We  will 
have  no  more  of  this  madness,  this  foolery 
which  is  grinding  us  to  powder.’  (Cheers.) 

“We  can  and  we  will  build  Dreadnoughts  — 
or  whatever  the  newest  type  of  ship  may  be 
(loud  cheers)  — as  long  as  we  have  a shilling  to 
spend  on  them  or  a man  to  put  into  them. 
(Loud  cheers.)  All  that  we  can  and  will  do; 
but  I am  not  sure  that  even  that  will  be 
enough,  and  I think  it  may  be  your  duty  to 
take  back  to  your  young  dominions  across  the 
seas  this  message  and  this  impression  — that 
some  personal  duty  and  responsibility  for  na- 
tional defence  rests  on  every  man  and  citizen. 
(Loud  and  prolonged  cheers.)  Yes,  take  that 
message  back  with  you.  Tell  your  people  — if 
they  can  believe  it  — the  deplorable  way  in 
which  Europe  is  lapsing  into  militarism  and  the 
pressure  which  is  put  upon  this  little  island  to 
defend  its  liberties — and  yours.  (Cheers.)  But 
take  this  message  also  back  with  you  — that 
the  old  country  is  right  at  heart,  that  there  is 
no  failing  or  weakness  in  heart,  and  that  she 
rejoices  in  renewing  her  youth  in  her  giant 
dominions  beyond  the  seas.  (Loud  cheers.)  For 
her  own  salvation  she  must  look  to  herself,  and 
that  failing  her  she  must  look  to  you.  (Cheers.)” 
Here,  in  the  feeling  of  one  superlatively  civ- 
ilized man,  is  the  feeling  of  more  than  half  the 
world  epitomized.  It  shrinks  with  horror  from 


691 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


the  enormity  of  preparations  that  are  “ as  if  for 
some  great  Armageddon,”  and  shudders  over 
what  seems  to  be  “ nearly  going  to  bring  back 
Europe  into  a state  of  barbarism  ” ; but  sus- 
picion, distrust,  fear  impel  it  nevertheless,  to 
cry  with  Lord  Rosebery : “We  can  and  we  will 
build  Dreadnoughts  as  long  as  we  have  a shill- 
ing to  spend  on  them  or  a man  to  put  into  them 
— because  others  are  building  them  who  may 
use  them  against  us.”  There  is  senselessness  in 
this  predicament  of  mind,  but  it  is  the  senseless- 
ness of  a persisting  international  barbarism, 
which  keeps  nation-neighbors  still  standing  in 
attitudes  toward  one  another  which  became  fool- 
ishness to  individual  neighbors  a thousand  years 
ago.  It  means,  simply,  that  the  society  of  na- 
tions is  as  barbaric  as  it  was  when  Englishmen 
and  Normans  fought  at  Senlac ; and  that  it  is 
only  in  little  street-neighborhoods  that  men 
have  arrived  at  the  rational  relationships  which 
offer  an  appearance  of  civilization  in  some  parts 
of  the  world. 

Two  principal  knots  of  difficulty  must  be  cut 
in  some  way,  before  an  international  civilization 
can  be  developed,  by  the  rational  and  moral 
processes  which  have  civilized  us  iuterpersonally 
in  some  considerable  degree.  The  hardest  of 
these  knots  is  tightened  upon  England,  by  the 
weight  and  the  strain  of  her  great  world-wide 
empire  on  the  little  island  to  which  it  is  bound. 
Not  only  the  whole  exterior  fabric  of  British 
Empire,  but  the  bare  subsistence  of  the  people 
of  the  small  island  at  its  center,  depends  on  the 
uninterrupted  use  of  the  surrounding  seas  for 
trade  and  travel  between  its  parts.  To  lose 
freedom  in  that  use  means  the  downfall  of  Great 
Britain,  not  merely  as  a militant  power,  but  in 
everything  that  could  carry  her  past  importance 
into  the  future  of  the  world.  It  means  so  much 
as  this,  because  the  resources  of  the  island-home 
of  the  nation,  within  themselves,  are  so  small. 
There  can  be  no  wonder,  then,  that  Englishmen 
reckon  nothing  else  so  important  to  them  as  an 
indisputable  free  use  of  the  seas.  Nor  can  there 
be  wonder  that  they  learned  in  the  past  to  look 
on  an  indisputable  free  use  of  the  seas  as  imply- 
ing a mastery  of  the  sea.  Until  within  the  last 
generation  or  two  this  was  the  sole  condition  on 
which  there  could  be  security  in  ocean  trade 
That  it  remains  so  still  is  the  continued  belief 
of  all  the  Governments  which  put  millions  on 
millions  into  bigger  and  bigger  steel-clad  battle- 
ships, and  of  the  publics  behind  the  Govern- 
ments, which  cry  with  Rosebery,  “We  can  and 
we  will  build  Dreadnoughts  as  long  as  we  have 
a shilling  to  spend  on  them  or  a man  to  put  into 
them.”  England  differs  from  the  rest  only  in 
the  imperativeness  to  her  of  what  is  simply  im- 
portant to  them.  If  security  in  the  use  of  the 
seas  is  still  impossible  of  attainment  without  the 
supremacy  over  them  of  an  irresistible  sea- 
power,  then  England  has  justifications  for  the 
enormity  of  her  naval  armament  which  no  other 
nation  can  claim. 

So  long  as  a majority  of  Englishmen  feel  con- 
strained to  believe  that  their  ocean  trade  is  made 
secure  from  hostile  obstruction  by  nothing  but 
their  naval  strength,  so  long  they  will  strive  to 
maintain  a navy  that  shall  be  equal  to  the  com- 
bined navies  of  any  other  two  Powers  ; and  so 
long  as  that  “ Two  Power  Standard  ” of  British 
naval  policy  remains  inflexible,  it  seems  forbid- 
ding to  the  hope  of  a common  agreement  among 


the  maritime  nations  to  reduce  their  building  of 
battleships.  With  other  Powers  than  Germany 
there  might  be  possibilitiesof  such  an  agreement, 
even  subject  to  a concession  of  British  naval  su- 
premacy, because  of  the  exceptionality  of  cir- 
cumstance in  England’s  case  ; but  it  is  here  that 
we  come  to  the  second  of  the  two  principal 
knots  of  difficulty  which  hinder  the  interna- 
tional civilization  of  the  world,  now  so  flagrantly 
over-due.  Germany,  coming  late,  by  a tardy 
unification,  into  the  national  career  which  the 
German  people  are  entitled  to,  by  their  energy 
of  spirit  and  capacity  of  brain,  is  impatient  in 
the  ambitions  that  were  repressed  so  long.  Her 
industries,  her  commerce,  her  maritime  under- 
takings have  been  pushed  in  the  last  generation, 
against  the  older  competitions  of  Europe  and 
America,  with  an  impassioned  determination 
that  has  won  extraordinary  triumphs  on  every 
line.  Here,  again,  as  in  the  case  of  England, 
there  is  an  exceptional  exposure  of  the  nation  to 
those  perils  from  war  which  the  state  of  inter- 
national barbarism  still  keeps  in  suspense.  Ger- 
many elbows  so  many  close  neighbors  in  Europe 
that  nothing  but  a perfectly  trusting  friendship 
or  a perfectly  organized  reign  of  law  among 
them  can  make  safety  for  any.  In  the  absence  of 
both  friendly  trust  and  authoritative  law,  they 
stand  on  guard  against  each  other  in  the  twen- 
tieth century  as  they  did  in  the  tenth;  but  with 
arms  a hundred-fold  more  hellish  and  a thou- 
sand-fold more  ruinous  in  cost.  Under  the  pres- 
sure of  her  long-pent  ambitions  and  energies, Ger- 
many has  beaten  all  her  neighbors  in  this  as  in 
other  fields  of  exertion.  She  commands  the  best 
trained,  the  best  organized,  the  best  equipped 
army  in  the  world,  and  stands  admittedly 
the  first  among  military  Powers.  But  military 
power  does  not  give  “ world  power,”  in  the  ac- 
cepted meaning  of  that  term,  and  Germany  is 
impelled  by  all  the  strong  motives  of  our  time  to 
acquire  that.  She  is  competing  with  England 
in  commerce,  in  shipping,  in  exploitations  of  en- 
terprise, everywhere,  and  she  manifestly  hopes 
yet  to  make  good  the  lateness  of  her  coming  into 
the  field  of  colonial  plantation.  By  everything 
in  the  prevailing  theories  of  statesmanship,  this 
calls  for  a development  of  naval  power  to  mate 
the  military ; and  Germany  has  been  zealously 
obedient  to  the  call, —so  zealously  that  England 
has  taken  alarm.  Since  about  the  year  1900  a 
German  navy  has  been  created  so  fast  that  the 
“two  power  standard”  of  Great  Britain  has  be- 
gun of  late  to  be  a seriously  difficult,  because  a 
frightfully  costly,  naval  standard  to  maintain. 
Yet  England  more  than  ever  believes  that  she 
must  maintain  it  at  any  cost  ; because  the  stren- 
uousness of  the  German  navy-building  inspires 
her  with  a new  distrust.  Hence  these  two  Pow- 
ers are  setting  a new  pace  to  the  increase  of  naval 
armament,  all  other  Governments  catching  some 
infection  from  the  new’  temper  of  suspicion  and 
distrust  which  w’orks  in  theirs. 

And  this,  mainly,  at  least,  is  why  the  world 
is  busier  to-day  than  it  was  ever  busy  before  in 
building  monstrous  ships  and  guns  and  horrible 
inventions  of  a thousand  sorts  for  battle,  while 
it  loathes  battle  and  war  as  they  were  never 
loathed  by  mankind  before. 

One  of  the  most  impressive  of  recent  utter- 
ances on  this  grave  subject  fell  from  the  lips  of 
the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  on  the 


692 


WAR,  TIIE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  TIIE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


29tli  of  March,  1909,  when  he  said  in  Parlia- 
ment: “Sir,  the  martial  spirit,  I should  be  the 
last  to  deny,  has  its  place,  and  its  proper  place, 
in  the  life  of  a nation.  That  the  nation  should 
take  pride  in  its  power  to  resist  force  by  force  is 
a natural  and  wholesome  thing.  It  is  a source 
of  perfectly  healthy  pride  to  have  soundness  of 
wind  and  limb  and  physical  strength,  and  it  has 
no  unworthy  part  in  the  national  spirit.  That 
I sympathize  with  entirely,  but  I would  ask  the 
people  to  consider  to  what  consequences  the 
growth  of  armaments  has  led.  The  great  coun- 
tries of  Europe  are  raising  enormous  revenues 
and  something  like  oue-lialf  of  them  is  being 
spent  on  naval  and  military  preparations.  You 
may  call  it  national  insurance,  that  is  perfectly 
true  ; but  it  is  equally  true  that  one-half  of  the 
national  revenue  of  the  great  countries  in  Eu- 
rope is  being  spent  on  what  are,  after  all,  pre- 
parations to  kill  each  other.  Surely  the  extent 
to  which  this  expenditure  has  grown  really  be- 
comes a satire  and  a reflection  upon  civilization. 
(Cheers.)  Not  in  our  generation,  perhaps,  but  if 
it  goes  on  at  the  rate  at  which  it  has  recently 
increased,  sooner  or  later  I believe  it  will  sub- 
merge that  civilization.  The  burden  already 
shows  itself  in  national  credit — less  in  our  na- 
tional credit  than  in  the  national  credit  of  other 
nations  — but  sooner  or  later,  if  it  goes  on  at 
this  rate,  it  must  lead  to  national  bankruptcy. 
Is  it  to  be  wondered  that  the  hopes  and  aspira- 
tions of  the  best  men  in  the  leading  countries 
are  devoted  to  trying  to  find  some  means  of 
checking  it?  (Cheers.)  Surely  that  is  a state- 
ment of  the  case  in  which,  however  attached  a 
man  may  be  to  what  I may  call  the  martial 
spirit,  he  may  at  least  see  that  the  whole  of  Eu- 
rope is  in  the  presence  of  a great  danger.  But, 
Sir,  no  country  alone  can  save  that.” 

At  Large  : Lord  Morley  on  the  Responsi- 
bility of  the  Press.  — Speaking  to  the  Impe- 
rial Press  Conference,  at  London,  in  June,  1909, 
and  referring  to  the  “ rebarbarism  of  Europe — 
the  rattling  back  into  arms  and  the  preparation 
to  use  arms,”  Lord  Morley  said  he  thought  the 
Press  was  more  answerable  for  this  than  all  the 
ministers,  officers,  and  diplomatists  taken  to- 
gether, and  he  pleaded  for  a systematic  and  per- 
severing work  on  the  part  of  newspapers  in 
behalf  of  peace  among  the  nations. 

Military: 

Average  Cost  of  the  Armies  of  the  Great 
Military  Powers.  — In  his  report  on  the 
French  army  budget  of  1909  M.  Gervais  made 
a calculation  of  the  average  military  expenditure 
of  the  six  Powers  — namely,  Russia,  Germany, 
France,  Austria-Hungary,  Italy,  and  Japan, 
which  can  mobilize  the  largest  armies,  and  found 
the  total  amount  spent  annually  to  be  no  less 
than  5,037  million  francs  (more  than  $1,000,000,- 
000),  and  the  number  of  men  which  they  could 
put  into  the  field  to  be  31,700,000.  The  army 
which  England  can  mobilize  comes  seventh,  and 
is  given  as  555,000  men,  though  her  average  an- 
nual expenditure  is  the  same  as  that  of  France 
— namely,  700  million  francs  ($140,000,000). 
Comparing  next  the  expenditure  and  the  effect- 
ives of  France  and  Germany,  the  report  states 
that  the  German  army  estimates  show  an  in- 
crease in  1909  to  69  million  francs,  being  fixed 
at  1,067, 862, 437f.,  of  which  838,037, 151f.,  be- 
long to  the  ordinary  budget  and  229,825,226f. 
to  the  extraordinary  budget.  The  French  army 


estimates  for  the  year  were  742,443, 745f.  ($150,- 
000,000).  The  totals  on  either  side  were:  Ger- 
many, 34,118  officers  and  602,670  men;  France, 
27,310  officers  and  511,930  men.  The  average 
cost  per  man  in  Germany  is  l,398f.  and  in 
France  l,150f. 

Belgian  Military  Service  Stiffened. — Sub- 
stitution Abolished.  — Personal  Service  Ex- 
acted. — Conscription  of  a mild  type  has  existed 
in  Belgium  for  some  years,  supplemented  by 
voluntary  enlistments  and  ameliorated  by  hired 
substitution,  which  released  the  well-to-do  from 
military  service  if  they  wished  to  escape  it.  The 
Liberals  and  Socialists  have  for  a long  time 
been  advocating  the  abolition  of  the  practice  of 
substitution  in  favor  of  a system  of  personal 
and  universal  military  service ; and,  latterly  they 
were  joined  in  the  demand  by  a section  of  the 
Catholics.  The  question  became  a dominant  one 
in  politics,  and  brought  about  an  extraordinary 
session  of  the  Belgian  Chamber  in  October, 
1909,  for  discussion  of  a comprehensive  meas- 
ure of  military  reform,  for  strengthening  the 
self-defense  of  the  kingdom.  It  resulted  in  a de- 
cision that  “ general  personal  service  restricted 
to  one  son  per  family  should  be  introduced,  that 
the  annual  contingent  should  be  raised  to  18,000 
men,  that  the  peace  strength  should  stand  at 
48,400,  and  that  the  eventual  war  strength 
should  be  250,000  men.  It  was  also  agreed  that, 
the  ecclesiastics  should  be  exempt.” 

Brazilian  Military  Service.  — Service  in  the 
Brazilian  army  was  made  obligatory  by  legisla- 
tion in  1907. 

The  British  Territorial  Force.  — The  Re- 
organization of  1907-8.  — Lord  Roberts’ 
Criticism.  — His  Bill  for  Compulsory  Train- 
ing. — The  volunteer  or  militia  forces  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  for  home  service,  underwent 
an  important  reorganization  in  1907,  according 
to  the  provisions  of  an  Act  entitled  the  “Terri- 
torial and  Reserve  Forces  Act,”  the  general 
scheme  of  which  may  be  learned  from  the  fol- 
lowing clauses,  taken  out  of  the  text  of  the  Act: 

“ For  the  purposes  of  the  reorganisation  under 
this  Act  of  His  Majesty’s  military  forces  other 
than  the  regulars  and  their  reserves,  and  of  the 
administration  of  those  forces  when  so  reor- 
ganised, and  for  such  other  purposes  as  are  men- 
tioned in  this  Act,  an  association  may  be  estab- 
lished for  any  county  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
with  such  powers  and  duties  in  connection  with 
the  purposes  aforesaid  as  may  be  conferred  on  it 
by  or  under  this  Act.  Associations  shall  be  con- 
stituted, and  the  members  thereof  shall  be  ap- 
pointed and  hold  office  in  accordance  with 
schemes  to  be  made  by  the  Army  Council.” 

“It  shall  be  the  duty  of  an  association  when 
constituted  to  make  itself  acquainted  with  and 
conform  to  the  plan  of  the  Army  Council  for  the 
organisation  of  the  Territorial  Force  within  the 
county  and  to  ascertain  the  military  resources 
and  capabilities  of  the  county,  and  to  render  ad- 
vice and  assistance  to  the  Army  Council  and  to 
such  officers  as  the  Army  Council  may  direct, 
and  an  association  shall  have,  exercise,  and  dis- 
charge such  powers  and  duties  connected  with 
the  organisation  and  administration  of  His  Ma- 
jesty’s military  forces  as  may  for  the  time  being 
be  transferred  or  assigned  to  it  by  order  of 
His  Majesty  signified  under  the  hand  of  a Secre- 
tary of  State  or,  subject  thereto,  by  regulations 
under  this  Act,  but  an  association  shall  not  have 


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any  powers  of  command  or  training  over  any 
part  of  Ills  Majesty’s  military  forces.” 

“ The  Army  Council  shall  pay  to  an  associa- 
tion, out  of  money  voted  by  Parliament  for  army 
services,  such  sums  as,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Army  Council,  are  required  to  meet  the  neces- 
sary expenditure  connected  with  the  exercise 
and  discharge  by  the  association  of  its  powers 
and  duties. 

“All  men  of  the  Territorial  Force  shall  be  en- 
listed by  such  persons  and  in  such  manner  and 
subject  to  such  regulations  as  may  be  prescribed : 
Provided  that  every  man  enlisted  under  this 
Part  of  this  Act — (a)  Shall  be  enlisted  for  a 
county  for  which  an  association  has  been  estab- 
lished under  this  Act  and  shall  be  appointed  to 
serve  in  such  corps  for  that  county  or  for  an  area 
comprising  the  whole  or  part  of  "that  county  as 
he  may  select,  and,  if  that  corps  comprises  more 
than  one  unit  within  the  county,  shall  be  posted 
to  such  one  of  those  units  as  he  may  select:  ( b ) 
Shall  be  enlisted  to  serve  for  such  a period  as 
may  be  prescribed,  not  exceeding  four  years, 
reckoned  from  the  date  of  his  attestation  : (c) 
May  be  re-engaged  within  twelve  months  before 
the  end  of  his  current  term  of  service  for  such  a 
period  as  may  be  prescribed  not  exceeding  four 
years  from  the  end  of  that  term.” 

“ Any  part  of  the  Territorial  Force  shall  be 
liable  to  serve  in  any  part  of  the  United  King- 
dom, but  no  part  of  the  Territorial  Force  shall 
be  carried  or  ordered  to  go  out  of  the  United 
Kingdom.  Provided  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
His  Majesty,  if  he  thinks  fit,  to  accept  the  offer 
of  any  part  or  men  of  the  Territorial  Force,  sig- 
nified through  their  commanding  officer,  to  sub- 
ject themselves  to  the  liability  to  serve  in  any 
place  outside  the  United  Kingdom.” 

“Subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  section, 
every  man  of  the  Territorial  Force  shall,  by  way 
of  annual  training  — (a)  Be  trained  for  not  less 
than  eight  nor  more  than  fifteen,  or  in  the  case 
of  the  mounted  branch  eighteen,  days  in  every 
year  at  such  times  and  at  such  places  in  any 
part  of  the  United  Kingdom  as  may  be  pre- 
scribed, and  may  for  that  purpose  be  called  out 
once  or  oftener  in  every  year:  ( b ) Attend  the 
number  of  drills  and  fulfill  the  other  conditions 
relating  to  training  prescribed  for  his  arm  or 
branch  of  the  service”: 

“His  Majesty  in  Council  may  — Order  that 
the  period  of  annual  training  in  any  year  of  all 
or  any  part  of  the  Territorial  Force  be  extended, 
but  so  that  the  whole  period  of  annual  training 
be  not  more  than  thirty  days  in  any  year.” 

The  King  is  empowered  to  make  orders  with 
respect  to  pay  and  allowances  of  the  Territorial 
Force,  as  well  as  concerning  its  government  and 
discipline. 

Under  this  Act  the  Territorial  Force  assumed 
form  on  the  1st  of  April,  1908.  The  former  or- 
ganizations of  Yeomanry  and  Volunteers  were 
given  until  30th  June  to  transfer  to  the  new 
Force.  The  strength  of  the  Yeomanry  and  Vol- 
unteers on  31st  March  had  been  9,174  officers 
and  241,085  men.  On  1st  July  the  strength  of 
the  new  Force,  including  both  transfers  and  re- 
cruits, was  about  8,000  officers  and  176,500  men. 
Of  these  some  112,000  men  had  joined  for  one 
year. 

The  latest  published  statement  of  the  enroll- 
ment in  the  Territorial  Force  (that  can  be  re- 
ferred to, here)  was  made  on  the  26th  of  April,  1909, 


in  the  House  of  Lords,  by  Lord  Lucas,  speaking 
for  the  Government,  in  reply  to  questions  as  to 
“how  many  of  the  315,000  men  required  to  com- 
plete the  Territorial  Force  had  been  enrolled  up 
to  date  ; how  many  of  these  now  serving  in  the 
force  were  under  20  years  of  age ; what  was  the 
lowest  age  at  which  they  had  been  and  were  now 
accepted ; and  how  many  Territorials  now  serv- 
ing had  engaged  for  one  year  only.”  The  answer 
was:  “the  strength  of  the  Territorial  Force  on 
the  first  of  this  month  was  8,938  officers  out  of 
an  establishment  of  11,267,  or  79  percent. ; 254,- 
524  men  out  of  a strength  of  302,047  ; or  a total 
of  263,462  out  of  an  establishment  of  313,314, 
which  came  out  at  84  per  cent.  In  answer  to 
the  second  question  he  was  sorry  that  they  had 
not  got  later  particulars  than  October  1,  1908, 
but  on  that  day  there  were  188,785  men  on  the 
strength  of  the  Territorial  Force  of  whom  62,- 
288  were  under  20.  The  answer  to  the  third 
question  was  that  the  limit  of  age  for  men  was 
17,  and  for  boys  14.  In  answer  to  the  fourth, 
he  could  not  give  the  noble  earl  the  actual  num- 
ber of  men  serving  at  the  present  time  for  one 
year,  but  the  figures  he  could  give  would  make 
it  pretty  clear.  They  had  last  year  107,857  one- 
year  men  serving  in  the  force  — Volunteers  who 
had  transferred  for  one  year.  On  April  1 last 
out  of  these  107,857  men  56,238  had  already  re- 
engaged for  one  year  or  more.  That  was  to 
say,  that  these  men  had  signified  their  intention 
of  re  engaging  before  their  year  was  actually 
up.” 

Lord  Roberts  has  no  confidence  in  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  Territorial  Force,  as  a voluntary 
organization.  In  a letter  read  to  the  House  of 
Lords  on  the  17th  of  May,  1909,  when  a motion 
expressive  of  this  opinion  was  to  be  made  and 
he  found  himself  unable  to  attend  and  support 
it  personally,  he  wrote: 

“On  July  10,  1905,  I said  that  ‘I  have  no 
hesitation  in  stating  that  our  armed  forces  as  a 
body  are  as  absolutely  unfitted  and  unprepared 
for  war  as  they  were  in  1899-1900.  Close  upon 
four  years  have  passed  since  then,  and  I have 
no  hesitation  in  reaffirming  my  conviction.” 

Subsequently  Lord  Roberts  introduced  in  the 
House  of  Lords  a “National  Service  (Training 
and  Home  Defence)  Bill,”  on  which  he  spoke 
with  great  earnestness  on  the  12th  of  July.  His 
Bill  imposed  on  all  male  subjects  the  obligation 
of  serving  in  the  Territorial  Force  between  the 
ages  of  18  and  30,  excepting  officers  of  the  Reg- 
ular and  Reserve  Forces,  naval  and  military, 
and  some  others;  but  subject  to  this  and  other 
modifications  every  person  who  came  under 
the  Bill  would  be  in  the  same  position  as  a 
person  who  voluntarily  joins  the  existing  Terri- 
torial Force.  The  liability  to  training  would 
not  extend  over  the  whole  term  of  service,  but 
be  limited  to  four  years.  The  Bill  provided  for 
absolute  equality  of  treatment  of  all  classes,  no 
purchase  of  discharge  or  of  exemption  from  ser- 
vice beiug  allowed  ; but  in  the  matter  of  train- 
ing various  exemptions  were  provided  for. 

The  Bill  encountered  more  opposition  than 
support  in  the  debate  on  it,  and  did  not  secure  a 
second  reading. 

British  Army  Reorganization.  — Creation 
of  a General  Staff.  — Result  of  the  Report 
of  the  Esher  Army  Commission.  — Work  of 
the  Defence  Committee.  — Speaking,  in  April, 
at  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907,  Mr.  llal- 


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WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


dane,  the  Secretary  for  War  in  the  British  Min- 
istry, gave  a brief  but  clear  account  of  the 
reforms  in  the  organization  of  the  Army  which 
had  been  in  progress  since  1904.  “The  effect  of 
the  war  in  South  Africa,”  he  said,  “made  a 
profound  impression  on  the  minds  of  our  ad- 
visers here.  We  realized  that  we  had  gone  into 
the  war  without  adequate  preparation  for  war 
on  a great  scale,  and  that  we  had  never  fully 
apprehended  the  importance  of  the  maxim  that 
all  preparation  in  time  of  peace  must  be  prepa- 
ration for  war  ; it  is  of  no  use  unless  it  is  de- 
signed for  that;  it  is  the  only  justification  for 
the  maintenance  of  armies  — the  preparation  for 
war.  In  consequence,  when  the  war  was  over, 
the  then  Government  set  to  work  — and  the 
present  Government  has  continued  to  work  — 
to  endeavour  to  put  the  modern  military  organi- 
zation into  shape.  In  1904  a very  important 
committee  sat.  It  was  presided  over  by  a civ- 
ilian who  had  given  great  attention  to  the  study 
of  military  organization,  Lord  Esher,  and  it 
contained  on  it  two  very  distinguished  expo- 
nents of  naval  and  military  views,  Sir  John 
Fisher  and  Sir  George  Clarke,  as  its  other  mem- 
bers. The  committee  reported,  and  its  report 
contained  a complete  scheme  for  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  War  Office  and  of  the  Army.  That 
scheme  was  adopted  by  the  late  Government 
and  has  been  carried  on  by  the  present  Govern- 
ment. One  broad  feature  is  this,  that  our  naval 
organization  has  been  the  one  with  which  we 
have  been  conspicuously  successful  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  country,  as  distinguished  from  our 
military  organization,  and,  therefore,  as  far  as 
was  possible,  the  naval  organization  was  taken 
as  a type.  But  the  broad  feature  which  emerged 
with  regard  to  military  preparations  was  this  — 
Count  Moltke  was  able  to  organize  victory  for 
the  Prussian  and  German  armies  in  1866,  and 
again  in  1870,  because  he  and  the  General  Staff 
working  under  him  were  free  to  apply  their 
minds  wholly  to  war  preparation.  That  he  was 
able  to  do  this  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  or- 
ganization and  business  administration  of  the 
Army  in  peace  were  kept  entirely  distinct  from 
the  service  which  consisted  in  the  study  of  war 
problems  and  in  the  higher  training  of  the  Staff 
and  of  the  troops.  That  was  the  principle 
recommended  by  the  Esher  Committee,  and  it 
culminated  in  the  provision  of  a brain  for  the 
Army  in  the  shape  of  a General  Staff.  That 
General  Staff  we  have  been  at  work  on  for  a 
long  time  past  in  endeavouring  to  get  together. 
The  task  was  not  as  difficult  as  it  seemed  at 
first,  because  the  effect  of  the  war  was  to  bring 
to  the  front  a number  of  young  officers  who  had 
shown  remarkable  capacity,  and  who  consti- 
tuted the  nucleus  of  a serious  and  thoughtful 
military  school.  They  were  got  together  under 
the  Esher  reorganization,  and  virtually  there 
has  been  a General  Staff  in  existence  for  some 
time.  But  it  was  not  until  last  September  that 
it  received  formal  and  complete  shape  in  the 
Army  Order  of  that  month.” 

Besides  this  fundamental  reform,  the  Esher 
Commission  pointed  the  way  to  other  important 
changes  or  effective  improvements  in  the  ad- 
ministrative system  of  the  Army.  In  place  of 
the  commander-in-chief,  a new  post,  that  of 
inspector-general,  with  a term  of  five  years,  was 
proposed,  the  principal  duty  of  the  office  being 
to  inspect  and  report  on  the  efficiency  of  the 


military  forces.  Earl  Roberts  had  just  retired 
from  the  position  of  commander-iu-chief,  and  the 
Duke  of  Connaught  became  inspector-general 
under  the  new  regime.  The  existing  Defence 
Committee,  instituted  in  1902,  was  to  be  en- 
larged by  the  addition  of  a permanent  secretary, 
holding  office  for  five  years ; two  naval  officers, 
selected  by  the  admiralty  ; two  military  officers, 
chosen  by  the  Viceroy  of  India  ; and,  if  possi- 
ble, other  colonial  representatives,  holding  office 
for  two  years. 

Of  the  importance  of  this  Defence  Committee, 
and  of  its  work,  Prime  Minister  Asquith  took 
occasion  to  speak  recently  in  Parliament  (July 
29,  1909).  “Under  the  present  Government,” 
he  said,  “during  the  four  years  we  have  been 
in  office  the  full  Committee  constituted  by  my 
predecessor,  and  which  has  since  rendered  the 
same  service  to  myself,  has  consisted  of  six 
Cabinet  Ministers  in  addition  to  the  Prime  Min- 
ister— namely,  the  four  Secretaries  of  State 
other  than  the  Home  Secretary,  the  First  Lord 
of  the  Admiralty,  and  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  It  has  consisted  next,  as  represent- 
ing the  Navy,  of  the  First  Sea  Lord  and  the 
Director  of  Naval  Intelligence,  and  as  represent- 
ing the  Army  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff  and 
the  Director  of  Military  Operations ; and  in 
addition  to  these  official  members  it  has  had  the 
services  and  the  cooperation  of  the  Inspector- 
General  of  the  Forces  (Sir  John  French),  who 
occupies  an  independent  position  ; of  Lord 
Esher,  who  is  a great  expert  in  all  these  mat- 
ters ; and  latterly,  at  my  nomination,  Admiral 
Sir  Arthur  Wilson.  That  has  been  the  compo- 
sition of  the  full  Committee,  but  from  time  to 
time  we  were  able  to  add  to  it,  and  we  ought  to 
add  to  it,  members  ad  hoc.  . . . 

“The  functions  of  the  Defence  Committee 
arise  out  of  the  necessity  felt,  I think,  in  almost 
all  the  great  countries  of  the  world,  but  which 
is  nowhere  so  pressing  as  it  is  here  owing  to  our 
geographical  and  economic  conditions — the  ne- 
cessity of  co-ordinating  the  work  of  the  Navy 
and  Army.  It  is  the  primary  business  of  the 
Defence  Committee  to  study  and  determine 
what  is  the  best  provision  that  can  from  time 
to  time  be  made  for  the  military  and  naval  re- 
quirements of  the  Empire  as  a whole,  to  keep 
both  naval  and  military  requirements,  and 
their  due  relation  to  each  other,  constantly  in 
view.”  Giving  examples  of  the  subjects  which 
the  committee  had  discussed,  he  said  they  had 
had  under  consideration  the  military  needs  of 
the  Empire  with  reference  to  recent  changes  in 
Army  organization;  its  military  requirements 
as  affected  by  the  defence  of  India  ; the  strategi- 
cal aspects  of  the  Firth  of  Clyde  Canal ; aerial 
navigation  in  view  of  the  present  and  prospec- 
tive developments;  our  policy  in  regard  to  the 
Channel  tunnel  and  to  the  means  of  transit 
across  the  Channel  ; the  standard  of  fixed  de- 
fences and  garrisons  in  various  parts  of  the 
Empire,  and  the  scale  of  reinforcements. 

“In  1905  Mr.  Balfour,  who  was  then  Prime 
Minister,  made  a statement  of  the  highest  im- 
portance in  regard  to  the  possibility  of  an  inva- 
sion of  these  islands.  Since  then  Lord  Roberts 
had  asked  for  a reinvestigation  of  the  problem 
in  the  light  of  new  facts  and  of  the  changed 
situation,  and  in  1907  a special  committee  of  the 
Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  was  appointed 
to  go  into  the  whole  matter.  In  arriving  at 


695 


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their  conclusion  the  committee  conceded  to 
those  who  were  apprehensive  of  invasion  that  it 
would  take  place  when  our  Regular  Forces 
were  absent  upon  some  foreign  expedition  and 
that  the  attack  might  be  a surprise  attack. 
The  view  unanimously  arrived  at  was,  in  the 
first  place,  that  as  long  as  the  naval  supremacy 
of  the  country  was  adequately  assured,  invasion 
on  a large  scale,  involving  the  transport  of 

150.000  men,  was  an  absolutely  impracticable 
operation.  The  committee  held,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  if  we  were  permanently  to  lose  com- 
mand of  the  sea,  whatever  might  be  the 
strength  and  organization  of  our  military  forces 
at  the  moment  — even  if  we  had  an  army  like 
that  of  Germany  — the  subjection  of  the  coun- 
try by  the  enemy  would  be  inevitable.  It  fol- 
lowed from  this  that  it  was  the  business  of  the 
Admiralty  to  maintain  our  naval  supremacy  at 
such  a height  as  would  enable  us  to  retain  com- 
mand of  the  sea  against  any  reasonably  possible 
combination.  The  second  conclusion  arrived  at 
was  that  we  ought  to  have  an  Army  for  home 
defence  sufficient  in  numbers  and  organization 
to  repel  raids  and  to  compel  an  enemy  who  con- 
templated invasion  to  embark  a force  so  consid- 
erable that  it  could  not  possibly  evade  our 
Fleet.  The  belief  of  the  Admiralty  was  that  a 
force  of  70,000  men  could  not  get  through;  but 
an  ample  margin  must  be  allowed  for  safety, 
and  it  therefore  became  the  business  of  the  War 
Office  to  see  that  we  had  a force  capable  of 
dealing  effectively  with  70,000  men.  For  this 
country,  then,  to  be  secure  against  invasion  we 
ought  to  have  an  unassailable  supremacy  at  sea 
and  a home  Army  ready  to  cope  with  a force  of 
the  dimensions  he  had  named.  It  was  upon 
these  conclusions  that  both  the  military  and 
naval  policy  of  the  country  during  his  adminis- 
tration would  be  carried  on.” 

Speaking  in  Parliament,  in  June,  1909,  of  the 
peculiar  character  and  efficient  quality  of  the 
Regular  Army  of  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Haldane, 
the  Secretary  for  War,  described  it  as  “an 
Army  of  the  kind  which  no  other  Power  in  the 
world  possesses  to  the  same  extent  as  we  do. 
It  is  customary,”  he  said,  “to  speak  of  the  small 
British  Army  ; hut  what  Power  in  the  world  has 

80.000  white  soldiers  raised  in  their  own  coun- 
try stationed  in  a country  like  India,  and  40,000 
in  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  a further  large 
force  at  home  which  is  tending  to  increase  — 
and  more  and  more  the  overseas  Dominions  are 
tending  to  undertake  their  own  defence?  Now 
that  force  is  not  primarily  for  use  at  home, 
though  it  may  be  used  for  that;  its  real  purpose 
is  to  work  with  the  Navy  overseas  and  to  un- 
dertake wars  there.  The  great  armies  fof  the 
Continent  can  only  be  mobilized  for  a limited 
time,  and  they  cannot  undertake  wars  which 
last  for  two  or  five  or  ten  years,  as  ours  can 
because  it  is  a professional  Army  and  leaves  the 
resources  of  the  nation  unaffected.  That  kind 
of  overseas  Army  is  a peculiarity  of  the  military 
organization  of  this  country,  a peculiarity 
wliich  is  too  often  overlooked,  but  which  is  just 
as  essential  as  the  command  of  the  sea.” 

German  Emperor’s  Speech.  — The  following 
speech  by  the  Emperor  William  was  made  at 
Karlsruhe,  September  11,  1909,  after  a military 
review  in  Baden:  “We  Germans  are  a people 
glad  to  bear  arms  and  proud  of  the  game  of  war 
( kriegsspielfrcudiy ).  We  carry  the  burden  of  our 


defence  lightly  and  willingly,  for  we  know  that, 
we  must  preserve  and  maintain  our  peace  in 
which  alone  our  labour  can  prosper.  At  the  re- 
view from  which  I have  just  come  I have  seen 
that  portion  of  the  warrior  sons  of  our  Father- 
land  which  springs  from  the  land  of  Baden.  To- 
day, under  the  command  of  their  illustrious  lord, 
they  have  given  me  the  most  complete  satisfac- 
tion. So  long  as  there  are  peoples  there  will  be 
enemies  and  envious  folk  ; and  so  long  as  there 
are  enemies  and  envious  folk  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  be  on  one’s  guard  against  them.  Con- 
sequently there  will  continue  to  be  prospects  of 
war,  and  even  war  itself,  and  we  must  be  ready 
for  everything.  Hence  our  army  before  all 
forms  the  rocher  de  bronze  on  which  the  peace  of 
Europe  is  based  and  with  which  no  one  intends 
to  pick  a quarrel.  It  is  to  preserve  this  peace, 
to  maintain  the  position  in  the  world  which  is 
our  due,  that  our  army  serves;  this  also  is  the 
aim  of  the  strenuous  days  which  are  expected 
of  it.  But  I am  firmly  convinced  that  it  will 
stand  its  test  successfully  and  that  our  German 
Fatherland  may  rest  in  confidence  that  we  are 
on  guard  and  that  with  God’s  help  and  under 
God’s  protection  nothing  will  befall  us.” 

Military  and  Naval  ; 

British  Imperial  Defence  Conference  of 
1909.  — Its  Agreements  for  an  Imperial  Sys- 
tem.— Compulsory  Military  Training  con- 
templated in  Australia. — In  connection  with 
the  doubts  that  were  awakened  in  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  throughout  the  British  Empire,  in  1909, 
as  to  the  adequacy  of  their  general  preparations 
for  defence,  the  Premier  announced  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  on  the  3d  of  May,  that  steps  had 
“been  taken  to  ascertain  whether  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  self-governing  Dominions  are  pre- 
pared to  favour  a conference  at  an  early  date 
for  the  discussion  of  Imperial  co-operation  for 
defence.  The  Government  had  suggested,  he 
said,  that  the  conference  should  be  held  this 
summer  — if  possible,  in  July.”  The  proposal 
was  approved  throughout  the  Empire,  and  dele- 
gates to  the  Conference  from  each  of  the  self- 
governing  Dominions  came  to  London  and  held 
sessions  with  representatives  of  the  Home  Gov- 
ernment, beginning  on  the  28th  of  July.  The 
delegates  in  attendance  were  the  following  ; 

Commonwealth  of  Australia.  — Colonel  J.  F. 
Foxton,  Minister  without  portfolio,  assisted  by 
Captain  Creswell  and  Colonel  Bridges,  naval 
and  military  experts. 

New  Zealand.  — Sir  Joseph  Ward,  Prime 
Minister  and  Minister  of  Defence. 

Canada.  — Sir  Frederick  Borden,  Minister  of 
Militia  and  Defence,  Mr.  L.  Brodeur,  Minister 
of  Marine  and  Fisheries,  these  Ministers  being 
assisted  by  Admiral  Kingsmill  and  General  Sir 
Percy  Lake,  as  naval  and  military  advisers. 

Newfoundland.  — Sir  E.  P.  Morris,  Prime 
Minister. 

Cape  Colony.  — Mr.  J F.  X.  Merriman,  Prime 
Minister. 

Natal.  — Mr.  J.  R.  Moor,  Prime  Minister, 
assisted  by  Colonel  Greene,  Minister  of  Rail- 
ways. 

The  Transvaal. — General  J.  C.  Smuts,  Colo- 
nial Secretary. 

Orange  River  Colony.  — General  Hertzog, 
Colonial  Secretary. 

The  discussions  of  the  Conference  were  unre- 
ported, but  on  the  26th  of  August,  after  its  ad- 


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WAR,  TIIE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


journment,  the  Premier,  in  a statement  to  the 
House  of  Commons,  summarized  its  main  con- 
clusions as  follows  : “ First  as  regards  military 
defence  : after  the  main  Conference  at  the  For 
eign  Ollice,  a military  Conference  took  place  at 
the  War  Office,  and  resulted  in  an  agreement 
on  the  fundamental  principles  set  out  in  papers 
which  had  been  prepared  by  the  General  Staff 
for  consideration  by  the  delegates.  The  sub- 
stance of  these  papers,  which  will  be  included 
among  the  papers  to  be  published,  was  the  re- 
commendation that,  without  impairing  the  com- 
plete control  of  the  Government  of  each  Domin- 
ion over  the  military  forces  raised  within  it, 
those  forces  should  be  standardized,  the  forma- 
tion of  units,  the  arrangements  for  transport, 
the  patterns  of  weapons,  and  so  forth,  being  as 
far  as  possible  assimilated  to  those  which  have 
been  recently  worked  out  for  the  British  Army. 
Thus  while  the  Dominion  troops  would  in  each 
case  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  Dominion 
concerned,  it  would  be  made  readily  practicable 
in  case  of  need  for  that  Dominion  to  mobilize 
and  use  them  for  the  defence  of  the  Empire  as 
a whole.  The  military  Conference  then  en- 
trusted to  a sub-Conference,  consisting  of  mili- 
tary experts  at  headquarters  and  from  the 
various  Dominions,  and  presided  over  by  Sir 
William  Nicholson,  acting  for  the  first  time  in 
the  capacity  of  Chief  of  the  Imperial  General 
Staff,  the  duty  of  working  out  the  detailed  ap- 
plication of  these  principles.  I may  point  out 
here  that  the  creation  early  this  year  of  an  Im- 
perial General  Staff  thus  brought  into  active 
working  is  a result  of  the  discussions  and  reso- 
lutions of  the  Conference  of  1907.  Complete 
agreement  was  reached  by  the  members  of  the 
sub-Conference,  and  their  conclusions  were 
finally  approved  by  the  main  Conference  and  by 
the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence,  which  sat 
for  the  purpose  under  the  presidency  of  the 
Prime  Minister.  The  result  was  a plan  for  so 
organizing  the  forces  of  the  Crown  wherever 
they  are  that  while  preserving  the  complete  au- 
tonomy of  each  Dominion,  should  these  Domin- 
ions desire  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  Em- 
pire, in  a real  emergency,  their  forces  could  be 
rapidly  combined  into  one  homogeneous  Impe- 
rial Army. 

“Naval  defence  was  discussed  at  meetings  of 
the  Conference  held  at  the  Foreign  Office  on 
August  3,  5,  and  6.  The  Admiralty  memoran- 
dum which  had  been  circulated  to  the  Dominion 
representatives  formed  the  basis  of  the  prelim- 
inary conference.  The  alternative  methods 
which  might  be  adopted  by  Dominion  Govern- 
ments in  co-operating  in  Imperial  naval  defence 
were  discussed.  New  Zealand  preferred  to 
adhere  to  her  present  policy  of  contribution; 
Canada  and  Australia  preferred  to  lay  the  foun- 
dation of  fleets  of  their  own.  It  was  recognized 
that  in  building  up  a fleet  a number  of  condi- 
tions should  be  conformed  to.  The  fleet  must 
be  of  a certain  size  in  order  to  offer  a permanent 
career  to  the  officers  and  men  engaged  in  the 
service  : the  'personnel  should  he  trained  and  dis- 
ciplined under  regulations  similar  to  those  es- 
tablished in  the  Royal  Navy,  in  order  to  allow 
of  both  interchange  and  union  between  the 
British  and  the  Dominion  services,  and  with  the 
same  object  the  standard  of  vessels  and  arma- 
ments should  be  uniform.  A remodelling  of 
the  squadrons  maintained  in  Far  Eastern  waters 


was  considered  on  the  basis  of  establishing  a 
Pacific  Fleet,  to  consist  of  three  units  in  the 
East  Indies,  Australia,  and  the  China  Seas.  . . . 
The  generous  offer  of  New  Zealand  and  then  of 
the  Commonwealth  Government  to  contribute 
to  Imperial  naval  defence  by  the  gift  each  of  a 
battleship  was  accepted  with  the  substitution 
of  cruisers  of  the  new  ‘Indomitable’  type  for 
battleships,  these  two  ships  to  be  maintained 
one  on  the  China  and  one  on  the  Australian 
station.  Separate  meetings  took  place  at  the 
Admiralty  with  the  representatives  of  Canada, 
Australia,  and  New  Zealand,  and  general  state- 
ments were  agreed  to  in  each  case  for  further 
consideration  by  their  respective  Governments. 

“As  regards  Australia,  the  suggested  arrange- 
ment is  that  with  some  temporary  assistance 
from  Imperial  funds  the  Commonwealth  Gov- 
ernment should  provide  and  maintain  the  Aus- 
tralian unit  of  the  Pacific  Fleet.  The  contribu- 
tion of  the  New  Zealand  Government  would  be 
applied  towards  the  maintenance  of  the  China 
unit,  of  which  some  of  the  smaller  vessels  would 
have  New  Zealand  waters  as  their  headquarters. 
The  New  Zealand-  armoured  cruiser  would  be 
stationed  in  China  waters.  As  regards  Canada, 
it  was  considered  that  her  double  seaboard  ren- 
dered the  provision  of  a fleet  unit  of  the  same 
kind  unsuitable  for  the  present.  It  was  pro- 
posed according  to  the  amount  of  money  that 
might  be  available  that  Canada  should  make  a 
start  with  cruisers  of  the  ‘Bristol’  class  and  de- 
stroyers of  the  improved  ‘River’  class,  a part 
to  be  stationed  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard  and  a 
part  on  the  Pacific.  In  accordance  with  an  ar- 
rangement already  made,  the  Canadian  Govern- 
ment would  undertake  the  maintenance  of 
dockyards  at  Halifax  and  Esquimault,  and  it 
was  a part  of  the  arrangement  proposed  by  the 
Australian  representatives  that  the  Common- 
wealth Government  should  eventually  undertake 
the  maintenance  of  the  dockyard  at  Sydney. 
Papers  containing  all  the  material  documents 
will  be  laid  before  Parliament  in  due  course, 
and  it  is  hoped  before  the  conclusion  of  the 
Session.” 

In  Australia  and  New  Zealand  there  had  been 
eagerness  for  some  time  to  take  a more  effective 
part  in  the  defence  of  the  Empire,  their  remote 
position  and  their  contiguity  to  swarming  alien 
populations  giving  their  people  some  special 
anxieties  which  are  reasonable  enough.  They 
are  lonely  communities  of  Europeans,  planted 
on  the  edge  of  the  prodigious  populations  of  the 
Asiatic  world.  They  have  learned  suddenly 
that  some,  at  least,  of  those  populations  can  do 
things,  in  war  and  otherwise,  that  were  sup- 
posed to  be  reserved  especially  for  effective 
performance  by  the  white  variety  of  the  human 
race.  What  disposition  of  mind  will  move  the 
Eastern  folk  in  the  exercise  of  these  powers  of 
action  — which  are  discoveries  as  new  to  them 
as  to  us  — has  yet  to  be  learned.  It  is  doubtful 
if  they  themselves  know  what  the  inclination  of 
their  career  will  be,  when  they  have  really  di- 
gested the  new  contents  of  their  minds  and  have 
fully  surveyed  their  new  position  in  the  world. 
Meantime,  Australia  has  good  reason  to  think 
anxiously  of  what  Japan  certainly  and  China 
most  probably  can  do,  if  they  are  moved  by  im- 
perialistic ambitions  to  an  aggressive  career. 

If  anywhere  in  the  British  Empire  there  was 
reason  for  the  lively  stir  of  increased  preparation 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


for  defence,  it  was  Far  East  Australasia.  New 
Zealand,  in  March,  had  put  a heavy  strain  on  its 
resources  by  offering  to  build  a Dreadnought 
for  the  Imperial  Navy,  and  Australia  had  fol- 
lowed quickly  by  the  proffer  of  another.  When, 
subsequently,  these  projects  were  superseded  by 
the  arrangement  made  at  the  London  Conference, 
funds  raised  by  private  subscription  for  the 
Australian  Dreadnought  were  applied  partly  to 
the  foundation  of  a naval  college  near  Sydney 
for  the  training  of  officers  of  the  Australian 
squadron,  and  partly  to  the  establishment  of  at 
least  two  farms  for  the  training  of  young  British 
immigrants,  who  will  be  specially  selected  by 
the  county  colonization  societies. 

In  acting  promptly  to  realize  the  plans  of  mili- 
tary organization  that  were  formed  at  the  Lon- 
don Conference,  Australia  went  far  beyond 
anything  that  is  likely  to  be  done  by  any  other 
of  the  British  Dominions,  unless  it  may  be  New 
Zealand;  for  that  Commonwealth  has  undertaken 
to  organize  a system  of  compulsory  military 
training.  A Defence  Bill  introduced  in  the  Fed- 
eral Parliament  on  the  21st  of  September  applies 
compulsory  training  to  all  males  from  the  age 
of  12  to  that  of  20.  “Junior  cadets  are  to  have 
annually  120  hours’  physical  drill,  elementary 
marching,  and  practice  with  miniature  rifles, 
for  two  years.  Senior  cadets  will  have  96 
hours’  annually,  including  four  whole-day 
drills,  elementary  naval  or  military  exercises, 
and  musketry  practice  at  ranges  up  to  500 
yards,  for  four  years.  The  citizen  forces  are  to 
have  16  whole-day  drills  or  their  equivalent  an- 
nually, including  eight  days  in  camp  for  two 
years.  Those  who  are  to  undergo  naval,  ar- 
tillery, and  engineer  training  will  have  25 
days  instead  of  16.  Males  from  the  age  of  20 
to  26  will  remain  enrolled,  attending  only  one 
muster  parade  each  year.  Exemptions  will  be 
made  only  on  the  ground  of  unfitness  or  in  the 
case  of  persons  of  non-European  descent.  The 
latter,  however,  will  be  trained  in  non-combat- 
ant duties.  Sparsely  populated  districts  may 
be  exempted  temporarily.  Persons  failing  to 
attend  the  training  will  be  fined  from  £5  to 
£500  according  to  the  culprit’s  wealth,  or  may 
be  confined  and  trained  till  they  have  performed 
the  duties  they  have  shirked.  Persons  failing  to 
reach  efficiency  must  undergo  another  year’s 
training.  The  cadet  training  begins  in  19li,  and 
the  citizen  training  in  1912.  When  the  scheme 
is  in  full  working  order  it  is  estimated  that  it 
will  provide  40,000  junior  cadets,  75,000  senior 
cadets,  and  55,000  citizen  soldiers  under  21.  The 
Militia,  25,000  strong,  will  thenceforth  be  re- 
cruited only  from  the  fully-trained,  and  will  be- 
come a corps  d' elite.” 

See,  also,  on  this  subject  of  British  imperial 
defence,  British  Empire:  A.  D.  1909. 

New  Zealand  adoption  of  Compulsory 
Military  Training.  — An  Act  which  estab- 
lishes compulsory  military  training  in  New 
Zealand,  on  lines  similar  to  that  in  Australia, 
passed  the  colonial  Parliament  during  its  ses- 
sion which  closed  Dec.  29,  1909. 

Naval : 

Brazil  and  Argentina  in  a “ Dreadnought  ” 
Competition.  — “The  controversy  between 
Brazil  and  Argentina  about  what  is  called 
‘equilibrium  of  armament’  is  still  carried  on 
with  much  animation  in  the  Press  of  both  coun- 
tries, but  apparently  without  producing  any 


effect,  good  or  otherwise.  The  subject  of  dis- 
cord is  the  Brazilian  Government’s  order  for 
three  large  battleships  of  the  ‘Dreadnought’ 
type,  which  is  to  be  met  by  an  Argentine  triplet, 
for  which  tenders  are  urgently  called.  Fortu- 
nately these  big  ships  take  a long  time  to  build, 
and  by  the  time  they  are  ready  the  Press  will 
probably  be  commenting  upon  the  entente  cor- 
diale  in  South  America  and  the  obsolescence  of 
floating  engines  of  war ; but  in  the  meantime 
taxpayers  in  both  countries  are  inclined  to  sup- 
port the  somewhat  daring  proposal  from  Buenos 
Ayres  that  Brazil  should  keep  the  first  ‘ Dread- 
nought,’ cede  the  second  to  Argentina,  and  can- 
cel the  order  for  the  third.”  — Rio  de  Janeiro 
Cor.  London  Times,  Dec.  22,  1902. 

Four  months  later  the  same  correspondent  tel- 
egraphed, May  3,  1909,  among  other  statements 
quoted  from  the  President’s  Message  to  Con- 
gress, that  day  : “In  regard  to  the  navy  seven 
vessels  would  be  launched  under  the  new  pro- 
gramme. Two-thirds  of  the  total  expenditure 
of  £4,500,000  had  already  been  paid  from  ordi- 
nary resources,  and  this  proved  that  the  reorgan- 
ization of  the  navy  would  not  be  disastrous  to 
the  national  finances.  Tenders  would  shortly  be 
invited  for  the  construction  of  a new  dry  dock.” 
British  Navy  War  Council.  — The  follow- 
ing is  from  an  official  statement  issued  by  the 
British  Admiralty,  Oct.  11,  1909:  “In  further 
development  of  the  policy  which  has  actuated 
the  Board  of  Admiralty  for  some  time  past  of 
organizing  a Navy  War  Council,  it  has  been 
decided  to  place  on  an  established  footing  the  ar- 
rangements made  in  previous  years  for  the  study 
of  strategy  and  the  consideration  and  working 
out  of  war  plans.  A new  department,  called 
the  Naval  Mobilization  Department,  has  beei> 
formed  under  the  directorship  of  a flag  officer, 
and  there  is  concentrated  in  it  that  part  of  the 
business  of  the  Naval  Intelligence  Department 
and  the  Naval  War  College  which  related  to 
war  plans  and  mobilization.  Under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  First  Sea  Lord,  the  officers  direct- 
ing the  Naval  Intelligence  Department  and  the 
Naval  Mobilization  Department,  and  the  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  the  Admiralty  will  form  the 
standing  Navy  War  Council.” 

The  British  “Two  Power  Standard.”  — 
During  the  debate  in  the  British  House  on  the 
Navy  Estimates,  in  the  spring  of  1909,  the  Pre- 
mier, Mr.  Asquith,  was  called  on  by  the  Oppo- 
sition to  define  the  Government's  understanding 
of  the  requirements  of  the  “two  Power  stand- 
ard” of  naval  strength,  so  called  (see  above). 
In  reply,  he  laid  it  down  that  in  dealing  with 
this  standard  they  must  not  merely  take  into 
account  the  number  of  Dreadnoughts  and  ln- 
vincibles,  but  the  total  effective  strength  of  the 
British  for  defensive  purposes  as  compared  with 
the  combined  effective  strength  of  any  two 
other  navy  Powers.  That  was  the  two-Power 
standard  as  understood  by  successive  Adminis- 
trations, and  the  present  Government  had  in  this 
matter  in  no  way  changed  the  policy  pursued  by 
preceding  Administrations.  For  the  moment 
this  question  was  an  academic  one,  because 
whatever  two  Powers  might  he  selected,  their 
combined  effective  strength  for  aggressive  pur- 
poses against  Great  Britain  was  far  below  the 
defensive  strength  of  the  latter.  The  expression 
“two-Power  standard”  was  a purely  empirical 
generalization,  a convenient  rule  of  thumb,  and 


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he  should  be  very  sorry  to  predict  that  this  for- 
mula would  be  an  adequate  or  necessary  formula 
some  years  hence.  In  measuring  the  combined 
effective  strength  of  the  two  next  strongest 
fleets  the  power  of  one  powerful  homogeneous 
fleet  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind.  Further  it  had 
been  established  that  the  rule  only  applied  to 
battleships  and  ships  ejusdem  generis.  Then  in 
existing  conditions  “we  ought  not,”  he  said, 
“ to  limit  our  vision  to  Europe  alone;  but  at  the 
same  time,  while  considering  the  combined 
effective  strength  of  any  other  two  Powers  for 
aggressive  purposes  against  this  country  regard 
should  be  had  to  geographical  conditions.” 
Supposing  China  had  a fleet  of  Dreadnoughts, 
no  rational  Minister  would  treat  that  fleet  as 
standing  upon  the  same  footing  for  the  purpose 
of  the  two-Power  standard  as  the  German  or 
French  fleet.  In  the  same  way,  the  fleet  of  the 
United  States  could  not  be  put  in  the  same 
category  with  the  fleets  of  France  and  Ger- 
many. 

Canadian  Share  of  the  Undertakings  of 
British  Imperial  Defence.  — For  performance 
of  the  share  assumed  by  Canada,  of  undertak- 
ings of  British  imperial  defence  agreed  to  at  the 
Imperial  Conference  in  London,  July,  1909  (see 
above),  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  brought  forward  a 
Bill  in  the  Dominion  House  of  Commons,  on  the 
12th  of  January,  1910,  the  essential  provisions 
of  which  he  set  forth  in  a speech  from  which 
the  following  passages  are  taken  ; 

“The  bill  is  entitled  ‘An  act  respecting  the 
naval  service  of  Canada.’  It  provides  for  the 
creation  of  a naval  force  to  be  composed  of  a 
permanent  corps,  of  a reserve  force,  and  of  a 
volunteer  force  on  the  same  pattern  absolutely 
as  the  present  organization  of  the  militia  force. 

. . . Every  man  who  will  be  enrolled  for  naval 
service  in  Canada  will  be  enrolled  by  voluntary 
engagement.  There  is  no  compulsion  of  any 
kind,  no  conscription,  no  balloting.  . . . ‘ Active 
service  ’ as  defined  by  the  act  means  service  or 
duty  during  an  emergency,  and  emergency 
means  war,  invasion  or  insurrection,  real  or  ap- 
prehended. The  act  provides  also  that  at  any 
time  when  the  Governor  in  Council  deems  it 
advisable,  in  case  of  war,  invasion,  or  insurrec- 
tion, the  force  may  be  called  into  active  service. 
There  is  also  an  important  provision  that  while 
the  naval  force  is  to  be  under  the  control  of  the 
Canadian  Government,  and  more  directly  under 
the  control  and  administration  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Marine,  yet  in  case  of  emergency  the 
Governor  in  Council  may  place  at  the  disposal 
of  his  Majesty  for  general  service  in  the  Royal 
Navy  the  naval  force  or  any  part  thereof,  and 
any  ships  or  vessels  of  the  naval  service  and  any 
officers  or  men  serving  on  these  vessels,  or  any 
officers  or  men  of  the  naval  service.  There  is  a 
subsequent  provision  that  if  action  is  taken  by 
the  Governor  in  Council  at  a time  when  Parlia- 
ment is  not  sitting,  Parliament  shall  immedi- 
ately be  called.  . . . 

“ Another  important  provision  of  the  bill  is 
that  it  provides  for  the  establishment  of  a naval 
college  on  the  pattern  of  the  Military  College 
now  in  existence  at  Kingston.” 

Coming  to  a statement  of  the  armament  con- 
templated, the  Premier  said:  “Two  plans  were 
proposed  and  discussed,  one  involving  the  ex- 
penditure of  $2,000,000  a year  and  the  other  in- 
volving an  expenditure  of  $3,000,000.  The  first 


one  would  have  consisted  of  seven  ships,  the 
second  one  would  have  consisted  of  eleven 
ships,  namely — four  Bristols,  one  Boadicea,  and 
six  destroyers.  We  have  determined  to  accept 
the  second  proposition,  that  is  to  say,  the  larger 
one  of  eleven  ships.  That  is  the  force  which  we 
intend  to  create,  and  to  start  with  four  Bristols, 
one  Boadicea  and  six  destroyers.  Perhaps  it  will 
be  interesting  to  the  House  to  understand  what 
is  meant  by  a fleet  unit,  by  a Bristol,  a Boadicea, 
and  a destroyer.  The  fleet  unit,  which  was  sug- 
gested and  which  has  been  accepted  by  Austra- 
lia, and  to  which  the  government  contributed  a 
certain  sum  per  annum,  is  to  be  composed  of  one 
armored  cruiser  of  the  type  of  the  Indomitable, 
three  protected  cruisers,  six  destroyers  and  three 
submarines.  Now  the  fleet  which  we  have 
agreed  to  accept  is  to  be  composed  of  four  Bris- 
tols, one  Boadicea,  and  six  destroyers. 

“ A Bristol  is  a protected  cruiser,  which  means 
that  it  has  a steel  deck  which  protects  all  the 
vital  parts  of  the  ship.  It  has  a tonnage  of  4,800 
tons,  with  a speed  of  25  knots.  The  number  of 
guns  has  not  yet  been  determined,  but  the  lar- 
gest Indomitable  carries  eight  guns.  A Boadicea 
carries  six  guns,  so  that  it  is  probable  that  the 
number  of  guns  will  be  eight.  It  has  a total 
crew  of  391  men,  of  which  twenty  are  officers. 
The  Boadicea  is  an  unarmored  cruiser,  with  a 
tonnage  of  3,300  tons,  and  carries  six  4-incli 
guns.  It  has  a crew  of  278  men,  of  whom  seven- 
teen are  officers.  We  are  to  build  six  destroyers 
of  what  isknown  as  the  improved  river  class.  . . . 

“ The  total  cost  of  these  eleven  ships  will  be, 
according  to  the  British  figures,  £2,338,000,  ora 
little  more  than  $11,000,000.  According  to  Cana- 
dian prices,  supposing  the  ships  were  to  be  built 
in  Canada,  we  would  have  to  add  at  least  33  per 
cent,  to  the  cost  just  given.  I may  say  that  it  is 
our  intention  to  start  at  the  earliest  possible  mo- 
ment with  the  construction  of  this  fleet,  and,  if 
possible,  to  have  the  construction  done  in  Can- 
ada.” 

The  leader  of  the  Opposition,  Mr.  Borden, 
who  spoke  after  Mr.  Laurier,  endorsed  fully  the 
purpose  of  the  Bill,  but  criticised  the  proposals 
of  the  Government  as  being  inadequate.  “ They 
are,"  he  said,  “either  too  much  or  too  little. 
They  are  too  much  for  carrying  on  experi- 
ments in  the  organization  of  a Canadian  naval 
service ; they  are  too  little  for  immediate  and 
effective  aid,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  the  policy 
of  the  Government  will  be  attended  with  a very 
great  waste  of  money,  with  no  immediate  effec- 
tive result.” 

The  Bill  embodying  the  naval  programme  of 
the  Government,  as  set  forth  by  the  Prime  Min- 
ister, was  enacted  on  the  11th  of  March,  1910, 
by  119  votes  to  78. 

Chilian  Navy -building.  — It  was  reported 
from  Santiago  de  Chile  to  the  English  Press, 
Oct.  21,  1909,  that  “the  Government  has  de- 
cided upon  a naval  expenditure  of  £4,000,000, 
which  includes  a 20,000  ton  battleship,  two 
ocean-going  destroyers,  and  several  submarines. 
Instructions  for  tenders  have  been  sent  to  the 
Commission  in  London.”  A later  message  to 
the  American  Press,  Nov.  12,  stated  that  “the 
naval  building  programme  decided  upon  by  the 
Chilian  government,  provides  for  the  construc- 
tion of  one  battleship,  four  torpedo  boat  de- 
stroyers, and  two  submarines  at  an  expenditure 
of  $14,000,000.” 


699 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


The  Chinese  Programme.  — A Press  mes- 
sage from  Peking,  Oct.  11,  1909,  announced 
that  a naval  commission,  consisting  of  Prince 
Tsai-hsun,  the  Regent’s  brother,  Admiral  Sa 
Chen-ping,  and  Sir  Chen  Tung  Liang  Cheng, 
who  was  secretary  to  the  Special  Chinese  Em- 
bassy to  the  Diamond  Jubilee  celebrations  in 
1897,  left  that  day  for  Europe.  This  was  under- 
stood to  be  the  first  step  toward  the  fulfilment 
of  China’s  programme  for  the  expenditure  of 
£40,000,000  on  the  rehabilitation  of  her  army 
and  navy. 

Denmark’s  Fortification  and  Naval  De- 
fense. See  (in  this  vol.)  Denmark:  A.  D.  1905- 
1909. 

The  “ Dreadnought  ” Era.  — Outclassing 
of  all  Battleships  built  prior  to  1906.  — The 
New  Type.  — Effects  of  its  Introduction. — 

The  evolution  of  sea-fighting  monstrosities  re- 
ceived a startling  and  revolutionizing  impulsion 
in  1906,  when  a new  Dreadnought  (replacing  an 
obsolete  battleship  of  that  name)  was  added  to 
the  British  navy.  In  size,  plan  and  armament  it 
embodied  naval  teachings  just  taken  from  the 
Russo-Japanese  War,  and  was  supposed  to  put 
every  other  existing  battle-ship  into  an  inferior 
second  class.  It  brought  suddenly  a new  stand- 
ard into  all  comparativement  measurements  of 
naval  power,  impairing  seriously  the  worth  of 
the  costly  monsters  then  afloat.  It  signalled,  in 
fact,  a start  for  entirely  new  racing  among  the 
competitors  for  “sea-power,”  since  the  prizesof 
substantial  fighting  efficiency  among  the  navies 
must  all  be  won  over  again,  by  the  quickest 
builders  of  the  Dreadnought  type  of  ship.  Eng- 
land had  more  reason  than  any  other  nation  to 
lament  this  happening,  and  her  Lords  of  the 
Admiralty  have  been  sharply  criticised  for 
bringing  it  about;  though  the  new  type  of  bat- 
tle-ship would  have  had  creation  elsewhere  (as 
still  newer  types  of  monstrosity  are  being  cre- 
ated already)  if  English  naval  architects  had  not 
produced  it.  Even  Admiral  Lord  Charles  Beres- 
ford  has  lashed  the  naval  authorities  of  his  coun- 
try for  bringing  on  the  Dreadnought  craze.  In  a 
speech  at  London  within  the  past  year  he  said 
that  “he  did  not  object  to  Dreadnoughts  or  im- 
provements in  battleships ; what  he  did  object 
to  was  the  advertisement  connected  with  the 
first  Dreadnought.  Then  they  had  told  another 
nation  that  that  ship  would  sink  the  whole  of 
its  fleet,  and  the  result  was  that  that  nation  set 
to  work  upon  a definite  naval  programme  of  its 
own.  Having  given  that  insane  advertisement 
of  their  Dreadnought,  the  British  delayed  ship- 
building with  the  inevitable  result  that  they 
would  have  to  pay  a great  deal  more  than  if 
they  had  kept  up  their  yearly  proportion  of 
ships.  The  command  of  the  seas  was  their  life, 
and  he  believed  that  they  would  have  to  spend 
£50,000,000  more  than  they  need  have  spent 
through  that  insane  advertisement.  It  would  be 
absolutely  impossible  for  Great  Britain  alone, 
under  present  conditions,  to  keep  up  the  two- 
Power  standard,  and  if  there  were  no  other  al- 
ternative, there  could  only  be  the  prospect  of 
bankruptcy  or  defeat;  but  the  two-Power stand- 
ard could  easily  be  kept  up  with  an  Imperial 
Navy.” 

Similar  criticism  appeared  in  a pamphlet  pub- 
lished last  year  by  Mr.  Carnegie;  and  when  his 
attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that  both  Japan 
and  Russia  had  bigger  ships  than  the  Dread- 


nought on  the  stocks  before  the  latter  was  begun, 
he  wrote: 

“Britain,  having  so  much  larger  a Navy  com- 
pared with  any  other  Power  or  compared  with 
several  other  Powers  together,  should  have 
adopted  the  policy  of  waiting  before  building  a 
type  that  rendered  most  of  her  ships  ineffect- 
ive. She  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Japan,  Rus- 
sia, nor  the  United  States,  and  could  easily  have 
overtaken  Germany  if  Germany  began  building 
the  new  type.  Britain  made  such  a noise  about 
the  Dreadnought  as  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  whole  world.” 

The  following  account  of  the  Dreadnought  and 
of  the  interest  she  had  excited  in  naval  circles 
appeared  in  a prominent  technical  magazine 
while  the  building  of  the  ship  was  in  progress: 
“ Not  for  many  years  has  the  building  of  a man- 
of-war  excited  such  wide-spread  interest  as  that 
of  H.  M.  S.  Dreadnought.  In  many  respects  this 
ship  has  assumed  a sensational  character;  she  is 
the  largest  vessel  ever  constructed  for  any  war 
fleet;  she  was  the  first  to  be  commenced  after 
the  recent  great  struggle  in  the  Far  East ; her 
design,  which  embodies  many  new  features,  has 
hitherto  been  kept  an  official  secret,  and  the 
work  of  construction  has  been  pressed  forward 
with  so  much  success  that  it  is  hoped  she  will 
be  in  commission  within  fourteen  months  of  the 
laying  of  the  keel  plates.  All  these  facts  have 
contributed  to  arouse  curiosity,  particularly  as 
it  is  well  known  that  British  naval  attaches 
were  accorded  special  privileges  by  the  Japanese 
and  were  enabled  to  watch  the  progress  of  the 
war  to  greater  advantage  than  the  representa- 
tives of  other  powers.  Consequently,  from  the 
day  when  the  first  whispers  of  the  coming  of 
the  Dreadnought  were  heard,  an  unusual  amount 
of  interest  has  been  taken  in  this  ship,  not  only 
in  the  United  Kingdom,  but  in  foreign  countries, 
and  the  influence  of  the  design  may  be  traced 
in  the  new  programmes  of  several  rival  Powers. 

. . . The  essential  feature  of  the  Dreadnought 
which  distinguishes  her  from  all  battleships 
now  in  commission  in  the  world’s  fleets  is  that 
she'is  of  huge  size  and  mounts  only  one  type  of 
gun  for  use  in  line  of  battle,  instead  of  three 
types,  as  in  the  * King  Edward  VII.’  class. 

“ The  war  between  Japan  and  Russia  conclu- 
sively showed  that  the  intermediate  armament 
carried  by  the  vessels  flying  European  flags  was 
not  effective  at  modern  battle  ranges.  Even  on 
the  partial  evidence  obtained  by  the  French  au- 
thorities it  has  been  calculated  that  the  effective 
ranges  for  battle  have  been  raised  from  3000 
yards  to  7000  or  8000  yards.  Careful  calculations 
show  that  at  such  a distance  the  striking  power 
of  7.5-incli  and  6-inch  guns,  which  have  been 
the  favourite  intermediate  weapons  in  the  Brit- 
ish Navy  hitherto,  are  comparatively  useless. 
...  It  is  understood  that  originally  the  Dread- 
nought was  to  have  carried  twelve  guns  of  the 
12-inch  type,  but  difficulties  arose  in  working 
out  the  design,  and  it  was  eventually  decided  to 
drop  out  two  of  these  weapons  in  order  to  mount 
effectively  ten  pieces  of  this  colossal  striking 
power,  so  as  to  enable  eight  of  them  to  fire  on 
the  broadside,  six  ahead  and  four  astern,  without 
endangering  either  the  stability  of  the  ship  or 
running  any  undue  risks  owing  to  the  blast.  . . . 
With  a broadside  of  eight  12-inch  guns,  the 
Dreadnought  is  equivalent  to  any  two  battle- 
ships built  for  the  British  fleet  prior  to  the  con- 


700 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


struction  of  * King  Edward  VII.,’  and  yet  her 
total  cost,  complete  with  guns,  will  be  only 
£1,797,497,  while  the  shipsof  the  ‘ KingEdward 
VII.,’  class,  carrying  only  four  12-incli  guns  and 
the  same  number  of  9.2-inch  guns,  represent  an 
outlay  of  just  under  a million  and  a half  ster- 
ling.” — Cashier's  Magazine,  June,  1906. 

The  steadily  increasing  sine  of  the  Dread- 
nought ships  is  shown  in  the  following,  reported 
from  Portsmouth,  England,  Sept.  30,  1909 : 
‘‘Since  the  launch  of  the  Dreadnought  by  the 
King  in  February,  1906,  each  successive  ship 
which  has  taken  the  water  at  Portsmouth  has 
exceeded  her  predecessor  in  size.  The  weight 
of  the  Neptune,  successfully  floated  by  the 
Duchess  of  Albany  to-day  shows  an  advance  of 
no  fewer  than  1,500  tons  upon  that  of  the  vessel 
launched  by  his  Majesty;  and  of  500  tons  over 
that  of  the  St.  Vincent,  the  preceding  battleship 
on  the  building  slip.  The  ship  which  is  to  be 
laid  down  next  month  will  probably  far  exceed 
the  dimensions  of  the  Neptune.” 

England  and  Germany. — Their  “Dread- 
nought ” Building  Compared.  — The  Ques- 
tion in  the  British  Parliament  and  the  Hys- 
teria in  the  Country. — An  exciting  period 
of  debate  in  Parliament  and  of  discussion 
throughout  Great  Britain  was  opened  on  the 
17th  of  March,  1909,  when  the  Navy  estimates 
for  the  coming  year  were  submitted  to  the 
House  of  Commons.  In  his  speech  on  bring- 
ing forward  the  Estimates,  which  contemplated 
an  expenditure  of  £35,142,700,  being  nearly 
£3,000,000  in  excess  of  the  expenditures  of  the 
current  year,  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty, 
Mr.  Reginald  McKenna,  explained  the  reasons 
for  the  increase  at  length,  saying  in  part : “We 
cannot  take  stock  of  our  Navy,  and  measure  our 
requirements  except  in  relation  to  the  strength 
of  foreign  navies.  I am,  therefore,  obliged  to 
refer  to  foreign  countries  in  making  estimates  of 
our  naval  requirements.  Several  of  the  Powers 
are  rapidly  developing  their  naval  strength  at  this 
moment ; but  none  at  a pace  comparable  with 
that  of  Germany.  If  in  what  I have  to  say  now 
I select  that  Power  as  the  standard  by  which  to 
measure  our  own  requirements,  the  House  will 
understand  that  I do  so  only  for  what  may  be 
called  arithmetical  purposes,  and  without  pre- 
suming upon  the  expression  of  any  feeling  or 
opinion  of  my  own  — except  it  be  one  of  re- 
spectful admiration  for  administrative  and  pro- 
fessional efficiency.  . . . 

“ When  the  Estimates  were  presented  to  Par 
liament  a year  ago  we  had  seven  battleships  of 
the  Dreadnought  class  and  three  cruisers  of  the 
Invincible  class,  either  afloat  or  in  process  of  con- 
struction. The  whole  of  these  were  due  for 
completion  by  the  end  of  1910.  At  that  time 
Germany  was  building  four  Dreadnoughts  and 
one  Invincible,  of  which  two  Dreadnoughts 
were  expected  to  be  completed  by  the  end  of 
this  year,  and  the  remaining  three  ships  in  the 
autumn  of  1910.  Thus,  at  that  time,  we  had  a 
superiority  in  these  classes  of  shipsof  ten  to  five 
in  course  of  construction,  with  the  additional 
advantage  that  the  whole  of  ours  were  expected 
to  be  completed  some  months  in  advance  of  the 
last  three  of  the  German  ships.  The  new  Ger- 
man Fleet  Bill  had  at  that  time  become  law, 
and  according  to  our  interpretation  of  its  pro- 
visions three  Dreadnoughts  and  one  Invincible 
would  be  laid  down  in  the  course  of  the  year 


1908-9.  The  financial  provisions  of  that  Bill 
were  such  as  to  lead  us  to  the  opinion  that  no 
work  would  be  commenced  upon  these  four 
ships  until  the  month  of  August  last  year,  and 
that  they  would  not  be  completed  before  Febru- 
ary, 1911.  This  time  last  year,  therefore,  we 
had  to  contemplate  five  German  ships  under 
construction,  three  of  which  would  be  completed 
in  the  autumn  of  1910  and  four  more  ships  to  be 
commenced  about  August,  1908,  and  commis- 
sioned in  February,  1911.  In  view  of  this  state 
of  affairs  this  House  of  Commons  last  year  ap- 
proved of  a programme  of  two  large  ships  to  be 
laid  down  at  such  a time  as  would  give  to  this 
country  a total  of  12  of  these  new  ships,  as 
against  a possible  completed  German  total  of 
nine.  In  the  face  of  last  year’s  programme  no 
one  could  with  any  fairness  charge  this  Govern- 
ment with  having  started  upon  a race  of  compet- 
itive armaments.  By  example  as  well  as  by 
precept  we  sought  to  check  the  rapid  rate  of 
shipbuilding.  We  failed.  . . . 

“ The  difficulty  in  which  the  Government  find 
themselves  placed  at  this  moment  is  that  we  do 
not  know  — as  we  thought  we  did  — the  rate  at 
which  German  construction  is  taking  place.  We 
know  that  the  Germans  have  a law  which, 
when  all  the  ships  under  it  have  been  com- 
pleted, will  give  them  a navy  more  powerful 
than  any  at  present  in  existence.  We  know 
that,  but  we  do  not  know  the  rate  at  which 
the  provisions  of  this  Act  are  to  be  carried 
into  execution.  We  now  expect  that  the  four 
German  ships  of  the  1908-9  programme  will 
be  completed,  not  in  February,  1911,  but  in 
the  autumn  of  1910.  I am  informed,  more- 
over, that  the  collection  of  materials  and  the 
manufacture  of  armaments,  guns,  and  gun- 
mountings  have  already  begun  for  four  more 
ships  which,  according  to  the  Navy  Law,  be- 
long to  the  programme  of  1909-10.  Therefore 
we  have  to  take  stock  of  the  new  situation,  in 
which  we  reckon  not  nine  but  13  German  ships 
may  be  completed  in  1911,  and  in  1912  such  fur- 
ther ships,  if  any,  as  may  be  begun  in  the 
course  of  the  next  financial  year,  or  laid  down 
in  April,  1910.  We  may  stop  here  and  pay  a 
tribute  to  the  extraordinary  growth  of  the 
power  of  constructing  ships  of  the  largest  size 
in  Germany.  Two  years  ago,  I believe,  there 
were  in  Germany,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  one  or  two  slips  in  private  yards,  no  slip 
capable  of  carrying  a Dreadnought.  To-day 
they  have  actually  no  less  than  14  such  slips 
and  three  more  under  construction.  And  what 
is  true  of  the  hull  of  the  ships  is  true  also  of  the 
guns,  armour,  and  mountings.  Two  years  ago 
any  one  familiar  with  the  capacity  of  Krupp’s 
and  other  great  German  firms  would  have  ridi- 
culed the  possibility  of  their  undertaking  the 
supply  of  all  the  component  parts  of  eight  bat- 
tleships in  a single  year.  To-day  this  productive 
power  is  a realized  fact,  and  it  will  tax  the  re- 
sources of  our  own  great  firms  if  we  are  to  retain 
the  supremacy  in  rapidity  and  volume  of  con- 
struction. 

“ Having  said  so  much  on  foreign  naval  de- 
velopment, I turn  to  our  own  programme  of 
construction.  As  I have  said,  we  shall  have  in 
March,  1911,  eight  completed  Dreadnoughts 
and  four  Invincibles.  We  propose  to  lav  down 
two  more  Dreadnoughts  in  July  of  this  year, 
and  the  terms  of  the  contracts  will  provide  that 


701 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


they  shall  be  completed  in  July,  1911.  . . . Two 
more  ships  will  be  laid  down  in  November  this 
year,  to  be  completed  in  1911,  and  in  that  year 
our  total  strength  in  Dreadnoughts  and  Invinci- 
bles  will  be  12  of  the  former  and  four  of  the 
latter.  The  date,  however,  which  we  have  to 
bear  in  mind  is  that  up  to  which  the  present 
programme  must  provide  — April,  1912.  I have 
shown  that  we  shall  in  the  course  of  1911  have 
16  of  these  modern  ships,  as  against  13  ships  for 
which  Germany  is  already  making  provision. 
The  German  law  provides  for  four  more  ships 
to  be  laid  down  in  1910-11.  But  if  the  con- 
struction of  these  ships  is  accelerated  — as  I un- 
derstand was  the  case  of  the  four  ships  of  the 
1909-10  programme  — they  would  be  completed 
by  April,  1912.  Therefore  on  that  date  Ger- 
many would  have  17  Dreadnoughts  and  Invinci- 
bles.  But  even  if  no  acceleration  takes  place 
before  April,  1910,  this  number  would  be  com- 
pleted in  the  autumn  of  1912.  This  is  a contin- 
gency which  his  Majesty’s  Government  have  to 
take  into  account. 

“ We  cannot  afford  to  run  risks.  If  we  are 
to  be  sure  of  retaining  superiority  in  this  by  far 
the  most  powerful  types  of  battleships,  the 
Board  of  Admiralty  must  be  in  a position,  if  the 
necessity  arises,  to  give  orders  for  guns,  gun- 
mountings,  armour,  and  other  materials  at  such 
a time  and  to  such  an  amount  as  will  enable 
them  to  obtain  delivery  of  four  more  large  ar- 
moured ships  by  March,  1912.  We  should  be 
prepared  to  meet  the  contingency  of  Germany 
having  17  of  these  ships  in  the  spring  of  1912 
by  our  having  20,  but  we  can  only  meet  that 
contingency  if  the  Government  are  empowered 
by  Parliament  to  give  the  necessary  orders  in 
the  course  of  the  present  year.  1 can  well 
imagine  that  this  method  of  calculating  in 
Dreadnoughts  and  Invincibles  alone  may  seem 
unsatisfactory,  and  even  unfair  to  many  per- 
sons. They  may  say  : ‘ What  has  become  of 
the  Lord  Nelsons,  the  King  Edwards,  the  Dun- 
cans, and  the  Formidables  and  the  earlier  battle- 
ships on  which  our  naval  superiority  has  been 
so  constantly  reckoned  ? Is  no  account  to  be 
taken  of  our  powerful  fleet  of  armoured  cruis- 
ers, numbering  no  less  than  35?’  Yes;  the 
Board  of  Admiralty  have  not  forgotten  these 
ships.  They  still  constitute  a mighty  fleet. 
The  Dreadnought  has  not  rendered  them  obso- 
lete, and  many  of  them  would  give  a good  ac- 
count of  themselves  in  the  line  of  battle  for 
many  years  to  come.  But,  though  they  have 
not  been  rendered  obsolete  by  the  Dreadnoughts 
and  the  Inv®Kbles,  yet  their  life  has  been  short- 
ened. ...  A battleship  must  be  regarded  as  a 
machine  of  which  the  output  is  fighting  capa- 
city. All  improvements  in  the  designs  of  ships 
Which  increase  the  fighting  capacity  necessarily 
shorten  the  life  of  earlier  battleships  just  as  in 
the  case  of  any  other  machine.  The  greater  the 
value  of  the  improvements,  the  sooner  the  ear- 
lier ships  become  obsolete.” 

Mr.  McKenna’s  reckoning  of  the  comparative 
numbers  of  Dreadnoughts  that  Great  Britain  and 
Germany  would  have  in  1912  was  challenged  at 
once  by  the  leader  of  the  Opposition,  Mr.  Bal- 
four, who  said:  “ On  the  two-years’  basis  of 
building  we  shall  in  December,  1910,  as  I calcu- 
late, have  ten,  and  only  ten,  Dreadnoughts. 
But  the  Germans  at  that  date,  as  I calculate, 
will  have  13.  That  assumes,  of  course,  that  I 


am  right  in  stating,  and  I do  not  think  I shall 
be  contradicted,  that  the  Germans  anticipated 
their  programme  by  four  months.  If  you  work 
that  out,  and  assume  that  the  German  ships  be- 
gun last  November,  in  anticipation  by  five 
months  of  the  ordinary  date,  are  completed  in 
two  years,  then  you  will  find  that  I am  not 
wrong  in  saying  that  in  December,  1910,  we 
shall  have  only  ten  Dreadnoughts  and  the  Ger- 
mans will  have  13.  That  danger  period  in 
which,  according  to  my  calculation,  the  ratio  of 
British  to  German  Dreadnoughts  is  as  ten  to  13 
extends,  on  the  basis  of  two  years’  building, 
from  December,  1910,  to  the  end  of  March,  1911. 
On  April  1,  1911,  the  Germans,  as  I understand 
it,  will  have  only  13  and  we  shall  have  raised 
our  number  to  12.  We  should  still,  therefore, 
on  April  1,  1911,  according  to  my  calculation, 
have  one  less  than  the  Germans,  and  that 
period  of  what  I might  call  the  12  British  to  13 
Germans  will  last  until  July,  1911.  Then  we 
shall  have  14;  but  in  the  meanwhile  the  Ger- 
mans, if  they  build  their  four  ships  this  year, 
in  addition  to  the  anticipated  ships  they  laid 
down  in  November,  will  have  17,  as  I under- 
stand. We  should  still  have  14  in  July,  1911, 
but  the  Germans  would,  as  I make  out,  have 
17.” 

Mr.  Balfour  contended  that  the  four  ships 
which,  according  to  the  German  programme, 
were  to  be  laid  down  on  the  1st  of  April  coming 
(1909)  had  been  actually  laid  down  in  advance 
of  that  time.  He  had  information  to  that 
effect ; whereas  Mr.  McKenna  was  informed 
that  materials  for  them  had  been  collected  in 
advance,  but  that  the  construction  was  not  be- 
gun. Mr.  Balfour  contended  stoutly  for  the 
correctness  of  his  own  information,  and  argued  : 
“ If  they  [the  four  battleships  supposedly  wait- 
ing to  be  laid  down  April  1,  1909]  were  laid 
down  in  November,  as  I believe,  that  means 
that  the  Germans  laid  down  eight  Dreadnoughts 
last  year.  They  may  lay  down  no  Dreadnoughts 
this  year,  and  they  may  say,  ‘We  anticipated 
our  four  ships  for  1909-10  ; we  anticipated 
them  by  laying  them  down  in  November;  we 
have  no  ships  for  this  financial  year.’  But 
there  are  two  other  things  to  remember.  Hav- 
ing laid  down  eight  ships  last  year,  they  may 
lay  down  four  ships  this  year,  or  they  may  lay 
down  eight  ships  this  year.  That  the  capacity 
of  their  yards  and  their  great  engineering  3hops 
renders  that  process  perfectly  feasible  no  one 
now  doubts.  ...  If  the  Germans  go  on  at  that 
rate,  wrhich  is  more  than  possible,  the  probabil- 
ity is  that  they  will  have  on  April  1,  1912,  21 
Dreadnoughts  to  our  20.  The  hypotheses, 
then,  ard^khese,  and  I want  to  make  it  clear  to 
the  Government  and  to  the  House: — Eight 
Dreadnoughts  have  been  laid  down  in  1908  by 
Germany.  If  four  are  laid  down  in  1909,  there 
will  be  17  on  April  1,  1912  ; if  eight  are  laid 
down  — as  eight  have  been  laid  down  last  year 
— there  will  be  21  on  April  1,  1912,  to  our  20; 
and  if  the  Germans  imitate  the  policy  of  the 
present  Government  and  lay  down  not  only 
their  eight  in  the  financial  year,  but  begin  a 
new  group  of  four  when  the  Government  pro- 
pose their  group  of  four,  on  April  1,  12  months 
lienee,  they  will  t.liaAhave  25.” 

Over  this  differa^l  of  information  as  to  the 
facts  of  German  Di^Rinought-building,  and  con- 
sequent differences  of  conclusion,  controversy 


702 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  TIIE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


raged  throughout  the  kingdom  for  weeks. 
The  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  Asquith,  tried  unavail- 
ingly  to  moderate  the  impeachment  of  German 
good  faitli  in  the  matter.  “ It  is  fair  and  right 
to  the  German  Government  that  I should  say,” 
he  remarked,  “that  we  have  had  a most  dis- 
tinct declaration  from  them  that  it  is  not  their 
intention  to  accelerate  their  programme  (cheers) 
and  we  cannot  possibly,  as  a Government,  be- 
lieving as  we  do  most  explicitly  in  the  good 
faith  of  those  declarations  (cheers),  we  cannot 
possibly  put  before  the  House  of  Commons  and 
Parliament  a programme  based  on  the  assump- 
tion that  a declaration  of  that  kind  will  not  be 
carried  out.  Be  it  observed  — I want  to  be 
very  careful  in  the  language  I use  about  this  — 
I am  not  saying  that  it  is  a pledge  in  the  sense 
of  an  agreement  between  the  two  countries. 
Nothing  of  the  kind.  I should  not  accuse  the 
German  Government  of  anything  in  the  nature 
of  bad  faith  if  they  altered  their  intention.  We 
have  been  told  by  them  expressly  and  explicitly 
that  that  is  their  intention,  an  intention  not  to 
accelerate,  or  in  other  words  not  to  do  what  the 
right  hon.  gentleman  contemplates,  when  he  cred- 
its them  with  the  intention  possibly  of  doing  — 
namely,  of  laying  down  as  many  as  eight  ships 
in  one  financial  year.  It  is  impossible  in  fram- 
ing these  Estimates  to  do  so  while  at  the  same 
time  ignoring  that  declaration  from  the  German 
Government,  and  that  is  why  I say  in  taking 
this  power  to  lay  down  if  need  be  four  ships  on 
April  1 next  year  we  are  making  such  provision 
as  prudence  shows  to  be  necessary  for  all  the 
contingencies  which  wre  can  reasonably  antici- 
pate at  the  present  moment.” 

At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Asquith  made  a state- 
ment of  importance  in  reply  to  the  question, 
Why  should  there  be  an  increasing  competition 
in  naval  expenditure  between  these  two  coun- 
tries ? “The  question,”  he  said,  “has  been 
raised  by  us,  the  British  Government,  more 
than  once,  with  a view  to  ascertaining  whether 
any  proposal  for  a mutual  reduction  of  expen- 
diture for  naval  purposes  would  be  accepted  by 
the  German  Government,  but  we  have  been  as- 
sured more  than  once,  and  in  the  most  formal 
manner,  that  their  naval  expenditure  is  gov- 
erned solely  by  reference  to  their  own  needs, 
and  that  their  programme  does  not  depend 
upon  ours.  That  is  the  statement  which  has 
been  made  to  us.  They  tell  us  quite  plainly 
that  if  we  build  100  Dreadnoughts  we  must  not 
assume  that  they  would  add  to  their  naval 
programme,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we  built 
no  Dreadnoughts  at  all  they  would  go  on  with 
their  programme  just  as  it  is.  If  that  is  so,  it 
is  perfectly  clear  that  there  is  no  possibility  of 
an  arrangement  for  mutual  reduction.  I regret 
it  very  much,  but  I do  not  complain.  The  Ger- 
mans, like  every  other  nation,  are  the  best 
judges  of  their  own  national  requirements  and 
necessities.” 

As  will  have  been  learned  from  Mr.  Mc- 
Kenna’s statement,  quoted  above,  the  Govern- 
ment desired  authority  to  begin  construction  of 
two  new  Dreadnoughts  in  July  and  two  in  No- 
vember, 1909,  with  contingent  authority  in  ad- 
dition to  give  orders  during  the  year  for  four 
more,  if  reasons  for  doin*gio  appeared.  This 
did  not  satisfy  the  Oppoj^Mn,  which  insisted 
that  not  less  than  eight  the  new  type  of 
battle-ships  should  be  built  outright ; and  a ver- 


itable panic  of  public  excitement  on  the  subject 
of  German  designs  against  England  was  created 
in  the  country,  by  the  combined  agency  of 
speech  and  press  and  the  melodramatic  stage. 
The  Government  was  so  little  shaken  by  the 
clamor  that  a motion  of  censure  on  its  “ de 
dared  policy  ” in  the  matter  was  defeated  in  the 
House  of  Commons  by  a majority  of  218. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  26th  of  July,  Mr.  Mc- 
Kenna made  the  following  announcement  of  a 
modification  in  its  naval  programme  : 

“After  very  anxious  and  careful  examination 
of  the  condition  of  shipbuilding  in  foreign 
countries  the  Government  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  it  is  desirable  to  take  all  the 
necessary  steps  to  ensure  that  the  second  four 
ships  referred  to  in  this  year’s  programme 
should  be  completed  by  March,  1912.  They 
propose  to  take  all  the  necessary  steps  in  the 
way  of  preparation  of  plans,  getting  out  of  spe- 
cifications, invitations  to  tender,  and,  finally, 
the  giving  of  orders  which  will  procure  the  de- 
livery of  these  ships  at  the  time  I have  named. 
As  was  said  in  the  month  of  March,  there  will 
be  no  need  to  lay  the  keels  of  these  ships  in  the 
course  of  the  present  financial  year.  It  will  be 
quite  time  enough  if  the  keels  are  laid  in  the 
month  of  April  next.  . . . 

“The  examination  of  the  state  of  foreign 
shipbuilding  programmes  to  which  I have  re- 
ferred is  bound  to  lead  in  the  minds  of  most 
members  of  the  Committee  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  Government  had  no  other  course  open 
to  them.  The  Committee  had  stated  to  them 
last  March  very  amply  what  was  the  condition 
of  foreign  shipbuilding  up  to  that  date.  Since 
then  the  development  of  shipbuilding  in  foreign 
countries  has  gone  on  apace.  Two  countries, 
Italy  and  Austria,  have  now  declared  a definite 
programme  of  four  large  armoured  ships  of  the 
latest  type.  In  Italy  one  of  those  ships  is  al- 
ready laid  down,  a second  is  to  be  laid  down 
immediately,  and  the  remaining  two  are  both 
to  be  laid  down  in  the  course  of  the  present 
year.  With  regard  to  the  Austrian  programme, 
sceptics  might  say  they  would  never  believe  in 
it  until,  as  in  the  case  of  Italy,  they  saw  the 
keels  actually  laid  down,  but  the  fact  is  every 
earnest  has  been  given  of  the  determination  of 
the  Austrian  Government,  and  two  large  slips 
have  been  prepared  for  the  construction  of 
battleships  of  the  largest  type.” 

The  English  Naval  Programme  for  1910. 

— “ The  navy  estimates  for  1910,  which  were 
issued  by  the  British  Admiralty  last  night,  pro- 
vide for  an  expenditure  of  $203, MB, 500,  an  in- 
crease of  $27,805,000  over  1909.  The  increase 
is  almost  wholly  taken  up  by  shipbuilding  ar- 
maments authorized  by  Parliament  before  disso- 
lution. The  new  programme  provides  for  fife 
large  armored  ships,  five  protected  cruisers, 
twenty  destroyers,  and  a considerable  number 
of  submarines.  By  April  1 there  will  be  under 
construction  seven  battleships,  three  armored, 
nine  protected,  and  two  unarmored  cruisers, 
thirty -seven  destroyers,  and  nine  submarines.” 

— N.  Y.  Eve.  Post.  March  10,  1910. 

The  French  Naval  Administration. — 
Alarming  discovery  of  Bad  Conditions.  — 
France  was  greatly  startled  and  shocked  in 
March,  1909,  by  rumored  scandals  in  naval  ad- 
ministration, uncovered  by  the  investigations 
of  a Parliamentary  Commission,  but  not  yet 


703 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


officially  made  known.  The  report  of  the 
Commission  was  not  published  until  late  in 
June,  and  when  it  appeared  it  confirmed,  not 
the  worst  of  the  state  of  things  which  rumor 
had  described,  but  enough  to  show  an  alarming 
and  unsuspected  weakness  of  the  nation  on  that 
side  of  its  armament  for  war.  From  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  elaborate  report  a few  translated 
passages  will  suffice  to  indicate  some  of  the 
conditions  it  brought  to  light.  In  this  final 
summary,  the  Commission  states  that  the  testi- 
mony submitted  by  it  establishes,  among  other 
facts,  the  following: 

“That  during  the  last  ten  years  Parliament 
has  been  asked  to  authorize  the  construction  of 
ships  for  which  in  most  cases  the  plans  have 
not  been  definitely  (serieusement)  fixed  ; that 
months,  and  most  generally  years,  elapsed  be- 
tween the  different  contracts  for  the  essential 
parts  of  the  ships,  the  hulls,  the  turrets,  the 
boilers,  &c. , entailing  considerable  loss  of  time 
and  of  money  . . . ; that  numerous  and  impor- 
tant chauges  were  introduced  in  the  course  of 
construction,  . . . changes  the  chief  inconven- 
ience of  which,  apart  from  the  increase  of  ex- 
penditure and  the  retardation  of  construction, 
is  to  impair  that  homogeneity  which  is  the  su- 
preme quality  of  a squadron ; that  most  of  these 
defects  are  aggravated  in  the  case  of  the  six 
battleships  of  the  Danton  type,  the  original 
contract  for  which,  signed  at  the  end  of  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  has  undergone  hundreds  of  modifica- 
tions which  must  now  be  placed  on  a proper 
basis.  . . . 

“That  the  arsenals  are  not  at  present  in  a 
state  to  carry  out  with  the  rapidity  which  is  de- 
sirable new  constructions  and  repairs  ; that  the 
mechanical  equipment  is  in  general  inadequate 
and  out  of  date ; that  the  abolition  of  piece- 
work, which  has  coincided  with  a reduction  of 
working  hours  and  the  diminution  of  the  pow- 
ers and  authority  of  the  superintendents  in 
charge,  has  resulted  in  a considerable  lessening 
of  production  ; and  that  lack  of  material  some- 
times entails  a stoppage  of  work.  . . . 

“That  the  four  divisions  of  battleships  and 
the  cruiser  division  of  the  Mediterranean 
Squadron  have  not  the  regulation  supply  of 
steel  shells,  that  the  two  divisions  of  armoured 
cruisers  of  the  Northern  Squadron  have  only 
one-third  of  their  proper  supply  of  steel  shells, 
and  that  for  both  squadrons  the  stores  for  re- 
newing their  supplies  of  steel  shells  are  not 
ready. 

“ That  the  various  branches  of  the  adminis- 
tration are  wanting  in  unity  of  views  and  pur 
pose,  in  method  and  in  defined  responsibility, 
and  that  neglect,  disorder,  and  confusion  too 
frequently  prevail.  . . . 

“ In  view  of  the  fact  that  only  a small  part 
of  the  scheme  of  1901  for  modernizing  ports 
and  (lock  yards  in  accordance  with  the  require 
ments  of  the  construction  programme  of  1900 
has  been  executed,  and  in  view  of  the  total 
failure  to  provide  docking  accommodation  for 
the  large  battleships  of  the  Danton  class,  the 
Commission  invites  the  Chamber  to  censure  the 
want  of  foresight  and  the  indifference  which 
these  lamentable  discoveries  disclose.” 

French  Naval  Programme  revised  in  1909. 
— Radical  Changes  in  the  Department  of  the 
Marine.  — A despatch  from  Paris,  June  8, 
1909,  announced:  “According  to  the  Temps 


this  evening,  the  Navy  Council  has  finally  de- 
cided to  recommend  that,  in  addition  to  45 
ships  of  the  line,  the  fleet  shall  consist  of  12 
‘ scout  cruisers,’  60  large  destroyers,  and  64  sub- 
marines. The  importance  attached  to  an  in- 
crease in  the  number  of  capital  ships,  which  is 
the  chief  feature  of  the  new  proposals,  is  illus- 
trated by  a comparison  with  the  so-called  ‘pro- 
grammes’ of  1900  and  1907.  In  1900  it  was  de- 
cided on  paper  that  the  fleet  should  consist  of 
28  battleships,  24  armoured  cruisers,  52  de- 
stroyers, 263  torpedo-boats,  and  38  submarines 
or  submersibles.  In  1907  the  composition  of 
the  fleet  was  changed  to  38  battleships,  20 
armoured  cruisers,  six  scouts,  109  destroyers, 
170  torpedo-boats,  82  submarines  for  offensive 
purposes,  and  49  defence  submarines. 

“ A comparison  of  these  three  ‘ programmes’ 
shows  an  increase  in  the  number  of  capital 
ships  and  destroyers,  the  abolition  of  armoured 
cruisers  as  a separate  class  and  of  torpedo-boats 
in  favour  of  destroyers,  and  a decrease  in  the 
number  of  submarines.  With  regard  to  the 
existing  armoured  cruisers,  which  the  Navy 
Council  no  longer  regards  as  efficient  fighting 
units,  it  may  be  noted  that  two  out  of  the  four 
14,000-ton  Gambettas  have  not  yet  been  com- 
pleted. Given  the  age  limit  of  armoured  ships 
as  fixed  at  20  years,  only  the  six  Danton  and 
the  six  Republique  battleships  would  still  fig- 
ure on  the  effective  list  by  1925.  In  other  words, 
33  armoured  ships  would  have  to  be  completed 
during  the  next  16  years.  In  addition,  12  scout 
cruisers  would  have  to  be  constructed,  and,  be- 
sides a number  of  submarines,  over  100  de- 
stroyers would  have  to  be  laid  down,  since  the 
life  of  this  class  of  vessel  is  fixed  at  17  years.” 

On  the  29th  of  July  the  Paris  correspondent 
of  the  London  Times  wrote : “ It  is  semi  officially 
announced  this  evening  that  the  Council  of 
Ministers  at  its  meeting  to-day  approved  a num- 
ber of  radical  changes  proposed  by  the  new 
Minister  of  Marine,  among  the  higher  ranks  of 
the  personnel  of  the  naval  administration.  All 
the  heads  of  departments  at  the  Ministry  of 
Marine  appointed  under  the  old  regime  have 
been  removed  and  their  places  have  been  filled 
by  Admiral  Bone  de  Lapeyr^re’s  own  nominees. 
So  complete  a reconstruction  of  a public  depart- 
ment is  without  precedent  in  modern  French 
history.  These  changes,  moreover,  are  supple- 
mented by  a number  of  new  appointments  in 
the  commands  afloat.” 

On  the  first  of  April,  1910,  it  was  announced 
from  Paris  that  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  had 
voted  to  lay  dowm  two  battle-ships  in  the  current 
year,  designed  to  equal  the  latest  type  added  to 
the  navies  of  Great  Britain  and  Germany. 

French  Naval  Administration.  — Parlia- 
mentary Investigation.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
France:  A.  D.  1909  (Marcii-June). 

The  German  Emperor’s  Statement  of  his 
Peace  Policy  based  on  Preparation  for  War. 
— In  the  spring  of  1905,  speaking  at  Bremen, 
on  the  unveiling  of  a monument  to  his  father, 
the  Emperor  made  an  impressive  statement  of 
his  motives  in  striving  for  the  creation  in  Ger- 
many of  a great  naval  and  military  power.  lie 
said  that  in  boyhood  he  had  been  angered  at  the 
weakness  of  the  German  navy,  and  that  his  pol- 
icy had  sprung  from  that  feeling,  not  directed 
toward  aggression,  but  to  the  command  of 
respect  from  the  rest  of  the  w’orld.  II is  aim 


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was  to  “do  everything  possible  to  let  bayonets 
and  cannon  rest,  but  to  keep  the  bayonets  sharp 
and  the  cannon  ready,  so  that  envy  and  greed 
shall  not  disturb  us  in  tending  our  garden  or 
building  our  beautiful  house.’’  “I  vowed,”  he 
said,  “ never  to  strike  for  world-mastery.  The 
world-power  that  I then  dreamed  of  was  to 
create  for  the  German  Empire  on  all  sides  the 
most  absolute  confidence  as  a quiet,  honest,  and 
peaceable  neighbor.  I have  vowed  that  if  ever 
the  time  comes  that  history  shall  speak  of  a 
German  world-power,  or  a Hohenzollern  world- 
power,  this  should  not  be  based  upon  conquest, 
but  should  come  through  the  mutual  striving 
of  nations  after  common  purposes.” 

It  is  not  difficult  to  believe  in  the  perfect 
truthfulness  of  this  assertion  of  high  motives, 
and  the  perfect  sincerity  with  which  they  have 
been  obeyed,  while  seeing  at  the  same  time  how 
much,  in  their  working,  they  have  threatened 
the  peace  of  the  world.  As  the  power  of  Ger- 
many has  grown  under  his  hand,  the  Kaiser  has 
been  tempted  more  and  more  to  impose  his  will 
on  neighbors  whose  cannon  were  not  as  ready 
or  their  sharpened  bayonets  as  many  as  his. 
The  world-power  of  his  desire  has  become  more 
and  more  a dictatorial  power.  The  peace  he 
has  preserved  by  it  has  been  peace  on  his  own 
terms,  more  than  once.  The  result  has  been  to 
excite  throughout  the  world  such  a feeling  of 
being  menaced  by  war  as  had  not  been  known 
since  Napoleon’s  day,  and  to  impel  among 
nations,  big  and  little,  a more  feverish  and 
competitive  arming  for  war  than  ever  busied 
them  before.  As  worked  out  by  the  man,  the 
Kaiser’s  policy  of  peace-making  by  the  tools  of 
war  has  certainly  lost  the  innocence  it  had  when 
conceived  by  the  boy. 

The  German  Side  of  the  Navy-building 
Question.  — When,  in  March,  1909,  debate  on 
the  Navy  Estimates  in  England  started  excite- 
ment over  the  rapidity  with  which  Germany 
seemed  to  have  developed  the  building  of 
Dreadnoughts,  Chancellor  Billow,  on  the  29th  of 
that  month,  said  in  the  Reichstag:  “The  Fed- 
erated Governments  entertain  no  thoughts  of 
entering  into  competition  with  British  sea- 
power  by  means  of  the  construction  of  the  Ger- 
man navy.  According  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Navy  Law,  the  immovable  purpose  of  German 
naval  policy  is  founded  upon  the  fact  that  we 
desire  to  create  our  naval  armaments  solely  for 
the  protection  of  our  coasts  and  our  trade.  It 
is,  moreover,  an  indisputable  fact  that  the  pro- 
gramme of  our  naval  construction  lies  open  in 
absolute  publicity.  We  have  nothing  to  keep 
secret,  nothing  to  hide,  and  it  is  not  intended  to 
accelerate  the  carrying  out  of  our  construction 
programme  beyond  the  limits  of  time  contem- 
plated by  the  law  {iiber  die  gesetzliclie  Frist 
hinaus  zu  beschleunigen).  All  rumours  to  the 
contrary  are  false.  In  the  autumn  of  1912,  at 
the  earliest,  we  shall  have  ready  for  service  the 
13  large  new  ships,  including  three  armoured 
cruisers,  provided  by  law.” 

This  statement  was  supplemented  by  one 
from  Admiral  Tirpitz,  who  said : “Now,  as  pre- 
viously, we  build  all  ships  in  about  36  months 
— about  40  months  in  the  small  yards.  To  that 
period  are  added  trials,  which  last  for  several 
months.  Equally  inaccurate  is  the  assertion 
that,  with  a view  to  more  rapid  construction, 
the  contracts  for  the  newer  ships  are  placed 


sooner  than  is  allowed  by  the  estimates.  All 
that  is  true  is  the  following  : Subject  to  ap- 
proval by  the  Reichstag,  contracts  for  two  ships 
of  the  1909  financial  programme  were  last  au- 
tumn promised  to  two  private  yards  at  compara- 
tively low  prices.  This  was  done  because  there 
was  a danger  that,  if  orders  for  four  ships  were 
placed  at  the  same  time  at  the  beginning  of 
1909  there  would  be  a considerable  advance  in 
price.  If  orders  for  two  ships  were  already 
placed  the  Imperial  Navy  Office  was  in  a much 
more  favourable  position  for  placing  orders  for 
the  other  two.  We  can  put  the  Imperial  yards 
into  competition  with  the  private  yards.  The 
Imperial  yards  cannot  undertake  more  than  two 
ships  at  once.  The  private  firms,  therefore,  will 
be  compelled  to  ask  lower  terms.  If  the  matter 
has  been  kept  secret,  that  is  solely  because  the 
firms  must  not  be  made  aware  of  the  business 
transactions  of  the  Navy  Office.  Contracts  for 
the  ships  have  not  been  placed  ; assurances  only 
have  been  given.  The  contract  is  concluded 
only  after  the  voting  of  the  estimate.  The 
period  for  delivery  is  36  months  from  April  1, 
1909.  Not  a penny  is  available  for  the  ‘pro- 
mised ’ ships  before  April  1.  That  must  be  clear 
to  everybody  who  knows  the  Parliamentary 
conditions  and  our  accounts  system.  Not  even 
indirectly  has  any  money  been  procured  from 
banks  for  the  yards  in  any  way  whatever  by  the 
agency  of  the  Navy  Office. 

“ In  regard  to  the  placing  of  the  order  for  the 
first  of  the  two  ships  special  account  was  taken 
of  the  fact  that  the  yard  in  question  is  princi- 
pally engaged  in  the  construction  of  this  kind 
of  ship.  Accelerated  completion  of  these  two 
ships  is  neither  asked  for  nor  intended.  The 
firms  get  their  money  only  in  quarterly  instal- 
ments. Contracts  for  the  two  other  ships  of 
this  year’s  programme  are  not  to  be  placed  until 
some  months  after  the  conditions  for  tendering 
are  drawn  up  late  in  the  summer.  As  the  pri- 
vate yards  no  more  than  the  Imperial  yards 
know  whether  they  will  get  the  orders  for  these 
ships,  there  can  be  no  possibility  of  special  pre- 
paration of  material.  If  there  has  been  any 
such  accumulation,  it  is,  presumably,  due  to 
business  reasons,  certainly  to  no  incentive  of 
ours. 

“In  conclusion,  I repeat  once  more  with 
emphasis  that,  as  the  Imperial  Chancellor  has 
already  said,  we  shall  have  ready  for  use  in  1912 
ten  Dreadnoughts  and  three  Invincibles  — in  all 
13,  and  not  17,  large  modern  ships  — and  that 
not  in  the  spring,  but  in  the  autumn.  How  far 
it  is  right  to  base  comparisons  of  naval  strength 
upon  the  number  of  Dreadnoughts  is  a question 
which  I shall  not  here  discuss.” 

As  to  the  suggested  readiness  and  desire  of 
Great  Britain  to  join  in  an  international  agree- 
ment for  the  limiting  of  naval  armaments,  the 
Germans  have  always  had  a rather  reasonable 
answer,  which  was  phrased  forcibly  by  one  of 
the  Agrarian  organs  when  it  said  : 

“When  the  weaker  promises  the  stronger 
to  abstain  from  all  means  of  increasing  his 
strength,  the  strong  man  needs  to  make  no  fur- 
ther effort  to  retain  his  relative  preponderance 
for  ever.  If  the  other  naval  Powers  entered 
into  such  an  agreement,  England,  without  tak- 
ing upon  herself  any  further  burdens,  would  re- 
tain mastery  at  sea  before  which  all  must  bow. 
Little  need  as  we  have  to  interfere  with  regard 


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to  England’s  programme,  even  so  little  need  has 
England  to  look  askance  upon  our  construction 
of  ships,  not  to  attack  England,  but  only  in 
order  to  have  a naval  power  with  which  even 
the  strongest  opponent  will  not  light-heartedly 
engage  in  battle.  This  good  right  of  ours  we 
shall  not  surrender  by  any  agreement.’’ 

But  a better  view  was  that  taken  by  one  of 
the  German  Conservative  journals,  the  Kreuz 
Zeitung , which  said  last  summer:  “First  of  all 
we  must  complete  our  construction  programme. 
Before  that  we  could  not  agree  to  any  limita- 
tion of  naval  armaments.  Otherwise  we  should 
not  be  able  to  create  the  navy  of  moderate  size 
which  corresponds  to  our  position  as  a seafaring 
people.  . . . Even  after  the  completion  of  our 
construction  programme  our  navy  will  be  but  a 
dwarf  as  compared  with  the  British  Navy. 
Nevertheless,  the  moment  ought  then  to  have 
arrived  for  entering  into  an  international  agree- 
ment about  limitation  of  armaments,  and  on  the 
part  of  Germany  there  will,  presumably,  be 
readiness  for  it.” 

Elasticity  of  the  German  Navy  Law.  — At 

the  annual  meeting  of  the  German  Navy  League 
in  June,  1909,  Admiral  Weber,  speaking  of  the 
German  Navy  Law,  praised  its  elasticity.  “ In 
international  relations,”  he  said,  “ it  had  lately 
proved  to  be  a political  instrument  of  equal 
force  with  the  American  Monroe  doctrine  and 
the  English  two-Power  standard.  In  1906  the 
Reichstag  had  agreed  to  increase  the  size  of 
capital  ships  without  altering  the  number.  The 
amending  law  of  1908  (which  shortened  the 
‘life’  of  battleships)  had  rendered  possible  a 
rational  fulfilment  of  all  immediate  possibilities 
with  regard  to  battleships,  small  cruisers,  tor- 
pedo-boats, and  submarines.” 

Italian  and  Austrian  Programmes  of  Naval 
Construction.  — A despatch  from  Rome  in 
May,  1909,  announced  that  the  minister  of  ma- 
rine, Admiral  Mirabello,  had  obtained  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Cabinet  to  a naval  programme 
that  provides  for  the  construction  within  three 
years  at  a total  expense  of  $52,800,000  of  four 
“Dreadnoughts”  and  a number  of  fast  scout 
cruisers.  A local  paper  stated  that  the  decision 
to  build  these  vessels  was  reached  after  Italy 
had  learned  that  Austria-Hungary  was  going  to 
spend  $40,000,000  on  increased  naval  power. 

Four  months  later,  on  the  1st  of  October,  a 
report  came  to  the  English  Press  from  Rome 
as  follows: 

“ The  Minister  of  Marine  announced  in  June 
that  the  ships  would  be  begun  at  once,  and  com 
pleted  before  the  middle  of  1912.  Only  one, 
the  Dante  Alighieri,  has  yet  been  laid  down, 
and  owing  to  some  blunder  with  regard  to  her 
steel  plates,  no  work  has  been  done  on  her  for 
more  than  a month.  The  second  is  still  await- 
ing the  completion  of  a building  slip  before  it 
can  be  laid  down.  As  to  the  other  two,  accord- 
ing to  the  Tribuna,  the  contracts,  which  ought 
to  have  been  concluded  with  two  shipbuilding 
firms  last  June,  have  not  yet  been  even  ex- 
amined by  the  Council  of  State;  consequently 
neither  firm  has  yet  been  able  to  begin  the  work 
which  will  be  necessary  in  its  yards  before  the 
ships  can  be  laid  down.  The  Tribuna  throws 
the  blame  upon  the  bureaucratic  system.” 

Italian  Fighting  Strength  at  the  End  of 
1909.— Thcfighting  strength  of  the  Italian  Navy 
was  reckoned  by  the  Rome  correspondent  of 


the  London  Times,  in  November,  1909,  as  fol- 
lows: 

“ Counting  in  all  four  of  the  San  Giorgio- 
cruisers  [only  two  of  which  were  then  finished] 
as  forming  part  of  the  available  navy  at  the  end 
of  this  year,  and  setting  aside  some  20  ships  of 
various  kinds  and  40  or  50  torpedo-boats,  which 
may,  however,  be  of  some  secondary  use,  the 
full  fighting  force  of  the  Italian  navy  at  the 
beginning  of  1910  should  be  six  first-class  battle- 
ships, five  second  class  battleships,  seven  first- 
class  armoured  cruisers,  three  second-class  ar- 
moured cruisers,  19  destroyers,  and  36  first-class 
torpedo-boats.  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  eight  of  the  first  21  fighting  units — the- 
five  battleships  and  three  armoured  cruisers  de- 
scribed here  as  of  the  second  class  — are  not  very 
modern  ships. 

“The  shipbuilding  programme  of  Admiral 
Mirabello  promises,  besides  other  less  important 
vessels,  four  battleships  of  the  Dreadnought 
type.  As  far  as  one  could  learn  at  first  these 
ships  were  to  be  on  much  the  same  lines  as  the 
Bellerophon,  with  a displacement  of  18,200,  and 
an  armament  of  ten  12in.  guns.  The  chief  ques- 
tion then  was,  When  would  they  be  ready  for 
sea?  Admiral  Mirabello  said  in  1912.  In  order 
to  effect  this  he  would  have  had  to  revolution- 
ize the  whole  system  of  shipbuilding  in  the 
Italian  navy.” 

Japan’s  Armament,  Present  and  Prospect- 
ive. — The  naval  status  of  Japan  in  December, 
1909,  as  ascertained  and  described  by  the  Tokio 
correspondent  of  The  Times,  London,  was  as 
follows  : 

“ Ever  since  the  Russo-Japanese  War  it  has 
been  well-nigh  impossible  for  the  public  to  form 
a clear  idea  of  what  steps  were  in  progress 
with  regard  to  the  expansion  and  maintenance 
of  the  Japanese  Navy.  In  the  year  before  the 
outbreak  of  the  conflict  — namely,  1903,  a pro- 
gramme of  expansion  was  approved  by  the 
Diet.  It  involved  the  building  of  three  battle- 
ships, three  armoured  cruisers,  and  two  second- 
class  cruisers;  that  is  to  say,  eight  fighting  ves- 
sels, displacing  100,000  tons  approximately. 
The  cost  was  set  down  as  ten  millions  sterling, 
and  the  programme  was  to  have  been  spread 
over  a period  of  11  years,  ending  in  1913.  Sub- 
sequently, however,  owing  to  financial  expedi- 
ency, the  time  of  completion  was  extended,  first 
to  1915,  and  thereafter  to  1916,  so  that  seven 
years  still  remain.  Knowing  this  and  observing 
carefully  what  ships  were  laid  down  from  time 
to  time,  there  should  have  been,  it  will  appear, 
no  difficulty  in  forming  a clear  perception  of  the 
actual  conditions  at  any  moment. 

“But  naturally  the  war  produced  a radical 
change  in  the  plans  of  the  Japanese  Admiralty. 
It  became  necessary  at  once  to  adopt  special 
measures  for  recouping  the  losses  suffered  in 
battle,  as  well  as  for  renewing  armaments.  Of 
course  the  general  public  was  not  taken  into 
official  confidence  in  such  matters,  and  some 
time  elapsed  before  people  became  vaguely  con- 
scious that  not  one  building  programme  only, 
but  three,  had  been  taken  in  hand.  Occasionally 
announcements  were  made  of  the  launch  of 
such-and-such  a battleship  or  the  laying  down 
of  such-and-such  a cruiser,  but  as  to  which  ves- 
sel belonged  to  which  programme,  and  what 
dimensions  the  several  programmes  were  ulti- 
mately to  take,  nothing  could  be  clearly  ascer- 


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tamed.  Now,  at  length,  this  obscurity  has 
been  removed.  It  is  seen  that  two  of  the  pro- 
grammes were  undertaken  with  funds  included 
in  the  war  expenditures,  and  that,  therefore,  the 
nation  is  not  required  to  make  any  further  provi- 
sion of  money  on  these  accounts.  These  pro- 
grammes are,  first,  an  emergency  programme, 
carried  out  with  what  is  called  an  ‘ implement- 
ing fund,’  and,  secondly,  an  emergency  pro- 
grammecarried  out  with  an  ‘adjustment  fund.’ 
Under  the  three  programmes,  respectively,  the 
following  vessels  have  been  bought,  built,  or 
are  building:  — 

Third  Period  Expansion  Programme. 

Tons. 

Katori,  battleship 15,950 

Kashima,  “ 16,400 

Ibuki,  armoured  cruiser 14,600 

Emergency  Implementing  Programme. 

Aki,  battleship 19,150 

Satsuma,  “ 19,150 

Tsukuba,  armoured  cruiser 13,750 

Ikoma,  “ “ 13,750 

Kurama,  “ “ . . • 14,600 

Tone,  cruiser • 4,400 

Yodo,  despatch  boat 1,250 

Mogami,  “ “ 1,350 

Emergency  Adjustment  Programme. 

Kawachi,  battleship 21,000 

Settsu,  “ 21,000 

“There  is  here  a total  of  13  ships  displacing 
176,000  tons,  approximately,  and  to  these  have 
to  be  added  29  destroyers  built  under  the  ‘ emer- 
gency implementing  programme.’  As  for  the 
vessels  which  have  still  to  be  built,  but  which 
have  not  yet  been  laid  down,  they  are  as 
follows:  — 

Third  Period  Programme. 

Battleship,  1 16,000  tons 

Armoured  cruisers,  2 11,000  tons  each 

Cruisers,  2 5,000  “ “ 

Emergency  Implementing  Programme. 

Armoured  cruiser,  1 14,600  tons 

Cruisers,  2 4,100  tons  each 

Destroyers,  several 375  “ “ 

Torpedo-boats,  6 120  “ “ 

“These  eight  vessels,  exclusive  of  torpedo 
craft,  aggregate  over  70,000  tons,  and  if  the  two 
lists  be  combined,  we  get  a total  of  21  ships  dis- 
placing 247,000  tons,  approximately,  apart  from 
about  35  destroyers  and  six  torpedo  boats.  . . . 

“ It  may  be  mentioned  that  in  February  last 
the  ships  on  the  active  list  of  the  Japanese  Navy 
were : — 

Battleships 13 

Armoured  Cruisers 12 

Other  Cruisers • 43 

Destroyers 59 

Torpedo-boats 69  ” 

Russian  “Dreadnoughts”  Building.  — 

“The  keels  of  the  four  Dreadnoughts  which  are 
to  represent  the  nucleus  of  Russia’s  future  navy 
were  laid  down  in  St.  Petersburg  this  morning. 
The  materials  to  be  employed  will  be  through- 
out Russian ; the  designs  and  the  supervision 
will  be  British.  It  is  an  open  secret  that  the  Tsar 
has  taken  a deep  personal  interest  in  arrange- 
ments that  have  been  made  for  placing  the  con- 
tracts for  the  new  ships.”  — St.  Petersburg  Cor. 
London  Times,  June  16,  1909. 

The  United  States  Navy  in  1909.  — As 
summarized  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Navy 
Department  for  the  fiscal  year  1909,  the  United 


States  Navy  was  composed,  on  the  30th  of  June 
in  that  year,  of  the  following  vessels  : 

Fit  for  Service,  including  those  under  Repair : 
First-class  battle  ships,  25 ; second-class  battle 
ship,  1 ; armored  cruisers,  12 ; armored  ram,  1 ; 
single-turret  harbor-defense  monitors,  4 ; double- 
turret monitors,  6 ; protected  cruisers,  22 ; un 
protected  cruisers,  3;  scout  cruisers,  3;  gun- 
boats, 9 ; light-draft  gunboats,  3 ; composite 
gunboats,  8;  training  ships,  3;  training  brigan- 
tine, 1 ; special  class  (Dolphin,  Vesuvius),  2 ; 
gunboats  under  500  tons,  12  ; torpedo  boat  de- 
stroyers, 16 ; steel  torpedo  boats,  33 ; wooden 
torpedo  boat,  1 ; submarine  torpedo  boats,  12 ; 
iron  cruising  vessels,  steam,  5 ; wooden  ditto, 

5 ; wooden  sailing  vessels,  5 ; tugs,  44  ; auxiliary 
cruisers,  5;  converted  yachts,  21;  colliers,  8: 
transport  and  supply  ships,  8 ; hospital  ships, 
2 ; receiving  ships,  4 ; prison  ships,  3.  Total, 
292. 

Under  Construction:  First-class  battle  ships, 

6 ; torpedo  boat  destroyers,  20  ; submarine  tor- 
pedo boats,  16 ; tug,  1 ; colliers,  6.  Total  49. 

Authorized : First-class  battle  ships,  2 ; gun- 
boat for  Great  Lakes,  1 ; submarine  torpedo 
boats,  4 ; colliers,  2.  Total  9. 

Unfit  for  Service : Of  all  descriptions,  12. 

Grand  Total,  362. 

Since  the  above  report,  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, by  vote  on  the  8th  of  April,  1910, 
authorized  the  building  of  two  additional  battle 
ships  of  the  first  class,  at  a cost  of  86,000,000' 
each. 

The  World-round  Cruise  of  the  American 
Battleship  Fleet,  1907-1909. — On  the  16th  of 

December,  1907,  a fleet  of  battle-ships  which, 
comprised  practically  the  whole  available  fight 
ing  force  of  the  United  States  Navy  steamed 
away  from  Hampton  Roads,  on  the  longest  and 
most  notable  cruise  ever  made  by  so  formidable 
an  assemblage  of  ships  of  war.  Its  primary  ap- 
pointment was  to  circuit  the  American  conti- 
nents from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  shores  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  further  direction  of 
the  voyage  was  left  for  future  decision.  Ulti- 
mately, invitations  from  foreign  governments 
drew  the  fleet  to  Australia,  New  Zealand,  China 
and  Japan,  and  it  returned  from  these  visits  in 
the  Far  East  by  way  of  the  Suez  Canal  and  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  The  duration  of  the  long 
voyage  was  a year,  two  months  and  six  days, 
and  the  total  miles  of  ocean  traversed  were  about 
45,000.  Many  foreign  ports  were  visited,  South 
American,  Australasian,  Asiatic  and  European, 
and  boundless  hospitalities  were  bestowed  every- 
where on  the  fleet.  Its  stay  of  some  days  at  San 
Francisco,  before  leaving  American  waters,  was 
the  grand  event  of  the  year  to  Americans  of  that 
coast,  and  its  call  at  Manila  gave  emphasis  to 
American  authority  in  the  Philippines. 

Until  it  reached  San  Francisco  the  fleet  was 
under  the  command  of  Rear-Admiral  Robley  D. 
Evans;  but  physical  disabilities  then  compelled 
the  retirement  of  Admiral  Evans,  and  he  was 
succeeded  in  the  command  by  Rear-Admiral 
Charles  S.  Sperry,  under  whom  the  remainder 
of  the  voyage  was  made.  The  sixteen  battle- 
ships of  the  fleet  were  divided  into  two  squadrons 
and  four  divisions,  each  division  consisting  of 
vessels  of  the  same  general  type  ; the  first  divi- 
sion comprised  the  Connecticut,  Admiral  Evans’s 
flag-ship,  the  Kansas,  the  Vermont,  and  the 
Louisiana;  the  second  included  the  Georgia,  the 


707 


WAR,  THE  PREPARATIONS  FOR 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


New  Jersey,  the  Rhode  Island  and  the  Virginia; 
the  third  included  the  Minnesota,  the  Ohio,  the 
Missouri,  and  the  Maine;  the  fourth  contained 
the  Alabama,  the  Illinois,  the  Kearsarge,  and  the 
Kentucky.  The  battle-ships  were  accompanied 
by  two  supply-ships,  a repair-ship,  and  a ten- 
der, and  were  preceded  from  Hampton  Roads  by 
a flotilla  of  six  torpedo-boats  and  a squadron  of 
armored  cruisers. 

From  San  Francisco  to  New  Zealand  the  voy- 
age of  6000  miles  was  made  with  one  stop,  only, 
at  Honolulu,  and  so  perfectly  in  order,  it  is  said, 
that  only  twice  did  any  ship  fall  out  of  the  line 
■of  formation,  in  which  the  ships  steamed  steadily 
together,  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  apart. 
This  order,  with  time-table  regularity  of  move- 
ment, was  maintained  from  beginning  to  end, 
and  when,  on  the  22d  of  February,  1909,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  welcomed  the  return  of  the  fleet 
to  Hampton  Roads,  he  was  able  to  say  with  just 
pride:  “This  is  the  first  battle  fleet  that  ever 
circumnavigated  the  globe.  Those  wTho  perform 
the  feat  again  can  but  follow  your  footsteps. 
You  have  falsified  every  prediction  of  failure 
made  by  the  prophets.  In  all  your  long  cruise 
notan  accident  worthy  of  mention  has  happened 
to  a single  battleship,  nor  yet  to  the  cruisers  or 
torpedo-boats.  You  left  this  coast  in  a high  state 
of  battle  efficiency,  and  you  return  with  your  effi 
ciency  increased  as  a war  machine,  as  the  fleet 
returns  in  better  shape  than  when  it  left.  In  ad- 
dition, you  have  shown  yourselves  the  best  of 
all  possible  ambassadors  and  heralds  of  peace. 
Wherever  you  have  landed  you  have  borne 
yourselves  so  as  to  make  us  at  home  proud  of 
being  your  countrymen.” 

Before  the  undertaking  of  this  notable  cruise 
of  a battle-ship  fleet  having  no  militant  mission, 
many  political  reasons  for  and  against  the  move 
ment  were  urged  and  discussed.  From  the 
naval  point  of  view,  professionally,  the  true 
motive  of  the  project  was  stated  undoubtedly 
by  Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  in  an  article  published 
in  the  Scientific  American,  and  it  had  no  political 
purpose  whatever.  “ A perfectly  sufficient  rea- 
son,” said  Captain  Mahan,  “is  the  experience  to 
be  gained  by  the  fleet  in  making  a long  voyage, 
which  otherwise  might  have  to  be  made  for  the 
first  time  under  the  pressure  of  war,  and  the 
disadvantage  of  not  having  experienced  at  least 
once  the  huge  administrative  difficulties  con- 
nected with  so  distant  an  expedition  by  a large 


body  of  vessels  dependent  upon  their  own  re- 
sources. By  ‘own  resources  ’ must  be  understood, 
not  that  which  each  vessel  carries  in  herself, 
but  self-dependence  as  distinguished  from  de- 
pendence on  near  navy -yards  - — the  great  snare 
of  peace  times.  The  renewal  of  stores  and  coal 
on  the  voyage  is  a big  problem,  whether  the 
supply  vessels  accompany  the  fleet  or  are  di- 
rected to  join  from  point  to  point.” 

The  following  statistics  are  given  of  the  cost 
of  the  cruise:  “The  fleet  burned  400,320  tons 
of  coal,  costing  $1,078,994.  The  transportation 
of  this  coal  by  naval  and  hired  colliers  cost 
$1,463,825.  The  total  coal  bill  was  $2,646,069. 
There  were  used  on  the  engines  and  other  ma- 
chinery 125,000  gallons  of  oil  costing  $43,750. 
No  official  statement  has  been  made  of  the 
cost  of  ammunition  used  in  target  and  battle 
practice.  The  figure  is  put  at  above  a million 
dollars,  and  $20,000,000  is  estimated  as  the  total 
cost  of  the  14  months’  cruise.” 

The  World  Naval  Armament. — Fleets  of 
the  Great  Powers  in  March,  1910.  — A British 
Parliamentary  Paper  made  public  on  the  29th 
of  April,  1910,  gave  statistics  of  the  navies  of 
the  greater  Powers  as  they  existed  on  the  31st 
of  March.  The  following  summary  of  the  fig- 
ures appeared  in  the  next  issue  of  The  Mail. 
The  letters  at  the  heads  of  the  columns  signify 
— E.,  England;  F.,  France;  R.,  Russia;  G., 
Germany;  I.,  Italy  ; U.,  United  States  ; and  J., 
Japan  : — 

Ships  Built. 


E. 

F. 

R. 

G. 

I. 

u. 

J. 

Battleships 

56 

17 

7 

33 

10 

30 

14 

Arrnd.  C.  D.  Vessels  . 

- 

8 

2 

7 

- 

10 

- 

Amid.  Cruisers  . . . 

38 

20 

4 

9 

8 

15 

12 

Protected  Cruisers,  I . 

18 

5 

7 

- 

_ 

3 

2 

“ “ 11. 

35 

9 

2 

23 

3 

16 

11 

“ “ III 

16 

8 

2 

12 

11 

2 

6 

Unprotected  Cruisers . 

2 

- 

- 

10 

- 

5 

6 

Scouts 

8 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

Torpedo  Vessels  . . 
T.  B.  Destroyers  . . . 

23 

10 

6 

1 

5 

2 

2 

150 

60 

97 

85 

21 

25 

57 

Torpedo  Boats  . . . 

116 

246 

63 

82 

96 

30 

69 

Submarines  ....  63  56  30 

Ships  Building. 

8 

7 

18 

9 

E. 

F. 

R. 

G. 

I. 

U. 

J. 

Battleships 

9 

6 

8 

8 

2 

4 

3 

Armd.  Cruisers  . . . 

3 

2 

2 

3 

2 

— 

1 

Protected  Cruisers,  II. 

9 

_ 

_ 

5 

- 

- 

3 

Unprotected  Cruisers . 

2 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

T.  B.  Destroyers  . . . 

37 

17 

- 

12 

2 

15 

2 

Submarines  ....  11  23  3 

* Number  uncertain. 

* 

" 

10 

3 

WAR,  THE  RE' 

A.  D.  1899-1909.  — General  Treaties  of 
Arbitration  concluded  since  the  First  Peace 
Conference  at  The  Hague.  — “ Arbitration  in 
the  sense  of  the  present  day  dates  from  Jay’s 
Treaty  of  1794,  in  which  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  bound  themselves  to  arbitrate 
contested  boundary  claims  (Article  5) ; claims 
preferred  by  British  creditors  (Article  6) ; and, 
more  especially,  the  claims  of  American  and 
British  creditors  based  upon  ‘ irregular  or  illegal 
captures  or  condemnations  of  their  vessels  and 
other  property’  (Article  7).  . . . 

“The  first  award  under  it  [Jay’s  Treaty]  was 
made  in  1798,  so  that  exactly  one  hundred  years 
elapsed  until  the  call  of  the  First  Hague  Con- 
ference. Arbitrations  in  this  period  were  very 

7 


OLT  AGAINST. 

frequent.  Writers  differ  as  to  the  exact  num- 
ber ; for  example  Dr.  Darby  instances  no  less 
than  471  cases,  but  in  his  enthusiasm  for  the 
peaceful  settlement  of  international  differences 
he  has  included  a large  number  of  interstate  ar- 
rangements, which  cannot  be  regarded  as  inter- 
national arbitrations  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word.  Mr.  Fried,  in  liis  Handbook  of  the  Peace 
Movement,  enumerates  some  200.  M.  La  Fon- 
taine gives  a list  of  177  instances  to  the  year 
1900,  which  should  be  reduced  to  171  arbitra- 
tions or  agreements  to  arbitrate  before  the  meet- 
ing of  the  First  Conference  in  1899.  Professor 
John  Bassett  Moore  is  more  conservative  and 
enumerates  136  cases  of  international  arbitration 
during  the  nineteenth  century,  in  57  of  which 


WAR,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


Ihe  Uuited  States  was  a party,  with  a like  num- 
ber of  57  to  which  Great  Britain  has  been  a 
party. 

“But,  as  happily  said  by  M.  Descamps,  arbi- 
tration is  not  a question  of  mathematics,  and 
whether  the  instances  be  471,  according  to 
Darby  or  136,  according  to  Professor  Moore,  the 
recourse  to  arbitration  bids  fair  to  become  a 
habit  with  nations."  — James  Brown  Scott,  The 
Hague  Peace  Conferences  of  1899  and  1907,  v.  1, 
pp.  210  and  224-5. 

Dr.  Scott  cites  from  M.  La  Fontaine  a table 
showing  the  participation  of  each  State  in  arbi- 
tration. Germany  has  no  representation  in  the 
table,  either  as  a whole  or  by  any  of  its  parts ; 
whereas  every  other  nation  of  the  least  impor- 
tance in  the  world  appears  as  having  arbitrated 
some  of  its  disputes,  prior  to  the  preparation  of 
this  table. 

At  the  First  Peace  Conference,  of  1899,  an  at- 
tempt, strongly  supported,  was  made  to  frame 
and  secure  the  adoption  of  a treaty  of  arbitra- 
tion by  which  the  nations  would  bind  themselves 
to  arbitrate  a carefully  selected  list  of  subjects. 
This  failed,  says  Dr.  Scott,  in  the  work  quoted 
above,  “owing  to  the  opposition  of  Germany. 
As  a compromise,  Article  19  of  the  convention 
for  the  peaceful  adjustment  of  international  dif- 
ferences was  adopted  : 

“ ‘Independently  of  existing  general  or  special 
treaties  imposing  the  obligation  to  have  recourse 
to  arbitration  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  Signa- 
tory Powers,  these  powers  reserve  to  themselves 
the  right  to  conclude,  either  before  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  present  convention  or  subsequent  to 
that  date,  new  agreements,  general  or  special, 
with  a view  of  extending  the  obligation  to  sub- 
mit controversies  to  arbitration  to  all  cases  which 
they  consider  suitable  for  such  submission’  (re- 
enacted in  1907  as  Article  40). 

“ The  article  did  not  seem  at  the  time  to  be  of 
any  special  importance  and  it  was  generally 
looked  upon  as  useless  because  independent  and 
sovereign  States  possess  the  right  without  special 
reservation  to  conclude  arbitration  agreements, 
general  or  special,  without  being  specifically 
empowered  to  do  so.  The  fact  is,  however, 
that  this  article,  insignificant  and  useless  as  it 
may  seem,  marks,  one  may  almost  say,  an  era 
in  the  history  of  arbitration.  The  existence  of 
the  article  has  called  attention  to  the  subject  of 
arbitration  and  by  reference  to  it  many  States 
have  negotiated  arbitration  treaties.  It  is  true 
that  there  is  no  legal  obligation  created  by  the 
article  and  it  is  difficult  to  find  a moral  one,  for 
it  is  not  declared  to  be  the  duty  of  any  State  to 
conclude  arbitration  treaties.  The  moral  effect 
of  the  article  has,  however,  been  great  and  salu- 
tary, and  the  existence  of  numerous  arbitration 
treaties  based  upon  the  reservation  contained  in 
the  article  shows  the  attention  and  respect 
which  nations  pay  to  the  various  provisions  of 
the  Hague  Conference.’’ 

Dr.  Scott  adds  to  these  remarks  a list  of 
treaties,  of  the  character  contemplated,  which 
had  been  entered  into  since  the  First  Hague 
Conference,  up  to  the  time  at  which  he  wrote, 
with  appended  notes  describing  briefly  the  na- 
ture of  the  variously  broadened  or  narrowed 
reference  clauses  contained  in  them.  A more 
extended  list  has  been  published  since  by  the 
International  Peace  Bureau  of  Berne,  Switzer- 
land, for  a copy  of  which  I am  indebted  to  Mr. 


Frederick  P.  Keppel,  Secretary  of  Columbia 
University,  New  York.  The  list  below  is  mainly 
that  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau,  with  the 
addition  of  a few  more  recent  treaties  to  which 
the  United  States  has  been  a party,  obtained 
from  the  State  Department  at  Washington. 
Some,  but  not  all,  of  Dr.  Scott’s  notes  have  been 
borrowed,  with  his  permission. 

In  the  list  of  treaties  as  they  are  given  here 
the  date  of  signature  is  entered  first,  with  the 
prefix  S. ; that  of  ratification  follows,  with  the 
prefix  R.  When  two  dates  of  ratification  are 
given,  the  first  is  that  by  the  government  named 
first  in  the  entry  of  the  parties  to  the  treaty  in 
question. 

List  of  States  between  which  Permanent 
Treaties  of  Arbitration  have  been  concluded 
since  the  First  Peace  Conference  at  The 
Hague,  with  the  Dates  of  their  Signature 
and  Ratification. 

1.  Brazil  and  Chile. — S.  May  18,  1899. — R. 
March  7,  1906,  at  Santiago. 

2.  Argentine  and  Uruguay.  — S.  June  8,  1899. 

— R.  December  21,  1901.  Additional  protocol 
S.  Dec.  21,  1901.— R.  Dec.  18,  1901. 

3.  Argentine  and  Paraguay, — S.  Nov.  6, 
1899. — R.  June  5,  1902.  Additional  protocol 
S.  Jan.  25,  1902.  — R.  June  5,  1902.  . 

4.  Bolivia  and  Peru. — S.  Nov.  21,  1901. — 
R.  Dec.  29,  1903. 

5.  Spain  and  Mexico. — S.  Jan.  11,  1902. — 
R.  July  18,  1902. 

6.  Nicaragua,  Salvador,  Honduras,  Costa 
Rica.  — S.  Jan.  20,  1902.  — [R.  No  date  given.] 

7.  Argentine  and  Spain.  — S.  Jan.  28,  1902.  — 
[R.  No  date  given.] 

8.  Spain  and  Salvador.  — S.  Jan.  28,  1902.  — 
R.  July  18,  1902. 

9.  Spain  and  Dominican  Republic.  — S.  Jan. 
28,  1902.  — R.  July  18,  1902. 

10.  Spain  and  Uruguay.  — S.  Jan.  28,  1902.  — 
R.  July  18,  1902. 

11.  Pan-American  Treaty  of  obligatory  arbi- 
tration between  Argentine,  Bolivia,  Guatemala, 
Mexico,  Paraguay.  Peru,  Dominican  Republic, 
Salvador,  and  Uruguay  (for  differences  relating 
to  diplomatic  privileges,  rights  of  navigation, 
questions  of  frontiers  and  interpretation  and  en- 
forcement of  treaties).11 — S.  Jan.  29,  1902,  at 
Mexico.  — According  to  Art.  21  of  the  Treaty 
it  would  become  of  force  as  soon  as  three  States 
among  those  which  signed  the  Treaty  should 
make  known  their  approbation  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico,  which  would  communicate  the 
information  to  other  governments.  It  has  been 
ratified  by  the  governments  of  Salvador,  May 
28,  1902,  of  Guatemala,  Aug.  25,  1902,  and  of 
Uruguay,  Jan.  31,  1903. 

12.  Special  Treaty  between  the  seventeen 
States  represented  at  the  Pan-American  Confer- 
ence at  Mexico,  including  the  United  States  of 
America,  relating  to  the  adjustment  by  means 
of  arbitration  of  difficulties  resulting  from  finan- 
cial questions.  — S.  Jan.  30,  1902,  at  Mexico.  — 
[R.  No  date  given.] 

13.  Argentine  and  Bolivia.  — S.  Feb.  3,  1902. 

— R.  March  13,  1902. 

14.  Bolivia  and  Spain. — S.  Feb.  17,  1902. — 
R.  Oct.  10,  1903. 

15.  Colombia  and  Spain.  — S.  Feb.  17,  1902 

— R.  July  18,  1902. 

16.  Spain  and  Guatemala.  — S.  Feb.  28,  1902. 

— R.  July  18,  1902. 


709 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


17.  Mexico  and  Persia. — S.  May  14,  1902. — 
[R.  No  date  given.] 

18.  Argentine  and  Chile. E — S.  May  28,  1902. 

— R.  July  30,  1902. 

19.  Germany  and  Venezuela.  — S.  May  7, 

1903.  — (R.  La  ratification  n’a  pas  etc  exigee.)  • 

20.  Paraguay  and  Peru. — S.  May  18,  1903. 

— [R.  No  date  given.] 

21.  France  and  Great  Britain.0 — S.  Oct.  14, 

1903.  — R.  Feb.  25,  1904. 

22.  Guatemala,  Nicaragua,  Honduras  and 
Salvador. — S.  Nov.,  1903.  — [R.  No  date 
given.] 

23.  France  and  Italy.0  — S.  Dec.  25,  1903. — 
R.  March  26,  1904-March  7,  1904. 

24.  Great  Britain  and  Italy.0  — S.  Feb.  1, 

1904.  — Not  ratified. 

25.  Denmark  and  The  Netherlands.®  — S. 
Feb.  12,  1904.  — R.  March  8, 1906,  at  The  Hague. 

26.  Spain  and  France. 0 — S.  Feb.  26,  1904. 

— It.  March  7,  1904-Apr.  20,  1904. 

27.  Spain  and  Great  Britain.0  — S.  Feb.  27, 

1904.  — R.  March  7,  1904-March  16,  1904. 

28.  France  and  The  Netherlands.0 — S.  Apr. 
6,  1904.  — R.  July  5,  1905,  at  Paris. 

29.  Spain  and  Portugal.  — S.  May  31,  1904. 

— Not  ratified. 

30.  France  and  Sweden.0  — S.  July  9,  1904. 

— R.  Nov.  9,  1904. 

31.  France  and  Norway.0— S.  July  9,  1904. 

— R.  Nov.  9,  1904. 

32.  Germany  and  Great  Britain.0  - — S.  July 
12,  1904.  — Without  reserve  of  ratification. 

33.  Great  Britain  and  Sweden.0  — S.  Aug. 
11,  1904.  — R.  Nov.  9,  1904. 

34.  Great  Britain  and  Norway.0 — S.  Aug. 
11,  1904.  — R.  Nov.  9,  1904. 

35.  The  Netherlands  and  Portugal.  — S.  Oct. 
1,  1904.  — R.  Oct.  29,  1908,  at  The  Hague. 

36.  Spain  and  Nicaragua.  — S.  Oct.  4,  1904. 

— R.  March  19,  1908. 

37.  Belgium  and  Russia. A — S.  Oct.  17/30, 
1904.  — R.  Sept.  9/Aug.  27,  1905-July  27 /Aug. 
9,  1905. 

38.  Belgium  and  Switzerland. A — S.  Nov. 
15, 1904.  — R.  Aug.  19,  1905. 

39.  Great  Britain  and  Switzerland.0  — S. 
Nov.  16,  1904.  — R.  July  12,  1905. 

40.  Great  Britain  and  Portugal.0 — S.  Nov. 
16,  1904.  — Not  ratified. 

41.  Germany  and  The  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica. — S.  Nov.  22,  1904.  — Not  ratified. 

42.  Italy  and  Switzerland.0  — S.  Nov.  23, 
1904.  — R.  Dec.  5,  1905. 

43.  Norway  and  Russia. A — S.  Nov.  26/Dec. 
9,  1904.  — R.  Feb.  27,  1905-Feb.  12/25,  1905. 

44.  Russia  and  Sweden. A — S.  Nov.  26/Dec. 
9,  1904.  — R.  Feb.  12/25-Feb.  27/14,  1905. 

45.  Belgium  and  Sweden. A — S.  Nov.  30, 
1904.— R.  Aug.  11,  1905. 

46.  Belgium  and  Norway. A — S.  Nov.  30, 
1904. — R.  Aug.  11,  1905-Oct.  30,  1906. 

47.  Austria-Hungary  and  Switzerland.0 — S. 
Dec.  3,  1904.  — R.  Oct  17,  1905,  at  Vienna. 

48.  France  and  Switzerland.0  — S.  Dec.  14, 
1904.  — R.  July  13,  1905. 

49.  Sweden  and  Switzerland. A — S.  Dec.  17, 
1904.  — R.  July  13,  1905. 

50.  Norway  and  Switzerland. A — S.  Dec.  17, 
1904.  — R.  July  13,  1905. 

51.  Austria-IIungary  and  The  United  States 
of  America.  — S.  Jan.  6,  1905.  — Not  ratified. 

52.  Austria-Hungary  and  Great  Britain.0  — 

7 


S.  Jan.  11,  1905.  — R.  May  17,  1905,  at  Loudon. 

53.  Spain  and  Sweden. — S.  Jan.  23,  1905. — 
R.  March  20,  1905. 

54.  Spain  and  Norway. — S.  Jan. 23,  1905. — 

R.  March  20,  1905. 

55.  Belgium  and  Spain. A — S.  Jan.  23,  1905. 

— R.  Dec.  16- July  28,  1905. 

56.  Great  Britain  and  The  Netherlands.0 — S. 
Feb.  15,  1905.  — R.  July  12,  1905,  at  London. 

57.  Denmark  and  Russia. A — S.  Feb.  16 /Mar. 

1,  1905. — R.  Apr.  11,  1905-Mar.  20/ Apr.  3, 

1905. 

58.  Italy  and  Peru.  — S.  Apr.  18,  1905.  — R. 
Nov.  11,  1905. 

59.  Belgium  and  Greece. A — S.  Apr.  19 /May 

2,  1905.  — R.  July  9/22,  1905. 

60.  Belgium  and  Denmark. A — S.  Apr.  26, 

1905.  — R.  May  2,  1906. 

61.  Portugal  and  Sweden.0  — S May  6,  1905. 

— Not  ratified. 

62.  Norway  and  Portugal.0  — S.  May  6,  1905. 

— Not  ratified. 

63.  Italy  and  Portugal.0  — S.  May  11,  1905. 

— Not  ratified. 

64.  Spain  and  Honduras. — S.  May  13,  1905. 

— R.  July  16,  1906. 

65.  Belgium  and  Roumania.A  — S.  May  27/ 
14,  1905.  — R.  Oct.  9/ Sept.  26,  1905. 

66.  Portugal  and  Switzerland.0 — S.  Aug.  18, 
1905. — R.  Oct.  23,  1908,  at  Berne. 

67  Argentine  and  Brazil. — S.  Sept.  7,  1905. 

— R.  Sept.  28,  1908 -Oct.  2,  1908. 

68.  Colombia  and  Peru. — S.  Sept.  12,  1905. 

— R.  July  6,  1906,  with  the  modus  rivendi. 

69.  Denmark  and  France.0  — S.  Sept.  15, 

1905.  — R.  May  31,  1906. 

70.  Denmark  and  Great  Britain.0 — S.  Oct. 
25,  1905.  — R.  May  4,  1906. 

71.  Norway  and  Sweden. A — S.  Oct.  26,  1905. 

— Without  reserve  of  ratification. 

72.  Denmark  and  Spain. A — S.  Dec.  1,  1905. 

— R.  May  10,  1906-May  14.  1906. 

73.  Denmark  and  Italy.®  — S.  Dec.  16,  1905. 

— R.  May  22  — Mar.  30,  1906. 

74.  Austria-Hungary  and  Portugal.0  — S. 
Feb.  13,  1906. —R.  Oct.  16,  1908,  at  Vienna. 

75.  Belgium  and  Nicaragua.  — S.  Mar.  6, 

1906.  — Not  ratified. 

76.  France  and  Portugal.0 — S.  July  29, 

1906.  — Not  ratified. 

77.  Denmark  and  Portugal.® — S.  Mar.  20, 

1907.  — R.  Oct  26,  1908,  at  Copenhagen. 

78.  Nicaragua  and  Salvador. — S.  Apr.  3, 

1907.  — Not  ratified. 

79.  Spain  and  Switzerland.0  — S.  Slay  14, 
1907.  — R.  July  9,  1907. 

80.  Argentine  and  Italy. — S.  Sept.  18,  1907. 

— Not  ratified. 

81.  Italy  and  Mexico.  — S.  Oct.  16, 1907.  — R. 
Dec.  31,  1907. 

82.  Honduras,  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Nicara- 
gua and  Costa  Rica.  — 8.  Dec.  20,  1907,  at 
Washington.  — R.  March,  1908. 

83.  United  States  of  America  and  France.®  — 

S.  Feb.  10,  1908.  — R.  Mar.  12,  1908,  at  Wash 
ington. 

84.  United  States  of  America  and  Greece.  — 
S.  Feb.  29,  1908.  — Not  ratified  [?]. 

85.  United  States  of  America  and  Switzer- 
land.®—S.  Feb.  29,  1908.  — R.  Dec.  23,  1908. 

86.  United  States  of  America  and  Mexico.® 

— S.  Mar.  24,  1908.  — R.  June  27,  1908,  at 
Washington. 


WAR,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


87.  United  States  of  America  and  Italy. D — 
S.  Mar.  28,  1008.  — It.  Jan.  22,  1900. 

88.  United  States  of  America  and  Great  Brit- 
ain.0— S.  Apr.  4,  1008. — R.  June  4,  1908,  at 
Washington. 

89.  United  States  of  America  and  Norway.0 

— S.  Apr.  4,  1908.  — It.  June  24,  1908,  at  Wash- 
ington. 

90.  United  States  of  America  and  Portugal.0 

— S.  Apr.  0,  1908.  — R.  Nov.  14,  1908. 

91.  United  States  of  America  and  Spain.0  — 
S.  Apr.  20,  1908.  — R.  June  2,  1908,  at  Washing- 
ton. 

92.  United  States  of  Americaand  Sweden.0  — 
S.  May  2,  1908.  — R.  Aug.  18,  1908,  at  Wash- 
ington. 

93.  United  States  of  America  and  The  Nether- 
lands.0— S.  May  2,  1908. —It.  Mar.  25,  1909. 

94.  — United  States  of  America  and  Japan.0 

— S.  May  5,  1908.  — R.  Aug.  24,  1908,  at  Wash- 
ington. 

95.  — Denmark  and  the  United  States  of 
America.0  — S.  May  18, 1908.  — It.  Mar.  29, 1909. 

96.  Denmark  and  Sweden.0  — S.  July  17, 
1908.  — Not  ratified. 

97.  China  and  the  United  States  of  America.0 

— S.  Oct.  8,  1908.  — R.  Apr.  6,  1909. 

98.  Denmark  and  Norway. — S.  Oct.  8,  1908. 

— Not  ratified. 

99.  United  States  of  America  and  Austria- 
Hungary.0 — S.  Jan.  15,  1909,  at  Washington. 

— R.  May  13,  1909. 

100.  — United  States  of  America  and  Peru.0 

— S.  Dec.  5,  1908,  at  Washington.  — R.  June 
29,  1909. 

101.  United  States  of  Americaand  Salvador.0 

— S.  Dec.  21,  1908,  at  Washington. — R.  July 
3,  1909. 

102.  United  States  of  America  aud  Costa 
Rica.°  — S.  Jan.  13,  1909,  at  Washington.  — R. 
July  20,  1909, 

Notes. 

The  treaties  differ  in  the  range  given  to  the  obliga- 
tion imposed  on  the  signatory  parties,  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  differences  which  they  shall  submit  to  arbitra- 
tion. Most  of  them,  however,  are  divisible  in  this  re- 
spect into  three  classes,  distinguished  above  by  the 
reference  letters  “A,”  “ 15,”  and  “ C,”  and  the  distinc- 
tion described  in  the  following  notes  thus  marked, 
from  Dr.  Scott’s  work.  Treaties  concluded  by  the 
United  States  have  an  otherwise  distinct  character,  as 
explained  in  note  “ D.” 

A.  — The  article  of  reference  in  these  treaties  is  sub- 
stantially (when  not  identically)  as  follows : 

“ The  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  submit  to  the 
permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  established  at  The 
Hague  by  the  Convention  of  July  29,  1899,  the  differ- 
ences which  may  arise  between  them  in  the  cases 
enumerated  in  Article  3,  in  so  far  as  they  affect  neither 
the  independence,  the  honor,  the  vital  interests,  nor 
the  exercise  of  sovereignty  of  the  contracting  coun- 
tries, and  provided  it  has  been  impossible  to  obtain  an 
amicable  solution  by  means  of  direct  diplomatic  nego- 
tiations or  by  any  other  method  of  conciliation. 

“1.  In  case  of  disputes  concerning  the  application  or 
interpretation  of  any  convention  concluded  or  to  be 
concluded  between  the  high  contracting  parties  and 
relating  — a.  To  matters  of  international  private  law; 
b.  To  the  management  of  companies ; c.  To  matters  of 
procedure,  either  civil  or  criminal,  and  to  extradition. 

“2.  In  cases  of  disputes  concerning  pecuniary  claims 
based  on  damages,  when  the  principle  of  indemnity 
has  been  recognized  by  the  parties. 

“Differences  which  may  arise  with  regard  to  the  in- 
terpretation or  application  of  a convention  concluded 
or  to  be  concluded  between  the  high  contracting  par- 
ties and  in  which  third  powers  have  participated  or  to 
which  they  have  adhered  shall  be  excluded  from  settle- 
ment by  arbitration.” 

“ B.  The  treaties  of  this  noble  class  are  the  few  thus 
far  concluded  which  pledge  the  parties  engaged  in 
them  to  submit  all  differences  that  may  arise  between 


them  to  pacific  arbitration,  reserving  no  dispute,  of 
any  nature,  to  become  a possible  entanglement  in  war. 
The  formula  of  reference  in  them  is  substantially  this: 

“The  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  submit  to  the 
permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  established  at  The 
Hague  by  the  Convention  of  July  29,  1899,  all  differ- 
ences of  every  nature  that  may  arise  between  them,  and 
which  cannot  be  settled  by  diplomacy,  and  this  even  in 
the  case  of  such  differences  as  have  had  their  origin 
prior  to  the  conclusion  of  the  present  Convention.” 

C.  — The  reference  clause  in  these  treaties  is  substan- 
tially alike  in  all,  to  the  following  purpose  : 

“ Differences  which  may  arise  of  a legal  nature,  or 
relating  to  the  interpretation  of  treaties  existing  be- 
tween the  two  contracting  parties,  and  which  it  may 
not  have  been  possible  to  settle  by  diplomacy,  shall  be 
referred  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration,  estab- 
lished at  The  Hague  by  the  convention  of  the  29th  July, 
1899  ; provided,  nevertheless,  that  they  do  not  affect 
the  vital  interests,  the  independence,  or  the  honor  of 
the  two  contracting  States,  and  do  not  concern  the  in- 
terests of  third  parties.” 

D.  — In  the  treaties  of  arbitration  negotiated  by  the 
United  States  the  article  of  reference  is  like  that  last 
quoted,  in  Note  C ; but  the  following  is  added  to  it: 

“ In  each  individual  case  the  High  Contracting  Par- 
ties, before  appealing  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbi- 
tration, shall  conclude  a special  Agreement,  defining 
clearly  the  matter  in  dispute,  the  scope  of  the  powers 
of  the  arbitrators,  and  the  periods  to  be  fixed  for  the 
formation  of  the  Arbitral  Tribunal  and  the  several 
stages  of  the  procedure.  It  is  understood  that  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  such  special  agreements  will 
be  made  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and 
on  the  part  of  Costa  Rica  shall  be  subject  to  the  pro- 
cedure required  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  thereof.” 

This  was  required  by  the  United  States  Senate,  which 
rejected  a number  of  earlier  arbitration  treaties,  nego- 
tiated by  Secretary  Hay,  because  they  would  have  al- 
lowed cases  of  controversy  with  other  nations  to  be  re- 
ferred to  The  Hague  Tribunal  by  the  President  without 
specific  consent  from  the  Senate  in  each  particular 
case.  This  brings  the  general  treaty  of  arbitration 
down  very  close  to  absurdity,  leaving  almost  nothing 
of  its  intended  pacific  influence  to  act. 

E.  — See  below  : A.  D.  1901  (Nov.),  and  1902. 

A.  D.  1901  (Nov.).  — Treaty  of  Unreserved 
Arbitration  for  all  Controversies  between 
Bolivia  and  Peru.  — On  the  21st  of  November, 
1901,  the  republics  of  Bolivia  and  Peru  set  a 
great  example  of  trust  in  arbitration  as  a means 
of  settling  controversies  between  nations,  by 
concluding  a convention  which  pledged  them 
for  ten  years  to  submit  every  disagreement  be- 
tween themselves  to  that  peaceful  solution, 
reserving  no  question  whatsoever.  Their  ex- 
ample, as  will  be  seen,  was  remarkably  imitated 
among  their  Spanish-American  neighbors  in  the 
following  year.  The  subjoined  are  the  impor- 
tant articles  of  their  compact  of  peace: 

“ Article  1.  The  high  contracting  parties 
pledge  themselves  to  submit  to  arbitration  all 
the  controversies  which  have  thus  far  been 
pending,  and  those  which,  while  the  present 
treaty  is  in  force,  may  arise  between  them, 
whatever  may  be  their  nature  and  causes  pro- 
vided that  it  has  been  found  impossible  to 
settle  them  by  direct  negotiation. 

“Art.  2.  In  each  case  that  may  arise  the 
contracting  parties  shall  conclude  a special 
agreement  with  a view  to  determining  the  sub- 
ject-matter of  the  controversy,  to  fixing  the 
points  that  are  to  be  settled,  the  extent  of  the 
powers  of  the  arbitrators,  and  the  procedure  to 
be  observed. 

“Art.  3.  In  case  the  high  contracting  par- 
ties do  not  succeed  in  agreeing  on  the  points  re- 
ferred to  in  the  foregoing  article,  the  arbitrator 
shall  be  authorized  to  determine,  in  view  of  the 
claims  of  both  parties,  the  points  of  fact  and  of 
law  that  are  to  be  decided  for  the  settlement  of 
the  controversy,  and  to  establish  the  mode  of 
procedure  to  be  followed. 


711 


WAR,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


“Art.  4.  The  high  contracting  parties  agree 
that  the  arbitrator  shall  be  the  permanent  court 
of  arbitration  that  may  be  established  in  virtue 
of  the  decisions  adopted  by  the  Pan-American 
Conference  now  sitting  in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

“Art.  5.  For  these  two  cases:  ( a ) If  the 
court  l-eferred  to  in  the  foregoing  article  shall 
not  be  created,  and  ( b ) if  there  is  need  of  having 
recourse  to  arbitration  before  that  court  shall  be 
created,  the  high  contracting  parties  agree  to 
designate  as  arbitrator  the  Government  of  the 
Argentine  Republic,  that  of  Spain,  and  that  of 
the  United  Mexican  States  for  the  perform- 
ance of  this  duty,  one  to  act  in  case  of  the  disa- 
bility of  the  other,  and  in  the  order  in  which 
they  are  named. 

“Art.  6.  If,  while  the  present  treaty  is  in 
force,  and  in  the  two  contingencies  referred  to 
in  the  foregoing  article,  different  cases  of  arbi- 
tration shall  arise,  they  shall  be  successively  sub- 
mitted for  decision  to  the  aforesaid  governments 
in  the  order  above  established. 

“ Art.  7.  The  arbitrator  shall  further  be  com- 
petent: 1.  To  pass  upon  the  regularity  of  his 
appointment,  the  validity  of  the  agreement,  and 
the  interpretation  thereof.  2.  To  adopt  such 
measures  as  may  be  necessary,  and  to  settle  all 
difficulties  that  may  arise  in  the  course  of  the  de- 
bate. Concerning  questions  of  a technical  or 
scientific  character  that  may  arise  during  the 
debate,  the  opinion  of  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society  of  London  or  that  of  the  International 
Geodetic  Institute  of  Berlin  shall  be  asked.  3. 
To  designate  the  time  in  which  he  shall  perform 
his  arbitral  functions. 

“Art.  8.  The  arbitrator  shall  decide  in  strict 
obedience  to  the  provisions  of  international  law, 
and,  on  questions  relating  to  boundary,  in  strict 
obedience  to  the  American  principle  of  ‘uti 
possedetis’  of  1810,  whenever,  in  the  agree- 
ment mentioned  in  article  2,  the  application  of 
the  special  rules  shall  not  be  established,  or  in 
case  the  arbitrator  shall  (not  ?)  be  authorized  to 
decide  as  an  amicable  referee. 

“Art.  9.  The  decision  shall  decide,  defi- 
nitely, every  point  in  dispute,  stating  the  rea- 
sons therefor.  It  shall  be  prepared  in  duplicate, 
and  notice  thereof  shall  be  given  to  each  of  the 
parties  through  its  representative  before  the 
arbitrator. 

“ Art.  10.  The  decision,  legally  pronounced, 
shall  decide,  within  the  limits  of  its  scope,  the 
contest  between  the  parties. 

“ Art.  11.  The  arbitrator  shall  fix,  in  his  deci- 
sion, the  time  within  which  said  decision  is  to 
be  executed. 

“Art.  12.  No  appeal  from  the  decision  shall 
be  allowed,  and  its  execution  is  intrusted  to  the 
honor  of  the  nations  that  sign  this  treaty. 

“Nevertheless,  an  appeal  for  revision  to  the 
arbitrator  who  pronounced  it  shall  be  admis- 
sible, provided  that  such  appeal  be  taken  before 
the  expiration  of  the  time  fixed  for  its  execu- 
tion, in  the  following  cases:  1.  If  the  decision 

has  been  pronounced  on  the  basis  of  a counter- 
feit document,  or  of  one  that  has  been  tampered 
with.  2.  If  the  decision  has  been,  either  in 
whole  or  in  part,  the  consequence  of  a fact  re- 
sulting from  the  proceedings  or  documents  of 
the  case.” 

A.  D.  1902.  — Noble  Treaties  between  Ar- 
gentina and  Chile  for  Obligatory  Arbitration 
of  all  Disputes,  and  f*r  Restriction  of  Naval 


Armaments.  — Notwithstanding  the  fortunate 
arrangement,  in  1898,  for  arbitration  of  a serious 
boundary  dispute  between  the  Argentine  Repub- 
lic and  Chile  (see,  in  Volume  VI.  of  this  work, 
Argentine  Republic),  there  continued  to  be 
troublesome  frictions  between  the  two  Spanish - 
American  neighbors,  while  awaiting  the  deci- 
sion of  the  arbitrator,  King  Edward  VII.,  which 
was  not  rendered  until  Nov.  27,  1902.  These 
had  led  to  a ruinous  rivalry  in  naval  armament. 
Reporting  on  this  state  of  affairs  in  May  of 
that  year,  Mr.  William  P.  Lord,  the  American 
Minister  to  the  Argentine  Government,  wrote  : 
“ Both  countries  have  incurred  heavy  expense 
for  the  equipment  and  maintenance  of  largely 
increased  army  and  naval  forces.  Chile  has  re- 
cently contracted  for  two  formidable  warships 
involving  a heavy  cost  with  the  object  of  put- 
ting her  navy  upon  an  equality  with  the  Argen- 
tine navy,  whereupon  Argentina,  not  to  be  out- 
done, contracted  for  two  war  ships  larger  in 
size  and  perhaps  more  formidable  at  alike  heavy 
cost  in  order  to  continue  and  maintain  her  naval 
superiority.  The  costly  expenditure  incurred 
on  account  of  war  and  naval  preparations  is 
paralyzing  industrial  activity  and  commercial 
enterprise.  Both  countries  are  largely  in  debt 
and  confronted  with  a deficit.  Both  have  ap- 
propriated their  conversion  funds  which  had 
been  set  apart  for  a specific  purpose,  and  which, 
it  would  seem,  should  have  been  preserved  in- 
violable. Neither  is  able  to  make  a foreign 
loan  without  paying  a high  rate  of  interest  and 
giving  guarantees  to  meet  the  additional  ex- 
penses which  their  war  policy  is  incurring,  and 
both  Governments  know  and  their  people  know 
that  the  only  remedy  to  which  either  can  resort 
to  meet  existing  financial  conditions  is  to  levy 
fresh  taxes  of  some  description,  notwithstanding 
nearly  everything  that  can  be  taxed  is  now  taxed 
to  the  utmost  limit.  The  weight  of  taxation 
already  imposed  bears  heavily  upon  the  ener- 
gies and  activities  of  the  people.  The  outlook 
is  not  promising,  business  being  dull,  wage  em- 
ployment scarce,  and  failures  frequent.” 

Happily,  good  sense  prevailed  over  this  folly 
very  soon  after  Minister  Lord  wrote  his  account 
of  it.  On  the  3d  of  June,  1902,  the  same  writer 
was  enabled  to  forward  to  Washington  the  text 
of  four  remarkable  “peace  agreements  ” which 
had  been  signed  on  the  28th  of  May,  at  the  Chi- 
lean capital,  by  the  Chilean  Minister  of  Foreign 
Relations  and  the  Argentine  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary^ Chile,  who  had  been  brought  to  ne- 
gotiations by  the  friendly  mediation  of  Great 
Britain.  The  four  documents  were  : a political 
convention  declaring  a common  international 
policy  on  the  part  of  the  two  republics;  a broad 
treaty  of  general  arbitration;  an  agreement  for 
the  reducing  of  naval  forces  ; an  agreement  for 
the  conclusive  marking  of  boundary  lines  by 
the  engineers  of  the  arbitrator,  King  Edward. 
The  general  arbitration  treaty  is  no  less  unre- 
served and  comprehensive  than  that  between 
Peru  and  Bolivia  and  offers  another  Spanish- 
American  model  for  imitation  in  the  interest  of 
peace.  Its  articles  are  as  follows  : 

“Article  1.  The  high  contracting  parties 
bind  themselves  to  submit  to  arbitration  every 
difficulty  or  question  of  whatever  nature  that 
may  arise  between  them,  provided  such  ques- 
tions do  not  affect  the  precepts  of  the  respect- 
ive constitutions  of  the  two  countries,  and  that 


712 


WAK,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


they  can  not  be  solved  through  direct  negotia- 
tion. 

“ Aiit.  2.  This  treaty  does  not  embrace  those 
questions  that  have  given  rise  to  definite  agree- 
ments between  the  two  parties.  In  such  cases 
the  arbitration  shall  be  limited  exclusively  to 
questions  of  validity,  interpretation,  or  fulfill- 
ment of  these  agreements. 

“ Akt.  3.  The  high  contracting  parties  desig- 
nate as  arbitrator  the  Government  of  His  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  or,  in  the  event  of  either  of  the 
powers  having  broken  off  relations  with  the 
British  Government,  the  Swiss  Government. 
Within  sixty  days  from  the  exchange  of  ratifi- 
cations the  British  Government  and  the  Swiss 
Government  shall  be  asked  to  accept  the  charge 
of  arbitrators. 

“Art.  4.  The  points  of  controversy,  ques- 
tions or  divergencies  shall  be  specified  by  the 
high  contracting  parties,  who  may  determine 
the  powers  of  the  arbitrator  or  any  other  cir- 
cumstance connected  with  the  procedure. 

“Art.  5.  In  the  case  of  divergence  of  opin- 
ion, either  party  may  solicit  the  intervention  of 
the  arbitrator,  who  will  determine  the  circum- 
stances of  procedure,  the  contracting  parties 
placing  every  means  of  information  at  the  ser- 
vice of  the  arbitrator. 

“Art.  6.  Either  party  is  at  liberty  to  name 
one  or  more  commissioners  near  the  arbitrator. 

“Art.  7.  The  arbitrator  is  qualified  to  decide 
upon  the  validity  of  the  obligation  and  its  inter- 
pretation, as  well  as  upon  questions  as  to  what 
difficulties  come  within  the  sphere  of  the  arbi- 
tration. 

“Art.  8.  The  arbitrator  shall  decide  in  ac- 
cordance with  international  law,  unless  the  ob- 
ligation involves  the  application  of  special  rules 
or  he  have  been  authorized  to  act  as  friendly 
mediator. 

“Art.  9.  The  award  shall  definitely  decide 
each  point  of  controversy. 

“Art.  10.  The  award  shall  be  drawn  up  in 
two  copies. 

“Art.  11.  The  award  legally  delivered  shall 
decide  within  the  limits  of  its  scope  the  ques- 
tion between  the  two  parties. 

“Art.  12.  The  arbitrator  shall  specify  in  his 
award  the  term  within  which  the  award  shall 
be  carried  out,  and  he  is  competent  to  deal  with 
any  question  arising  as  to  the  fulfillment. 

“Art.  13.  There  can  be  no  appeal  from  the 
award,  and  its  fulfillment  is  intrusted  to  the 
honor  of  the  signatory  powers.  Nevertheless, 
the  recourse  of  revision  is  admitted  under  the 
following  circumstances:  1.  If  the  award  be 
given  on  the  strength  of  a false  document ; 2.  If 
the  award  be  the  result,  either  partially  or  to- 
tally, of  an  error  of  fact. 

“Art.  14.  The  contracting  parties  shall  pay 
their  own  expenses  and  each  a half  of  the  ex- 
penses of  the  arbitration. 

“Art.  15.  The  present  agreement  shall  last 
for  ten  years  from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of 
the  ratifications,  and  shall  be  renewed  for  an- 
other term  of  ten  years,  unless  either  party  shall 
give  notice  to  the  contrary  six  months  before 
expiry.”  — Papers  relating  to  the  Foreign  Rela- 
tions of  the  United  States,  1902,  pp.  13-20. 

In  their  convention  on  naval  armaments  the 
two  governments  “renounced  the  acquisition 
of  the  war  vessels  they  have  in  construction 
and  the  making  for  the  present  of  any  new  ac- 


quisitions,” agreeing  to  reduce  their  fleets  to 
“a  prudent  equilibrium.” 

A.  D.  1902.  — Ten  South  and  Central 
American  Nations  join  in  Protocol  of  Con- 
vention for  Compulsory  Arbitration.  — “Ten 
of  the  nineteen  nations  represented  at  the  City 
of  Mexico  [Second  Pan-American  Conference, 
1902]  united  in  the  project  of  a treaty,  to  be  rati- 
fied by  their  respective  governments,  providing 
for  compulsory  arbitration  of  all  controversies 
which,  in  the  judgment  of  any  of  the  interested 
nations,  do  not  affect  either  their  independence 
or  national  honor  ; and  it  is  prescribed  that  in 
independence  and  national  honor  are  not  in- 
cluded controversies  concerning  diplomatic 
privileges,  limits,  rights  of  navigation,  or  the 
validity,  interpretation,  and  fulfillment  of  trea- 
ties. Mexico  became  a party  to  this  project, 
but  the  United  States  declined ; thus  showing  an 
entire  change  of  attitude  on  the  part  of  these 
two  nations  since  the  Washington  conference  of 
1890.  Mexico  had  in  the  meantime  adjusted  its 
boundary  dispute  with  Guatemala.  But  since 
Mr.  Blaine’s  ardent  advocacy  of  compulsory 
arbitration  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  had 
manifested  its  opposition  to  the  policy  by  the 
rejection  of  the  Olney-Pauncefote  arbitration 
treaty  of  1897,  and  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the 
Secretary  of  State  did  not  think  it  wise  to  com- 
mit our  government  to  a measure  which  had 
been  disapproved  of  by  the  coordinate  branch 
of  the  treaty-making  power.”  — J.  W.  Foster, 
Pan-American  Diplomacy  ( Atlantic  Monthly , 
April,  1902).  See,  also,  American  Republics. 

A.  D.  1902. — Central  America.  — Treaty 
of  Compulsory  Arbitration  between  Nica- 
ragua, Salvador,  Honduras,  Costa  Rica,  and 
Guatemala.  — A treaty  of  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion and  obligatory  peace,  between  four  of  the 
States  above  named,  in  fulfillment  of  the  agree- 
ment at  Mexico  (see,  in  this  vol.  American 
Republics  : Second  International  Confer- 
ence) was  signed  at  Corinto  on  the  20th  of 
January,  1902.  Its  essential  provisions  were 
the  following: 

“The  Governments  of  Nicaragua,  Salvador, 
Honduras,  and  Costa  Rica,  desirous  of  contrib- 
uting by  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  peace  and  good  harmony 
that  exists  and  should  exist  among  them,  have 
agreed  to  celebrate  a convention  of  peace  and 
obligatory  arbitration,  and  to  that  effect  have 
named  as  their  respective  plenipotentiaries:  . . . 
Who,  after  having  presented  their  credentials 
and  the  same  being  found  in  good  and  due  form, 
have  agreed  upon  the  following  covenant: 

“Article  1.  It  is  declared  that  the  present 
convention  has  for  object  the  incorporation  in 
form  of  public  treaty  the  conclusions  to  which 
have  arrived  their  excellencies,  the  Presidents, 
General  Don  J.  Santos  Zelaya,  General  Don 
Tomas  Regalado,  General  Don  Terencio  Sierra, 
and  Don  Rafael  Iglesias,  in  the  several  confer- 
ences that  have  been  held  in  this  port  with  the 
sole  object  of  maintaining  and  assuring,  by  all 
possible  means,  the  peace  of  Central  America. 

“ Article  2.  The  contracting  Governments 
establish  the  principle  of  obligatory  arbitration, 
in  order  to  adjust  every  difficulty  or  question 
that  might  present  itself  between  the  contract- 
ing parties,  binding  themselves  in  consequence 
to  submit  them  to  a tribunal  of  Central  Ameri- 
can arbitrators. 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


“ Article  3.  Each  one  of  the  contracting 
parties  shall  name  an  arbitrator  and  a substitute 
to  constitute  the  tribunal.  The  terms  of  the 
arbitrators  shall  be  for  one  year,  counting  from 
their  acceptance,  and  then  they  may  be  re- 
elected. 

‘ ‘ Article  4.  The  arbitrators  of  those  states 
among  whom  exists  the  disagreement  shall  not 
form  part  of  the  tribunal  for  the  consideration 
of  the  concrete  case,  this  remaining  entirely 
with  the  arbitrator  or  arbitrators  of  the  remain- 
ing states. 

“ Article  5.  If,  through  pairing,  there 
should  be  no  decision,  the  tribunal  shall  select  a 
third  among  the  substitutes.  The  third  should 
necessarily  adhere  to  one  of  the  views  given 
out. 

“Article  6.  As  soon  as  a difficulty  or  ques- 
tion presents  itself  between  two  or  more  states, 
their  respective  Governments  shall  advise  the 
remaining  signers  of  the  present  convention. 

“ Article  7.  The  contracting  Governments 
establish  and  recognize  the  right  of  each  one  of 
them  to  offer  without  delay,  singly  or  con- 
jointly, their  good  offices  to  the  Governments 
of  the  states  that  are  in  disagreement,  even 
without  previous  acceptation  by  them,  and 
though  they  should  not  have  notified  them  of 
the  difficulty  or  question  pending. 

“Article  8.  The  friendly  offices  exhausted 
without  satisfactory  result,  the  government  or 
governments  that  would  have  exercised  them 
shall  notify  the  others,  declaring  at  the  proper 
time  arbitration  proceedings.  This  declaration 
shall  be  communicated  with  the  greatest  possible 
brevity  to  the  member  of  the  tribunal  corre- 
sponding to  the  president  of  same,  with  the  ob- 
ject that  within  a period  not  exceeding  fifteen 
days  the  tribunal  that  is  to  know  and  decide  the 
case  comes  together.  The  installation  of  the 
tribunal  shall  be  communicated  by  telegi'aph  to 
the  signing  governments,  demanding  from  the 
contending  parties  the  presentation  of  their 
claims  within  the  fifteen  days  following. 

“Article  9.  The  tribunal  shall  give  its 
judgment  within  five  days  following  the  ex- 
piration of  the  term  which  has  been  spoken  of. 

“Article  10.  The  difficulties  that  may  arise 
through  questions  of  pending  limits,  or  through 
interpretation,  or  execution  of  treaties  of  limits, 
shall  be  submitted  by  the  governments  inter- 
ested to  the  knowledge  and  decision  of  a for- 
eign arbitrator  of  American  nationality. 

“ Article  11.  The  Governments  of  the  states 
in  dispute  solemnly  agree  not  to  execute  any 
hostile  act,  warlike  preparations,  or  mobiliza- 
tion of  forces,  with  the  object  of  not  impeding 
the  arrangement  of  the  difficulty  or  question 
through  the  means  established  by  the  present 
agreement.” 

On  the  1st  of  March  following  the  signing  of 
this  peace  treaty  by  the  four  Presidents  named 
above,  the  United  States  Minister  to  Costa 
Rica,  Mr.  William  Lawrence  Merry,  reported 
to  his  Government  that  the  President  of  Guate- 
mala had  added  his  signature  to  theirs. 

A.  D.  1903. — Gift  of  a Court  House  and 
Library  for  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion at  The  Hague.  — By  a deed  signed  Octo- 
ber 7,  1903,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  created  a 
foundation  or  trust  under  the  Netherland  law  (a 
Sticliting  in  the  Dutch  language),  “for  the  pur- 
pose of  building,  establishing,  and  maintaining 


in  perpetuity  at  The  Hague  a court-house  and 
library  (temple  of  peace)  for  the  permanent  court 
of  arbitration  established  by  the  treaty  of  July 
29,  1899.”  As  stated  in  the  deed,  “ the  Netherland 
Government,  according  to  agreement,  will  see 
to  the  appointment  of  a board  of  directors  under 
proper  control,  and  draw  up  the  rules  accord- 
ing to  which  the  ‘ Sticliting’  shall  be  governed, 
so  as  to  ensure  in  perpetuity  its  maintenance  and 
efficiency.  The  words  maintaining,  mainte- 
nance, in  this  agreement  are  not  to  be  construed 
as  relieving  the  signatory  powers  to  the  treaty  of 
July  29,  1899,  from  the  financial  obligations  in- 
curred and  so  far  discharged  in  connection  with 
the  permanent  court  of  arbitration.  If  at  any 
time  the  purpose  for  which  the  1 Stichting’  was 
founded  should  fail,  the  assets  of  the  ‘Stichting’ 
shall  be  employed  for  promoting  the  cause  of 
international  peace  and  concord  in  such  a man- 
ner as  shall  be  determined  jointly  by  the  sover- 
eign of  the  Netherlands  and  the  President  of  the 
United  States.” 

A.  D.  1904.  — International  Peace  Con- 
gresses.— The  Thirteenth  at  Boston.  — The 
First  International  Peace  Congress  was  held  in 
London  in  1843,  when  men  who  could  think  of 
the  possibility  of  ending  war  were  jeered  at, 
and  little  heed  was  given  to  their  talk.  In  the 
next  ten  years  it  had  six  successors,  all  in  Eu- 
rope, and  three  of  them  in  Great  Britain.  Then 
came  the  succession  of  wars  in  the  fifties,  six- 
ties and  seventies,  which  seemed  to  discourage 
peace-dreams,  and  it  was  not  until  1878,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Paris  Exposition,  that  an  eighth 
international  gathering  of  the  dreamers  was 
attempted.  Then  they  waited  eleven  years  for 
hope  and  faith  enough  to  draw  them  for  a ninth 
time  together.  After  that  date  the  series  ran  on 
under  grow’ing  impulsions  and  encouragements, 
and  when  Boston,  in  1904,  invited  its  moving 
spirits  to  honor  America,  for  the  first  time,  with 
their  assemblage,  the  Congress  gathered  in  that 
city,  in  early  October,  was  the  Thirteenth  of  its 
name  and  kind.  It  was  given  exceptional  bril- 
liancy by  the  attendance  of  many  distinguished 
people  from  abroad  who  had  been  drawn  to  the 
United  States  that  season  by  the  Exposition  at 
St.  Louis  and  the  various  conferences  there. 

A.  D.  1904.  — A Philosopher’s  Plan  for  End- 
ing War. — “Man  lives  inhabits,  indeed,  but 
what  he  lives  for  is  thrills  and  excitements.  The 
only  relief  from  Habit’s  tediousness  is  periodical 
excitement.  From  time  immemorial  wars  have 
been,  especially  for  non-combatants,  the  su 
premely  thrilling  excitement.  Heavy  and  drag- 
ging at  its  end,  at  its  outset  every  war  means 
an  explosion  of  imaginative  energy.  The  dams 
of  routine  burst,  and  boundless  prospects  open. 
The  remotest  spectators  share  the  fascination.  . . . 

“This  is  the  constitution  of  human  nature 
which  we  have  to  work  against.  The  plain  truth 
is  that  people  want  war.  They  want  it  anyhow; 
for  itself  ; and  apart  from  each  and  every  possi- 
ble consequence.  It  is  the  final  bouquet  of  life’s 
fireworks.  The  born  soldiers  want  it  hot  and  ac- 
tual. The  non-combatants  want  it  in  the  back- 
ground, and  always  as  an  open  possibility,  to 
feed  imagination  on  and  keep  excitement  go- 
ing. . . . 

“We do  ill,  I fancy,  to  talk  much  of  universal 
peace  or  of  a general  disarmament.  We  must  go 
in  for  preventive  medicine,  not  for  radical  cure. 
We  must  cheat  our  foe,  politically  circumvent 

14 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 

his  action,  not  try  to  change  his  nature.  In  one 
respect  war  is  like  love,  though  in  no  other. 
Both  leave  us  intervals  of  rest;  and  in  the  inter- 
vals life  goes  on  perfectly  well  without  them, 
though  the  imagination  still  dallies  with  their 
possibility.  . . . Let  the  general  possibility  of 
war  be  left  open,  in  Heaven’s  name,  for  the  im- 
agination to  dally  with.  Let  the  soldiers  dream 
of  killing,  as  the  old  maids  dream  of  marrying. 
But  organize  in  every  conceivable  way  the  prac- 
tical machinery  for  making  each  successive 
chance  of  war  abortive.  Put  peace-men  in 
power ; educate  the  editors  and  statesmen  to  re- 
sponsibility ; — how  beautifully  did  their  trained 
responsibility  in  England  make  the  Venezuela 
incident  abortive  1 Seize  every  pretext,  however 
small,  for  arbitration  methods,  and  multiply  the 
precedents  ; foster  rival  excitements  and  invent 
new  outlets  for  heroic  energy  ; and  from  one 
generation  to  another,  the  chances  are  that  irri- 
tations will  grow  less  acute  and  states  of  strain 
less  dangerous  among  the  nations.  Armies  and 
navies  will  continue,  of  course,  and  will  fire  the 
minds  of  populations  with  their  potentialities  of 
greatness.  But  their  officers  will  find  that  some- 
how or  other,  with  no  deliberate  intention  on 
any  one’s  part,  each  successive  ‘ incident  ’ has 
managed  to  evaporate  and  to  lead  nowhere,  and 
that  the  thought  of  what  might  have  been  re- 
mains their  only  consolation.”  — William  James, 
Remarks  at  the  Peace  Banquet  ( Atlantic  Monthly , 
Bee.,  1904). 

A.  D.  1904-1909.  — The  Interparliamen- 
tary Union.  — The  Interparliamentary  Union, 
composed  of  members  of  the  parliamentary 
bodies  of  many  countries,  had  its  origin  in  1888, 
when,  on  the  31st  of  October,  thirty  members 
of  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  met  with 
ten  members  of  the  British  Parliament,  at  Paris, 
to  discuss  the  practicability  of  cooperation  in 
efforts  for  the  promotion  of  international  peace. 
William  Randal  Cremer,  a labor  union  member 
of  Parliament,  is  credited  with  the  conception 
and  the  active  agency  which  set  the  movement 
on  foot,  and  in  1903  he  received  the  Nobel  Prize 
of  835,000,  for  distinguished  service  to  the  cause 
of  peace.  He  devoted  the  money  to  the  same 
cause.  He  received  further  honors  from  the 
Government  of  France,  which  made  him  a Che- 
valier of  the  Legion  of  Honor.  The  results  of 
the  undertaking  he  led  have  already  acquired 
high  importance,  and  exhibit  more  each  year. 
If  the  glorious  dream  of  a World  Parliament, 
empowered  to  enact  international  law,  is  ever 
realized,  the  realization  may  be  a growth  from 
this  seed. 

Thus  far,  the  growth  has  produced  an  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  composed  of  representa- 
tives from  the  legislatures  of  every  country  in 
Europe  which  has  a really  constitutional  gov- 
ernment, and  from  the  United  States.  The 
Congress  of  the  latter  became  represented  in  the 
Union  in  the  winter  of  1904,  and  the  next  meet- 
ing of  the  Union  was  held  at  St.  Louis  that  year, 
while  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition  was  in 
progress.  The  membership  of  the  Union  had 
then  risen  to  about  2000  in  number,  drawn  en- 
tirely from  the  national  law-making  bodies  of 
the  world, — elected  representatives  of  many 
millions  of  people,  making  up  a powerfully 
influential  combination  of  experienced  public 
men.  The  St.  Louis  meeting  was  attended  by 
two  hundred  of  these,  including  many  of  distin- 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 

guished  standing  in  the  parliaments  of  their 
several  countries.  This  session  of  the  Union 
was  under  the  presidency  of  the  Hon.  Richard 
Bartholdt,  Member  of  Congress  from  Missouri. 
Its  most  important  action  was  the  adoption,  by 
unanimous  vote,  of  the  following  resolution: 

“ Whereas,  Enlightened  public  opinion  and 
the  spirit  of  modern  civilization  alike  demand 
that  differences  between  nations  should  be  ad- 
judicated and  settled  in  the  same  manner  as  dis- 
putes between  individuals  are  adjudicated  — 
namely,  by  the  arbitrament  of  courts  in  accord- 
ance with  recognized  principles  of  law  ; 

“The  Conference  requests  the  several  govern- 
ments of  the  world  to  send  representatives  to  an 
International  Conference,  to  be  held  at  a time 
and  place  to  be  agreed  upon  by  them,  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  — 

“ First,  the  questions  for  the  consideration  of 
which  the  Conference  at  The  Hague  expressed 
a wish  that  a future  conference  be  called ; 

“Second,  the  negotiation  of  arbitration  trea- 
ties between  the  nations  represented  at  the  Con- 
ference to  be  convened ; 

“Third,  the  advisability  of  establishing  an 
International  Congress  to  convene  periodically 
for  the  discussion  of  international  questions  ; 

“And  this  Conference  respectfully  and  cor- 
dially requests  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  invite  all  the  nations  to  send  repre- 
sentatives to  such  a Conference.” 

Subsequently,  this  resolution  was  presented 
to  the  President,  at  Washington,  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Union,  and  his  assent  to  the  request 
was  received.  Out  of  this  came  the  train  of 
proceedings  which  brought  about  the  Second 
Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague. 

In  1905  the  meeting  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  was  held  at  Brussels;  in  1906  at  London; 
in  1908  at  Berlin. 

A.  D.  1907.  — The  First  National  Peace 
Congress  in  the  United  States,  assembled 
at  New  York. — The  Peace  Congress  assem- 
bled at  New  York  April  14,  1907,  (the  first  Na- 
tional assemblyof  its  character),  on  the  initiative 
of  Andrew  Carnegie,  “surpassed  expectation. 
First  of  all,  in  numbers.  Delegates  registered 
by  the  thousand.  The  best  hall  in  the  metro- 
polis proved  inadequate.  Overflow  and  addi- 
tional meetings  were  held  in  other  halls  and  in 
churches.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
great  conferences,  two  banquets  were  necessary 
at  the  close,  taking  place  coincidentally,  with 
some  of  the  same  speakers  passing  from  one  to 
the  other,  no  hotel  accommodations  being  suffi- 
cient for  the  function  if  all  applicants  were  to 
be  housed  in  one  place.  Even  with  this  dou- 
bling the  issuance  of  tickets  had  to  be  stopped. 

“Secondly,  the  Congress  was  the  first  really 
National  peace  meeting  in  America.  In  com- 
parison, previous  peace  congresses  have  been 
sectional.  But  at  last  week’s  over  thirty-five 
States  were  represented  by  their  Governors  or 
their  representatives,  by  members  of  State  tri- 
bunals and  State  Legislatures,  and  by  Mayors  of 
important  cities.  The  Federal  Government  was 
represented  by  members  of  the  Hague  Court,  of 
the  Supreme,  Circuit,  and  District  Courts,  and 
of  Congress.  Thus  the  resultant  body  was  a pe- 
culiarly representative  official  gathering.  . . . 

“Still  another  striking  feature  of  the  Con- 
gress lay  in  the  prominent  place  given  to  the 
representatives  of  labor  and  commerce,  a fea- 


715 


4 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST  WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


ture  comprised  in  two  meetings,  addressed  by 
prominent  leaders  of  the  various  industries. 
The  general  position  was  well  taken  by  Mr. 
Samuel  Gompers,  President  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  : ‘ Not  as  workers  will  we 
permit  ourselves  to  be  shot  down  in  order  to 
conquer  the  markets  of  barbarians  and  savages. 
I know  of  no  gathering  of  labor  in  the  last 
twenty-five  years  which  lias  not  declared  itself 
unequivocally  for  international  brotherhood  and 
peace.’  ” 

“A  final  and  chief  feature  of  interest  lay  in 
the  notably  practical  character  of  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  speakers  and  listeners.  The  Congress 
was  no  ‘collection  of  cranks  and  fools,’  as  a 
hard-headed  man  of  affairs  dubbed  it  in  passing 
the  hall,  without  looking  in  to  verify  his  state- 
ment. Neither  was  it  a collection  of  white- 
blooded,  weak-kneed  theorists,  feebly  appreciat- 
ing the  actual  conditions  that  govern  individual 
passions  and  national  prejudices.  As  one 
glanced  around,  there  were  the  faces  of  great 
captains  of  industry,  of  practical  leaders  of 
labor,  of  men  who  bulk  large  in  commercial 
enterprises,  of  trusted  political  leaders.  Nor 
was  the  Congress  any  mere  anti-war  affair : its 
business  was  positive,  not  negative ; it  was  to 
affirm  the  necessity  of  substituting  reason  for 
passion.  There  was  a general  sentiment  that  it 
ought  to  emphasize,  not  ‘rainbows ’’or  distant 
Utopias,  but  only  practical  plans  certain  of 
realization,  and  of  realization,  too,  not  in  the 
far  future,  but  in  this  very  coming  summer  by 
action  at  The  Hague.”  — The  Outlook,  April  27, 
1907. 

Among  the  prominent  speakers  were  Mr. 
Carnegie,  who  presided,  Mr.  Root,  Secretary  of 
State,  Governor  Hughes,  of  New  York,  Ambas- 
sador Bryce,  Mr.  William  J.  Bryan,  Congress- 
man Bartholdt,  President  of  the  American 
group  in  the  Inter-parliamentary  Union,  Profes- 
sor Miinsterberg,  President  Eliot,  Baron  d’Es- 
tournelles,  the  eminent  peace  advocate  of 
France,  and  Mr.  W.  T.  Stead.  Mr.  Root  pointed 
out  the  great  obstacle  to  arbitration  — a fear 
that  the  tribunals  selected  would  not  be  impar- 
tial, because  arbitrators  are  thought  often  to 
act  diplomatically  rather  than  judicially.  “We 
need,”  he  said,  “for  arbitrators,  not  distin- 
guished public  men  concerned  in  all  the  interna- 
tional questions  of  the  day,  but  judges  interested 
only  in  the  question  appearing  on  the  record  be- 
fore them.  Plainly,  this  end  is  to  be  attained 
by  the  establishment  of  a court  of  permanent 
judges.” 

Mr.  Bryan  made  the  excellent  suggestion  that 
in  ‘time  of  war  money-lenders  shall  not  be  al- 
lowed to  wax  fat  by  loans,  taking  advantage  of 
a nation’s  weakness  and  urging  it  to  continue 
hostilities.  A loan  by  the  citizens  of  a neutral 
nation,  he  pointed  out,  is  practically  a loan  by 
the  nation  itself,  and  should  be  objected  to  as 
much  as  furnishing  shot  and  shell. 

Mr.  Stead,  writing  of  the  Congress  in  the 
American  Review  of  Reviews,  characterized  it  as 
“in  many  respects  the  most  notable  Congress 
of  its  kind  that  has  ever  been  held  in  the  Old 
World  or  the  New,”  and  as  being  “the  pioneer 
or  John  the  Baptist  of  the  Second  International 
Conference”  soon  to  meet  at  The  Hague.  “ It 
represented,”  he  said,  “the  first  rudimentary, 
crude,  but  nevertheless  definite  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  New  World  to  impress  its  will  on 


the  Old  World.”  But  he  thought  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  Congress,  “as  a whole,  were  hardly 
worthy  of  the  importance  of  the  occasion  or  the 
representative  character  of  the  conference,”  and 
criticised  the  committee  for  taking  “no  steps 
for  pressing  their  adoption  upon  other  govern- 
ments than  their  own.” 

A.  D.  1907.  — Second  International  Peace 
Conference  at  The  Hague  : Its  Conventions, 
Declarations,  and  Recommendations.  — Text 
of  the  Convention  for  a Pacific  Settlement  of 
International  Disputes,  and  of  the  “ Final 
Act,”  with  its  recommended  Draft  Conven- 
tion for  the  Creation  of  a Judicial  Arbitra- 
tion Court. — “Pursuant  to  a request  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union,  held  at  St.  Louis  in 
1904,  that  a further  peace  conference  be  held, 
and  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  in- 
vite all  nations  to  send  representatives  to  such  a 
conference,  the  late  Secretary  of  State,  at  the 
direction  of  the  President,  instructed,  on  Octo- 
ber 21,  1904,  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  accredited  to  each  of  the  signatories  to 
the  acts  of  The  Hague  Conference  of  1889  to  pre- 
sent overtures  for  a second  conference  to  the 
ministers  for  foreign  affairs  of  the  respective 
countries. 

“ The  replies  received  to  this  circular  instruc- 
tion of  October  21, 1904,  indicated  that  the  pro- 
position for  the  calling  of  a second  conference 
met  with  general  favor.  At  a later  period  it  was 
intimated  by  Russia  that  the  initiator  of  the  First 
Conference  was,  owing  to  the  restoration  of 
peace  in  the  Orient,  disposed  to  undertake  the 
calling  of  a new  conference  to  continue  as  well 
as  to  supplement  the  works  of  the  first.  The 
offer  of  the  Czar  to  take  steps  requisite  to  con- 
vene a second  international  peace  conference 
was  gladly  welcomed  by  the  President,  and  the 
Final  Act  of  the  Conference  only  recites  in  its 
preamble  the  invitation  of  the  President. 

“ The  Russian  Government  thus  assumed  the 
calling  of  the  Conference,  and  on  April  12,  1906, 
submitted  the  following  programme,  which  was 
acceptable  to  the  Powers  generally  and  which 
served  as  the  basis  of  the  work  of  the  Confer- 
ence : 

“1.  Improvements  to  be  made  in  the  provi- 
sions of  the  convention  relative  to  the  peaceful 
settlement  of  international  disputes  as  regards 
the  Court  of  Arbitration  and  the  International 
commissions  of  inquiry. 

“2.  Additions  to  be  made  to  the  provisions 
of  the  convention  of  1899  relative  to  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war  on  land  — among  others, 
those  concerning  the  opening  of  hostilities,  the 
rights  of  neutrals  on  land,  etc.  Declaration  of 
1899.  One  of  these  having  expired,  question  of 
its  being  revived. 

“3.  Framing  of  a convention  relative  to  the 
laws  and  customs  of  maritime  warfare,  concern- 
ing— 

“ The  special  operations  of  maritime  warfare, 
such  as  the  bombardment  of  ports,  cities,  and 
villages  by  a naval  force;  the  laying  of  torpe- 
does, etc. 

“The  transformation  of  merchant  vessels  into 
war  ships. 

“ The  private  property  of  belligerents  at  sea. 

“The  length  of  time  to  be  granted  to  mer- 
chant ships  for  their  departure  from  ports  of 
neutrals  or  of  the  enemy  after  the  opening  of 
hostilities. 


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WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


“The  rights  and  duties  of  neutrals  at  sea, 
among  others  the  questions  of  eontraband,  the 
rules  applicable  to  belligerent  vessels  in  neutral 
ports;  destruction,  in  cases  of  vis  major,  of  neu- 
tral merchant  vessels  captured  as  prizes. 

“In  the  said  convention  to  be  drafted  there 
would  be  introduced  the  provisions  relative  to 
war  on  land  that  would  be  also  applicable  to 
maritime  warfare. 

‘ ‘ 4.  Additions  to  be  made  to  the  convention 
of  1899  for  the  adaptation  to  maritime  warfare 
of  the  principles  of  the  Geneva  Convention  of 
1864. 

“The  United  States,  however,  reserved  the 
right  to  bring  to  discussion  two  matters  of 
great  importance  not  included  in  the  pro 
gramme,  namely,  the  reduction  or  limitation  of 
armaments  and  restrictions  or  limitations  upon 
the  use  of  force  for  the  collection  of  ordinary 
public  debts  arising  out  of  contracts. 

“It  was  finally  decided  that  the  Conference 
should  meet  at  The  Hague  on  the  15th  day  of 
June,  1907,  and  thus  the  Conference,  proposed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  con- 
voked by  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  The  Neth- 
erlands upon  the  invitation  of  the  Emperor  of 
All  the  Russias,  assumed  definite  shape  and 
form.  . . . 

“In  the  circulars  of  October  21  and  Decem- 
ber 16,  1904,  it  was  suggested  as  desirable  to 
consider  and  adopt  a procedure  by  which  States 
nonsignatory  to  the  original  acts  of  The  Hague 
Conference  may  become  adhering  parties.  This 
suggestion  was  taken  note  of  by  the  Russian 
Government  and  invitations  were  issued  to 
forty-seven  countries,  in  response  to  which  the 
representatives  of  forty-four  nations  assembled 
at  The  Hague  and  took  part  in  the  Conference. 
No  opposition  was  made  to  the  admission  of 
the  nonsignatory  States.” 

The  delegation  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Conference  was  composed  of  the  following 
members:  Commissioners  plenipotentiary  with 
the  rank  of  ambassador  extraordinary  : Joseph 
H.  Choate,  of  New  York,  Horace  Porter,  of 
New  York,  Uriah  M.  Rose,  of  Arkansas;  Com- 
missioner plenipotentiary  : David  Jayne  Hill,  of 
New  York,  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Netherlands;  Commissioners  Plenipotentiary 
with  rank  of  minister  plenipotentiary:  Brig. 
Gen.  George  B.  Davis,  Judge-Advocate-General, 
U.  S.  Army,  Rear-Admiral  Charles  S.  Sperry,  U. 
8.  Navy,  William  I.  Buchanan,  of  New  York; 
Technical  delegate  and  expert  in  international 
law:  James  Brown  Scott,  of  California  ; Tech- 
nical delegate  and  expert  attache  to  the  Com- 
mission : Charles  Henry  Butler,  of  New  York  ; 
Secretary  to  the  Commission:  Chandler  Hale, 
of  Maine ; Assistant  secretaries  to  the  Commis- 
sion : A.  Bailly-Blanchard,  of  Louisiana,  Wil- 
liam M.  Malloy,  of  Illinois. 

“ The  Dutch  Government  set  aside  for  the 
use  of  the  Conference,  the  Binnenhof,  the  seat 
of  the  States-General,  and  on  the  15th  day  of 
June,  1907,  at  3 o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  the 
Conference  was  opened  by  his  excellency  the 
Dutch  minister  for  foreign  affairs  in  the  pre- 
sence of  delegates  representing  forty-four  na- 
tions. ...  At  the  conclusion  of  the  address  of 
welcome  his  excellency  suggested  as  president 
of  the  Conference  His  Excellency  M.  Nelidow, 
first  delegate  of  Russia,  and,  with  the  unani- 


mous consent  of  the  assembly,  M.  Nelidow  ac- 
cepted the  presidency  and  delivered  an  ad- 
dress.” . . . 

In  accordance  with  the  suggestion  of  the  pre- 
sident, an  order  of  procedure,  in  twelve  articles, 
was  adopted,  and  the  Conference  was  divided 
into  four  Commissions,  between  which  the  sub- 
jects specified  in  the  programme  of  the  Confer- 
ence were  apportioned.  “ The  actual  work  of 
the  Conference  was,  therefore,  done  in  commis- 
sion and  committee.  The  results,  so  far  as  the 
several  commissions  desired,  were  reported  to 
the  Conference  sitting  in  plenary  session  for  ap- 
proval, and  after  approval,  submitted  to  the 
small  subediting  committee  for  final  revision 
which,  however,  affected  form,  not  substance. 
The  results  thus  reached  were  included  in  the 
Final  Act  and  signed  by  the  plenipotentiaries  on 
the  18th  day  of  October,  1907,  upon  which  date 
the  Conference  adjourned.” — Report  of  the  Dele- 
gates of  the  United  States  (dOth  Congress,  1st 
Sess.  Senate  Doc.  444). 

The  results  of  the  Conference  are  embodied  in 
fourteen  Conventions  duly  formulated  and 
signed,  and  a 1 ‘ Final  Act  ” in  which  certain  prin- 
ciples are  declared  as  being  “ unanimously  ad- 
mitted.” Of  the  Conventions  entered  into,  that 
most  important  one  which  provides  means  for  a 
pacific  solution  of  international  conflicts  is  but  a 
revision  of  the  Convention  for  the  same  purpose 
which  the  Powers  represented  at  the  First  Peace 
Conference,  of  1899,  gave  adhesion  to,  and  the 
full  text  of  which  is  printed  in  Volume  VI.  of 
this  work  (pp.  356-9).  To  a large  extent  the 
articles  of  the  Convention  are  unchanged,  and 
the  changes  made  are  mostly  in  the  nature  of  an 
amplification  of  provisions  and  prescriptions  of 
procedure  for  carrying  out  the  agreements  set 
forth  in  the  compact  of  1899.  This  occurs  es- 
pecially in  Part  III.,  relating  to  “ International 
Commissions  of  Inquiry,”  the  specifications  for 
which,  merely  outlined  in  six  articles  of  the  Con- 
vention of  1899,  were  detailed  with  precision  in 
twenty -eight  articles  of  the  Convention  of  1907. 
A similar  amplification  was  given  to  the  chap- 
ters on  “The  System  of  Arbitration  ” and  “ Ar- 
bitral Procedure.”  By  a verbal  change  of  some 
significance,  the  parties  to  the  Convention  are 
designated  “Contracting  Powers,”  instead  of 
“ Signatory  Powers,”  as  before. 

Other  important  features  of  the  revision  are 
noted  in  an  article  which  the  Hon.  David  Jayne 
Hill,  one  of  the  American  Commission  at  the 
Conference,  communicated  to  The  American  Re- 
view of  Reviews  of  December,  1907.  Dr.  Hill 
wrote : 

“With regard  to  good  offices  and  mediation,  a 
slight  step  forward  was  taken  by  the  acceptance 
of  the  American  proposition  that  the  initiative 
of  powers  foreign  to  the  controversy  in  offer- 
ing them  is  not  only  ‘useful’  but  ‘desirable.’ 
Greater  precision  has  been  given  to  the  oper- 
ation of  commissions  of  inquiry,  whose  great 
utility  has  already  been  tested,  but  it  was  de- 
cided that  the  functions  of  such  commissions 
should  be  confined  to  a determination  of  facts 
and  should  not  extend  to  fixing  responsibility. 
As  regards  arbitration,  while  it  was  reasserted 
that  ‘ in  questions  of  a legal  character,  and  es- 
pecially in  the  interpretation  or  application  of 
international  conventions,  arbitration  is  recog- 
nized by  the  contracting  powers  as  the  most  effi- 
cacious and  at  the  same  time  the  most  equitable 


717 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


means  of  settling  differences  that  have  not  been 
adjusted  by  diplomacy,’ and,  ‘in  consequence, 
it  would  be  desirable  that,  in  contentions  of  this 
character,  the  powers  should  resort  to  arbitra- 
tion,’ it  was  not  found  possible  to  render  this 
resort  an  obligation. 

“It  is  necessary  to  state,  however,  that  while 
unanimity  upon  this  proposal  was  not  obtainable 
— even  for  a convention  that  omitted  all  ques- 
tions affecting  ‘ the  vital  interests,  independ- 
ence, or  honor ’of  the  contestants  and  included 
only  a meagre  list  of  mainly  unimportant  sub- 
jects — 32  powers  voted  in  favor  of  it,  only  9 
were  opposed,  and  3 abstained  from  voting.  As 
practical  unanimity  was  held  to  be  necessary  for 
the  inclusion  of  a convention  in  the  final  act, 
even  this  very  moderate  attempt  at  obligatory 
arbitration  was  unfruitful.  Still,  as  this  strong 
manifestation  of  a disposition  to  make  a definite 
engagement  could  not  conveniently  be  nullified 
without  being  in  some  measure  recognized,  it 
was  resolved,  with  four  abstentions,  that  the 
first  commission  was  : ‘ Unanimous  (1)  in  recog- 
nizing the  principle  of  obligatory  arbitration; 
and  (2)  in  declaring  that  certain  differences,  not- 
ably those  relative  to  the  interpretation  and 
application  of  conventional  stipulations,  are  sus- 
ceptible of  being  submitted  to  obligatory  arbi- 
tration without  restriction.’ 

“Regarding  this  resolution  as  a retreat  from 
the  more  advanced  position  that  had  been  taken 
by  32  powers,  the  head  of  the  American  delega- 
tion clearly  explained  its  attitude  and  refrained 
from  voting. 

“ It  must,  in  justice,  he  added  that  some  of 
the  powers  voting  against  an  obligatory  arbitra- 
tion convention  probably  did  so  chiefly  for  the 
purpose  of  avoiding  the  isolation  of  others,  and 
that  some  of  the  powers  most  earnest  in  oppos- 
ing the  project  not  only  have  negotiated  special 
treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration,  but  declare 
their  intention  of  negotiating  many  more.  The 
state  of  the  question,  then,  is  this  : All  accept 
the  principle  of  obligatory  arbitration  in  certain 
classes  of  cases,  32  powers  are  prepared  to  make 
definite  engagements  with  all  the  rest,  9 prefer  to 
make  them  only  with  states  on  whose  responsi- 
bility they  can  rely,  and  3 decline  at  present  to 
commit  themselves.” 

On  the  part  of  the  United  States,  when  this 
important  Convention  was  submitted  subse- 
quently to  the  Senate,  it  was  ratified  condition- 
ally, by  the  following  resolution,  adopted  April 
2,  1908. 

“ Resolved  (two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  con- 
curring therein ),  That  the  Senate  advise  and 
consent  to  the  ratification  of  a convention  signed 
by  the  delegates  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Second  International  Peace  Conference,  held  at 
The  Hague  from  June  sixteenth  to  October  eigh- 
teenth. nineteen  hundred  and  seven,  for  the  pa- 
cific settlement  of  international  disputes,  subject 
to  the  declaration  made  by  the  delegates  of  the 
United  States  before  signing  said  convention, 
namely: 

“ ‘Nothing  contained  in  this  convention  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  require  the  United  States 
of  America  to  depart  from  its  traditional  policy 
of  not  intruding  upon,  interfering  with,  or  en- 
tangling itself  in  the  political  questions  of  policy 
or  internal  administration  of  any  foreign  state  ; 
nor  shall  anything  contained  in  the  said  conven- 
tion he  construed  to  imply  a relinquishment  by 


the  United  States  of  its  traditional  attitude  to- 
ward purely  American  questions.’ 

“ Resolved  further,  as  a part  of  this  act  of  rati- 
fication, That  the  United  States  approves  this 
convention  with  the  understanding  that  recourse 
to  the  permanent  court  for  the  settlement  of 
differences  can  be  had  only  by  agreement  thereto 
through  general  or  special  treaties  of  arbitration 
heretofore  or  hereafter  concluded  between  the 
parties  in  dispute;  and  the  United  States  now 
exercises  the  option  contained  in  article  fifty- 
three  of  said  convention,  to  exclude  the  formu- 
lation of  the  ‘compromis’  by  the  permanent 
court,  and  hereby  excludes  from  the  compe- 
tence of  the  permanent  court  the  power  to  frame 
the  ‘compromis’  required  by  general  or  special 
treaties  of  arbitration  concluded  or  hereafter  to 
be  concluded  by  the  United  States,  and  further 
expressly  declares  that  the  ‘compromis’  re- 
quired by  any  treaty  of  arbitration  to  which  the 
United  States  may  be  a party  shall  he  settled 
only  by  agreement  between  the  contracting 
parties,  unless  such  treaty  shall  expressly  pro- 
vide otherwise." 

Of  the  other  Conventions  agreed  to  and  signed 
at  the  Conference  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give 
here  in  part  a summary  statement  of  their  ob- 
jects and  provisions  which  was  prepared  by  the 
Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  one  of  the  Technical 
Delegates  to  the  Conference  from  the  United 
States,  originally  for  publication  in  The  Ameri- 
can Journal  of  International  Law  for  Janu- 
ary, 1908.  They  are  described  by  Mr.  Scott  as 
follows : 

“The  second  is  the  convention  restricting  the 
use  of  force  for  the  recovery  of  contract  debts. 
This  was  introduced  by  the  American  delegation, 
loyally  and  devotedly  seconded  by  Doctor  Drago, 
who  has  battled  for  the  doctrine  to  which  he 
has  given  his  name.  Without  the  support  of 
Doctor  Drago,  it  is  doubtful  if  Latin  America 
— for  whose  benefit  it  was  introduced  — would 
have  voted  for  this  very  important  doctrine. 
The  proposition  is  very  short;  it  consists  of  but 
three  articles,  but  we  must  not  measure  things 
by  their  size.  In  full  it  is  as  follows;  ‘In  order 
to  avoid  between  nations  armed  conflicts  of  a 
purely  pecuniary  origin  arising  from  contractual 
debts  claimed  from  the  government  of  one  coun- 
try by  the  government  of  another  country  to  be 
due  to  its  nationals,  the  contracting  powers 
agree  not  to  have  recourse  to  armed  force  for 
the  collection  of  such  contractual  debts. 

“ ‘ However,  this  stipulation  shall  not  be  ap- 
plicable when  the  debtor  state  refuses  or  leaves 
unanswered  an  offer  to  arbitrate,  or,  in  case  of 
acceptance,  makes  it  impossible  to  formulate  the 
terms  of  submission,  or  after  arbitration,  fails  to 
comply  with  the  award  rendered. 

“‘It  is  further  agreed  that  arbitration  here 
contemplated  shall  be  in  conformity,  as  to  pro- 
cedure, with  Title  IV,  Chapter  III  of  the  con- 
vention for  the  pacific  settlement  of  interna- 
tional disputes  adopted  at  The  Hague,  and  that 
it  shall  determine,  in  so  far  as  there  shall  be  no 
agreement  between  the  parties,  the  justice,  and 
the  amount  of  the  debt,  the  time  and  mode  of 
payment  thereof.  ’ . . . 

“ The  third  convention  relates  to  the  opening 
of  hostilities  and  provides,  in  Article  I,  that 
the  contracting  powers  recognize  that  hostilities 
between  them  should  not  commence  without 
notice,  which  shall  be  either  in  the  form  of  a 


718 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


formal  declaration  of  war  or  of  an  ultimatum  in 
the  nature  of  a declaration  of  conditional  war. 
This  is  to  protect  belligerents  from  surprise  and 
bad  faith.  Article  11  is  meant  to  safeguard  the 
rights  of  neutrals.  The  state  of  war  should  be 
notified  without  delay  to  neutral  powers,  and 
shall  only  affect  them  after  the  receipt  of  a 
notification,  which  may  be  sent  even  by  tele- 
gram.’. . . 

“The  fourth  convention  concerns  the  laws 
and  customs  of  land  warfare,  [and  is]  a revision 
of  the  convention  of  1899.  It  is  highly  technical 
and  codifies  in  a humanitarian  spirit  the  warfare 
of  the  present. 

“ The  fifth  convention  attempts  to  regulate 
the  rights  and  duties  of  neutral  powers  and  of 
neutral  persons  in  case  of  land  warfare.  Short, 
but  important,  its  guiding  spirit  is  expressed  in 
the  opening  paragraph  of  the  preamble,  namely, 
to  render  more  certain  the  rights  and  duties  of 
neutral  powers  in  case  of  warfare  upon  land 
and  to  regulate  the  situation  of  belligerent  refu- 
gees in  neutral  territory.  . . . 

“The  sixth  is  the  convention  concerning 
enemy  merchant  ships  found  in  enemy  ports  or 
upon  the  high  seas  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities. 
Custom  forbids  the  capture  of  enemy  vessels 
within  the  port  of  the  enemy  on  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities  and  allows  them  a limited  time  to  dis- 
charge or  load  their  cargo  and  depart  for  their 
port  of  destination.  The  attempt  was  made  to 
establish  this  custom  or  privilege  as  a right. 
The  proposition,  however,  met  with  serious  op- 
position and,  instead  of  the  right,  the  conven- 
tion states  that  it  is  desirable  that  enemy  ships 
be  permitted  freely  to  leave  the  port.  The  con- 
vention, therefore,  was  restrictive  rather  than 
declaratory  of  existing  international  practice. 
The  same  might  be  said  of  another  provision  of 
the  convention  concerning  the  treatment  of 
enemy  merchant  ships  upon  the  high  seas.  It 
may  be  said  that  the  expression  of  a desire  is 
tantamount  to  a positive  declaration,  but,  strictly 
construed,  the  convention  is  not  progressive. 
It  lessens  rights  acquired  by  custom  and  usage, 
although  it  does,  indeed,  render  the  privilege 
granted  universal.  The  American  delegation, 
therefore,  refrained  from  signing  the  conven- 
tion. 

“The  seventh  convention  deals  with  the 
transformation  of  merchant  ships  into  ships  of 
war,  and  it  must  be  said  that  the  positive  re- 
sults of  this  convention  are  of  little  or  no  prac- 
tical value.  The  burning  question  was  whether 
merchant  ships  might  be  transformed  into  men- 
of-war  upon  the  high  seas.  As  the  transforma- 
tion of  merchant  vessels  into  war  vessels  upon 
the  high  seas  caused  an  international  commotion 
during  the  recent  Russo-Japanese  war.  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  insisted  that  the 
transfer  should  only  be  allowed  within  the  terri- 
torial jurisdiction  of  the  transforming  power. 
Some  of  the  continental  states,  on  the  contrary, 
refused  to  renounce  the  exercise  of  the  alleged 
right.  The  great  maritime  states  were  thus  di- 
vided, and  as  the  question  was  too  simple  and 
too  plain  to  admit  of  compromise,  it  was  agreed 
to  drop  it  entirely  for  the  present.  In  order, 
however,  that  something  might  remain  of  the 
careful  and  elaborate  discussions  of  the  subject, 
a series  of  regulations  was  drawn  up  regarding 
the  transformation  of  merchant  ships  into  ves- 
sels of  war,  declaratory  of  international  custom. 

1 


. . . Indirectly,  the  rightfulness  or  wrongful- 
ness of  privateering  was  concerned,  and  inas- 
much as  the  United  States  would  not  consent  to 
abolish  privateering  unless  the  immunity  of 
private  property  be  safeguarded,  the  American 
delegation  abstained  from  signing  the  conven- 
tion. 

“The  eighth  convention  relates  to  the  placing 
of  submarine  automatic  mines  of  contact,  a sub- 
ject of  present  and  special  interest  to  belliger- 
ents; while  the  interest  of  the  neutral  is  very 
general.  . . . Mines  break  from  their  moorings 
and  endanger  neutral  life  and  property.  The 
conference,  therefore,  desires  to  regulate  the  use 
of  mines  in  such  a way  as  not  to  deprive  the 
belligerents  of  a recognized  and  legitimate 
means  of  warfare,  but  to  restrict,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  damage  to  the  immediate  belliger- 
ents. . . . 

“The  ninth  convention  forbade  the  bombard- 
ment by  naval  forces  of  undefended  harbors, 
villages,  towns,  or  buildings.  The  presence, 
however,  of  military  stores  would  permit  bom- 
bardment of  such  ports  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
destroying  the  stores,  provided  they  were  not 
destroyed  or  delivered  up  upon  request.  No- 
tice, however,  should  be  given  of  the  intention 
to  bombard.  In  like  manner,  the  convention 
permitted  the  bombardment  of  such  undefended 
places  if  provisions  were  not  supplied  upon 
requisition  to  the  naval  force.  Bombardment, 
however,  was  not  allowed  for  the  collection  of 
mere  money  contributions.  . . . 

“ The  tenth  convention  adapted  to  maritime 
warfare  the  principles  of  the  Geneva  Conven- 
tion of  1906.  . . . 

“The  eleventh  convention  relates  to  certain 
restrictions  in  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  cap- 
ture in  maritime  war.  It  is  a modest  document, 
but  is  all  that  was  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the 
immunity  of  private  property.  The  American 
delegation  urged  the  abolition  of  the  right  of 
capture  of  unoffending  enemy  private  property 
upon  the  high  seas,  but  great  maritime  powers 
such  as  Great  Britain,  France,  Russia,  and  Japan 
were  unwilling  to  relinquish  this  means  of 
bringing  the  enemy  to  terms.  . . . 

“The  twelfth  convention  sought  to  establish 
an  international  court  of  prize,  and  there  only 
remains  the  ratification  of  this  convention  by 
the  contracting  powers  in  order  to  call  into 
being  this  great  and  beneficent  institution.  For 
years  enlightened  opinion  has  protested  against 
the  right  of  belligerents  to  pass  final  judgment 
upon  the  lawfulness  of  the  capture  of  neutral 
property,  and  it  is  a pleasure  to  be  able  to  state 
that  the  interests  of  the  neutrals  in  the  neutral 
prize  are  henceforward  to  be  placed  in  the 
hands  of  neutral  judges  with  a representation 
of  the  belligerents,  in  order  that  the  rights  of 
all  concerned  may  be  carefully  weighed  and 
considered.  . . . 

“The  thirteenth  convention  concerns  and 
seeks  to  regulate  the  rights  and  duties  of  neu- 
tral powers  in  case  of  maritime  war.  This  is  an 
elaborate  codification  of  the  rights  and  duties  of 
neutrals  in  which  the  conference  essayed  to  gen- 
eralize and  define  on  the  one  hand  the  rights  of 
neutrals  and  the  correlative  duties  of  the  bel- 
ligerents, and  in  the  second  place  to  set  forth  in 
detail  the  duties  of  neutrals,  thus  safeguarding 
the  rights  of  belligerents  in  certain  phases  of 
maritime  warfare.  . . . The  result,  however, 

9 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


was  unsatisfactory  to  some  of  the  larger  mari- 
time powers,  which  prefer  their  present  regula- 
tions on  the  subject  of  neutrality  or  which  were 
unwilling  to  accept  the  modifications  proposed. 
The  United  States  was  not  satisfied  with  certain 
provisions  of  the  convention,  and  reserved  the 
right  to  study  the  project  in  detail  before  ex- 
pressing a final  opinion.  It  therefore  abstained 
from  voting  and  signing. 

“ The  fourteenth  convention  is  a reenactment 
of  the  declaration  of  1899  forbidding  the  launch- 
ing of  projectiles  and  explosives  from  balloons. 
The  original  declaration  was  agreed  to  for  a 
period  of  five  years,  and  as  this  period  had  ex- 
pired the  powers  were  without  a regulation  on 
the  subject.  The  reenactment  provided  that 
the  present  declaration  shall  extend,  not  merely 
for  a period  of  five  years,  but  to  the  end  of  the 
Third  Conference  of  Peace.”  — Reprinted  in 
Senate  Document  No.  433,  60 th  Congress,  1st 
Session. 

Appended  to  these  Conventions  are  the  Reso- 
lutions or  Declarations  of  accepted  Principles 
embodied  in  the  “Final  Act”;  and  these  are 
far  from  being  the  least  important  of  the  fruits 
of  the  Conference.  They  need  presentation  in 
full. 

Final  Act  of  the  Second  International 
Peace  Conference.  — “ At  a series  of  meetings, 
held  from  the  15th  .Tune  to  the  18th  October, 
1907,  in  which  the  above  Delegates  [named  in  a 
preamble]  were  throughout  animated  by  the 
desire  to  realize,  in  the  fullest  possible  measure, 
the  generous  views  of  the  august  initiator  of 
the  Conference  and  the  intentions  of  their  Gov- 
ernments, the  Conference  drew  up  for  submis- 
sion for  signature  by  the  Plenipotentiaries,  the 
text  of  the  Conventions  and  of  the  Declaration 
enumerated  below  [named  in  their  order,  as 
summarized  above]  and  annexed  to  the  present 
Act:  — 

“ These  Conventions  and  Declaration  shall 
form  so  many  separate  Acts.  These  Acts  shall 
be  dated  this  day,  and  may  be  signed  up  to  the 
30th  June,  1908,  at  The  Hague,  by  the  Plenipo- 
tentiaries of  the  Powers  represented  at  the  Sec- 
ond Peace  Conference. 

“The  Conference,  actuated  by  the  spirit  of 
mutual  agreement  and  concession  characteriz- 
ing its  deliberations,  has  agreed  upon  the  fol- 
lowing Declaration,  which,  while  reserving  to 
each  of  the  Powers  represented  full  liberty  of 
action  as  regards  voting,  enables  them  to  affirm 
the  principles  which  they  regard  as  unani- 
mously admitted;  — 

“It  is  unanimous  — 

“1.  In  admitting  the  principle  of  compul- 
sory arbitration. 

“2.  In  declaring  that  certain  disputes,  in 
particular  those  relating  to  the  interpretation 
and  application  of  the  provisions  of  Interna- 
tional Agreements,  may  be  submitted  to  com- 
pulsory arbitration  without  any  restriction. 

“ Finally,  it  is  unanimous  in  proclaiming 
that,  although  it  has  not  yet  been  found 
feasible  to  conclude  a Convention  in  this  sense, 
nevertheless  the  divergences  of  opinion  which 
have  come  to  light  have  not  exceeded  the 
bounds  of  judicial  controversy,  and  that,  by 
working  together  here  during  the  past  four 
months,  the  collected  Powers  not  only  have 
learnt  to  understand  one  another  and  to  draw 
closer  together,  but  have  succeeded  in  the 


course  of  this  long  collaboration  in  evolving  a 
very  lofty  conception  of  the  common  welfare  of 
humanity. 

“The  Conference  has  further  unanimously 
adopted  the  following  Resolution  : — 

“The  Second  Peace  Conference  confirms  the 
Resolution  adopted  by  the  Conference  of  1899 
in  regard  to  the  limitation  of  military  expendi- 
ture ; and  inasmuch  as  military  expenditure  has 
considerably  increased  in  almost  every  country 
since  that  time,  the  Conference  declares  that  it 
is  eminently  desirable  that  the  Governments 
should  resume  the  serious  examination  of  this 
question. 

“ It  has  besides  expressed  the  following  opin- 
ions : — 

“ 1.  The  Conference  calls  the  attention  of  the 
Signatory  Powers  to  the  advisability  of  adopt- 
ing the  annexed  draft  Convention  for  the  crea- 
tion of  a Judicial  Arbitration  Court,  and  of 
bringing  it  into  force  as  soon  as  an  agreement 
has  been  reached  respecting  the  selection  of  the 
Judges  and  the  constitution  of  the  Court. 

“2.  The  Conference  expresses  the  opinion 
that,  in  case  of  war,  the  responsible  authorities, 
civil  as  well  as  military,  should  make  it  their 
special  duty  to  ensure  and  safeguard  the  main- 
tenance of  specific  relations,  more  especially  of 
the  commercial  and  industrial  relations  between 
the  inhabitants  of  the  belligerent  States  and 
neutral  countries. 

“3.  The  Conference  expresses  the  opinion 
that  the  Powers  should  regulate,  by  special 
Treaties,  the  position,  as  regards  military 
charges,  of  foreigners  residing  within  their  ter- 
ritories. 

“4.  The  Conference  expresses  the  opinion 
that  the  preparation  of  regulations  relative  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  naval  war  should  fig- 
ure in  the  programme  of  the  next  Conference, 
and  that  in  any  case  the  Powers  may  apply,  as 
far  as  possible,  to  war  by  sea  the  principles  of 
the  Convention  relative  to  the  Laws  and  Cus- 
toms of  War  on  land. 

“ Finally,  the  Conference  recommends  to  the 
Powers  the  assembly  of  a Third  Peace  Confer- 
ence, which  might  be  held  within  a period  cor- 
responding to  that  which  has  elapsed  since  the 
preceding  Conference,  at  a date  to  be  fixed  by 
common  agreement  between  the  Powers,  and  it 
calls  their  attention  to  the  necessity  of  prepar- 
ing the  programme  of  this  Third  Conference  a 
sufficient  time  in  advance  to  ensure  its  delibera- 
tions being  conducted  with  the  necessary  au- 
thority and  expedition. 

“In  order  to  attain  this  object  the  Conference 
considers  that  it  would  be  very  desirable  that, 
some  two  years  before  the  probable  date  of  the 
meeting,  a preparatory  Committee  should  be 
charged  by  the  Governments  with  the  task  of 
collecting  the  various  proposals  to  be  submitted 
to  the  Conference,  of  ascertaining  what  subjects 
are  ripe  for  embodiment  in  an  International 
Regulation,  and  of  preparing  a programme 
which  the  Governments  should  decide  upon  in 
sufficient  time  to  enable  it  to  be  carefully  ex- 
amined by  the  countries  interested.  This  Com- 
mittee should  further  be  intrusted  with  the  task 
of  proposing  a system  of  organization  and  pro- 
cedure for  the  Conference  itself. 

“In  faith  whereof  the  Plenipotentiaries  have 
signed  the  present  Act  and  have  affixed  their 
seals  thereto.  ” 


720 


WAR,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


Draft  Convention  recommended  for  the 
Creation  of  a Judicial  Arbitration  Court. 

— The  following  are  the  more  important  pro- 
visions of  the  ‘‘annexed  draft  Convention  for 
the  creation  of  a Judicial  Arbitration  Court” 
which  the  Signatory  Powers  are  asked,  in  the 
first  of  the  “Opinions”  expressed  above,  to 
consider  “ the  advisability  of  adopting”  : 

“ Article  I.  With  a view  to  promoting  the 
cause  of  arbitration,  the  Contracting  Powers 
agree  to  constitute,  without  altering  the  status 
of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration,  a Ju- 
dicial Arbitration  Court,  of  free  and  easy  access, 
composed  of  Judges  representing  the  various 
juridical  systems  of  the  world,  and  capable  of 
insuring  continuity  in  j urisprudence  of  arbitra- 
tion. 

“ Article  II.  The  Judicial  Arbitration  Court 
is  composed  of  Judges  and  Deputy  Judges 
chosen  from  persons  of  the  highest  moral  repu- 
tation, and  all  fulfilling  conditions  qualifying 
them,  in  their  respective  countries,  to  occupy 
high  legal  posts,  or  be  jurists  of  recognized 
competence  in  matters  of  international  law. 
The  Judges  and  Deputy  Judges  of  the  Court 
are  appointed,  as  far  as  possible,  from  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration. 
The  appointment  shall  be  made  within  the  six 
months  following  the  ratification  of  the  present 
Convention. 

“Article  III.  The  Judges  and  Deputy 
Judges  are  appointed  for  a period  of  twelve 
years,  counting  from  the  date  on  which  the 
appointment  is  notified  to  the  Administrative 
Council  created  by  the  Convention  for  the 
Pacific  Settlement  of  International  Disputes. 
Their  appointments  can  be  renewed.  Should  a 
Judge  or  Deputy  Judge  die  or  retire,  the  va- 
cancy is  filled  in  the  manner  iu  which  his  ap- 
pointment was  made.  In  this  case,  the  appoint- 
ment is  made  for  a fresh  period  of  twelve  years. 

“Article  IV.  The  Judges  of  the  Judicial 
Arbitration  Court  are  equal  and  rank  according 
to  the  date  on  which  their  appointment  was 
notified.  The  Judge  who  is  senior  in  point  of 
age  takes  precedence  when  the  date  of  notifica- 
tion is  the  same.  The  Deputy  Judges  are  as- 
similated, in  the  exercise  of  their  functions, 
with  the  Judges.  They  rank,  however,  below 
the  latter. 

“Article  V.  The  Judges  enjoy  diplomatic 
privileges  and  immunities  in  the  exercise  of 
their  functions,  outside  their  own  country.  Be- 
fore taking  their  seat,  the  Judges  and  Deputy 
Judges  must  swear,  before  the  Administrative 
Council,  or  make  a solemn  affirmation  to  exer- 
cise their  functions  impartially  and  conscien- 
tiously. 

“ Article  VI.  The  Court  annually  nominates 
three  Judges  to  form  a special  delegation  and 
three  more  to  replace  them  should  the  necessity 
arise.  They  may  be  re-elected.  They  are  bal- 
loted for.  The  persons  who  secure  the  largest 
number  of  votes  are  considered  elected.  The 
delegation  itself  elects  its  President,  who,  in 
default  of  a majority,  is  appointed  by  lot.  A 
member  of  the  delegation  cannot  exercise  his 
duties  when  the  Power  which  appointed  him,  or 
of  which  he  is  a national,  is  one  of  the  parties. 
The  members  of  the  delegation  are  to  conclude 
all  matters  submitted  to  them,  even  if  the  period 
for  which  they  have  been  appointed  Judges  has 
expired. 


“Article  VII.  A Judge  may  not  exercise 
his  judicial  functions  in  any  case  in  which  he 
has,  in  any  way  whatever,  taken  part  in  the 
decision  of  a National  Tribunal,  of  a Tribunal 
of  Arbitration,  or  of  a Commission  of  Inquiry, 
or  has  figured  in  the  suit  as  counsel  or  advocate 
for  one  of  the  parties.  A Judge  cannot  act  as 
agent  or  advocate  before  the  Judicial  Arbitra- 
tion Court  or  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, before  a Special  Tribunal  of  Arbitration 
or  a Commission  of  Inquiry,  nor  act  for  one  of 
the  parties  in  any  capacity  whatsoever  so  long 
as  his  appointment  lasts.  . . . 

“Article  X.  The  Judges  may  not  accept 
from  their  own  Government  or  from  that  of  any 
other  Power  any  remuneration  for  services  con- 
nected with  their  duties  in  their  capacity  of 
members  of  the  Court. 

“ Article  XI.  The  seat  of  the  Judicial  Court 
of  Arbitration  is  at  The  Hague,  and  cannot  be 
transferred,  unless  absolutely  obliged  by  cir- 
cumstances, elsewhere.  . . . 

“Article  XII.  The  Administrative  Council 
fulfills  with  regard  to  the  Judicial  Court  of  Ar- 
bitration the  same  functions  as  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration. 

“Article  XIV.  The  Court  meets  in  session 
once  ayear.  The  session  opens  the  third  Wednes- 
day in  June  and  lasts  until  all  the  business  on  the 
agenda  has  been  transacted.  . . . 

“ Article  XVII.  The  Judicial  Court  of  Ar- 
bitration is  competent  to  deal  with  all  cases 
submitted  to  it,  in  virtue  either  of  a general 
undertaking  to  have  recourse  to  arbitration  or  of 
a special  agreement. 

“Article  XXXII.  The  Court  itself  draws 
up  its  own  rules  of  procedure,  which  must  be 
communicated  to  the  Contracting  Powers.  After 
the  ratification  of  the  present  Convention  the 
Court  shall  meet  as  early  as  possible  in  order  to 
elaborate  these  rules,  elect  the  President  and 
Vice-President,  and  appoint  the  members  of  the 
delegation. 

“ Article  XXXIII.  The  Court  may  propose 
modifications  in  the  provisions  of  the  present 
Convention  concerning  procedure.  These  pro- 
posals are  communicated  through  the  Nether- 
land  Government  to  the  Contracting  Powers, 
which  will  consider  together  as  to  the  measures 
to  be  taken.” 

The  sequent  International  Naval  Confer- 
ence at  London  in  1908-09. — The  action  of 
the  Peace  Conference  which  contemplated  the 
establishment  of  an  International  Prize  Court 
(embodied  in  the  Twelfth  Convention  described 
above)  had  a sequel  in  the  next  year,  resulting 
from  the  suggestion  by  the  British  Government 
that,  preliminary  to  the  creation  of  such  a court, 
the  prior  holding  of  an  International  Naval  Con- 
ference was  desirable,  for  the  purpose  which  it 
explained  in  the  following  words:  “Having  re- 
gard to  the  importance  attached  by  his  Ma- 
jesty’s Government  to  the  setting  up  of  that 
Court,  they  decided  to  take  the  initiative  in  in- 
viting the  co-operation  of  the  Powers  whose 
belligerent  rights  would  be  most  directly  af- 
fected, in  formulating  in  precise  terms  a set  of 
rules  relative  to  the  law  of  prize,  which  should 
be  recognized  as  embodying  doctrines  held  to 
be  generally  binding  as  part  of  the  existing  law 
of  nations.”  In  connection  with  this  suggestion 
a list  of  questions  was  submitted  to  the  sev- 
eral Governments  consulted,  “on  which  his  Ma- 


721 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


jesty’s  Government,  after  careful  examination, 
considered  that  an  understanding  should  if  pos- 
sible be  reached,  and  which  would  therefore 
appropriately  constitute  the  programme  of  a 
special  naval  conference  to  meet  in  London.” 
The  questions  were  as  follows  : 

“(a.)  Contraband,  including  the  circum- 
stances under  which  particular  articles  can  be 
considered  as  contraband  ; the  penalties  for  their 
carriage;  the  immunity  of  a ship  from  search 
when  under  convoy ; and  the  rules  with  regard 
to  compensation  where  vessels  have  been  seized 
but  have  been  found  in  fact  only  to  be  carrying 
innocent  cargo ; 

“ (b.)  Blockade,  including  the  questions  as  to 
the  locality  where  seizure  can  be  effected,  and 
the  notice  that  is  necessary  before  a ship  can  be 
seized ; 

“(c.)  The  doctrine  of  continuous  voyage  in 
respect  both  of  contraband  and  of  blockade  ; 

“ (d.)  The  legality  of  the  destruction  of  neu- 
tral vessels  prior  to  their  condemnation  by  a 
Prize  Court; 

“( e .)  The  rules  as  to  neutral  ships  or  persons 
rendering  ‘unneutral  service’  (‘ assistance  hos- 
tile ’) ; 

“ (/.)  The  legality  of  the  conversion  of  a mer- 
chant-vessel into  a war-ship  on  the  high  seas  ; 

“(g.)  The  rules  as  to  the  transfer  of  mer- 
chant-vessels from  a belligerent  to  a neutral  flag 
during  or  in  contemplation  of  hostilities; 

“(A.)  The  question  whether  the  nationality 
or  the  domicile  of  the  owner  should  be  adopted 
as  the  dominant  factor  in  deciding  whether 
property  is  enemy  property.” 

Responses  to  the  British  invitation  by  the 
greater  naval  Powers  were  favorable,  and  the  re- 
sulting International  Naval  Conference  had  sit- 
tings in  London  from  December  4,  1908,  until 
February  26,  1909.  The  Powers  sending  repre- 
sentatives to  take  part  in  it  were  Great  Britain, 
France,  Germany,  Russia,  Austria-Hungary, 
Italy,  the  United  States,  Japan,  Spain,  Holland. 
A report  of  the  proceedings  and  conclusions  ar- 
rived at  was  made  public  on  the  22d  of  March. 
On  two,  only,  of  the  questions,  proposed  by 
Great  Britain,  no  agreement  was  reached,  and 
these  were  left  open,  — namely;  “the  legality 
of  the  conversion  of  a merchant-vessel  into  a 
war-ship  on  the  high  seas,  and  the  question 
whether  the  nationality  or  the  domicile  of  the 
owner  should  be  regarded  as  the  dominant 
factor  in  deciding  the  character,  neutral  or 
enemy,  of  property.”  Original  differences  on 
other  questions  were  compromised. 

A serious  difficulty  in  the  undertakings  of  the 
Conference  was  occasioned  by  the  fact  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  held  to  pre- 
clude any  right  of  appeal  from  decisions  of  its 
Supreme  Court.  What  was  done  to  overcome 
this  difficulty  is  explained  in  the  report  of  the 
British  Delegates  as  follows:  “The  Confer- 
ence was  asked  to  express  its  acceptance  of 
the  principle  that,  as  regards  countries  in 
which  such  constitutional  difficulty  arose,  all 
proceedings  in  the  International  Prize  Court 
should  be  treated  as  a rehearing  of  the  case  de 
now,  in  the  form  of  an  action  for  compensation, 
whereby  the  validity  of  the  judgments  of  the 
national  courts  would  remain  unaffected,  whilst 
the  duty  of  carrying  out  a decision  of  the  Inter- 
national Court  ordering  the  payment  of  compen- 
sation would  fall  upon  the  government  con- 


cerned. The  proposal  was  further  coupled  with 
the  suggestion  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Inter- 
national Prize  Court  might  be  extended,  by 
agreement  between  two  or  more  of  the  signatory 
Powers,  to  cover  cases  at  present  excluded  from 
its  jurisdiction  by  the  express  terms  of  the  Prize 
Court  Convention,  and  that  in  the  hearing  of 
such  cases  that  court  should  have  the  functions, 
and  follow  the  procedure,  laid  down  in  the  Draft 
Convention  relative  to  the  creation  of  a Judicial 
Arbitration  Court,  which  was  annexed  to  the 
Final  Act  of  the  Second  Peace  Conference  of 
1907. 

‘ ‘ Great  hesitation  was  felt  in  approaching 
these  questions.  It  was  undeniable  that  they 
lay  wholly  outside  the  programme  which  the 
Conference  had  been  invited  to  discuss,  and  to 
which  the  Powers  accepting  the  invitation  had 
expressly  assented.  It  was,  however,  not  dis- 
puted that  so  much  of  the  United  States  propo- 
sal as  related  to  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
the  ratification  of  the  Prize  Court  Convention 
was  in  so  far  germane  to  the  labours  of  the  Con- 
ference, as  these  also  were  avowedly  directed  to 
preparing  the  way  for  the  more  general  accept- 
ance of  the  Prize  Court  Convention.  As  it  must 
clearly  be  desired  by  all  countries  interested  in 
the  establishment  of  the  International  Prize 
Court  that  the  United  States  should  be  one  of 
the  Powers  submitting  to  its  jurisdiction  and 
bound  by  its  decisions,  the  Conference  thought 
it  right,  notwithstanding  its  lack  of  formal  au- 
thority, to  go  so  far  as  to  express  the  wish 
(‘voeu’)  which  stands  recorded  in  the  final  Pro- 
tocol of  its  proceedings,  and  of  which  the  sub- 
stance is  that  the  attention  of  the  various  Gov- 
ernments represented  is  called  by  their  delegates 
to  the  desirability  of  allowing  such  countries  as 
are  precluded  by  the  terms  of  their  constitution 
from  ratifying  the  Prize  Court  Convention  in  its 
present  form,  to  do  so  with  a reservation  in  the 
sense  of  the  first  part  of  the  United  States  pro- 
posal. On  the  other  hand,  the  question  of  setting 
up  the  Judicial  Arbitration  Court,  which  seemed 
to  have  no  necessary  connexion  with  the  Prize 
Court  Convention,  was  decided  by  all  the  dele- 
gations, except  that  which  had  brought  it  for- 
ward, to  be  one  which  the  Conference  could  not 
discuss.” — Parliamentary  Papers,  1909:  Papers 
by  Command,  4554. — Also,  London  Times,  March 
22,  1909. 

Central  American  Peace  Conference  at 
Washington.  — General  Treaty  of  Peace  and 
Amity.  — Convention  establishing  a Central 
American  Court  of  Justice.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Central  America  : A.  I).  1907. 

A.  D.  1907-1908.  — Waning  of  the  Military 
Passion  in  France. — Two  very  striking  indi- 
cations of  the  cooling  in  the  French  people  of 
the  militant  passion  which  made  them  in  former 
times  one  of  the  most  warlike  of  the  European 
races  have  been  afforded  within  the  past  three 
years.  The  first  appeared  in  the  winter  of  1907, 
when  a Paris  newspaper  of  great  circulation 
collected  votes  from  its  readers  on  the  question, 
“Who  was  the  Greatest  Frenchman  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Century  ? ” Much  interest  in  the  query 
was  excited,  and  more  than  15,000,000  were  said 
to  have  been  cast.  From  any  prior  generation 
the  answer  of  a big  majority  would  undoubtedly 
have  been,  “Napoleon  Bonaparte”;  but  the 
French  of  the  Twentieth  Century  have  devel- 
oped so  different  an  estimate  of  human  greatness 


722 


WAR,  TIIE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


that  Louis  Pasteur,  the  Man  of  Science,  led  the 
poll,  receiving  1,838,103  votes;  while  Victor 
Hugo  came  next  below  him,  by  somewhat  more 
than  a hundred  thousand  votes,  and  Gambetta 
was  put  third  in  the  list.  Napoleon  received  only 
the  fourth  place  of  honor  in  the  estimate  of  fif- 
teen millions  of  the  French  of  these  days. 

About  a year  later  the  same  change  was  beto- 
kened in  a hardly  less  significant  way,  by  a 
speech  from  the  Prime  Minister  of  France.  The 
occasion  of  the  address  was  the  inauguration  of 
a monument  to  M.  Scheurer-Ivestner,  who  had 
been  vice-president  of  the  French  Senate  when 
the  Dreyfus  iniquities  began  to  be  dragged  out 
of  darkness  into  light,  and  who  was  one  of  the 
few  men  in  public  life  then  who  strove  hero- 
ically to  have  the  truth  ascertained  and  justice 
done.  Scheurer-Kestner  was  an  Alsatian,  and 
this  fact  gave  Premier  Clemenceau  an  oppor- 
tunity to  break  silence  on  the  sore  subject  of  the 
loss  of  Alsace,  which  French  statesmen  have 
not  ventured  to  refer  to  since  the  heart-breaking 
surrender  of  1871.  His  breaking  of  that  silence 
was  meant  to  break,  and  assuredly  does  break, 
the  long  brooding  of  revengefulness  in  French 
hearts  which  has  been  a menace  to  the  peace  of 
Europe  for  nearly  40  years. 

“ I do  not  fear,”  he  said,  “to  call  up  the  mem- 
ory of  that  bloody  past.  I am  mindful  of  the  re- 
sponsibility which  belongs  to  my  office,  and  I can 
speak  without  constraint  of  events  which  have 
entered  into  history.  I can  proclaim  feelings 
which  we  cannot  repudiate  — which  we  cannot 
even  hide  without  lowering  ourselves.”  And 
this  is  his  open  proclamation  of  the  feeling  to 
which  France  has  come,  in  its  thought  of  Alsace: 

“We  received  France  issuing  from  frightful 
trial.  To  rebuild  her  in  her  legitimate  power  of 
expansion  as  well  as  in  her  dignity  as  a great 
moral  person,  we  have  no  need  either  to  hate  or 
to  lie,  nor  even  to  recriminate.  We  look  to  the 
future.  Sons  of  a great  history,  jealously  care- 
ful of  the  lofty  impulses  native  to  us,  in  which 
the  civilizing  virtue  of  France  was  fashioned, 
we  can  look  in  quiet  of  soul  on  the  descendants 
of  strong  races  which  for  centuries  have  meas- 
ured themselves  with  the  men  of  our  lands  in 
battlefields  beyond  numbering.  Two  such  great 
rival  peoples,  for  the  very  honor  of  their  rivalry, 
have  a like  interest  to  keep  their  respect,  the 
one  for  the  other.” 

A.  D.  1907-1909. — German  Opposition  to 
the  “Navy  Fever,”  in  High  Circles  as  well 
as  Low.  — Views  of  Herr  Von  Holstein  and 
Admiral  Galster. — How  far  the  naval  ambitions 
and  costly  naval  policy  of  Germany  are  sup- 
ported by  public  opinion  is  much  of  a question. 
It  is  certain  that  they  are  a cause  of  wide  dis- 
content in  the  industrial  classes,  and  no  less  cer- 
tain that  the  weightiest  influence  behind  them  is 
that  of  the  Emperor,  who  stimulates  the  exer- 
tions of  a powerful  Navy  League.  That  there  is 
an  effective  disapproval  of  the  policy  in  high 
political  circles  has  been  shown  lately  by  the 
publication  of  some  expressions  on  the  subject 
by  the  late  Herr  von  Holstein,  who  was  for 
many  years  the  chief  of  the  Political  Depart- 
ment of  the  German  Foreign  Office,  — the  men- 
tor and  prompter  from  behind  the  scenes  of  sev- 
eral successive  Chancellors  of  the  Empire.  In 
some  reminiscences  of  this  important  official,  by 
an  intimate  friend,  Herr  von  Rath,  who  pub- 
lished them  in  September,  1909,  he  is  quoted  as 


having,  in  1907, denounced  what  he  called  “navy 
fever”  in  Germany  in  these  strong  words; 

“This  dangerous  disease  is  fed  upon  the  fear 
of  an  attack  by  England,  which  is  not  in  accord- 
ance with  facts.  The  effect  of  the  ‘navy  fever  ’ 
is  pernicious  in  three  directions  — in  domestic 
politics  on  account  of  the  intrigues  of  the  Navy 
League,  which  also  produce  the  greatest  ill-feel- 
ing in  South  Germany;  in  the  finances  on  ac- 
count of  the  prohibitive  expenditure ; in  foreign 
politics  on  account  of  the  mistrust  which  these 
armaments  awake.  England  sees  in  them  a 
menace  which  keeps  her  bound  to  the  side  of 
France  At  the  same  time,  even  with  taxation 
strained  to  the  utmost  limit,  the  construction  of 
a fleet  able  to  cope  with  the  united  fleets  of  Eng- 
land and  France  is  entirely  out  of  the  question. 
From  the  menace  which  everybody  in  England 
sees  in  German  naval  construction  the  present 
Liberal  Government  in  England  will  not  draw 
serious  conclusions.  It  will  be  different  when 
the  Conservatives  come  into  power.  The  dan- 
ger of  war  between  Germany  on  the  one  hand 
and  England  and  France  on  the  other  is  even  to- 
day playing  a part  in  the  political  calculations 
of  other  countries.  Against  armaments  on  land 
nobody  will  offer  any  objection,  because  they 
are  justified  by  the  needs  of  defence.  In  our 
naval  armaments  several  Powers  see  a perpetual 
menace. 

“Even  among  Parliamentary  Deputies  there 
are  many  who  condemn  the  ‘navy  fever,’  but 
no  one  of  them  will  take  the  responsibility  of 
refusing  to  vote  ships,  a responsibility  which 
would  recoil  upon  him  in  the  event  of  a defeat 
at  sea.  Anybody  who  to-day  makes  a stand 
against  the  prevailing  ‘ navy  fever’  is  attacked 
from  all  sides  as  wanting  in  patriotism,  but  a 
few  years  hence  the  justice  of  my  opinion  will 
be  established.” 

According  to  Herr  von  Rath,  Herr  von  Hol- 
stein declared  in  February,  1909,  three  months 
before  his  death,  that  the  navy  question  tran- 
scended all  others  in  importance.  He  is  said  to 
have  watched  with  approval  the  campaign 
which  is  still  more  or  less  vigorously  carried  on 
by  Vice-Admiral  Galster  and  others  against  the 
“ big  ship  policy,”  and  to  have  said,  with  refer- 
ence to  one  of  Admiral  Galster’s  pamphlets:  — 
“The  main  thing  is  to  expose  the  lying  and 
treacherous  fallacy  expressed  in  the  statement 
that  every  fresh  ship  is  an  addition  to  the  power 
of  Germany  — when  every  fresh  ship  causes 
England,  to  say  nothing  of  France,  to  build  two 
ships.” 

The  Vice-Admiral  Galster  here  referred  to 
contends  that  submarines  are  more  effective  for 
defence  than  Dreadnoughts,  and  he  labors  to  per- 
suade his  fellow  countrymen  to  be  satisfied  with 
defensive  armament,  repudiating  what  creates 
suspicion  of  offensive  designs. 

A.  D.  1908. — School  Peace  League,  The 
American.  — “ The  American  School  Peace 
League  [organized  in  1908]  aims  to  secure  the 
cooperation  of  the  educational  public  of  Amer- 
ica in  the  project  for  promoting  international 
j ustice  and  equity.  ...  It  is  hoped  that  every 
teacher  in  the  country  will  subscribe  to  the 
purposes  of  the  League  by  becoming  a member. 
Much  of  the  work  will  be  done  by  committees, 
five  of  which  have  been  organized  up  to  the 
present  time.  . . . 

“ The  Committee  on  Meetings  and  Discussion 


723 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


aims  to  induce  educational  associations  through- 
out the  country  to  place  the  subject  of  interna- 
tionalism on  their  programs.  It  also  seeks  to 
stimulate  literary  and  debating  societies,  in 
colleges  and  schools,  to  study  the  subject.  The 
■Committee  recommends  to  educational  associa- 
tions the  establishment  of  International  Com- 
mittees, or  Departments,  for  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing a detailed  study  of  the  relation  of  the  Inter- 
national Movement  to  school  instruction. 

“The  Committee  on  Publications  intends  to 
build  up  a body  of  literature,  dealing  with  the 
interrelation  between  peoples  and  nations  along 
political,  industrial,  and  social  lines.  To  this 
end,  the  Committee  purposes  to  issue,  directly 
or  indirectly,  a series  of  publications  for  the 
young,  that  may  be  used  in  the  geography, 
history,  science,  and  literature  classes  ; it  also 
intends  to  make  a collection  of  the  present  songs 
which  illustrate  the  peace  sentiment,  and  to 
stimulate  the  writing  of  new  ones. 

“The  Press  Committee,  which  comprises 
some  of  the  leading  educational  editors  of  the 
country,  is  prepared  to  acquaint  teachers  with 
the  work  of  the  League  through  the  columns  of 
the  educational  magazines. 

“ The  Committee  on  Teaching  History  will 
study  the  textbooks  with  reference  to  the  space 
devoted  respectively  to  war  and  to  peace.  It 
hopes  to  develop  among  teachers  a sentiment 
which  shall  lay  emphasis  on  the  arts  of  peace, 
and  on  the  industrial  and  social  conditions  of 
the  people,  rather  than  on  campaigns,  battles, 
and  other  military  details.  It  further  aims  to 
arrange,  if  possible,  courses  in  history  to  be 
given  at  summer  schools  and  teachers’  institutes, 
with  special  attention  to  the  growth  of  interna 
tional  friendship. 

“ The  International  Committee  intends  to 
make  a constructive  study  of  international  co- 
operation in  activities  which  particularly  affect 
educational  work.”  — Objects  of  the  American 
School  Peace  League,  by  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  An 
drews,  Secretary. 

A.  D.  1908. — Evasion  of  the  Conscription 
in  Russia.  — According  to  statistics  published 
in  the  spring  of  1909  by  the  military  organ,  the 
Russky  Invalid,  the  conscription  of  1908  took 
place  in  the  following  circumstances.  The  an- 
nual contingent  had  been  fixed  by  the  Duma  at 
456,481  men.  Altogether  1,281,655  conscripts 
were  called  up  for  examination.  Of  this  huge 
number  80,165  men  failed  to  appear,  including 
20,693  Jews,  out  of  a total  of  64,005  Jews  con- 
scripted. The  largest  number  of  absentees  was 
in  the  provinces  of  Suwalki,  Lomja,  Plotzk,  and 
Kovno.  It  is  from  these  provinces  that  a gen 
eral  exodus  of  Polish,  Lithuanian,  and  Jewish 
youths  to  America  is  noticeable.  The  actual 
number  found  to  be  fit  for  military  service  in 
1908  was  17,926  short  of  the  contingent  fixed 
by  the  Duma.  This  deficiency  was  composed 
of  943  Russians,  5,154  other  Christians,  10,677 
Jews,  1,082  Maliomcdans,  and  70  other  non- 
Christians.  The  recruiting  stations  noted  a 
general  falling  off  in  the  physique  of  the  con- 
scripts. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Changed  Conditions  in 
Europe  making  for  Peace.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Europe:  A.  D.  1909. 

International  School  of  Peace. — Mr.  Ginn’s 
Great  Fund  for  Peace  Propagandism.  — 

Members  of  the  various  Boston  peace  organi- 


zations took  part  last  evening  [December  15] 
in  the  formation  of  an  International  School  of 
Peace.  The  idea  originated  with  Edwin  Ginn, 
the  publisher,  and  the  ‘house  warming’  took 
place  at  No.  29  Beacon  Street,  where  a room  was 
appropriately  adorned  for  the  occasion  with  the 
flags  of  many  nations  and  large  portraits  of 
Sumner  and  Cobden  and  other  great  interna- 
tional leaders. 

“Mr.  Ginn  welcomed  the  company  in  a speech 
wherein  the  motives  and  experience  which 
prompted  him  to  found  the  school  were  set 
forth.  He  explained  what  he  hoped  of  the  or- 
ganization, how  he  had  for  years  appealed  to 
various  millionaires  to  unite  with  him  in  some 
larger  provision  than  any  which  existed  for  the 
systematic  education  of  the  people  in  peace  prin- 
ciples, the  response  to  which  had  been  disap- 
pointing. 

‘‘Mr.  Ginn  felt  that  some  large  beginning 
must  be  made  by  somebody  ; and  so  he  had  ap- 
propriated §50,000  a year  to  the  work  from  now 
on,  and  provided  in  his  will  that  the  bulk  of  his 
estate,  after  proper  provision  for  family  and 
friends,  should  go  to  this  cause,  which  he  felt  to 
be  the  greatest  and  most  necessary  cause  in  the 
world.  This  action  had  brought  him  multitudes 
of  letters,  he  said,  and  clearly  awakened  much 
interest;  and  if  it  prompted  others  to  do  much 
more  than  he  could  do,  that  was  what  he  wanted. 
The  friends  of  the  cause,  especially  its  wealthy 
friends,  had  been  strangely  asleep  to  the  press- 
ing need  for  this  work  of  popular  education.  It 
must  be  thoroughly  organized  to  reach  the 
schools  and  colleges,  the  churches  and  news- 
papers and  business  men.  He  gave  illustrations 
of  the  awful  cost  and  waste  of  the  present  mili- 
tary system,  which  he  said  violated  every  princi- 
ple of  good  business,  political  economy,  and 
common  sense.  . . . 

‘ The  room  is  not  only  a bureau  for  the  office 
force,  but  a reading-room  and  library,  where 
the  latest  information  touching  the  progress  of 
the  movement  will  always  be  furnished  to 
teachers,  preachers,  and  all  who  are  interested. 
Regular  conferences  upon  the  different  aspects 
of  the  movement  will  also  be  held  there.”  — 
The  Boston  Transcript,  Dec.  16,  1909. 

A.  D.  1909.  — The  Second  National  Peace 
Congress  in  the  United  States,  assembled  at 
Chicago.  — The  Second  National  Peace  Con- 
gress in  the  United  States  held  its  session  in 
Chicago,  May  3-5,  1909.  The  attendance  was 
large,  the  speaking  of  high  quality  and  the  pre- 
vailing spirit  earnest  in  its  repudiation  of  all 
reasoning  or  feeling  that  is  tolerant  of  the  bar- 
barism of  war.  Respectful  attention  was  given 
to  an  address  by  the  German  Ambassador  to 
the  United  States,  Count  Bernstorff,  who  de- 
fended the  attitude  of  his  Government  on  the 
question  of  a limitation  of  armaments,  but  the 
expressions  of  the  Congress  on  the  subject  were 
not  toned  to  agreement  with  his  plea.  Among 
its  resolutions  was  the  following: 

“ Resolved,  That  no  dispute  between  nations, 
except  such  as  may  involve  the  national  life  and 
independence,  should  be  reserved  from  arbitra- 
tion, and  that  a general  treaty  of  obligatory  ar- 
bitration should  be  included  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible date.  Pending  such  a general  treaty,  we 
urge  upon  our  government,  and  the  other  lead- 
ing Powers,  such  broadening  of  the  scope  of 
their  arbitration  treaties  as  shall  provide,  after 


724 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


WAR,  THE  REVOLT  AGAINST 


the  example  of  the  Danish  Netherlands  treaty, 
for  the  reference  to  the  Hague  Court  of  all  dif- 
ferences whatever  not  settled  otherwise  by 
peaceful  means.” 

A.  D,  1909.  — The  Annual  Lake  Mohonk 
Peace  Conferences  in  the  United  States. — 
The  annual  Peace  Conferences  at  Lake  Mohonk, 
in  the  United  States,  have  been  held  with  regu- 
larity. At  the  Fifteenth,  convened  in  May, 
1909,  a strong  resolution  was  adopted,  asking 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  con- 
sider “ whether  the  peculiar  position  it  occupies 
among  the  nations  does  not  afford  it  a special 
opportunity  to  lead  the  way  towards  . . . car- 
rying into  effect  the  strongly  expressed  desire 
of  the  two  Peace  Conferences  at  The  Hague, 
that  the  governments  examine  the  possibility 
of  an  agreement  as  to  the  limitation  of  armed 
forces  by  land  and  sea,  and  of  war  budgets.” 

Privately  during  the  Conference  there  was 
discussion  of  the  suggestion  that  if  four  or  five 
of  the  great  Powers  — England,  Germany, 
France,  Italy,  the  United  States,  and  Japan,  and 
perhaps  Spain  and  Russia  — could  join  in  estab- 
lishing a Supreme  Court  of  the  nations,  to  which 
they  would  refer  their  difficulties,  other  nations 
would  be  compelled  by  the  course  of  events  to 
accept  the  tribunal  and  its  decisions,  and  to 
come  into  participation  in  it  on  such  terms  as 
might  later  be  agreed  upon. 

A.  D.  1909.  — Exchange  of  Parliamentary 
Visits  between  France  and  Sweden. — 
Seventy-six  members  of  the  French  Parliament, 
representing  the  international  arbitration  group, 
visited  Stockholm  in  July,  1909,  under  the 
leadership  of  Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant. 
The  visit  was  paid  in  return  for  one  made  by 
the  members  of  the  three  Scandinavian  Parlia- 
ments to  Paris  some  time  before. 

A.  D.  1909.  — A World  Petition  for  a 
General  Treaty  of  Obligatory  Arbitration. — 
At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  International 
Peace  Bureau  at  Brussels,  October  9,  1909,  the 
following  resolution  was  adopted,  expressing  ap- 
proval of  the  world-petition  to  the  third  Hague 
Conference  in  favor  of  a general  treaty  of  obliga- 
tory arbitration:  “Whereas,  Public  opinion,  if 
recorded,  will  prove  an  influential  factor  at  the 
third  Hague  Conference;  and  Whereas,  The 
‘ world-petition  to  the  third  Hague  Conference  ’ 
has  begun  to  successfully  establish  a statistical 
record  of  the  men  and  women  in  every  country 
who  desire  to  support  the  governments  in  their 
efforts  to  perfect  the  new  international  order 
based  on  the  principle  of  the  solidarity  of  all 
nations  ; Resolved,  That  the  Commission  and 
the  General  Assembly  of  the  International  Peace 
Bureau,  meeting  at  Brussels  October  8 and  9, 
1909,  urgently  recommend  the  signing  of  the 
‘ world-petition  to  the  third  Hague  Confer- 
ence.’ ” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Evasion  of  Military  Ser- 
vice in  France.  — Spread  of  Anti-Milita- 
rism. — According  to  returns  of  the  recruiting 
for  the  French  Army,  published  in  the  summer 
of  1909,  there  appears  to  be  a steady  increase  in 
the  evasion  of  service  by  young  men  at  the 
times  they  are  required  by  law  to  enter  it. 
“ Since  1906,  when  the  number  of  refractory  re- 
cruits amounted  to  4,567,  the  figures  have  slowly 
risen,  until  they  have  now  reached  11,782.  The 
soldat  insoumis  may  be  punished  in  France  by 
imprisonment  of  from  one  month  to  one  year. 


But  on  about  an  average  of  every  two  years  dur- 
ing the  last  20  years  Parliament  has  regularly 
voted  an  Amnesty  Bill  in  favour  of  deserters 
and  recalcitrant  recruits  or  reservists.”  This  is 
one  supposed  cause  of  the  increasing  evasions  ; 
but  a more  important  influence  working  with  it 
is  the  propagandism  of  anti -military  doctrines, 
preached  passionately  by  Gustav  Herve,  ac- 
cepted widely,  it  is  said,  among  the  primary 
teachers  of  the  country,  as  well  as  in  the  ranks 
of  the  workingmen.  The  General  Confedera- 
tion of  Labor  is  reported  to  be  distributing  an- 
nually some  thousands  of  “soldiers’  manuals” 
in  which  desertion  is  urged  as  a duty  to  hu- 
manity at  large. 

A.  D.  1909  (Oct.). — American  Proposal  that 
the  Prize  Court  now  established  be  also  a 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice. — By  reference  to 
the  proceedings  of  the  Second  Peace  Confer- 
ence at  The  Hague,  as  set  forth  above,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  Conference  gave  favorable  consid- 
eration to  a draft  Convention  for  the  creation 
of  a “ Judicial  Arbitration  Court”  (the  text  of 
which  draft  is  given  at  the  end  of  said  proceed- 
ings), and  that  the  Conference  went  so  far  as  to 
declare  the  “ advisability  of  adopting  . . . and 
of  bringing  it  into  force  as  soon  as  an  agree- 
ment has  been  reached  respecting  the  selection 
of  the  judges  and  the  constitution  of  the 
Court.”  It  will  be  seen,  also,  that  the  Confer- 
ence adopted  measures  for  the  creation  of  an 
International  Prize  Court,  preliminary  to  which 
an  International  Naval  Conference  was  held  in 
London  from  December  4,  1908,  until  February 
26,  1909.  At  that  Conference  a suggestion  was- 
made  that  “the  jurisdiction  of  the  Interna- 
tional Prize  Court  might  be  extended,  by 
agreement  between  two  or  more  of  the  signa- 
tory Powers,  to  cover  cases  at  present  excluded 
from  its  jurisdiction  by  the  express  terms  of 
the  Prize  Court  Convention,  and  that  in  the 
hearing  of  such  cases  that  Court  should  have 
the  functions  and  follow  the  procedure  laid 
down  in  the  draft  Convention  relative  to  the 
creation  of  a J udicial  Arbitration  Court,  which 
was  annexed  to  the  Final  Act  of  the  Second 
Peace  Conference,  of  1907.” 

In  line  with  this  suggestion,  it  was  made 
known,  in  the  later  part  of  the  past  year,  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  through 
its  State  Department,  had  proposed  in  a circu- 
lar note  to  the  Powers,  that  the  Prize  Court 
should  be  invested  with  the  jurisdiction  and 
functions  of  the  proposed  Judicial  Arbitration 
Court.  The  difficulties  in  selecting  judges  for 
that  contemplated  Court,  which  caused  the  cre- 
ation of  it  to  be  postponed  in  1907,  would  thus 
be  happily  surmounted,  and,  as  remarked  by 
Secretary  Knox,  there  would  be  at  once  given 
“to  the  world  an  international  judicial  body  to 
adjudge  cases  arising  in  peace,  as  well  as  con- 
troversies incident  to  war.” 

A.  D.  1909.  — Attitude  of  the  Working- 
men.— At  the  Twentieth  International  Con- 
gress of  Miners,  held  in  Berlin,  in  May,  1909, 
there  were  strong  declarations  for  disarmament, 
and  one  Belgian  delegate,  M.  Maroille,  said 
significantly  : If  it  were  better  organized  the 
International  Federation  of  Miners  could  by 
itself  render  wars  impossible.  They  need  not 
do  anything  violent  or  illegal ; they  had  only  to 
remain  quiet,  so  very  quiet  that  war  could  not 
be  carried  on. 


725 


WAR 


WEAVER 


WAR.  See,  also,  Red  Cross  Society. 

WARD,  Sir  Joseph  George:  Prime  Minis- 
ter of  New  Zealand.  See  (in  this  vol.)  New 
Zealand  • A.  D.  1906-1909. 

At  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907.  See 
British  Empire:  A.  D.  1907. 

Testimony  on  the  Working  of  Woman 
Suffrage  in  New  Zealand.  See  Elective 
Franchise  : Woman  Suffrage. 

WARSAW,  Disturbances  in.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905,  and  1905  (Feb.- 
Nov.). 

WASHBURN,  Rev.  Dr.  George:  Presi- 
dent of  Robert  College.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Ed- 
ucation: Turkey,  &c. 

WASHINGTON,  Booker  T.:  His  work  at 
Tuskegee  Institute.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Edu- 
cation: United  States:  A.  D.  1906. 

WASHINGTON:  A.  D.  1908.  — Meeting 
of  International  Congress  on  Tuberculosis. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Health.  Tubercu- 
losis. 

WASHINGTON  MEMORIAL  INSTI- 
TUTION, The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion: United  States  : A.  D.  1901. 

WATER  POWER  TRUST:  Threatened 
in  the  United  States.  — Precautionary  Meas- 
ures taken.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Combina- 
tions, Industrial,  &c.  : United  States:  A.  D. 
1909. 

WATERS  AND  WATER  POWER, 
Conservation  of.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conserva- 
tion of  Natural  Resources. 

WATERS-PIERCE  OIL  COMPANY. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Combinations,  Industrial, 
&c. : United  States:  A.  D.  1904-1909. 

WATERWAYS  COMMISSION  AND 
WATERWAYS  TREATY.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan.). 

WATKINS,  Thomas  H.:  On  the  Anthra- 
cite Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commission. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization  : United 
States:  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

WATSON,  J.  C.:  Premier  of  Australia. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Australia:  A.  D.  1903-1904. 

WATSON,  Thomas  E.:  Nomination  for 
President  of  the  U.  S.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
United  States:  A.  D.  1904  (March-Nov.), 
and  1908  (March-Nov.). 

WAZEER,  Grand.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Mo- 
rocco: A.  D.  1903. 

WEALTH:  Its  Concentration  in  Great 
Britain.  — In  a speech  made  in  Parliament,  on 
amotion  to  graduate  the  Income  Tax,  March  24, 
1909,  Mr.  Chiozza-Money,  who  speaks  with 
considerable  authority  on  such  subjects,  made 
the  following  statements:  “ Statistics  were  avail- 
able in  Somerset  House  showing  the  product  of 
the  graduated  scale  of  death  duties  imposed  by 
Sir  William  Harcourt  in  1894.  Of  the  700,000 
persons  who  died  annually,  only  about  80,000 
left  sufficient  property  to  need  an  inquisition 
by  Somerset  House.  Out  of  the  80,000  persons 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  property  was  left  by 
27,000  persons  ; and  £200,000,000  worth  of  pro- 
perty was  left  by  about  4,000  persons  each  year. 
This  was  not  only  a curious  fact,  but  it  was  a 
constant  fact  in  relation  to  this  problem.  He  also 
showed  that  there  had  arisen  a tendency  among 
rich  persons  to  devise  part  of  their  property  be- 
fore death  in  order  to  escape  the  death  duties, 
with  the  result  that  a good  deal  of  wealth  did 
not  come  under  the  review  of  Somerset  House. 


What  he  described  as  his  own  conservative  esti- 
mate of  the  wealth  of  the  United  Kingdom  was 
a total  of  about  £11,500,000,000.  Of  that  sum 
five  millions  of  persons  owned  £10,900,000,000. 
One-ninth  of  the  population  owned  95  per  cent, 
of  the  entire  capital  stock  of  the  United  King- 
dom. Thus  the  whole  of  the  country  regarded 
as  a business  undertaking  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
handful  of  people.  Taking  the  income  of  the 
country  at  1,800  millions  a year,  there  were 
about  five  million  persons  who  took  one-half 
and  39  millions  the  other  half.  Of  the  five  mil- 
lion persons  who  took  900  millions  of  income 
about  1£  million  persons,  or  250,000  families, 
took  600  millions  out  of  the  900  millions.  From 
this  state  of  facts  the  most  terrible  inequalities 
resulted,  evidences  of  which  could  be  seen 
along  the  Embankment  and  other  parts  of 
Westminster  almost  within  a stone’s  throw  of 
that  House.” 

WEALTH  PROBLEM,  The.  — The 
Question  of  a Progressive  Taxation.  — “At 

this  moment  we  are  passing  through  a period  of 
great  unrest  — social,  political  and  industrial 
unrest.  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  for  our 
future  that  this  should  prove  to  be  not  the  un- 
rest of  mere  rebelliousness  against  life,  of  mere 
dissatisfaction  with  the  inevitable  inequality  of 
conditions,  but  the  unrest  of  a resolute  and  eager 
ambition  to  secure  the  betterment  of  the  indi- 
vidual and  the  nation.  ...  It  is  a prime  ne- 
cessity that  if  the  present  unrest  is  to  result  in 
permanent  good  tile  emotion  shall  be  translated 
into  action,  and  that  the  action  shall  be  marked 
by  honesty,  sanity,  and  self-restraint.  There  is 
mighty  little  good  in  a mere  spasm  of  reform. 
The  reform  that  counts  is  that  which  comes 
through  steady,  continuous  growth;  violent 
emotionalism  leads  to  exhaustion. 

“It  is  important  to  this  people  to  grapple 
with  the  problems  connected  with  the  amassing 
of  enormous  fortunes,  and  the  use  of  those  for- 
tunes, both  corporate  and  individual,  in  busi- 
ness. We  should  discriminate  in  the  sharpest 
way  between  fortunes  well  won  and  fortunes  ill 
won;  between  those  gained  as  an  incident  to 
performing  great  services  to  the  community  as 
a whole,  and  those  gained  in  evil  fashion  by 
keeping  just  within  the  limits  of  mere  law-hon- 
esty. Of  course  no  amount  of  charity  in  spend- 
ing such  fortunes  in  any  way  compensates  for 
misconduct  in  making  them.  As  a matter  of 
personal  conviction,  and  without  pretending  to 
discuss  the  details  or  formulate  the  system,  I 
feel  that  we  shall  ultimately  have  to  consider 
the  adoption  of  some  such  scheme  as  that  of  a 
progressive  tax  on  all  fortunes,  beyond  a cer- 
tain amount,  either  given  in  life  or  devised  or 
bequeathed  upon  death  to  any  individual  — a 
tax  so  framed  as  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of 
the  owner  of  one  of  these  enormous  fortunes  to 
hand  on  more  than  a certain  amount  to  auy  one 
individual;  the  tax,  of  course,  to  be  imposed  by 
the  National  and  not  the  State  Government. 
Such  taxation  should,  of  course,  be  aimed 
merely  at  the  inheritance  or  transmission  in 
their  entirety  of  those  fortunes  swollen  beyond 
all  healthy  limits.” — President  Roosevelt,  Ad- 
dress at  the  Laying  of  the  Corner  Stone  of  the 
Office- Biiildinq  of  the  House  of  Representatives , 
April  14,  1906. 

WEAVER,  John:  Mayor  of  Philadelphia. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Municipal  Government. 


726 


WEEKLY  REST  DAY 


WHITE  SLAVE  TRADE 


WEEKLY  REST  DAY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Sunday  Ouskuvanck. 

“WE  FREES.”  See  (in  this  vol.)  Scot 
land:  A.  D.  1904-1905. 

WEI-HAI-WEI  : Strategic  Worthless- 
ness of  the  Port.  See  (in  this  vol.)  England: 
A.  I).  1902  (Feb.). 

WEKERLE,  Alexander:  Prime  Minister 
of  Hungary.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria  Hun- 
gary : A.  D.  1905-1906,  and  1908-1909. 

WELSH  COERCION  ACT.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Education:  England:  A.  D.  1902. 

WERMUTH,  Herr  : Secretary  of  the  Ger- 
man Imperial  Treasury.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Germany  : A.  D.  1908-1909. 

WEST  AFRICA  : White  Colonization 
impossible  in  Present  Conditions.  See  (in 
this  vol.)  Africa. 

WEST  INDIES,  Danish:  Failure  of 

Projected  Sale  to  the  United  States.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Denmark:  A.  D.  1902. 

WESTERN  FEDERATION  OF  MIN- 
ERS. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization. 
United  States:  A.  D.  1899-1907. 

WET,  C.  R.  de.  See  (in  this  vol.)  South 
Africa  : A.  D.  1901-1902. 

WEYLER,  General  y Nicolau  : Suppres- 
sion of  Strike  at  Barcelona.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Organization  : Spain. 

Spanish  Minister  of  War.  See  Spain  : 
A.  D.  1901-1904. 

WHITE,  Henry:  American  Delegate  to 
the  Algeciras  Conference'  on  the  Morocco 
Question.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Europe  : A.  D. 
1905-1906. 

WHITE  HOUSE,  The  : Its  Restoration. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1902 
(May-Nov.). 

WHITE  MOUNTAIN  FOREST,  Pre- 
servation of  the.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Conserva- 
tion of  Natural  Resources:  United  States. 

WHITE  SLAVE  TRADE,  Movement 
for  the  Suppression  of  the. — The  movement 
for  the  suppression  of  what  is  now  described  as 
the  White  Slave  Traffic,  and  which  has  grown 
into  an  important  international  organization, 
appears  to  have  had  its  beginning  in  the  for- 
mation of  a committee  at  London,  in  1880,  “ for 
the  purpose  of  exposing  and  suppressing  the 
[then]  existing  traffic  in  English,  Scotch  and 
Irish  girls  for  foreign  prostitution.”  This  com- 
mittee presented  a memorial  on  the  subject  to 
Lord  Granville,  then  Secretary  for  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, setting  out  a statement  of  facts  which 
“ revealed  the  existence  of  systematic  abduction 
to  Brussels,  and  elsewhere  on  the  Continent  of 
Europe,  of  girls  who  were  English  subjects, 
and  who,  having  been  induced  to  go  abroad 
under  promise  of  obtaining  employment  or  re- 
spectable situations,  were  on  arrival  taken  to 
the  office  of  the  ‘ Police  des  Mceurs  ’ for  registra- 
tion as  prostitutes.”  The  memorialists  craved 
Lord  Granville’s  influence  “in  favour  of  meas- 
ures which  would  render  it  impossible  that 
British  subjects,  however  humble,  should  in 
the  future  be  subjected  to  such  infamy  and  de- 
gradation, including  the  loss  of  their  personal 
liberty  ” 

Such  measures  were  taken,  Parliament  pass- 
ing an  Act  which  became  law  in  1885,  with  so 
much  effectiveness  that  “the  traffic  was  at  once 
checked.  The  miscreants  who  were  engaged  in 
it  were  dismayed  by  its  provisions,  and  within 


five  years  after  the  Act  had  come  into  operation 
the  Burgomaster  of  Brussels,  which  had  been 
the  head-quarters  of  the  trallic,  questioned  as  to 
the  effect  produced  by  that  measure,  in  April 
1890  wrote  as  follows:  1 Comme  suite  & votre 
lettre  du  15  courant,  j’ai  l’houneur  de  vous  faire 
connaitre  que  depuis  1880  aucune  fille  de  na- 
tionalite  Auglaise  n’a  ete  inscrite  aux  registres 
de  Bruxelles.’  While,  however,  the  traffic,  so 
far  as  the  United  Kingdom  was  concerned,  was 
thus  almost  extinguished,  it  seems  to  have  in- 
creased and  spread  in  certain  districts  of  East- 
ern Europe  to  an  extent  which  attracted  the 
serious  and  alarmed  attention  of  the  Govern- 
ments and  public  authorities  of  the  countries 
immediately  concerned.  About  the  year  1898 
the  National  Vigilance  Society,  headed  by  the 
late  Duke  of  Westminster,  then  its  President, 
resolved  ‘ to  open  definite  measures  for  its  miti- 
gation— if  possible,  its  suppression.’  This  or- 
ganization was  fortunate  in  having  for  its  Sec- 
retary and  chief  administrative  officer  Mr. 
William  Alexander  Coote,  a man  of  remarkable 
energy  and  determination.” — Parliamentary 
Papers,  1907  (Cd.  3453). 

Mr.  Coote  went  on  a mission  to  the  Continent 
and  aroused  the  interest  of  the  Governments 
most  concerned.  International  conferences  on 
the  subject  were  held,  in  London,  1899,  at 
Paris,  1902,  and  again  at  Paris  in  1906,  produ- 
cing concerted  action.  In  1904  an  International 
Agreement  was  signed  at  Paris,  May  18,  by  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  Great  Britain,  Germany, 
Belgium,  Denmark,  Spain,  France,  Italy,  the 
Netherlands,  Portugal,  Russia,  Sweden  and 
Norway,  and  Switzerland,  the  first  two  articles 
of  which  were  as  follows:  “Article  1.  Each  of 
the  Contracting  Governments  undertakes  to  es- 
tablish or  name  some  authority  charged  with 
the  co-ordination  of  all  information  relative  to 
the  procuring  of  women  or  girls  for  immoral 
purposes  abroad ; this  authority  shall  be  em- 
powered to  correspond  direct  with  the  similar 
department  established  in  each  of  the  other  Con- 
tracting States.  Article  2.  Each  of  the  Gov- 
ernments undertakes  to  have  a watch  kept, 
especially  in  railway  stations,  ports  of  embarka- 
tion, and  en  route , for  persons  in  charge  of  wo- 
men and  girls  destined  for  an  immoral  life. 
With  this  object  instructions  shall  be  given  to 
the  officials  and  all  other  qualified  persons  to 
obtain,  within  legal  limits,  all  information  likely 
to  lead  to  the  detection  of  criminal  traffic.  The 
arrival  of  persons  who  clearly  appear  to  be  the 
principals,  accomplices  in,  or  victims  of,  such 
traffic  shall  be  notified,  when  it  occurs,  either  to 
the  authorities  of  the  place  of  destination,  or  to 
the  Diplomatic  or  Consular  Agents  interested, 
or  to  any  other  competent  authorities.”- — Par- 
liamentary Papers,  1905,  Treaty  Series  No.  24 
(Cd.  2689). 

Meantime,  in  the  United  States,  due  attention 
was  not  given  to  the  matter,  until  it  was  found 
that  the  abominable  traffic  had  become  organized 
to  an  appalling  extent  in  the  country,  especially 
in  connection  with  its  foreign  immigration,  and 
had  a principal  seat  in  New  York,  with  a sus- 
pected connivance  on  the  part  of  men  having 
political  influence,  if  not  official  power.  An  in- 
vestigation of  the  facts  became  one  of  the  main 
objects  of  the  Congressional  Immigration  Com- 
mission which  pursued  inquiries  in  Europe  and 
America  in  1909,  and  was  the  leading  subject  of 


727 


WHITE  SLAVE  TRADE 


WOMEN 


the  preliminary  report  made  public  by  the  Com- 
mission, December  10.  In  this  report  the  Com- 
mission says  that  the  white  slave  traffic  is  the 
most  pitiful  phase  of  the  immigration  question. 
The  business  has  assumed  large  proportions, 
and  has  exerted  an  evil  influence  upon  the 
country.  The  inquiry  covered  the  cities  of  New 
York,  Chicago,  San  Francisco,  Seattle,  Portland, 
Salt  Lake,  Ogden,  Butte,  Denver,  Buffalo,  Bos- 
ton, and  New  Orleans.  No  attempt  was  made 
to  investigate  conditions  in  every  important 
city.  But  the  commission  believes  that  enough 
evidence  with  reference  to  women  of  different 
races  and  nationalities,  living  under  different 
conditions  has  been  obtained  from  localities  suf- 
ficiently scattered  to  warrant  the  reports  being 
used  as  a basis  for  official  action. 

Among  other  recommendations  of  the  Com- 
mission is  one  that  the  transportation  of  persons 
from  one  State,  Territory,  or  district,  to  another 
for  the  purpose  of  prostitution  be  forbidden 
under  heavy  penalties.  The  commission  also 
expresses  the  opinion  that  the  Legislatures  of 
the  several  States  should  consider  the  advisabil- 
ity of  enacting  more  stringent  laws  regarding 
prostitution.  It  is  suggested  that  the  Illinois 
statute  regarding  pandering  be  carefully  consid- 
ered. A number  of  suggestions  of  administra- 
tive changes  and  more  rigid  enforcement  of 
existing  regulations  by  the  Department  of  Com- 
merce and  Labor,  particularly  by  the  Bureau  of 
Immigration,  and  amendments  of  the  Immigra- 
tion act  itself  are  submitted  by  the  commission. 

Legislation  on  the  lines  recommended  is  now 
pending  in  Congress  and  in  New  York  and  other 
States,  while  the  alleged  organization  of  the 
traffic  in  the  city  of  New  York  is  being  investi- 
gated by  a special  grand  jury  of  one  of  the 
State  Courts. 

WICKERSHAM,  George  W.  : Attorney- 
General.  See  (in  this  vol. ) United  States  : 
A.  D.  1909  (March). 

WIJU.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan:  A.  D. 
1904  (Feb. -July). 

WILLIAM  II.,  German  Emperor:  State- 
ment of  his  Peace  Policy  based  on  Prepara- 
tion for  War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  War,  The 
Preparations  for. 

His  speech  at  Tangier.  See  Europe  : A. 
D.  1905-1906. 

His  published  Interview  with  an  English- 
man and  its  Effect.  See  Germany:  A.  D. 
1908  (Nov.). 

WILSON,  James:  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture. See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D. 
1901-1905  ; 1905-1909;  and  1909  (March). 

WILSON,  General  John  M.  : On  the  An- 
thracite Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commis- 
sion. See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organiza- 
tion: United  States:  A.  D.  1903-1903. 

WILSON,  Woodrow:  President  of  Prince- 
ton University.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Educa- 
tion: United  States:  A.  D.  1901-1909. 

WINE-GROWERS’  REVOLT,  in 
France.  See  (in  this  vol.)  France:  A.  D. 
1907  (May-July). 

WINNIPEG:  A.  D.  1909.  — Meeting  of 
British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  In- 
vention, Recent:  Physical. 

WIRELESS  TELEGRAPHY.  See  (in 
this  Volume  and  in  Volume  VI.)  Science,  Re- 
cent : Electrical. 


WISCONSIN:  A.  D.  1900-1909. — Gov- 
ernor and  Senator  La  Follette.  — The  recog- 
nized ‘‘new  movement'’  in  American  politics 
which  has  been  putting  a distinctive  mark  on 
the  last  decade,  directed  towards  the  emancipa- 
tion of  parties  from  a selfishly  organized  system, 
or  "machine,”  had  nowhere  in  the  West  a 
more  vigorous  starting  than  in  Wisconsin;  and 
nobody  can  doubt  that  the  initial  force  given  to 
it  there  came  mostly  from  the  energy  of  the 
leader  it  found  in  Robert  Marion  La  Follette. 
He  had  entered  politics  when  he  entered  the 
profession  of  law,  in  1880.  From  1889  to  1901 
lie  was  a representative  in  Congress.  At  the 
end  of  that  period  he  had  been  elected  Governor 
of  his  State,  and  he  held  the  office  for  three 
terms,  resigning  it  in  1905  to  accept  a seat  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  where  he  exer- 
cises a degree  of  independence  not  common  in 
that  assembly.  All  this  advancement  in  public 
service  has  gone  with  a personal  leadership  in 
politics,  resisted  unavailingly  by  the  old  party 
organization. 

A.  D.  1907.  — Enactment  of  Public  Utili- 
ties Law.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Public  Utilities. 

WISCONSIN  STATE  UNIVERSITY  :. 
Its  Legislative  Reference  Department  and 
Municipal  Reference  Bureau.  See  (in  this  vol.). 
Municipal  Government. 

WITBOIS,  The.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Africa  r 
A.  D.  1904-1905,  and  Germany  : A.  D.  1906- 
1907. 

WITTE,  Sergius  Yulievitch:  As  Russian 
Finance  Minister  and  practically  as  Premier. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Russia:  A.  D.  1901-1904,  and 
1904-1905. 

Withdrawal  from  Premiership.  See  Russia  : 
A.  D.  1906. 

Memorial  to  the  Tsar  on  Religious  Liberty 
and  the  Bondage  of  the  Church  to  the  State. 
See  Russia  : A.  D.  1905  (April-Aug.). 

Russian  Plenipotentiary  for  negotiating 
Treaty  of  Peace  with  Japan.  See  Japan  : A. 
D.  1905  (June-Oct.). 

WOLF’S  HILL,  The  Capture  of.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1904-1905  (May-Jan.)- 

WOMAN  SUFFRAGE.  See  Elective 
Franchise. 

WOMEN,  International  Council  of:  A.  D. 
1909.  — Proceedings  at  Toronto.  • — The  Inter- 
national Council  of  Women  was  assembled  at 
Toronto,  Canada,  in  June,  1909,  being  then  in 
the  twenty-fifth  year  of  its  existence.  Its  large- 
gatherings  are  undertaken  but  once  in  five  years, 
executive  meetings  being  held  in  years  between. 
The  Toronto  session  was  opened  on  the  17th  0$* 
June,  and  was  prolonged  interestingly  for  ten 
days.  The  delegates  attending  numbered  160, 
from  all  parts  of  Europe,  America  and  Austra- 
lasia, Great  Britain  sending  the  largest  number. 
Germany  comes  next  with  19,  Sweden  sends  7, 
Denmark  4,  Italy  3,  Austria-Hungary  5,  Norway 
10,  Belgium  4,  Greece  3,  the  Netherlands  11, 
Australasia  11,  the  United  States  16,  and  Can- 
ada 11. 

Lady  Aberdeen,  the  President  of  the  Council, 
in  her  opening  remarks,  indicated  the  breadth  of 
the  ideas  of  service  to  the  world  which  this  in- 
ternational organization  contemplates,  when  she 
said  : “ Having  proved  that  we  arc  truly  repre- 
sentative of  the  women  workers  of  the  world 
and  that  within  our  various  councils  we  have 
gathered  organizations  of  women  of  all  races. 


728 


WOMEN 


WORLD  MOVEMENTS 


creeds,  classes,  and  parties,  what  is  the  out- 
come ? What  do  we  stand  for  ? What  practical 
contribution  can  we  offer  to  the  world’s  wel- 
fare ? ” Turning  to  the  Canadian  delegates,  she 
answered  these  questions  by  alluding  to  the  sym- 
pathy that  the  National  Council  of  Canada  had 
created  between  the  women  of  the  different  pro- 
vinces and  the  way  in  which  it  had  made  them 
recognize  their  true  relationship  to  their  coun- 
try and  the  world.  From  this  Lady  Aberdeen 
went  on  to  say  : — “Our  International  Council 
must  indeed  be  of  necessity  the  strongest  peace 
society  that  can  exist,  for  if  the  homes  of  the 
different  countries  of  the  world  are  brought  in 
touch  with  one  another  and  understand  and 
believe  in  one  another,  there  can  be  no  more 
war.  Again,  the  health  movement  which  our 
national  councils’  reports  show  us  is  going  on  in 
all  countries  of  the  world  is  one  that  has  within 
itself  potentialities  far  beyond  the  immediate 
objects  it  aims  at.  What  are  these  medical  and 
scientific  congresses,  these  international  confer- 
ences on  tuberculosis,  infant  mortality,  school 
hygiene,  temperance,  and  the  like  doing  ? Are 
they  not  bringing  the  world’s  thinkers  and  work- 
ers into  line  for  the  preservation  of  life,  for  the 
furtherance  of  a high  and  vigorous  type  of  life 
based  on  knowledge,  principle,  and  self-control, 
for  international  action  in  the  interests  of  the 
world’s  health  ? Here  is  work  which  concerns 
all  women  in  all  countries,  and  in  which  every 
society  has  an  interest.  . . . But . . . the  key- 
note of  our  success  and  influence  must  always 
lie  in  the  fact  that  we  lay  stress  in  being  more 
than  doing,  in  the  spirit  of  our  work  more 
than  the  work  itself,  in  the  motive  underly- 
ing our  union,  rather  than  in  our  actual  federa- 
tion.” 

Peace  and  Arbitration,  Woman  Suffrage  (fa- 
vored by  a majority  of  the  delegates  in  attend- 
ance), the  “White  Slave  Traffic,”  so-called, 
Public  Health,  Education,  Immigration,  cheap- 
ened International  Postage,  were  among  the 
principal  subjects  of  discussion  taken  up  on  suc- 
cessive days. 

The  next  quinquennial  council  was  appointed 
to  be  held  at  Rome,  in  1914,  with  executive 
meetings  in  Sweden  in  1911  and  in  the  Nether- 
lands in  1913.  Lady  Aberdeen  was  reelected 
President. 

WOMEN  WORKERS:  Legal  Regulation 
of  Hours  and  Conditions.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Labor  Protection:  Hours  of  Labor. 

WOOD,  General  Leonard:  Military  Gov- 
ernor of  Cuba.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D. 
1901-1902. 

WOODWARD,  Dr.  Robert  S. : President 
of  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention: 
Carnegie  Institution. 

WORKMEN.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Or- 
ganization. 

WORKMEN’S  COMPENSATION 
ACT,  British.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Labor  Pro- 
tection. 

WORLD  MOVEMENTS:  Fichte’s 
Prophecy  of  a World  Commonwealth. — The 
Progress  of  a Century  toward  its  Fulfilment. 

— “Fichte  says:  ‘It  is  the  vocation  of  our 

race  to  unite  itself  into  one  single  body,  all  the 
parts  of  which  shall  be  thoroughly  known  to 
each  other,  and  all  possessed  of  similar  culture. 
Nature,  and  even  the  passions  and  vices  of  men 


have,  from  the  beginning,  tended  towards  this 
end  : a great  part  of  the  way  towards  it  is  al- 
ready passed,  and  we  may  surely  calculate  that 
this  end,  which  is  the  condition  of  all  further 
progress,  will  in  time  be  attained.  . . . Until 
the  existing  culture  of  every  age  shall  have 
been  diffused  over  the  whole  inhabited  globe, 
and  our  race  become  capable  of  the  most  unlim 
ited  inter-communication  with  itself,  one  nation 
or  one  continent  must  pause  on  the  great  com- 
mon path  of  progress,  and  wait  for  the  advance 
of  the  others  ; and  each  must  bring  as  an  offer- 
ing to  the  universal  commonwealth,  for  the  sake 
of  which  alone  it  exists,  its  ages  of  apparent 
immobility,  or  retrogression.  When  that  first 
point  shall  have  been  attained,  when  every  use- 
ful discovery  made  at  one  end  of  the  earth  shall 
be  at  once  made  known  and  communicated  to 
all  the  rest,  then,  without  further  interruption, 
without  halt  or  regress,  with  united  strength 
and  equal  step,  humanity  shall  move  onward  to 
a higher  culture,  of  which  we  can  at  present 
form  no  conception.’ 

“This  was  an  end-of-the-eighteenth-century 
utterance,  and  events  have  followed  it  as  if  it 
were  a resistless  fiat  compelling  its  own  fulfil- 
ment, rather  than  the  dictum  of  a philosopher. 
The  nations  have  striven  fiercely  to  carry  for- 
ward the  work  which  the  great  Seer  pointed  to 
as  the  essential  condition  of  the  higher  progress. 
Inspired  by  varied  aims,  and  carried  forward 
by  diverse  means,  the  end  has  been  ever  the 
same.  The  missionary  with  his  religious  man- 
date, the  devil-may-care  adventurer  seeking  ex- 
citement, the  restless  military  caste  craving 
advancement,  the  trader  thirsting  for  gain,  all 
promote  the  ‘Divine  plan.’  . . . 

“The  pride  of  independent  nationality  must 
gradually  give  way  to  the  pride  of  being  mem- 
bers of  the  great  confederations.  The  transi- 
tion from  Nationalism  to  internationalism  will 
be  brought  about  by  a threefold  pressure,  and 
will  be  rendered  easy  by  the  system  we  have 
evolved  with  our  great  Colonies.  There  will 
be  the  pressure  of  the  higher  organisation  on 
the  lower,  the  larger  upon  the  less ; there  will 
be  racial  pressure,  as  yellow  and  black  begin  to 
feel  their  power  ; and  there  will  be  commercial 
pressure.  This  irresistible  pressure  will  be 
gradually  recognised  as  a benevolent  despotism 
forcing  the  practical  recognition  of  the  brother- 
hood of  man. 

“With  regard  to  commercial  pressure.  A 
glance  ahead  will  show  that  the  Western  na- 
tions, in  forcing  their  trade  on  yellow  and  black 
races,  are  educating  the  latter  into  formidable 
competitors.  Like  the  Japs  they  will  better  the 
instruction,  and,  with  their  more  favourable 
economic  conditions,  will  flood  the  Western 
world  with  commodities  at  prices  it  cannot  com- 
pete with.  To  avoid  being  dragged  down  to 
their  lower  level  of  subsistence  the  great  world- 
powers  will  be  compelled  to  draw  a ring-fence 
of  tariffs  round  their  possessions.  In  our  case 
the  British  Empire  contains  nearly  all  climates 
and  resources  that  will  enable  it  to  be  entirely 
self-contained  and  self-supporting.  The  com- 
parative free  trade  within  the  fence  will  starve 
isolated  countries  to  come  in. 

“There  is  no  reason  why  an  Empire  such  as 
ours  should  not  be  much  more  truly  happy  and 
prosperous  than  it  has  yet  been,  if  we  organise 
it  scientifically.  The  loss  of  our  abnormal  posi- 


729 


WORLD  MOVEMENTS 


WORLD  MOVEMENTS 


tion  in  foreign  trade  will  be  a blessing  if  we  ex- 
ercise foresight.  In  the  furtherance  of  the 
World-purpose  it  was  necessary  that  the  pro- 
gressive nations  should  for  a time  worship  for- 
eign trade  as  a fetich,  and  as  the  chief  means  of 
prosperity.  Nothing  else  would  have  given 
them  the  needed  stimulus,  and  forced  them  to 
such  Herculean  efforts  to  conquer  and  keep  for- 
eign markets.  But  when  all  foreign  markets 
have  been  opened  up,  and  we  have  unintention- 
ally educated  other  races,  not  only  to  supply 
their  own  wants,  but  to  swamp  us  with  their 
manufactures,  then  we  must  readjust  our  ideas, 
and  adopt  less  one-sided  aims.  In  our  ambition 
to  be  the  Cheap  John  of  the  world,  we  have  de- 
veloped some  of  our  resources  abnormally,  and 
neglected  others.  To  foster  foreign  trade  we 
converted  a large  part  of  our  island  home  into 
black  country,  we  have  been  prodigally  waste- 
ful of  our  mineral  resources,  and  have  neglected 
our  agriculture.  In  striving  for  foreign  markets 
we  have  neglected  the  best  market  in  the  world 
— the  Home  market  — and  have  left  ourselves 
miserably  dependent  on  the  foreigner.  This  is 
really  incipient  heart  disease  of  the  Empire. 

“It  was  providential  that  we  adopted  ‘free 
trade’  when  we  did,  as  it  gives  a moral  justifi- 
cation for  our  annexations  which  no  protective 
nation  can  show  ; but  as  the  other  great  Powers 
extend  their  sway,  and  their  tariff  barriers,  we 
shall  cease  to  need  our  free  trade  justification. 
Then  we  can  reconsider  the  case."  — E.  W. 
Cook,  The  Organisation  of  Mankind  ( Contempo- 
rary Review , Sept. , 1901). 

The  Making  of  a World  Constitution  and 
the  development  of  World  Legislation. — 
“ In  the  relations  of  nations  to  one  another,  as 
proved  by  their  treaties  and  code  of  interna- 
tional law,  certain  truths  are  recognized  which 
involve  the  very  nature  of  mankind  as  a created 
whole.  That  is,  there  is  a world-constitution, 
unwritten,  not  called  by  that  name,  but  exist- 
ing as  truly  as  the  animal  creation  existed  be- 
fore it  was  named  by  man,  and  as  independent 
of  his  recognition  and  his  naming  as  the  animal 
creation  was  independent  of  human  recogni- 
tion. Though  that  world-constitution  has  re- 
mained obscure  and  unrecognized,  yet  world- 
progress  toward  its  formal  expression  has  been 
wonderfully  rapid  in  recent  years. 

“ In  the  first  place  that  constitution  is  bring- 
ing about  the  formal  existence  of  an  organ  for 
the  use  and  for  the  expression  of  the  intelli- 
gence and  the  will  of  the  world.  Nations,  re- 
peatedly, in  separate  congresses,  upon  special 
subjects,  have  expressed  their  intelligence  and 
their  will,  and  have  entrusted  to  the  nations 
severally  the  duty  of  carrying  out  that  will,  as 
is  most  perfectly  illustrated  in  the  case  of  the 
Universal  Postal  Union.  That  is,  the  nations 
are  creating  a world  legislative  department. 

“ In  the  next  place,  the  establishment  of  the 
Hague  Court  of  Arbitration  is  doubtless  the  be- 
ginning of  the  establishment  of  a judicial  de- 
partment which  will  include  other  duties  than 
the  settlement  of  causes  dangerous  to  the  peace 
of  nations.  Lastly,  the  formal  establishment  of 
some  world-executive  will  not  long  lag  behind 
the  creation  of  the  legislative  and  judicial  de- 
partments. The  world  is  moving  rapidly  to- 
ward political  organization  as  one  body,  and 
the  situation  must  soon  reveal  itself  to  present 
doubters.” — R.  L.  Bridgman,  'World-Organiza- 


tion secures  World-Peace  ( Atlantic  Monthly, 
Sept.,  1904). 

“At  the  session  of  the  Massachusetts  Legis- 
lature of  1902  a petition  was  presented  in  favor 
of  a world-legislature.  That  petition  was  re- 
ferred to  the  Legislature  of  1903  in  order  that 
the  subject  might  receive  further  public  con- 
sideration, and  the  chairman  of  the  committee 
which  heard  the  petitioners  said,  in  each  branch 
respectively,  that  the  proposal  was  meritorious. 
According  to  the  report,  the  petition  is  pending 
before  the  Legislature  of  1903,  with  hundreds 
of  signers,  including  some  of  the  best  citizens. 
The  American  Peace  Society,  by  vote  of  its 
directors,  signed  the  petition,  while  it  also  pre- 
sented another  petition  of  its  own,  asking  for  a 
movement  for  a world-conference  or  congress, 
with  recommendatory  powers,  to  meet  at  stated 
intervals,  say  once  in  seven  years.  Thus  the 
proposal  of  world-organization  is  formally  be- 
fore the  public. 

“ Since  the  first  petition  was  presented  re- 
peated instances  have  occurred  to  support  the 
main  argument  for  it,  — that  business  exigen- 
cies of  the  world  were  becoming  so  urgent  that 
world-organization,  as  a necessity,  would  pre- 
cede the  efforts  of  pure  philanthropy  or  states- 
manship for  the  same  end.  Early  in  the  year 
came  the  Pan-American  Congress.  Among  its 
proposals,  suited  for  a world-scale,  were  these  : 
a Pan-American  bank;  a custom-house  con- 
gress, and  an  international  customs  commis- 
sion ; a statistical  bureau  of  international  scope ; 
an  international  copyright  law  ; an  interna- 
tional commission  to  codify  international  law  ; 
international  regulations  to  cover  inventions 
and  trademarks  ; a common  treaty  of  extradi- 
tion and  protection  against  anarchy  ; interna- 
tional regulations  for  the  world- wide  practice 
of  the  liberal  professions;  an  international 
archaeological  commission  ; an  international 
office  as  depositary  of  the  archives  of  interna- 
tional conferences  ; an  international  regulation 
granting  equal  rights  to  all  foreigners  from  any 
of  the  signatory  countries,  and  some  minor  plans. 

“Other  world-propositions  which  developed 
during  the  year  included  (in  January)  the 
organization  of  the  International  Banking  Cor- 
poration, with  power,  under  a Connecticut 
charter,  of  doing  business  all  over  the  world ; 
(early  in  the  year)  circulation  by  the  Manches- 
ter (England)  Statistical  Society  of  a pamphlet 
advocating  an  international  gold  coinage  ; (in 
July)  suggestion  by  Russia  of  an  international 
conference  to  protect  the  nations  against  trusts 
and  other  private  operations  of  capital  ; (in 
July)  another  plan  for  an  international  bank; 
(in  August)  meeting  of  the  International  Con- 
gress on  Commerce  and  Industry ; and  (in  De- 
cember) the  meeting  of  the  International  Sani- 
tary Conference  in  Washington  ; to  which  may 
be  added  (in  January,  1903)  the  meeting  in  New 
York  of  the  International  Customs  Congress. 
For  one  year  that  is  a notable  record  of  progress 
toward  world-organization  in  matters  of  busi- 
ness, not  as  matters  of  theory  or  of  pure  plii- 
lanthropliy.  These  instances  illustrate  the  truth, 
which  many  persons  still  fail  to  realize,  that 
the  world  is  getting  together  at  a rapid  rate, 
and  that,  as  a matter  of  self-interest,  the  nations 
must  soon  have  a permanent  legislative  body 
as  a means  of  establishing  regulations  for  the 
benefit  of  all. 


730 


WORLD  MOVEMENTS 


WYNNE 


“ Pertinent  to  the  ease  is  the  fact  that  world- 
legislation  has  occurred  repeatedly,  though  no 
world-legislature  has  been  organized.  ...  In 
the  case  of  the  International  Postal  Union  we 
have  absolute  world-legislation.  . . . That  is 
the  most  conspicuous  and  most  successful  illus 
tration  of  world-legislation,  because  it  embraces 
organized  mankind,  and  because  it  is  so  emi- 
nently successful.  . . . 

“Mention  may  be  made  of  the  International 
Conference  in  Washington,  in  1885,  for  the 
establishment  of  a common  prime  meridian,  at 
which  twenty-six  nations  were  represented.  At 
the  International  Sanitary  Conference  in  Vienna 
in  1892,  fifteen  nations  were  represented.  At 
the  Dresden  International  Sanitary  Conference 
in  1893,  nineteen  nations  were  represented.”  — 
R.  L.  Bridgman,  A World- Legislature  ( Atlantic 
Monthly,  March,  1903). 

The  Passing  of  the  Age  of  Colonial  Do- 
minion.— The  Coming  of  the  Epoch  of  the 
“Open  Door.” — The  old  notions  of  colonial 
dominion,  which  had  pricked  the  ambition  of 
nations  since  the  sixteenth  century,  came  prac- 
tically to  the  end  of  their  working  in  the  last 
years  of  the  nineteenth.  The  European  parti- 
tioning of  Africa,  in  the  decade  after  1884,  the 
scramble  for  footings  in  China  between  1897  and 
the  Boxer  rising,  and  the  Spanish-American  War 
of  1898,  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  expiring 
operations  of  statesmanship  on  lines  of  “colo- 
nial policy,”  in  the  acquisitive  sense.  As  cer- 
tainly as  anything  in  politics  can  be  certain, 
the  epoch  of  the  founding  and  spreading  of  co- 
lonial dominions  came  then  to  its  close. 

The  colonial  policy  of  that  epoch  meant  co- 
lonial dominion  necessarily,  for  the  reason  that 
the  commerce-spreading  nations  of  the  West 
could  not  think  of  agreeing  to  open  doors  of 
trade  with  the  feebler  or  more  backward  folk  of 
the  East.  Each  could  make  sure  of  marts  in  the 
great  orient  and  oceanic  region  only  by  seizing 
and  walling  them  in,  behind  well-locked  doors, 
to  keep  the  others  out.  Now,  however,  they 
have  arrived  at  a state  of  things  in  the  world 
which  compels  them  to  think  of  the  “open 
door  ” for  commerce,  as  a substitute  for  the  co- 
lonial dependency,  held  under  lock  and  key. 
Several  changes  have  worked  together  in  bring- 
ing this  new  situation  about. 

Principally,  of  course,  it  results  from  the  near 
approach  to  an  exhaustion  of  the  territory  avail- 
able for  easy  conquest  and  colony-making. 
Africa  and  the  great  archipelagos  of  the  South 
Sea  have  all  been  divided  up.  Japan,  with 
China  making  ready  to  stand  with  her,  has  un- 
dertaken a policing  of  Eastern  Asia,  to  stop  the 
staking  out  of  lawless  claims  there.  Moreover, 
confidence  in  the  stability  as  well  as  belief 
in  the  usefulness  of  colonial  dominion  is  much 
shaken  of  late,  by  increasing  signs  of  relaxing 
bonds  in  the  great  British  Empire,  without 
much  sign  of  harm  to  the  prosperity  or  the 
power  of  the  imperial  nation  itself.  Several  of 
the  outlying  dependencies  of  the  British  crown 
have  grown  to  so  much  of  independence  that 
they  have  taken  the  doorkeeping  of  their  com- 
merce into  their  own  hands  and  the  sovereign 
mother  country  makes  no  objection  or  complaint. 


For  many  years  past  the  commercial  experi- 
ence of  England  has  been  furnishing  proof  that 
trade  and  dominion,  under  the  conditions  of  the 
present  day,  have  little  of  necessary  connection 
with  each  other  ; and  now  the  Germans,  within 
later  years,  have  been  adding  to  that  proof.  The 
few  colonies  they  have  laid  hands  on,  in  Africa 
and  Oceanica,  have  been  of  less  profit  than  ex- 
pense to  them ; but,  more  rapidly  than  any 
other  people,  they  have  pushed  their  trade  in 
regions  where  they  have  no  political  influence 
or  control,  by  sheer  energy  and  careful  learning 
of  the  conditions  to  be  met. 

The  commercial  mind,  which  has  always  dic- 
tated the  policies  of  government,  is  being  thus 
compelled  to  turn  its  thought  to  the  “open 
door,"  and  that,  as  a commercial  aim,  will  evi- 
dently extinguish  colonial  undertakings  here- 
after. It  ruled  the  settlement  of  the  Chinese 
troubles  of  1900  (thanks  to  John  Hay);  it  has 
gone  into  the  recent  treaties  of  Japan  with  Eng- 
land, Russia  and  France;  it  gave  a practicable 
solution  to  the  Morocco  problem,  at  the  Algeci- 
ras  conference  ; it  furnished  the  ground  in  1907 
for  an  arrangement  of  long-troubled  relations 
between  England  and  Russia  in  Persia,  Tibet, 
and  Afghanistan. 

Manifestly,  the  commercial  policy  of  the  fu- 
ture is  to  be,  not  the  policy  of  colonial  depend- 
encies, but  the  policy  of  open  doors.  Even  the 
imperialists  and  the  stand-patters  of  the  United 
States  will  have  to  accept  it ; and  in  due  time 
the  tariff-walled  nations,  after  practicing  them- 
selves sufficiently  in  the  dictatorial  opening  of 
other  people’s  doors,  will  be  ready  to  unlock 
their  own. 

For  and  against  War.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
War,  The  Preparations  for,  and  War,  The 
Revolt  against. 

World’s  Prohibition  Confederation.  See 

(in  this  vol.)  Alcohol  Problem;  Interna- 
tional Congress. 

WOS  Y GIL,  General : Revolutionary 
President  of  San  Domingo.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
San  Domingo:  A.  D.  1904-1907 

WRIGHT,  Dr.  A.  E.,  and  Dr.  Douglas; 
The  Discoverers  of  Opsonins.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent  . Op- 
sonins. 

WRIGHT,  Carroll  D. : On  the  Anthracite 
Coal  Strike  Arbitration  Commission.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  Labor  Organization  : United 
States;  A.  D.  1902-1903. 

WRIGHT,  General  Luke  E.:  Secretary  of 
War.  See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D. 
1905-1909. 

WRIGHT,  Orville  and  Wilbur.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Recent  : Aero- 
nautics. 

WURTEMBERG:  A.  D.  1906.  —Displace- 
ment of  Privileged  Members  from  the  Parlia- 
ment. See  (in  this  vol.)  Elective  Franchise  ; 
Germany:  A.  D.  1906. 

WYNDHAM,  G.:  Chief  Secretary  for  Ire- 
land. See  (in  this  vol.)  England  : A.  D.  1902 
(July). 

WYNNE,  Robert  J. : Postmaster-General. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  United  States:  A.  D.  1901- 
1905. 


731 


YALU 


ZULUS 


Y. 


YALU,  Battles  at  the.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). 

YAMAGATA,  Prince  Aritomo.  See  (in 

this  vol.)  Japan  : A.  D.  1903  (Jone)  and  1909 
(Oct.). 

YANGTZULING,  Battle  of.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (July-Sept.). 

YASHIMA,  Sinking  of  the.  See  (in  this 
vol.)  Japan  • A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -Aug.). 

YASS-CANBERRA.— Chosen  Site  of 
the  Capital  of  Australia.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Australia:  A.  D.  1905-1906. 

YELLOW  FEVER.  See  Public 
Health. 

YOUNG  EGYPT.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Egypt. 
A.  D.  1909  (Sept.). 


YOUNG  FINNS:  See  (in  this  vol.)  Fin- 
land: A.  D.  1908-1909. 

YOUNG  TURKS.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1908  (July-Dec.),  and  after. 

YOUNGHUSBAND,  Colonel  George  J. : 
Mission  to  Tibet.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Tibet  : 
A.  D.  1902-1904. 

YOUSSUF  IZEDDIN.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Turkey:  A.  D.  1909  (Jan. -May). 

YUAN  SHIH-KAI:  His  abrupt  Dismissal 
from  Office.  See  (in  this  vol.)  China:  A.  D. 
1909  (Jan.). 

YUKON  DISTRICT,  The:  Census,  rpoi. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Canada:  A.  D.  1901-1902. 

YUSHIN-KAI.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Japan: 
A.  D.  1909. 


z. 


ZAHLE  MINISTRY.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Denmark:  A.  D.  1905-1909. 

ZAIMIS,  M.,  . High  Commissioner  of 
Crete.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Crete  : A.  D.  1905- 
1906. 

ZAMENHOF,  Dr.:  Inventor  of  Esperanto. 

See  (in  this  vol.)  Science  and  Invention,  Re- 
cent : Esperanto. 

ZANARDELLI,  Giuseppe:  Premier  of 
Italy.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Italy  : A.  D.  1901  and 
1903. 

ZANZIBAR:  A.  D.  1903. — Practical 
Ending  of  Slavery.  — The  following  remarks 
are  from  reports  made  by  British  consular  offi- 
cers in  1903.  By  decree  of  the  Sultan  of  Zanzi- 
bar the  legal  status  of  slavery  was  annulled  in 
1897  : “ As  I have  anticipated  in  my  former  Re- 
ports, the  number  of  slaves  who  have  thought 
fit  to  present  themselves  for  freedom  to  the 
Zanzibar  Government  has  been  very  small.  . . . 
It  is  as  well  known  as  ever  throughout  the  Is- 
land of  Zanzibar  that  a slave  has  only  to  appear 
and  ask  for  freedom  and  it  is  immediately 
granted.  But  the  slaves  have  long  since  dis 
covered  that  freedom  is  not  such  ‘a  bed  of 
roses’  as  was  anticipated.  They  have  learnt 
that  practically  they  lose  far  more  than  they 
gain  by  leaving  their  owners  to  get  freedom, 
and  then  having  to  find  a new  home  and  sup- 
port themselves.” 

“The  slavery  question  may  be  said  to  be  at 


an  end  in  Pemba.  Those  slaves  who  still  re- 
main in  a state  of  servitude  are  slaves  only  in 
name,  and  they  continue  to  be  so  of  their  own 
free  will,  for  there  is  not  a man  or  a woman  at 
this  time  in  the  island  unaware  of  the  fact  that 
any  slave  can  obtain  manumission  for  the  ask- 
ing. A small  number  of  slaves  do  apply  for 
and  obtain  their  freedom  month  by  month,  but 
the  bulk  of  the  servile  population  in  Pemba  ap- 
pear to  be  content  with  their  existing  status.” 

ZASULICH,  General.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Japan:  A.  D.  1904  (Feb. -July). 

ZAYISTAS.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Cuba:  A.  D. 
1906-1909. 

ZEEMAN,  Peter.  See  Nobel  Prizes. 

ZELAYA,  Jose  Cantos:  President  of  Ni- 
caragua. See  (in  this  vol.)  Central  Amer- 
ica: Nicaragua:  A.  D.  1909. 

ZEMSTVOS,  Russian.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Russia:  A.  D.  1904-1905,  and  1905-1907. 

ZEPPELIN,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Aeronau- 
tics. 

ZICHY,  Count.  See  (in  this  vol.)  Austria- 
Hungary:  A.  D.  1904;  1905-1906. 

ZIEGLER  ARCTIC  EXPEDITIONS. 
See  (in  this  vol.)  Polar  Exploration. 

ZIL-ES-SULTAN.  See  (in  this  vol.) 
Persia:  A.  D.  1907-1908  (Sept. -June). 

ZULUS,  The  : Their  revolt  in  1906.  See 
(in  this  vol.)  South  Africa. 


732 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY  OR  READING 


PREPARED  by  C.  W.  CHASE 


As  an  aid  to  those  possessors  of  this  work  who  may  wish  to  pursue  in  it  regular  courses  of  read- 
ing or  study,  the  following  directory,  as  it  may  be  called,  has  been  prepared  by  a gentleman  whose 
acquaintance  with  the  contents  of  the  volumes  and  with  their  arrangement  is  very  thorough,  and 
whose  equipment  of  historical  knowledge  is  large.  This  responds  to  a great  number  of  requests 
and  suggestions  that  have  been  coming  to  the  publishers  of  “ History  for  Ready  Reference,”  ever 
since  it  began  to  make  itself  known  as  the  best  of  compilations  for  “Topical  Reading”  in  history, 
as  well  as  for  “Ready  Reference,”  because  drawn  from  the  best  historical  writers  in  their  own  ex- 
act words. 

Those  who  make  use  of  these  “ Studies”  should  bear  in  mind  that  the  first  five  volumesof  “His- 
tory for  Ready  Reference”  cover  all  times,  from  the  earliest,  down  to  its  publication  in  1895,  and 
are  under  one  comprehensive  arrangement,  for  which  reason  the  numbering  of  pages  in  those  vol- 
umes is  consecutive  from  the  first  to  the  last;  whereas  Volumes  VI.  and  VII.  deal  with  two  suc- 
ceeding periods,  of  Recent  History,  and  have  separately  numbered  pages.  Hence  reference  in  the 
“ Studies  ” to  pages  in  the  first  five  volumes  is  without  mention  of  the  number  of  the  volume. 

On  revision  of  the  original  five-volume  work  in  1901  some  rearrangement  of  matter  occurred 
which  changed  the  page  numbers.  This  necessitates  the  giving  of  both  new  and  old  numbers  in 
the  reference  to  every  matter  within  those  volumes.  For  copies  of  the  work  purchased  before  1901 
the  numbers  are  in  parenthesis,  and  those  for  the  later  edition  precede  them. 

The  following  is  a subject  index  to  the  “Studies”  appended: 


Alexander’s  Conquests  : Study  X. 

America : Study  XXIII.  (See,  also,  United 
States,  Canada,  and  Spanish  America.) 
Austria-Hungary  : Studies  XIV.,  XV.,  XXVII., 
XXXIV.,  XXXV.,  XXXVI. 

Babylonia  and  Assyria:  Study  IV. 

Canada  : Study  XLIX. 

China:  Studies  VII.,  LI. 

Christianity:  Studies  XVIII.,  XIX.,  XX., 

XXIV. 

Crusades:  Study  XXV. 

Egypt,  Ancient  - Study  V. 

England:  Studies  XXVIII.,  XXIX.,  XXX., 
XXXI.,  XXXII.,  XXXIII.,  XXXV., 
XXXVI.,  XLII.,  XLVIII. 

Europe  at  Large:  Studies  XII.,  XIII.,  XIV., 
XVIII.,  XIX.,  XX.,  XXII.,  XXIII.,  XXIV., 

XXV. ,  XXVII.,  XXXIV.,  XXXV.,  XXXVI. 
France:  Studies  XIII.,  XIV.,  XVI.,  XXIII., 

XXIV.,  XXV.,  XXXIV.,  XXXV.,  XXXVI., 
XLIII. 

French  Revolution  and  Napoleon : Studies 
XXXV  XXXVI 

Germany :'  Studies  XIII.,  XIV.,  XV.,  XXIII., 
XXIV.,  XXVII.,  XXXIV.,  XXXV., 
XXXVI.,  XLIV. 


Great  Britain.  See  England. 

Greece,  Ancient:  Studies  VIII.,  IX.,  X. 

History  and  its  Study:  Study  I. 

India,  Ancient : Study  VII. 

Italy,  Mediaeval  and  Modern:  Studies  XIV., 
XVII.,  XXIII.,  XXXV., XXXVI.,  LV. 

Japan  : Study  L. 

Jews:  Study  VI. 

Middle  Ages:  Studies  XIII.,  XIV.,  XV.,  XVI., 
XVII. 

Mohammedanism  : Studies  XXI.,  XXII. 
Monasticism : Study  XX. 

Netherlands : Study  XXVI. 

Papacy  : Study  XIX.,  XXIV.,  XXV. 

Primitive  Peoples:  Studies  II.,  III. 

Reformation,  Protestant:  Studies  XXIV.,  XXV. 
Renaissance:  Study  XXIII. 

Rome,  Ancient:  Studies  XI.,  XII.,  XIII. 

Russia:  Study  LII. 

Spain:  Studies  XXVI.,  XXXVI. 

Spanish  America:  Study  LIV.  (See,  also,  Amer- 
ica.) 

Turkish  Empire:  Study  LIII. 

United  States  of  Am.:  Studies  XXXVII., 
XXXVIII.,  XXXIX.,  XL.,  XLI.,  XLV.,  ' 
XLVI.,  XL VII. 


APPENDIX 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY  OR  READING 


Note.  — The  text  of  “ History  for  Ready  Reference’’  is  made  up  of  matter  taken  from  the  best 
writers  aud  special  students  of  all  ages  and  all  nations.  Under  the  various  topics  in  these  Studies, 
therefore,  the  historical  works  referred  to  are  those  from  which  the  matter  of  the  text  is  taken  ; the 
figures  following  each  citation  indicating  the  pages  in  “ History  for  Ready  Reference  ” where  the 
matter  may  be  found,  — the  figures  inclosed  in  parentheses  showing  where  the  same  matter  may.be 
found  in  the  first  (1895)  edition  of  the  work.  These  extracts  vary  from  a quarter  of  a column  to  five 
or  six  columns  in  length. 


STUDY  I. 


HISTORY  AND  ITS  STUDY. 


“ It  is  seldom  appreciated  what  a very  large  share  of 
the  world’s  literature  is  history  of  some  sort.  The  prim- 
itive savage  is  probably  the  only  kind  of  a man  who 
takes  no  interest  in  it.  But  as  soon  as  a spark  of  civil- 
ization illumines  this  primitive  darkness  men  begin  to 
take  interest  in  other  men,  — not  only  beyond  their  im- 
mediate surroundings,  but  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
own  generation.  Interest  in  the  past  and  provision  for 
the  future  are  perhaps  essential  differences  between 
the  civilized  man  and  the  savage.  Accordingly  as  this 
care  for  the  past  and  future  increases,  all  literature 
divides  itself  into  that  which  concerns  the  forces  of 
nature,  and  that  which  concerns  the  history  of  man.” 
Professor  J.  P.  Mahaffy. 

1.  Various  Views  as  to  what  History  is  : 

R.  Fliut : History  of  the  Philosophy  of  History, 

1686-7  (1648-9). 

“ With  us  the  word  ‘ History,’  like  its  equivalents  in 
all  modern  languages,  signifies  either  a form  of  literary 
composition,  or  the  appropriate  subject  matter  of  such 
composition,  — either  a narrative  of  events,  or  events 
which  may  be  narrated.”  R.  Flint. 

2.  The  Proper  Subjects  and  Objects  of  His- 
tory: 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Practical  Bearings  of  European 
History,  1687-8  (1648-9). 

T.  B.  Macaulay  : History  (Essays),  1692  (1658). 

“The  perfect  historian  is  he  in  whose  work  the  char- 
acter and  spirit  of  an  age  is  exhibited  in  miniature.  . . 

By  judicious  selection,  rejection,  and  arrangement,  he 
gives  to  truth  those  attractions  which  have  been 
usurped  by  fiction.  . . . He  shows  us  the  court,  the 
camp,  and  the  senate  But  he  also  shows  us  the  na- 
tion. He  considers  no  anecdote,  no  peculiarity  of  man- 
ner, no  familiar  saying,  as  too  insignificant  for  his  no- 
tice, which  is  not  too  insignificant  to  illustrate  the 
operation  of  laws,  of  religion,  and  of  education,  and 
to  mark  the  progress  of  the  human  mind.”  T.  B.  Ma- 
caulay. 

3.  The  Philosophy  of  History  : 

R.  Flint:  Philosophy  of  History,  1688  (1649). 

4.  History  as  a Science  ; and  History  as  the 
Root  of  All  Science  : 

H.T.  Buckle:  History  of  Civilization  in  England, 

1688  (1649). 

J.  G.  Droysen:  Outline  of  the  Principles  of  His- 
tory, 1689  (1650). 

T.  Carlyle:  On  History  (Essays),  1689-90  (1650-1). 

“ There  is,  I speak  humbly,  in  common  with  Natural 
Science,  in  the  study  of  living  History,  a gradual  ap- 
proximation to  a consciousness  that  we  are  growing 

735 


into  a perception  of  the  workings  of  the  Almighty  ruler 
of  the  world.  . . . The  study  of  History  is  in  this  re- 
spect, as  Coleridge  said  of  Poetry,  its  own  great  reward, 
a thing  to  be  loved  and  cultivated  for  its  own  sake.  . . . 
For  one  great,  insoluble  problem  of  astronomy  or  geol- 
ogy, there  are  a thousand  insoluble  problems  in  the  life, 
in  the  character,  in  the  face  of  every  man  that  meets  you 
in  the  street.  Thus,  whether  we  look  at  the  dignity  of 
the  subject  matter,  or  at  the  nature  of  the  mental  ex- 
ercise which  it  requires,  or  at  the  nature  of  the  field 
over  which  the  pursuit  ranges,  History,  the  knowledge 
of  the  adventures,  the  development,  the  changeful  ca- 
reer, the  varied  growths,  the  ambitions,  aspirations, 
and,  if  you  like,  the  approximating  destinies  of  man- 
kind, claims  a place  second  to  none  in  the  roll  of  Sci- 
ences.” Bishop  Stubbs. 

5.  How  to  Study  History  : 

A.  B.  Hart : How  to  Study  History,  1693  (1654). 

6.  The  Educational  and  Practical  Value 
of  History  ; Its  Moral  Lessons  : 

J.  A.  Froude:  Short  Studies  on  Great  Subjects, 
1690  (1651). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky : The  Political  Value  of  History, 
1690  (1651). 

C.  K.  Adams:  Manual  of  Historical  Literature, 
1690-1  (1651-2). 

W.  Stubbs  : The  Study  of  Modern  History,  1691 
(1652). 

“The  effectof  historical  reading  is  analogous, in  many 
respects,  to  that  produced  by  foreign  travel.  The  stu- 
dent, like  the  tourist,  is  transported  into  a new  state  of 
society.  He  sees  new  fashions.  He  hears  new  modes 
of  expression.  His  mind  is  enlarged  by  contemplating 
the  wide  diversities  of  laws,  of  morals,  and  of  man- 
ners.” T.  B.  Macaulay. 

7.  The  Province  and  Value  of  the  Histori- 
cal Romance : 

G.  H.  Lewes:  Historical  Romance,  1692-3(1653-4). 
A.  Thierry:  The  Merovingian  Era,  1693  (1654). 
J.  R.  Seeley:  History  and  Politics,  1693  (1654). 

“ To  say  that  there  is  more  real  history  in  his  (Scott’s) 
novels  on  Scotland  and  England  than  in  the  philo- 
sophically false  compilations  which  still  possess  that 
great  name,  is  not  advancing  anything  strange  in  the 
eyes  of  those  who  have  read  and  understood  ‘ Old 
Mortality,’  ‘ Waverley,’  ‘ Rob  Roy,’  the  ‘ Fortunes  of 
Nigel,’  and  the  * Heart  of  Midlothian.’  ” A.  Thierry. 

“ We  can  hardly  read  the  interesting  Life  of  Lord 
Macaulay  without  perceiving  that  the  most  popular  his- 
torical work  of  modern  times  owes  its  origin  in  a great 
measure  to  the  Waverley  Novels.  Macaulay  grew  up  in 
a world  of  novels:  his  youth  and  early  manhood  wit- 
nessed the  appearance  of  the  Waverley  Novels  them- 
selves. He  became  naturally  possessed  by  the  idea 
which  is  expressed  over  and  over  again  in  his  Essays, 
and  which  at  last  he  realized  with  such  wonderful  suc- 
cess, the  idea  that  it  was  quite  possible  to  make  history 
as  interesting  as  romance.”  J.  R.  Seeley. 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


8.  The  Impohtance  of  a Knowledge  of  Uni- 
versal History: 

O.  Browning : The  Teaching  of  History  in 
Schools,  1604  (1655). 

“ To  know  History  is  impossible;  not  even  Mr.  Free- 
man, not  Professor  Ranke  himself,  can  be  said  to  know 
history.  . . . No  one,  therefore,  should  be  discouraged 
from  studying  History.  Its  greatest  service  is  not  so 
much  to  increase  our  knowledge  as  to  stimulate  thought 
and  broaden  our  intellectual  horizon,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose no  study  is  its  equal.”  W.  P.  Atkinson. 


* STUDY  II. 


THE  DAWN  OF  HISTORY  ; PRIMITIVE 
PEOPLES. 


I.  The  Three  Marked  Divisions  of  the  Hu- 
man Race  when  the  Earliest  Historic 
Record  begins: 

(a)  The  Aryan : 144,  145  (137,  138)  and  Ap- 
pendix A.,  Vol.  V.  (Yol.  I). 

( b ) The  Semitic  : 2963-2966  (2886-2889). 

(c)  The  Turanian:  3245,  1740,  2265  (3129, 
1701,  2221). 

2 These  Divisions  were  not  properly  Ra- 
cial, but  Linguistic,  though  Usage  has 
given  them  a Racial  Significance  : 

“ Aryan  in  Scientific  language  is  utterly  inapplicable 
to  race.  It  means  language,  and  nothing  but  language 
...  I have  declared  again  and  again  that  if  I say 
‘ Aryas,’  I mean  simply  those  who  speak  the  ‘Aryan’ 
language.”  Max  Muller. 

“ The  1 Semitic  race  ’ owes  its  name  to  a confusion  of 
ethnology  and  philology.  A certain  family  of  speech, 
composed  of  languages  closely  related  to  one  another, 
and  presupposing  a common  mother  tongue,  received 
the  title  of  ‘ Semitic  ’ . . . But  whatever  justification 
there  may  have  been  for  speaking  of  a Semitic  family 
of  languages,  there  was  none  for  speaking  of  a Semitic 
race.”  A.  H.  Sayce. 

3.  Birthplace  of  the  Aryans  : 

C.  F.  Keary:  The  Dawn  of  History,  144-5 
(137-8). 

J.  N.  Larned : A Historical  Sketch  of  Europe, 
1018  (990). 

J.  Rhys:  Race  Theories,  145  (138). 

4.  Early  Aryan  Migrations  : 

(a)  To  India. 

W.  W.  Hunter:  History  of  India,  1740-1 
(1701-2). 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  1741-2 
(1702-3). 

M.  Williams:  Religious  Thought  in  India,  1742 
(1703). 

(b)  To  Greece. 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  2603  (2535). 

C.  W.  C.  Oman : History  of  Greece,  1604-5 
(1566-7). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1019-21  (991-3). 

D.  G.  Hogarth  : Authority  and  Archaeology,  Yol. 
VI.,  23-5. 

(c)  To  Italy. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1016-17,  1845 
(988-9,  1805). 

F.  Haverfield:  Authority  and  Archaeology,  Vol. 
VI.,  25. 

(d)  To  Western  Europe. 

J.  Rhys : Celtic  Britain,  412  (402). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1019  (991). 

(e)  In  General. 

Appendix  A.  at  end  of  Volume  V.  (Volume  I.). 
Ethnological  Map,  before  Title  Page,  Volume  I. 


5.  Origin  of  the  Semitic  Peoples  : 

George  Adam  Smith:  Historical  Geography  of 
the  Holy  Land,  2964-5  (2887-8). 

6.  The  Various  Divisions  of  the  Semites  : 

(a)  In  General. 

J.  F.  McCurdy  : History,  Prophecy,  and  the 
Monuments,  2963-4  (2886-7). 

( b ) The  Babylonian. 

J F.  McCurdy : History,  Prophecy,  and  the 
Monuments,  2965-6  (2888-9). 

Z.  A.  Ragozin:  The  Story  of  Chaldea,  246-7 
(239-40). 

A.  H.  Sayce  : Recent  Discoveries  in  Babylonia, 
Vol.  VI.,  14-15. 

(c)  The  Canaanitic  and  Phoenician. 

F.  Lenormant : Ancient  History  of  East,  2598-9 
(2530-1). 

(d)  The  Hebraic. 

A.  Kuenen  : Religion  of  Israel,  1936  (1895). 

H.  Ewald:  History  of  Israel,  1937  (1896). 

S.  R.  Driver:  Authority  and  Archaeology,  Vol. 
VI.,  12. 

7.  Distinctive  Characteristics  of  Semites, 
and  their  Contribution  to  the  World 
Civilization  : 

A.  H Sayce  : Babylonian  Literature,  246  (239). 

E.  Renan:  Studies  in  Religious  History,  2965 
(2888). 

“ We  owe  to  the  Semitic  race  neither  political  life, 
art,  poetry,  philosophy,  nor  Science.  What,  then,  do 
we  owe  to  them  ? We  owe  to  them  Religion.  The  whole 
world,  if  we  except  India,  China,  Japan,  and  tribes  al- 
together savage,  has  adopted  the  Semitic  religion.”  E. 
Renan. 

8.  Relation  between  the  Early  Semites 
and  the  Primitive  Chinese: 

R.  K.  Douglas:  China,  430-2  (416-18). 

T.  de  Lacouperie:  History  of  Chinese  Civiliza- 
tion, 246  (239). 

9.  Origin  and  Racial  Connections  of  the 
Primitive  Egyptian  Peoples: 

H.  Brugsch  Bey : Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs, 
777  (750). 

G.  Rawlinsou.  History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  777 
(750). 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie:  Recent  Research  in  Egypt, 
Vol.  VI.,  18-20. 

10.  The  Earliest  Semites  known  to  His- 
tory : 

J.  F.  McCurdy:  History,  Prophecy,  and  the 
Monuments,  2965-6  (2888-9). 

Max  Muller:  The  Enormous  Antiquity  of  the 
East,  2966  (2889). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Babylonian  Literature,  246  (239). 

“ The  Babylonians  were  . . . the  first  of  the  Semites 
to  enter  the  arena  of  history,  and  they  did  so  by  virtue 
of  the  civilization  to  which  they  attained  in  and 
through  their  settlement  on  the  lower  Euphrates  and 
Tigris.”  J.  F.  McCurdy. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  1. 


♦STUDY  III. 


THE  LIFE  OF  PRIMITIVE  PEOPLES; 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RESEARCH. 


1.  General  Character  of  Work  of  Exca- 
vation of  Buried  Cities  : 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie.  The  Story  of  a “Tell,”  782(755). 


73G 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


G.  Smith:  Assyrian  Discoveries,  149-50  (143). 

H.  V.  Hilprecht : Recent  Research  in  Bible 
Lands,  Vol.  VI.,  12. 

: Sunday  School  Times,  Vol.  VI.,  13. 

2.  Prehistoric  Culture  and  Civilization: 

(a)  Babylonia. 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Babylonian  Literature,  246  (239). 
J.  F.  McCurdy:  History,  Prophecy,  and  The 
Monuments,  2965-6  (2888-9). 

S.  R.  Driver  : Authority  and  Archaeology,  Vol. 
VI.,  12. 

Perrot  and  Chipiez : Art  in  Chaldaea  and  Assyria, 
2969  (2892). 

“ When  civilization  makes  up  its  mind  to  reenter  upon 
that  country,  nothing  more  will  be  needed  for  the  re- 
awakening in  it  of  life  and  reproductive  energy,  than 
the  restoration  of  the  great  works  undertaken  by  the 
contemporaries  of  Abraham  and  Jacob.”  Perrot  and 
Chipiez. 

(b)  Egypt. 

H.  G.  Tomkins:  Studies  on  Times  of  Abraham, 
778-9  (751-2). 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie : Recent  Egyptian  Exploration, 
Vol.  VI.,  20,  21. 

( c ) Greece. 

C.  W.  C.  Oman : History  of  Greece,  1605,  last 
column,  (1567). 

P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 
1605-6  (1567-8). 

S.  H.  Butcher:  Aspects  of  Greek  Genius,  1675 
(1636). 

A.  J.  Evans  : London  Times,  Vol.  VI.,  23,  24. 

A.  L.  Frothingham : Archaeological  Progress, 
Vol.  VI. , 25. 

(d)  Italy  and  Rome. 

Padre  de  Cara:  The  Academy,  1845  (1805). 

J.  N.  Larned : Europe,  1020-1  (992-3). 

F.  de  Coulanges:  The  Ancient  City,  2731  (2657). 
Goldwin  Smith : The  Greatness  of  the  Romans, 
2732-3  (2658-9). 

“ It  may  seem  a paradox,  but  we  suspect  that  in  their 
imperial  ascendency  is  seen  one  of  the  earliest  and  not 
least  important  steps  in  that  gradual  triumph  of  intel- 
lect over  force,  even  in  war,  which  has  been  an  essential 
part  of  the  progress  of  civilization.  The  happy  day  may 
come  when  Science  in  the  form  of  a benign  old  gentle- 
man with  a bald  head  and  spectacles  on  nose,  holding 
some  beneficent  compound  in  his  hand,  will  confront  a 
standing  army,  and  the  standing  army  will  cease  to 
exist.  That  will  be  the  final  victory  of  intellect.  But 
in  the  meantime,  our  acknowledgments  are  due  to  the 
primitive  inventors  of  military  discipline.  They  shiv- 
ered Goliath’s  spear.”  Goldwin  Smith. 

(e)  India. 

W.  W.  Hunter:  History  of  Indian  People,  1740-1 
(1701-2). 

If)  China. 

R.  K.  Douglas  : China,  430-2  (416-18). 

3.  Early  Language  and  Literature  : 

(a)  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

A.  H.  Sayce : Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
150,  245-6,  664-5  (143,  238-9,  641-2). 

: Social  Life  of  Assyrians  and  Babylonians, 

2044  (2000). 

: Races  of  the  Old  Testament,  2963  (2886) 

A.  Lef^vre:  Race  and  Language,  2971  (2894). 

(b)  Egypt. 

H.  Brugsch-Bey:  History  of  Egypt,  777  (750). 

M.  Duncker : History  of  Antiquity,  777  (750). 

E.  A.  W.  Budge : The  Mummy,  1684-5  (1645-6). 
A.  Mariette-Bey:  Monuments  of  Upper  Egypt, 
2826  (2752). 

(c)  Phoenicia. 

Perrot  and  Chipiez : Art  in  Phoenicia,  2601  end 
of  last  column,  (2533). 


{d')  Greece 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1674-5  (1635-6). 
W.  E.  Gladstone : Homer,  1699-1700  (1660-1). 
W.  Leaf:  Companion  to  the  Iliad,  1700  (1661). 

A.  Lang : Homer  and  the  Epic,  1700  (1661). 

D.  G.  Hogarth:  Authority  and  Archa:ology, 
Vol.  VI.,  25. 

( e ) Italy  and  Rome. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1845  (1805). 

G.  A.  Simcox : History  of  Latin  Literature,  2734 
(2660). 

(/)  India. 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  1741-2 
(1702-3). 

M.  Williams:  Religious  Thought  in  India,  1742 
(1703). 

4.  Education  : 

(a)  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

A.  H.  Sayce : Babylonian  Literature,  246,  697-8 
(239,  674-5). 

: Social  Life  among  the  Babylonians,  698 

(675). 

: Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments,  150 

(143). 

“ The  primitive  Chaldeans  were  preeminently  a lit- 
erary people,  and  it  is  by  their  literary  relics,  by  the 
scattered  contents  of  their  libraries,  that  we  can  know 
and  judge  them.  As  befitted  the  inventors  of  a sys- 
tem of  writing,  like  the  Chinese  they  set  the  highest 
value  on  education,  even  though  examinations  may 
have  been  unknown  among  them.  Education,  how- 
ever, was  widely  diffused.”  A.  H.  Sayce. 

(b)  Egypt. 

G.  Maspero  : Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  697  (674). 

H.  Brugsch-Bey  : History  of  Egypt,  697  (674). 

“ In  the  education  of  youth  the  Egyptians  were  partic- 
ularly strict;  and  ‘they  knew,’  says  Plato,  ‘that  chil- 
dren ought  to  be  early  accustomed  to  such  gestures, 
looks,  and  motions,  as  are  decent  and  proper;  and  not 
to  be  suffered  either  to  hear  or  learn  any  verses  and 
songs  other  than  those  which  are  calculated  to  inspire 
them  with  virtue.’  ” J.  G.  Wilkinson. 

( c ) Greece. 

(1)  Athenian. 

Plato:  Protagoras,  701  (678). 

Aristotle:  Politics,  701-2  (678-9). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy : Old  Greek  Education,  703  (680). 

J.  A.  St.  John:  The  Hellenes,  703-4  (680-681). 
W.  W.  Capes:  University  Life  in  Ancient 
Athens,  5 (5). 

Guhl  and  Koner : Life  of  Greeks  and  Romans, 
1657  (1619). 

(2)  Spartan. 

C.  Thirlwall : History  of  Greece,  704-5  (681-2). 

(d)  Alexandria. 

J.  H.  Newman:  Historical  Sketches,  708  (685). 

(e)  Rome. 

J.  J.  Dollinger:  Gentile  and  Jew,  708-9  (685-6). 
(/)  Judcea. 

E.  Schilrer  : History  of  Jewish  People,  700  (677). 
H.  Graetz  : History  of  the  Jews,  700-1  (677-8). 

(g)  China. 

W.  A.  P.  Martin:  The  Chinese,  698-9  (675-6). 

(A)  Persia. 

G.  Rawlinson:  The  Five  Great  Monarchies, 
699-700  (676-7). 

5.  Religion: 

(a)  China. 

R.  K.  Douglas : China,  432-3  (418-19). 

(b)  Egypt. 

A.  B.  Edwards:  The  Academy,  305  (296). 

(c)  Greece. 

C.  C.  Felton : Greece,  Ancient  and  Modern,  804-5, 
2453  (777-8,  2401). 


T61 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


E.  Curtins:  History  of  Greece,  2452  (2400). 

W.  M.  Leake:  Topography  of  Athens,  2451 
(2399). 

C.  Tliirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  2451  (2399). 

G.  Grote : History  of  Greece,  680  (657). 

(d)  India. 

M.  Williams:  Religious  Thought  in  India,  1742 
(1703). 

: Hinduism,  1743-4  (1704-5). 

J.  T.  Wheeler:  History  of  India,  406  (396). 

(e)  Persia. 

G.  Rawlinson  : Religions  of  the  Ancient  World, 
3788-9  (3666-7). 

M.  Haug  : Lectures  on  Zoroaster,  3790  (3668). 

(/)  Rome. 

T.  Arnold : History  of  Rome,  2981  (2903). 

H.  Macmillan:  Roman  Mosaics,  2981  (2903). 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  195  (188). 

W.  Ramsay:  Roman  Antiquities,  196-7(189-90). 
Guhl  and  Kouer:  Greeks  and  Romans,  3743 
(3623). 

N.  Hawthorne:  The  Marble  Faun,  2476  (2417). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


Note.  — In  nearly  all  cases,  in  the  Studies  that 
follow,  all  chronological  divisions  previous  to  the 
sixth  or  seventh  centuries  b.  c.  must  be  regarded 
as  approximate  only.  The  dates  given  are  those 
generally  accepted  by  the  best  scholars  of  the 
present  day. 


* STUDY  IY. 


BABYLONIA  AND  ASSYRIA. 


1.  Geography: 

G.  Rawlinson:  Five  Great  Monarchies,  2198 
(2154). 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History  of  the  East,  2964 
(2887). 

G.  Adam  Smith:  Historical  Geography  of  the 
Holy  Land,  2964  (2887). 

2.  Chaldea-Babylonia: 

A.  H.  Sayce  : Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
245-6  (239),  and  following  authorities. 

3.  The  Accadians,  Sumerians,  Elamites,  and 
Cushites  : 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Babylonian  Literature,  246,  698 
(239,  675). 

: Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments,  150,  246 

(143,  239). 

: Races  of  the  Old  Testament,  2963  (2886). 

Z.  A.  Ragozin:  Story  of  Chaldea,  795(768). 

J.  F.  McCurdy  : History,  Prophecy,  and  Monu 
ments,  2965-6  (2888-9). 

Dr.  Tiele  : History  of  Babylonia,  2967  (2890). 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  Historv  of  the  East, 
128-9  (121-2). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Contemporary  Review,  Vol.  VI., 
14. 

4.  The  Era  of  City  States  (5000  to  3800  b.  c.): 
Z.  A.  Ragozin:  Story  of  Chaldea,  246-7  (239-40). 

5.  Conquests  of  Sargon  I.  (3750  b.  c.): 

Dr.  Tiele  : History  of  Babylonia,  2967  (2890). 

F.  Max  Muller:  EnormouS  Antiquity  of  the 

East,  2966  (2889). 

Z.  A.  Ragozin : Story  of  Chaldea,  247  (240). 


A.  H.  Sayce:  Contemporary  Review,  Vol.  VI., 
13,  14. 

6.  Hammurabi  establishes  the  First  Baby- 
lonian Empire  (2250  b.  c.): 

E.  J.  Simcox:  Primitive  Civilizations,  2967(2890). 
J.  F.  McCurdy : History,  Prophecy,  and  the- 
Monuments,  2967  (2890). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Ancient  Empires  of  the  East,  247 
(240). 

7.  The  City  of  Babylon: 

A.  H.  Sayce : Ancient  Empires  of  the  East,  247 
(240). 

G.  Rawlinson : Herodotus,  245  (238). 

W.  B.  Wright:  Ancient  Cities,  2969-70  (2893). 

B.  T.  A.  Evetts:  New  Light  on  the  Bible  and 
Holy  Land,  2970-1  (2893-4). 

8.  The  Kassite  Empire  and  Egyptian  Inva- 
sions (1800-1250  b.  c.): 

J.  F.  McCurdy:  History,  Prophecy,  and  the 
Monuments,  2967  (2890). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Higher  Criticism  and  Verdict  of 
the  Monuments,  2968  (2891). 

A.  Lefevre  : Race  and  Language,  2968  (2891). 

G.  Rawlinson  : History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  779- 
80  (752-3). 

9.  Assyria  gains  and  holds  Supremacy  (1250- 
600  b.  c.): 

Perrot  and  Chipiez  : History  of  Art  in  Chaldea 
and  Assyria,  2968-9  (2891-2). 

L.  von  Ranke:  Universal  History,  2969  (2892). 

10.  The  City  of  Nineveh: 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monu- 
ments, 2967-8(2891.) 

: Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments,  150' 

(143). 

Z.  A.  Ragozin:  Story  of  Chaldea,  2415  (2363). 
Perrot  and  Chipiez : History  of  Art  in  Chaldea 
and  Assyria,  2969  (2892). 

11.  The  Last  Babylonian  Empire  (625-536> 
b.  c.): 

E.  A.  W.  Budge:  Babylonian  Life  and  History, 
2969  (2892). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Ancient  Empires  of  East,  247 (240).. 

: Introduction  to  Books  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah, 

and  Esther,  2577-8  (2510-11). 

: Ancient  Empires  of  the  East,  2577  (2510). 

12.  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Life  : 

(a)  Literature. 

A.  H.  Sayce  : Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
245-6(238-9). 

: Babylonian  Literature,  246,  697-8  (239, 

674-5). 

: Social  Life  among  the  Babylonians,  698- 

(675). 

A.  V.  Hilprecht : Sunday  School  Times,  Vol. 
VI.,  15-16. 

( b ) Education. 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Babylonian  Literature,  698  (675). 

: Social  Life  Among  the  Babylonians,  698 

(675). 

: Contemporary  Review,  Vol.  VI.,  14. 

(c)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  3207-8  (3697). 

E.  J.  Lubbock  : History  of  Money,  2243  (2199). 
Sir  J.  Simcox  : Primitive  Civilizations,  2243-4 

(2200). 

(d)  Treatment  of  Diseases. 

G.  Rawlinson  : Herodotus,  2166  (2122). 

F.  Lenormant : Chaldean  Magic,  2166-7  (2122-3).. 


738 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


13.  The  Pre-eminent  Figures  in  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  History  : 

Sargon  I b.  c.  3750 

Hammurabi 2250 

Tiglathpileser  1 1110-1090 

Tiglatlipileser  III.  . . . 745-727 

Sargou  II 722-705 

Sennacherib 705-681 

Assurbanipal  (Sardanapalus)  668-626 
Nebuchadnezzar  ....  605-562 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  V. 


EGYPT. 


1.  Origin  op  the  Name  and  People  : 

H.  Brugsch-Bey  : History  of  Egypt,  776  (749). 

R.  S.  Poole  : Cities  of  Egypt,  776  (749). 

G.  Rawlinson  : History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  777 

(750) . 

M.  Duncker  : History  of  Antiquity,  777  (750). 

A.  H.  Keane : The  African  Races,  17  (19). 

2.  Historical  Antiquity: 

H.  Brugsch-Bey  • History  of  Egypt,  776-7  (750). 
W.  M.  F.  Petrie : History  of  Egypt,  777  (3743). 
: Address,  Yol.  VI.,  20-1. 

3.  Prehistoric  Civilization  : 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie  : Recent  Egyptian  Exploration, 
Yol.  VI.,  20. 

4.  The  Old  and  Middle  Empires  (4700-2750 
b.  c.); 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History,  777-8,  2127 
(750-1,  2083). 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie:  Recent  Research  in  Egypt, 
Vol.  VI.,  18-19. 

: History  of  Egypt,  777-8  (750-1). 

R.  S.  Poole:  Cities  of  Egypt,  2196,  3189  (2152, 
3104). 

5.  The  Pyramids,  and  the  Obelisks;  “Cleo- 
patra’s Needles 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History,  777  (750). 

G.  Rawlinson  : Ancient  Egypt,  780  (753). 

6.  TheHyksos,  or  Shepherd  Kings  (2150-1700 
b.  c.),  and  Sojourn  op  Abraham: 

G.  Rawlinson:  History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  778 

(751) . 

E.  Wilson:  The  Egypt  of  the  Past,  778  (751). 

E.  A.  W.  Budge : The  Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  1937 
(1896). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Ancient  Egypt,  1937  (1896). 

E.  Renan : The  People  of  Israel,  1937-8  (1896-7). 
A.  H.  Sayce:  The  Hittites,  116,1695  (109,  1656). 

H.  Brugsch-Bey  : Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  779 

(752) . 

7.  The  Eighteenth  Dynasty  ; the  New  Em- 
pire (1600-1300  b.  c.): 

G.  Rawlinson  ; History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  779- 
80  (752-3). 

C.  Bezold:  Oriental  Diplomacy,  781  (754). 

A.  Lefeivre:  Race  and  Language,  2968  (2891). 

8.  Israel  in  Egypt  (1750-1300  b.  c.): 

E.  A.W.  Budge:  Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  1937  (1896). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Ancient  Egypt,  1937  (1896). 

H.  Brugsch-Bey:  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs, 
1937  (1896). 


F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History,  782  (755). 

R.  S.  Poole  : Ancient  Egypt,  782  (755). 

9.  Decline  op  Empire  op  the  Pharaohs  ; 
Assyrian  Conquest  (1200-525  b.  c.): 

G.  Rawlinson  : History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  782-3 
(755-6). 

-.  Five  Great  Monarchies,  783  (756). 

10.  The  Persian  Conquest  (525-332  b.  c.): 

G.  Rawlinson:  Five  Great  Monarchies,  784  (757). 
P.  Smith:  Ancient  History,  784  (757). 

A.  H.  Sayce  : Int.  to  Books  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah, 
and  Esther,  2578  (2511). 

11.  Ancient  Egyptian  Life  and  Culture: 

(a)  Literature  and  Art. 

A.  B.  Edwards  : The  Academy,  305  (296). 
Edinburgh  Review  : The  Tel  El-Amarna  Tablets, 
780  (753). 

C.  Bezold  : Oriental  Diplomacy,  781  (754). 

W.  M.  F.  Petrie  : Recent  Egyptian  Exploration, 
Vol.  VI.,  20-1. 

( b ) Education. 

J.  G.  Wilkinson,  and  others,  696-7  (673-4). 

( c ) Trade  and  Commerce. 

Earliest  Records  of  Trade,  3207  (3696). 

Sir  J.  Lubbock:  History  of  Money,  2243  (2199), 

E.  J.  Simcox : Primitive  Civilizations,  2244  (2200), 
M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  2600  (2532). 

F.  Lenormant:  History  of  the  East,  129  (122). 

P.  Gardner : New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 

785-6  (758-9). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  3211-13 
(3700-2). 

(d)  Treatment  of  Diseases. 

G.  Rawlinson  and  others,  2164-6  (2120-22). 

12.  The  Conquest  of  Alexander  and  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Ptolemies  (332-30  b.  c.): 

C.  Thirlwall  : History  of  Greece,  785  (758). 

J.  P.  Maliaffy  : Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
2103  (2059). 

A.  H.  L.  Heeren:  Ancient  History,  2104  (2060). 
T.  Timayenis:  History  of  Greece,  2106  (2062). 

S.  Sharpe : History  of  Egypt,  785,  also  786  (758, 
759). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  786  (759). 

13.  The  City  op  Alexandria  : 

J.  P.  Mahaffy : The  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
44-5  (37-8). 

A.  Hirtius:  The  Alexandrian  War,  46  (39). 

J.  J.  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church,  2295-6 
(2247-8). 

E.  Gibbon : Decline  and  Fall  of  Roman  Empire, 
46,  also  47  (39,  40). 

H.  H.  Milman:  History  of  Latin  Christianity, 
47  (40). 

Sir  W.  Muir:  Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate, 
2115  (2070). 

E.  Kirkpatrick:  Development  of  Superior  In- 
struction, 707-8  (684^5). 

Fraser’s  Magazine:  Historical  Researches  on  the 
Burning  of  the  Library  of  Alexandria  by  Sara- 
cens, 2047-8  (2003-4). 

The  American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  Vol.  VI., 
28. 

14.  The  Moslem  Conquest  (640-646  a.  d.)  : 

Sir  W.  Muir:  Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate, 

2114-15  (2069-70). 

15.  Egypt  and  the  Crusades (1216-1254  a.d.): 
G.  Procter:  The  Crusades,  656-7  (633-4). 

T.  L.  Kington:  History  of  Frederick  II.,  657 
(634). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


F.  P.  Guizot.  History  of  France,  657-8  (634-5). 

16.  Tiie  Ottoman  Conquest  (1517  a.  d.)  : 

S.  Lane-Poole : The  Story  of  Turkey,  3254  (3138). 

17.  Overthrow  of  tiie  Ottoman  Power  by 
Napoleon  (1798): 

W.  Massey : History  of  England,  1354-5  (1321-2). 
J.  G.  Lockhart:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1357-9(1324-6). 

18.  Overthrow  of  French  Power  by  Eng- 
land, and  Restoration  of  Egypt  to  Tur- 
key (1801-2  a.d.): 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  English  People,  1368-9 
(1335-6). 

19.  Bankruptcy  of  the  State  and  English 
Occupation  (1875-1883): 

H.  Yogt:  The  Egyptian  War  of  1882,  792  (765). 
J.  E.  Bowen:  Conflict  of  East  and  West  in 
Egypt,  792-4  (765-7). 

E.  Dicey.  Egypt,  Vol.  VI.,  198. 

20.  The  Anglo-Egyptian  Condominium  (1899) : 
Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command;  Egypt, 

Vol.  VI.,  201-3. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  VI. 


THE  JEWS. 


1.  The  National  Names  : 

H.  Ewald  : History  of  Israel,  1936  (1895). 

A.  P.  Stanley  : History  of  Jewish  Church,  1936 
(1895). 

2.  The  Origin  of  the  People  and  their 
Racial  Connections: 

Geo.  Adam  Smith  : Hist.  Geography  of  the  Holy 
Land,  2964-5  (2887-8). 

A.  H.  Sayce : Races  of  the  Old  Testament,  2963 
(2886). 

J.  F.  McCurdy  : History,  Prophecy,  and  the 
Monuments,  2963-4  (2886-7). 

A.  LefSvre:  Race  and  Language,  2971  (2804). 

3.  The  Migration  of  Abraham  (2200  b.  c.)  : 
E.  A.  W.  Budge : Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  1937 

(1896). 

E.  Wilson  : Egypt  of  the  Past,  778  (751). 

H.  Ewald  : History  of  Israel,  1937  (1896). 

4.  The  Principal  Nations  with  whom  Israel 
came  in  Contact: 

(a)  The  Canaanites. 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
365  (355). 

A Kuenen : The  Religion  of  Israel,  1936  (1895). 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History  of  East,  2599 
(2531). 

(b)  The  Hittites. 

A.  H.  Sayce:  The  Hittites,  1695  (1656). 

Padre  de  Cara:  Civilita  Cattolica,  1845  (1805). 

(c)  The  Amorites. 

A.  H.  Sayce:  The  Hittites,  116  (109). 

(d)  The  Moabites. 

A.  H.  Sayce : Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
2237  (2193). 

(e)  The  Philistines. 

F.  W.  Newman : History  of  the  Hebrew  Mon- 
archy, 2598  (2530). 

Geo.  Adam  Smith : Hist.  Geography  of  the  Holy 
Land,  2598  (2530). 


5.  The  Sojourn  of  Israel  in  Egypt (1750-1300 
b.  c.) : 

II.  Brugsch-Bey:  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs, 
779,  1937  (752,  1896). 

E.  A.  W.  Budge:  Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  1937 
(1896). 

E.  Iienan:  The  People  of  Israel,  1937-8(1896-7). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Ancient  Egypt,  1937  (1896). 

6.  The  Exodus  and  the  Settlement  in  Ca- 
naan (1300-1230  B.  C.) : 

E.  Naville:  The  Store-City  Pithom,  1938  (1897). 

F.  Lenormant : History  of  the  East,  782  (755). 

It.  S.  Poole : Ancient  Egypt,  782  (755). 

E.  Naville : Route  of  the  Exodus,  1938-9 
(1897-8). 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  1939-40 
(1898-9). 

7.  The  Judges  (1250-1075  b.  c.)  : 

Dean  Stanley  : Lectures  on  Jewish  Church,  1940 
(1899). 

S.  Sharpe:  History  of  the  Hebrew  Nation,  1940-1 
(1899-1900). 

W.  Robertson  Smith:  The  Prophets  of  Israel, 
1941  (1900). 

Dean  Stanley:  Lectures  on  Jewish  Church,  701 
(678). 

8.  Jerusalem  the  National  Capital  : 

T.  Lewin : Jerusalem,  1921  (1880). 

F.  W.  Newman:  History  of  the  Hebrew  Mon- 
archy, 1922  (1881). 

Josephus  : Antiquities,  1922  (1881). 

L.  von  Ranke  : Universal  History,  1942  (1901). 

9.  The  Single  Monarchy  (1075-950  b.  c.)  : 

L.  von  Ranke  : Universal  History,  1941-2  (1900- 
1901). 

H.  Graetz  : History  of  the  Jews,  1943  (1902). 

E.  Renan  : The  People  of  Israel,  1943-4  (1902-3). 
H.  Ewald  ; History  of  Israel,  3210  (3699). 

10.  The  Divided  Kingdom  ; Israel,  Judah 
(950-730  b.  c.): 

Dean  Stanley:  Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Church, 

1944  (1903). 

W.  Robertson  Smith : The  Prophets  of  Israel, 

1945  (1904). 

J.  Wellhausen:  History  of  Israel  and  Judah, 

1945  (1904). 

A.  H.  Sayce : Life  and  Times  of  Isaiah,  1945 
(1904). 

Dean  Stanley : Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Church, 

1946  (1905). 

11.  Samaria,  the  Capital  City  of  Israel  : 
Dean  Stanley:  Lectures  on  Jewish  Church,  1944 

(1903). 

W.  Robertson  Smith:  The  Prophets  of  Israel, 
1944  (1904). 

H.  Ewald  : History  of  Israel,  2871  (2796). 

H.  Graetz  : History  of  the  Jews,  2871-2  (2796-7). 
H.  H.  Milman  : History  of  the  Jews,  2872  (2797). 

12.  The  Kingdom  of  JuDAn  (724-598  b.  c.): 

M.  Arnold:  Isaiah  of  Jerusalem,  1946  (1905). 

J.  Wellhausen:  Israel  and  Judah,  1946  (1905). 

S.  R.  Driver:  Isaiah,  1946-7  (1905-6). 

C.  G.  Montefiore : Lectures  on  Religion,  1947-8 
(1906-7). 

A.  Kuenen  : Religion  of  Israel,  1948  (1907). 

J.  Wellhausen  : Israel  and  Judah,  1945  (1904). 

13.  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration  (598- 
332  b.  c.): 

II.  II.  Milman : History  of  the  Jews,  1948-9 
(1907-8). 


740 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


A.  Kuenen  : Religion  of  Israel,  1949  (1908). 

1'.  H.  Hunter  : After  the  Exile,  1949-50  (1908-9). 
M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  1950-1 
(1909-10). 

J.  J.  DOllinger:  Gentile  and  Jew,  1952  (1911). 
H.  H.  Milman  : History  of  the  Jews,  1952(1911). 
A.  H.  Sayce:  Ancient  Empires  of  the  East,  2577 
(2510). 

: Introduction  to  Books  of  Ezra,  etc. , 2577-8 

(2510-11). 

14.  The  Gkeek  Dominion  and  tiie  Macca- 
bean  War  (332-40  b.  c.): 

J.  P.  Mahaffy : Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
2102-3  (2058-9). 

G.  Rawliuson : Sixth  Great  Oriental  Monarchy, 
2960  (2883). 

C.  Thirlwall : History  of  Greece,  2960  (2883). 

H.  Ewald  : History  of  Israel,  1953  (1912). 

J.  J.  Dollinger  : Gentile  and  Jew,  1954  (1913). 
E.  H.  Palmer : History  of  Jewish  Nation,  1954 
(1913). 

W.  D.  Morrison:  Jews  under  Roman  Rule, 
1954-5  (1913-14). 

J.  H.  Allen : Hebrew  Men  and  Times,  1955  (1914). 
T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1956  (1915). 

E.  Schilrer : History  of  Jewish  People,  1957 
(1916). 

T.  Keim  : History  of  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1958  (1917). 
E.  Schilrer,  History  of  the  Jewish  People,  1677-8 
(1638-9). 

15.  Herod  and  the  Herodians  ; Roman  Su- 
premacy (b.  c.  40-a.  d.  44) : 

T.  Keim : History  of  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1958-9 
(1917-18). 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1960  (1919). 

H.  H.  Milman  : History  of  the  Jews,  1960  (1919). 

16.  The  Birth  of  Jesus  and  the  Fall  of 
Jerusalem  (b.  c.  8-a.  d.  70) : 

T.  Keim : History  of  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1960-1 
(1919-20). 

E.  de  Pressense:  Jesus  Christ,  1961-2  (1920-21). 
C.  Merivale  : History  of  the  Romans,  1962  (1921). 
Besant  and  Palmer  : Jerusalem,  1962-3  (1921-2). 
H.  H.  Milman:  History  of  the  Jews,  1963(1922). 

“ Nations  that  are  fitted  to  play  a part  in  universal 
history  must  die  first  that  the  world  may  live  through 
them.'  A people  must  choose  between  the  prolonged 
life,  the  tranquil  and  obscure  destiny  of  one  who  lives 
for  himself,  and  the  troubled,  stormy  career  of  one  who 
lives  for  humanity.  The  nation  which  revolves  within 
its  breast  social  and  religious  problems  is  always  weak 
politically.  Thus  it  was  with  the  Jews,  who  in  order  to 
make  the  religious  conquest  of  the  world  must  needs 
disappear  as  a nation.  They  lost  a material  city;  they 
opened  the  reign  of  the  Spiritual  Jerusalem.”  Renan. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  VII. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  INDIA  AND 
CHINA. 


A.  INDIA. 

I.  The  Name,  and  Original  Inhabitants  : 

J.  R.  Seeley  : The  Expansion  of  England,  1739- 
40  (1701). 

H.  G.  Keene:  History  of  Hindustan,  1740  (1701). 
C.  F.  Keary:  Dawn  of  History,  144-5  (137-8). 
W.  W.  Hunter:  History  of  Indian  People,  1740-1 
(1701-2). 

See  Maps  of  India,  1748  (1708). 


2.  The  Aryan  Conquest  (b.  c.  1500-1400  (?)): 
M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  1741-2' 

(1702-3). 

M.  Williams  : Religious  Life  in  India,  1742(1703). 

3.  Tiie  Invasion  and  Conquests  of  Alexan- 
der the  Great  (b.  c.  327-322) : 

J.  T.  Wheeler  : History  of  India,  1742-3(1703^4), 
C.  A.  Fyffe  : History  of  Greece,  2103  (2059). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Sixth  Great  Oriental  Monarchy, 
2960  (2883). 

4.  The  Spread  of  Buddhism  (b.  c.  312-): 

M.  Williams  : Hinduism,  1743-4  (1704-5). 

V.  Smith:  London  Times,  Vol.  VI.,  57-8. 

5.  Trade  and  Commerce  : 

Mrs.  Manning  : Ancient  and  Mediaeval  India, 
3208  (3697). 

M.  Duncker  : History  of  Antiquity,  3208  (3697). 

B.  CHINA. 

1.  The  Name  and  Geography  of  the 
Country: 

H.  Yule:  Cathay,  428  (416). 

E.  Reclus  : The  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants,  428-30. 

2.  The  Origin  and  Early  History  of  the 
People: 

T.  de  Lacouperie  : Babylonia  and  China,  246 
(239). 

: History  of  Chinese  Civilization,  246  (239). 

R.  K.  Douglas : China,  431-2  (416-18). 

3.  Life  of  the  Early  People  : 

(a)  Religion. 

R.  K.  Douglas : China,  432-3  (418-19). 

T.  W.  Rhys  Davids  : Buddhism,  433  (419). 

(b)  Education. 

W.  A.  P.  Martin : The  Chinese,  699  (675-6). 

(c)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

Sir  J.  Lubbock : History  of  Money,  2244-5 
(2200-01). 

E.  J.  Simcox : Primitive  Civilizations,  3215 
(3704). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  VIII. 


EARLY  GREECE  AND  THE  PERSIAN 
WARS. 


“ Our  interest  in  Ancient  history,  it  may  be  said,  lies 
not  in  large  masses.  It  matters  little  how'  early  the  Ar- 
cadians acquired  a political  unity  or  what  Nabis  did  to 
Mycenae;  that  which  interests  us  is  the  Constitution  of 
Athens,  the  repulse  of  Persia,  the  brief  bloom  of 
Thebes.”  S.  H.  Botcher. 

1.  The  Land,  and  its  Influence  upon  the 
People : 

C.  Thirlwall : History  of  Greece,  3192  (3107). 

E.  Reclus:  The  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants,  1603 
(1565). 

E.  A.  Freeman : Practical  Bearings  of  European 
History,  1604  (1566). 

F.  B.  Jevons : History  of  Greek  Literature,  1676-7 
(1637-8). 

C.  A.  Fyffe  : History  of  Greece,  1606  (1568). 

E.  Abbott : History  of  Greece,  1606  (1568). 

2.  The  Earliest  Inhabitants  : 

(a)  In  General. 

E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  2562-3  (2496-7). 
E.  Abbott : History  of  Greece,  2563  (2497). 


741 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


C.  F.  Keary  : The  Dawn  of  History,  145  (138). 
E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1674-5  (1635-6). 

(b)  The  Pelopids  and  Mycenae. 

G.  Grote : History  of  Greece,  2563  (2497). 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  2563  (2497). 

P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  of  Greek  History, 
1605-6  (1567-8). 

E.  Curtius : History  of  Greece,  3241-2  (3125-6). 
The  Nation:  Dr.  Schliemann’s  Work,  3242(3126). 

(c)  The  Cretans  and  Knossos. 

G.  Schomann  : Antiquities  of  Greece,  647  (624). 
A.  J.  Evans:  London  Times,  Vol.  VI.,  23-4. 

D.  G.  Hogarth:  Authority  and  Archaeology,  Vol. 
VI.,  24-5. 

A.  L.  Frothingham:  Archaeological  Progress, 
Vol.  VI.,  25. 

3.  Early  Migrations: 

(a)  In  General. 

C.  W.  C.  Oman : History  of  Greece,  1605  (1567). 

E.  Abbott : History  of  Greece,  146-7  (139-40). 
(5)  Dorians  and  Ionians. 

C.  O.  Muller  : History  of  Dorian  Race,  687,  1682 
(664,  1643). 

E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  687  (664). 

G.  Schomann  : Antiquities  of  Greece,  687  (664). 
E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  3100  (3018). 

: , 194-5  (187-8). 

J.  N.  Larned : Europe,  1020-21  (992-3). 

(c)  JEolians. 

G.  Schomann:  Antiquities  of  Greece,  9-10. 

E.  Abbott : History  of  Greece,  146-7  (139-40). 

4.  The  Early  City  States,  and  Political 
Institutions  : 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  History  of  Greece,  1606  (1568). 
Thucydides  : History,  151-3  (144-6). 

J.  N.  Larned : Europe,  1019  (991). 

Z.  A.  Ragozin:  Story  of  Chaldea,  246-7  (239-40). 

L.  von  Ranke:  Universal  History,  1607  (1569). 
Perrot  and  Chipiez  : Chaldea  and  Assyria,  2968, 

top  of  second  column,  (2891). 

F.  B.  Jevons:  History  of  Greek  Literature,  1676, 
second  column,  (1637). 

P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 
189,  second  column,  (182). 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Greece,  3189-90  (3105). 

5.  The  Renowned  Lawgivers  : 

{a)  Lycurgus. 

E.  Abbott  History  of  Greece,  3100-2  (3018-20). 
C.  H.  Hanson  : The  Land  of  Greece,  3103  (3021). 

(b)  Draco. 

G.  Grote  : History  of  Greece,  153  (146). 

(c)  Solon. 

C.  F.  Hermann  : Political  Antiquities  of  Greece, 
155  (148). 

W.  Wachsmutli:  Historical  Antiquities  of  the 
Greeks,  155-6  (148-9). 

G.  Grote:  History  of  Greeks,  673  (649-50). 

6.  The  Rise  of  Athens: 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  194-5  (187-8). 
Thucydides  : History,  151-3  (144—6). 

W.  W.  Leake:  Topography  of  Athens,  151  (144). 
See  Maps,  152  (145). 

E.  Bulwer-Lytton:  Athens,  154  (147). 

7.  The  Pisistratid/K  and  Constitution  of 
Cleisthenes  (560-507  b.  c.) : 

E.  Abbott:  History  of  Greece,  156  (149). 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  156-7  (149-50). 

8.  Contest  with  Sparta  for  Supremacy  (509- 
506  b.  c.): 

C.  H.  Hanson:  The  Land  of  Greece,  3102  (3021). 


C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  156-7  (149-50). 
C.  W.  Cox : The  Greeks  and  Persians,  157  (150). 

9.  The  Ionian  Revolt  and  Persian  Wars 
(b.  c.  500-479): 

(а)  In  General. 

Herodotus:  Story  of  the  Persian  War,  1607-8 
(1569-70). 

P.  Smith:  Ancient  History  of  the  East,  2579 
(2512). 

: History  of  the  World,  1609  (1571). 

L.  von  Ranke:  Universal  History,  157-9  (150-2). 
G.  Rawlinson:  Ancient  History,  258b  (2513). 

(б)  Marathon. 

G.  Grote  : History  of  Greece,  1609  (1571), 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1609-10(1571-2). 

(c)  Thermopylae. 

Herodotus:  History,  1610-11  (1572-3). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr  : Ancient  History,  160-1  (153—4). 

(d)  Platcea  and  Mycale. 

Herodotus:  History,  1612,  1613  (1574,  1575). 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1613  (1575). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr : Ancient  History,  160-1  (153-4). 

10.  The  Confederacy  of  Delos  and  End  of 
Persian  Wars  (b.  c.  477-461): 

G.  W.  Cox : History  of  Greece.  1613  (1575). 

W.  W.  Lloyd  : The  Age  of  Pericles,  1614  (1576). 
T.  Keightley  : History  of  Greece,  164  (157). 

J.  Fiske:  Greek  Federations,  1137  (1109). 

11.  Political  Results  of  Persian  Wars  : 

G.  Grote  : History  of  Greece,  163  (155-6). 
Aristotle  : Constitution  of  Athens,  163-4  (156-7). 

“ None  of  these  men  were  enervated  by  wealth  or 
hesitated  to  resign  the  pleasures  of  life.  . . .And  when 
the  moment  came  they  were  minded  to  resist  and  suffer, 
rather  than  to  fly  anil  save  their  lives;  they  ran  away 
from  the  word  of  dishonor,  but  on  the  battlefield  their 
feet  stood  fast,  and  in  an  instant,  at  the  height  of 
their  fortune,  they  passed  away  from  the  scene,  not  of 
their  fear,  but  of  their  glory.  Such  was  the  end  of  these 
men;  they  were  worthy  of  Athens;  and  the  living  may 
not  desire  to  have  a more  heroic  spirit  although  they 
may  pray  for  a less  fatal  issue.  . . . The  sacrifice  which 
they  collectively  made  was  individually  repaid  to  them; 
for  they  received  again  each  one  for  himself  a praise 
which  grows  not  old,  and  the  noblest  of  all  sepulchers  — 
1 speak  not  of  that  in  which  their  remains  are  laid,  but 
of  that  in  which  their  glory  survives,  and  is  proclaimed 
always  and  on  every  fitting  occasion  both  in  word  and 
deed'  For  the  whole  earth  is  the  sepulcher  of  famous 
men;  not  only  are  they  commemorated  by  columns  and 
inscriptions  in  their  own  country,  but  in' foreign  lands 
there  dwells  also  an  unwritten  memorial  of  them, 
graven  not  on  stone,  but  in  the  hearts  of  men.”  From 
the  Funeral  Oration  of  Pericles,  pages  175-8  (168-71). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  IX. 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  GREECE. 


“ To  Greece  we  owe  the  love  of  Science,  the  love  of  Art, 
the  love  of  Freedom;  not  Science  alone,  Art  alone,  or 
Freedom  alone,  but  these  vitally  correlated  with  one  an- 
other and  brought  into  organic  union.  And  in  this  union 
we  recognize  the  distinctive  features  of  the  West.  The 
Greek  genius  is  the  European  genius  in  its  first  and 
brightest  bloom.  From  a vivifying  contact  with  the 
Greek  spirit  Europe  derived  that  new  and  mighty  im- 
pulse which  we  call  Progress.”  S.  H.  Butcher. 

I.  Athens  after  the  Persian  Wars  : 

(a)  The  Rebuilding  of  the  City. 

E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  161-2  (154-5). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1022-3  (994-5). 

(b)  The  Enlargement  of  the  Democracy. 

G.  Grote  : History  of  Greece,  162-3  (155-6). 

9 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Aristotle : The  Constitution  of  Athens,  163-4 
(156-7). 

A.  J.  Grant : The  Age  of  Pericles,  1615  (1577). 
C.  Thirlwall  : History  of  Greece,  132  (125). 

(c)  Quarrels  with  Sparta. 

C.  W.  C.  Oman : History  of  Greece,  165-6  (158-9). 
C.  Thirlwall : History  of  Greece,  166-7  (159-60). 
A.  J.  Grant : Age  of  Pericles,  1614  (1576). 

E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  1615-16  (1577-8). 

2.  The  Rise  of  Pericles  (b.  c.  466-429): 

C.  W.  C.  Oman:  History  of  Greece,  165-6  (158-9). 

A.  J.  Grant : The  Age  of  Pericles,  1615  (1577). 

3.  The  Age  of  Pericles  (b.  c.  445^129) : 

(a)  The  Splendor  of  Athens. 

E.  Abbott:  Pericles,  167-8  (160-1). 

E.  Bulwer-Lyttou Athens,  168  (161). 

(b)  Art  and  the  Domestic  Life. 

E.  E.  Viollet-le-Duc:  Habitations  of  Man  in  All 
Ages,  168-9  (161-2). 

R.  C.  Jebb : Influence  of  Classical  Greek  Poetry, 
1676  (1637). 

(c)  Education  and  Literature. 

Plato:  Protagoras,  701  (678). 

Aristotle:  Politics,  702  (679). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Old  Greek  Education,  702-3 
(679-80). 

O.  Browning:  Educational  Theories,  703  (680). 

J.  A.  St.  John:  The  Hellenes,  703^4  (680-1). 

F.  B.  Jevons:  History  of  Greek  Literature,  1676-7 
(1637-8). 

S.  H.  Butcher:  Some  Aspects  of  Greek  Genius, 
1675  (1636). 

(d)  Law  and  its  Administration. 

Sir  H.  S.  Maine:  Ancient  Law,  170  (163). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Social  Life  in  Greece,  170-1 
(163^4). 

(e)  The  Political  Life. 

E.  A.  Freeman : Athenian  Democracy,  172  (165). 
: Comparative  Politics,  171-2  (164-5). 

S.  H.  Butcher:  Some  Aspects  of  Greek  Genius, 
172  (165). 

J.  S.  Blackie:  What  does  History  Teach,  173 
(166). 

Pericles:  Funeral  Oration,  175-8  (168-71). 

4.  The  Great  Plague  and  Death  of  Pericles 
(b.c.  430-429): 

Thucydides:  History,  178  (171). 

5.  The  Rise  of  the  Demagogues  (429^421  b.  c.)  : 
E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  178-9  (171-2). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Historical  Essays,  179  (172). 

6.  Socrates  as  Soldier  and  Citizen  : 

F.  J.  Church  : Trial  and  Death  of  Socrates,  179- 
80  (172-3). 

E.  Zeller  : Socrates,  705-6  (682-3). 

7.  The  Peloponnesian  War  (b.  c.  431-404) : 
(a)  First  Period  (431-421)  to  Peace  of  Nicias. 

Thucydides  : History,  1620  (1582). 

W.  Mitford  : History  of  Greece,  1620-1  (1582-3). 
C.  *W.  C.  Oman  : History  of  Greece,  1622  (1584). 

T.  Timayenis:  History  of  Greece,  1623-4(1585-6). 
C.  W.  C.  Oman : History  of  Greece,  181  (174). 
E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  181  (174). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1023  (995). 

Ip)  Alcibiades ; The  Sicilian  Expedition  (b.  c. 
415^413). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr:  Ancient  History,  1624-5  (1586-7). 
Y.  Duruy : History  of  Greek  People,  182  (175). 
E.  A.  Freeman  : Story  of  Sicily,  182-3  (175-6). 
E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1625-7  (1587-9). 
T.  N.  Talfourd:  History  of  Greece,  1629  (1591). 


W.  Wachsmutli:  Antiquities  of  the  Greeks, 
184-5  (177-8). 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  185  (178). 

(c)  Battle  of  AEgospotami  ; Overthrow  of  Athens 
(405  b.  c.). 

G.  Grote:  History  of  Greece,  185  (178). 

G.  W.  Cox:  Athenian  Empire,  1629-30  (1591-2). 

8.  The  Overthrow  of  Democracy  : 

E.  Curtius  : History  of  Greece,  185-6  (178-9). 

9.  Expedition  of  Cyrus;  Retreat  of  the 
“ Ten  Thousand  ” (b.  c.  401^400) : 

E.  Curtius : History  of  Greece,  2581  (2514). 

10.  The  Supremacy  of  Thebes  (b.  c.  379-362) : 

E.  Curtius:  History  of  Greece,  1631-2  (1593-4). 
Xenophon  : Hellenica,  1632  (1594). 

C.  Sankey  : The  Spartan  and  Theban  Suprema- 
cies, 1632-4  (1594-6). 

11.  Ch^ronea;  End  of  Greek  Independence 
(b.  c.  338) : 

B.  G.  Niebuhr : Ancient  History,  1634-6  (1596-8). 
W.  W.  Fowler  : The  City  State,  186-7  (179-80). 
P.  Gardner:  Greek  History,  189,  first  column, 
(182). 

12.  Hellenic  Genius,  Culture,  and  Influ- 
ence : 

The  Funeral  Oration  of  Pericles,  175-8  (168-71). 
P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 
189-90  (182-3). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy  : Greek  Life  and  Thought,  188, 189, 
706  (181,  182,  683). 

T.  Davidson  : Aristotle,  704  and  705  (681,  682). 
J.  P.  Mahaffy : Old  Greek  Education,  702-3 
(679-80). 

O.  Browning  : Educational  Theories,  703  (680). 
The  Nation  : Free  Schools  in  Greece,  705  (682). 
W.  W.  Capes:  University  Life  in  Ancient  Ath- 
ens, 706-7  (683-4). 

S.  II.  Butcher:  Some  Aspects  of  Greek  Genius, 
1675  (1636). 

R.  C.  Jebb:  Growth  and  Influence  of  Classical 
Greek  Poetry,  1675-6  (1636-7). 

F.  B.  Jevons : History  of  Greek  Literature,  1676-7 
(1637-8). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  The  Greek  World  under  Roman 
Sway,  1680  (1641). 

L.  E.  Upcott:  Introduction  to  Greek  Sculpture, 
2956-7. 

J.  A.  St.  John : The  Hellenes,  1657  (1819). 

W.  M.  Leake : Topography  of  Athens,  1657 
(1619). 

W.  W.  Capes:  University  Life  in  Ancient  Ath- 
ens, 5 (5). 

T.  Mommsen  : History  of  Rome,  1679  second 
column,  (1640). 

“ So  long  as  Greece  was  free  and  the  spirit  of  freedom 
animated  the  Greeks,  so  long  their  literature  was  cre- 
ative and  genius  marked  it.  When  liberty  perished, 
literature  declined.  The  field  of  Chaeronea  was  fatal 
alike  to  the  political  liberty  and  to  the  literature  of 
Greece.”  F.  B.  Jevons. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  X. 


THE  CONQUESTS  OF  ALEXANDER! 
THE  GREAT. 


1.  Macedonia  and  its  Early  History  : 

G.  Grote : History  of  Greece,  2101  (2057). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


P.  Smith  : Ancient  History  of  East,  2579  (2512). 
G.  Grote  : History  of  Greece,  1631  (1593). 

2.  Rise  and  Cakeer  of  Philip  of  Mace- 
don  (b.  c.  359-336) : 

C.  Thirlwall : History  of  Greece,  1634  (1596). 

B. G. Niebuhr:  Ancient  History,  1634-6(1596-8). 

E.  Curtins:  History  of  Greece,  1636  (1598). 

W.  W.  Fowler:  The  City-State,  186-7  (179-80). 

A.  H.  L.  Heeren : Politics  of  Ancient  Greece, 
188  (181). 

“ No  alliance  could  save  Greece  from  the  Macedonian 
power,  as  subsequent  events  plainly  showed.  What 
was  needed  was  a real  federal  union  between  the  lead- 
ing states,  with  a strong  central  controlling  force;  and 
Demosthenes’  policy  was  hopeless  just  because  Athens 
could  never  be  the  center  of  such  a union,  nor  could 
any  other  city.  Demosthenes  is  thus  the  last,  and  in 
some  respects  the  most  heroic  champion  of  the  old 
Greek  instinct  for  autonomy.  He  is  the  true  child  of 
the  City-State,  but  the  child  of  its  old  age  and  decrepi- 
tude.” W.  W.  Fowler. 

3.  The  Career  of  Alexander  the  Great 
(b.  c.  336-323) : 

L.  von  Ranke:  Universal  History,  1637  (1599). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy : Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
2102-3  (2058-9). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  History  of  Greece,  2103  (2059). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Alexander,  2103-4  (2059-60). 

J.  T.  Wheeler:  History  of  India,  1742-3(1703-4). 
See  Maps,  2106-7  (2062-3). 

4.  The  Effects  of  the  Macedonian  Con- 
quests: 

E.  Zeller:  Stoics,  Epicureans,  and  Sceptics,  188 
(181). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Greek  Life  and  Thought,  188-9 
(181-2). 

P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 
189-90  (182-3). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy;  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
1640,  first  column,  (1602). 

F.  B.  Jevons:  History  of  Greek  Literature, 
1676-7  (1637-8). 

R.  S.  Poole:  Cities  of  Egypt,  44  (37). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
44-5  (37-8). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1023-4  (995-6). 

5.  The  Division  of  Alexander’s  Empire: 

(a)  Preliminary  Struggles  to  Battle  of  Ipsus 
(b.c.  323-301). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
1639-40  (1601-2). 

T.  Keightley:  History  of  Greece,  1637-9  (1599- 
1601). 

A.  H.  L.  Heeren:  Ancient  History,  2104  (2060). 
W.  C.  Taylor:  Ancient  History,  2104-5  (2060-1). 
T.  T.  Timayenis:  History  of  Greece,  2105-6 

(2061-2). 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  2106-7  (2062-3). 

( b ) The  Seleucidce. 

G.  Rawlinson:  Sixth  Great  Oriental  Monarchy, 
2960  (2883). 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  2960  (2883). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr:  Ancient  History,  2960-1  (2883-4). 
P.  Smith:  History  of  the  World,  2961-3  (2884—6). 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall  of  Roman  Empire, 

2959-60  (2882-3). 

(c)  The  Ptolemies. 

8.  Sharpe:  History  of  Egypt,  785  (758). 

P.  Gardner:  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History, 
785-6  (758-9). 

J.  H.  Newman:  Historical  Sketches,  707-8 
(684-5). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
44-5  (37-8). 


6.  The  Achaian  League  (e.  c.  280-146): 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Federal  Government,  1640-1 
(1602-3). 

• , 1136  (1108). 

John  Fiske:  American  Political  Ideas,  1137  (1109). 

7.  The  Gallic  Invasion  (b.  c.  280-279): 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  1448-9 
(1415-16). 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  1449  (1416). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
1442  (1409). 

8.  The  Roman  Conquest  (b.  c.  214-146): 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greeee,  1641  (1603). 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  191  (184). 

E.  S.  Shuckburgh:  History  of  Rome,  2752-3 
(2678-9). 

R.  C.  Jebb : Influence  of  Classical  Greek  Poetry, 
1678  (1639). 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1680  (1641). 

“ So  too  it  was  with  Greece.  As  a people  she  ceased  to 
be.  When  her  freedom  was  overthrown  at  Clneronea, 
the  page  of  her  history  was  to  all  appearance  closed. 
Yet  from  that  moment  'she  was  to  enter  on  a larger  life 
and  on  universal  empire.  . . . As  Alexander  passed  con- 
quering through  Asia,  he  restored  to  the  East,  as  gar- 
nered grain,  that  Greek  civilization  whose  seeds  had  long 
ago  been  received  from  the  East.  Each  conqueror  in 
turn,  the  Macedonian  and  the  Roman,  bowed  before  con- 
quered Greece  and  learnt  lessons  at  her  feet.  To  the 
modern  world  too  Greece  has  been  the  great  civilizer, 
the  oecumenical  teacher,  the  disturber  and  regenerator 
of  slumbering  societies.  She  is  the  source  of  most  of 
the  quickening  ideas  which  remake  nations  and  reno- 
vate literature  and  art.  If  we  reckon  up  our  secular 
possessions,  the  wealth  and  heritage  of  the  past,  the 
large  share  may  be  traced  back  to  Greece.  One  half  of 
life  she  has  made  her  domain,  — all,  or  well-nigh  all,  that 
belongs  to  the  present  order  of  things,  and  to  the  visible 
world.  S.  H.  Butcher  : Some  Aspects  of  Greek  Genius, 
p.  1675  (1636). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XI. 


RISE  OF  ROME  AND  CONQUEST  OF 
THE  WORLD. 


1.  Origin  of  the  Roman  People  : 

C.  F.  Keary  : Dawn  of  History,  144-5  (137-8). 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  37-8,  1844-5, 
2731  (30-1,  1804-5,  2657). 

A Tighe  : Roman  Constitution,  1455-6  (1422-3). 

H.  G.  Liddell : History  of  Rome,  1456  (1423). 

F.  de  Coulanges:  The  Ancient  City,  2731(2657). 

E.  A.  Freeman : European  History,  2731-2  (2658). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1024  (996). 

H.  G.  Liddell  - History  of  Rome,  2861  (2787). 

Padre  de  Cara:  Civilita  Cattolica,  1845  (1805). 

Appendix  A,  3793-4  (End  Yol.  I.). 

2.  Latium  and  the  Latin  Name  : 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  37-8,  1998(30-1, 
1954). 

T.  Arnold:  History  of  Rome,  1997-8  (1953-4). 

3.  The  Founding  of  Rome,  and  its  Civiliza- 
tion (b.  c.  753-)  : 

Sir  H.  Nicholas : Chronology  of  History,  2734 
(2660). 

E.  A.  Freeman  : European  History,  2731-2  (2658). 

Goldwin  Smith : Greatness  of  the  Romans,  2733 
(2659). 

G.  A Simcox : History  of  Latin  Literature,  2734 
(2660). 

4.  The  Patrioans  and  Plebs: 

E.  A.  Freeman:  European  History,  2732  (2658). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


A.  Tighe:  The  Roman  Constitution,  505  (491). 

F.  cle  Coulanges:  The  Ancient  City,  2738  (2(504). 

5.  Okiginand  Development  of  Political  In- 
stitutions : 

(a)  The  King. 

Sir  G.  C.  Lewis:  Early  Roman  History,  2734-5 
(2660-1). 

W.  W.  Fowler:  The  City-State,  2735  (2661). 

II.  F.  Pelham,  Roman  History,  2735-6  (2661-2). 

(b)  The  Comitia  Curiata,  Comitia  Centuriata, 
and  Comitia  Tributa. 

A.  Tighe  : The  Roman  Constitution,  504,  505 
(490,  491). 

H.  G.  Liddell  : History  of  Rome,  2739  (2665). 
W.  Ihne  : History  of  Rome,  2739  (2665). 

(c)  The  Senate. 

A.  Tighe  : The  Roman  Constitution,  2971  (2894). 
H.  G.  Liddell  : History  of  Rome,  2971-2  (2894-5). 

(d)  TheConsuls  and  Praetors. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2737  (2663). 

A.  Tighe:  Roman  Constitution,  633-4  (610-11). 
W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  634,  2744  (611,  2670). 

(e)  The  Censors. 

T.  Arnold:  History  of  Rome,  412  (402-3). 

(/)  The  Tribunes. 

R.  F.  Horton  : History  of  Romans,  2737-8,  2739 
(2663-4,  2665). 

W.  Ihne  : History  of  Rome,  634,  2738,  2739  (611, 
2664,  2665). 

F.  de  Coulanges  : The  Ancient  City,  2738  (2664). 

6.  TnE  Legendary  Period  of  the  Kings  (b.  c. 
753-510) : 

Sir  G.  C.  Lewis  : Early  Roman  History,  2734-5 
(2660-1). 

T.  Livy  : History  of  Rome,  2735  (2661). 

H.  F.  Pelham : Roman  History,  2735-6  (2661-2). 
A.  J.  Church  : Stories  from  Livy,  2736-7  (2662-3). 

7.  Rise  of  the  Republic  (b.  c.  509-) : 

(a)  Struggle  between  Patricians  and  Plebeians 
(b.  c.  509-286). 

R.  F.  Horton  : History  of  Romans,  2738  (2664). 
F.  de  Coulanges  : Ancient  City,  2738  (2664). 

J.  Hadley  : Int.  to  Roman  Law,  673  (650). 

J.  L.  Strachan-Davidson  : Plebeian  Privilege  at 
Rome,  2740  (2666). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1025  (997). 

( b ) Laics  establishing  Privileges  of  the  People. 

(1)  The  Valerian  Laws  (b.  c.  509). 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  2737  (2663). 

W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  2737  (2663). 

(2)  The  Publilian  Laws  (b.  c.  472). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2739  (2665). 

W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  2739  (2665). 

(3)  The  Icilian  Law  (b.  c.  456). 

J.  L.  Strachan-Davidson:  Plebeian  Privilege  at 
Rome,  2740  (2666). 

(4)  The  Terentilian  Law  and  The  Twelve 

f r p 451 44Q1 

W.  Ihne  : History  of  Rome,  2740-1  (2666-7). 

H.  S.  Maine:  Ancient  Law,  2741  (2667). 

(5)  The  Valerio-Horatian  Laws  (b.  c.  440). 
H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2741(2667). 

(6)  The  Canuleian  Law  (b.  c.  445). 

V.  Duruy:  Hist,  of  Rome,  2741-2  (2667-8). 

(7)  The  Licinian  Laws  (b.  c.  376-367). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2743  (2669). 

A.  Stephenson:  Agrarian  Laws  of  Roman  Re- 
public, 2743-4  (2669-70). 

(8)  The  Publilian  Laws  (b.  c.  340). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2745  (2671). 


(9)  The  Ilortensian  Laws  (b.  c.  286). 

II.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2747  (2673). 

H.  F.  Pelham:  Roman  History,  2747-8  (2673-4). 
T.  Arnold:  History  of  Rome,  673  (650). 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  2727-8  (2653-4). 

8.  The  Expansion  of  Rome  : 

W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  2739  (2665). 

R.  F.  Horton:  History  of  Romans,  2739,  2742 
(2665,  2668). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2743  (2669). 

J.  Michelet:  The  Roman  Republic,  2744-5  (2671). 
W.  Ihne:  History  of  Romans,  2745  (2671). 

F.  de  Coulanges:  The  Ancient  City,  2745  (2671). 
W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  2746-7  (2672-3). 

T.  Arnold:  History  of  Rome,  2748  (2674). 

9.  Gallic  Invasion  and  Destruction  of  the 
City  (b.  c.  390) : 

J.  Rhys:  Celtic  Britain,  412  (402). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  1448-9 
(1415-16). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2743  (2669). 

10.  Union  of  Italy  under  tiie  Republic 
(b.  c.  275): 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2748-9  (2674^5). 
J.  N.  Larned.  Europe,  1025  (997). 

11.  The  Punic  Wars  (b.  c.  264-202): 

M.  Duncker:  History  of  Antiquity,  402  (392). 

G Grote:  History  of  Greece,  403  (393). 

T.  Arnold:  History  of  Rome,  2749  (2675). 

W.  B.  Boyce:  Int.  to  Study  of  History,  2750 
(2676). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Outlines  of  History,  2750  (2676). 
M.  Creighton:  History  of  Rome,  2750-1  (2676-7). 
R.  F.  Horton:  History  of  Romans,  2751  (2677). 
R.  F.  Leighton:  History  of  Rome,  2751-2 
(2677-8). 

R.  B.  Smith:  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians, 
403-4,  2687-90,  2752  (393-4,  2614-17,  2678). 

H.  F.  Pelham:  Roman  History,  2754  (2680). 

12.  Decline  of  the  Republic  (b.  c.  200-45) : 
E.  S.  Shuckburgh : History  of  Rome,  2752-3 

(2678-9). 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2753-4  (2680). 
H.  F.  Pelham  : Roman  History,  2754-5  (2680). 
W.  T.  Arnold : Roman  Administration,  2755 
(2681). 

H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2971-2  (2894-5). 
M.  Creighton : History  of  Rome,  2756-7  (2682-3). 

13.  Attempts  at  Reform  ; Agrarian  Laws  ; 
The  Gracchi  : 

G.  Long:  Decline  of  Roman  Republic,  27  (20). 

H.  G.  Liddell : History  of  Rome,  27  (20). 

A.  Stephenson:  Agrarian  Laws,  etc.,  2743—4 
(2669-70). 

H.  F.  Pelham : Roman  History,  2755  (2681). 

G.  Long:  Decline  of  Roman  Republic,  2755-6 
(2681-2). 

C.  Merivale:  Fall  of  Roman  Republic,  2756 
(2682). 

14.  The  Social  and  Civil  Wars  (b.  c.  90^5) : 
W.  Ihne : History  of  Rome,  2757-8  (2683-4). 

G.  Long:  Decline  of  Roman  Republic,  2758-9 
(2684-5). 

C.  Merivale  : Roman  Triumvirates,  2759-60 
(2685-6). 

W.  Forsyth  : Life  of  Cicero,  2762  (2688). 

15.  Julius  Caesar  ; Qu/Estor  to  Imperator 
(b.  c.  69—45) : 

W.  W.  Fowler:  Julius  Caesar,  2761-2  (2687-8). 
T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2762-3  (2688-9). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


J.  C<Bsar  : Gallic  Wars,  1444-5  (1411-12). 

11.  F.  Horton  : History  of  Romans,  2763^4  (2690). 
Plutarch:  Caesar,  2764-5  (2690-1). 

C.  Merivale  : History  of  Romans,  2767-8  (2693-4). 

V.  Duruy : History  of  Rome,  2768-9  (2694-5). 

J.  A.  Froude:  Caisar,  2770-1  (2696-7). 

Goldwin  Smith:  Last  Republicans  of  Rome, 

2771  (2697). 

16.  The  Triumvirates;  Rise  of  the  Empire 
(b.  c.  44-31): 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  2772-3 
(2698). 

W.  W.  Capes:  The  Early  Empire,  2773-5  (2699- 
2701). 

H.  F.  Pelham  : Roman  History,  2775  (2701). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  355  (345). 

17.  Conquest  of  the  World  : 

G.  Long:  Decline  of  Roman  Republic,  3053 
(2973). 

J.  Caesar  : Gallic  War,  1444-5  (1411-12). 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  1641  (1603). 

P.  Smith : History  of  the  World,  2961-3  (2884-6). 
R.  F.  Horton:  History  of  Romans,  2236-7  (2192-3). 

A.  Hirtius  : The  Alexandrian  War,  46  (39). 

J.  Caesar:  Gallic  War,  329  (319). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  329-31, 
1463-4  (319-21,  1430-1). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XII. 


DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  ROMAN 
EMPIRE. 


1.  Transition  from  the  Republic  to  the 
Empire  : 

W.  W.  Capes:  The  Early  Empire,  2773-5  (2699- 
2701). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  196,  355  (189, 
345). 

W.  Ramsay:  Roman  Antiquities,  196  (189). 

J.  N.  Earned:  Europe,  1032  (1004). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  2773  (2699). 

2.  The  Rising  Influence  of  the  Prjstorian 
Guards  : 

W.  Ihne:  History  of  Rome,  2040  (1996). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2040  (1996). 

W.  Ramsay:  Roman  Antiquities,  2655  (2583). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  2655  (2583). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr:  History  of  Rome,  2776  (2702). 

3.  The  Julian  and  Christian  Era: 

Sir  II.  Nicholas:  Chronology  of  History,  357-8 
(347-8) 

W.  Hales:  Analysis  of  Chronology,  358,  1011 
(348,  984). 

T.  Keim:  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1960-1  (1919-20). 

4.  TnE  Julian  Line  (b.  c.  31-a.  d.  70): 

T.  De  Quincey:  The  Caesars,  2782  (2708). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
1975  (1934). 

B.  G.  Niebuhr:  History  of  Rome,  2775-6  (2701-2). 
Suetonius:  Lives  of  the  Twelve  Caesars,  2776-7 

(2702-3). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  2777-9  (2703-5). 
T.  Keightley:  Roman  Empire,  2779-80  (2705-6). 

5.  Nero  ; The  Burning  of  Rome  and  Perse- 
cution of  Christians  (a.  d.  64-8): 

T.  De  Quincey:  The  Caesars,  2780-1  (2706-7). 


F.  W.  Farrar:  Early  Days  of  Christianity,  2781-2 
(2707-8). 

6.  The  Flavian  Line  (a.  d.  69-192) : 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
1159  (1129). 

(a)  Vespas ia  n~Do mi t ia n (69-96) : 

Y.  Duruy:  History  of  Rome,  2783-5  (2709-11). 
Besant  and  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  1962-3  (1921-2). 
H.  H.  Milman:  History  of  the  Jews,  1963(1922). 
C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  2632-3  (2560-1). 

E.  Edwards:  Memoirs  of  Libraries,  2049-50 
(2005-6). 

( b ) Nerva,  Trajan,  Hadrian  (a.  d.  96-138). 

R.  W.  Browne : History  of  Rome,  2785-7  (2713). 
T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1963-4  (1922-3). 

(c)  The  Antonines  (138-192). 

F.  W.  Farrar:  Seekers  after  God,  2787-8  (2714). 
E.  Renau:  English  Conferences,  2788  (2714). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2788-9  (2714-15). 

“ If  a man  were  called  to  fix  the  period  in  the  history 
of  the  world  during  which  the  condition  of  the  human 
race  was  most  happy  and  prosperous,  he  would,  with- 
out hesitation,  name  that  which  elapsed  from  the  death 
of  Domitian  to  the  accession  of  Commodus.  The  vast 
extent  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  governed  by  absolute 
power,  under  the  guidance  of  virtue  and  wisdom.  The 
armies  were  restrained  by  the  firm  but  gentle  hand  of 
four  successive  Emperors  whose  characters  and  author- 
ity commanded  involuntary  respect.”  E.  Gibbon. 

7.  Commodus  to  Constantine  (a.  d.  192-305): 
T. Keightley:  Outlines  of  History,  2789-90  (2716). 
J.  C.  Robertson:  History  of  Christian  Church, 

2790  (2716). 

W.C. Taylor:  Ancient  History,  2790-1  (2716-17). 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall"  2472-3  (2413-14). 
B.  F.  Westcott:  History  of  Religious  Thought, 
454  (440). 

G.  Uhlhorn:  Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Hea- 
thenism, 456  (442). 

8.  The  Constantines  (a.  d.  305-361): 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2793^,  2795-6 
(2719-20,  2721-2). 

Eusebius:  Ecclesiastical  History,  2794  (2720). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Constantine  the  Great,  2795  (2721). 

9.  Christianity  becomes  the  State  Religion 
(a.  d.  323-): 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Constantine  the  Great,  2794-5 
(2720-1). 

A.  Neander;  History  of  Christian  Religion.  2795 
(2721). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2795 
(2721). 

G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Christian  Church,  465  (451). 
A.  Carr:  Christianity  and  Roman  Empire,  465-6 
(451-2). 

IT.  H.  Milman:  History  of  Christianity,  467  (453). 
J.  N.  Lamed  : Europe,  1035-6  (1007-8). 

“Shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century 
there  occurred  an  event  which,  had  it  been  predieted  iii 
the  days  of  Nero  or  even  of  Decius,  would  have  been 
deemed  a wild  fancy.  It  was  nothing  less  than  the  con- 
version of  the  Roman  Emperor  to  the  Christian  faith. 
It  was  an  event  of  momentous  importance  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Christian  religion.  The  Roman  Empire, 
from  being  the  enemy  and  persecutor  of  the  Church, 
thenceforward  became  its  protector  and  patron.  The 
Church  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  State,  which 
was  to  prove  fruitful  of  consequences,  both  good  and 
evil,  in  the  subsequent  history  of  Europe.  Christianity 
was  now  to  reap  the  advantages  and  incur  the  dangers 
arising  from  the  friendship  of  earthly  rulers,  and 
from  a close  connection  with  the  civil  authority.” 

G.  P.  Fisher. 

“ This  important  crisis  in  the  history  of  Christianity 
almost  forcibly  arrests  attention  to  contemplate  the 
change  wrought  in  Christianity  by  its  advancement 
into  a dominant  power  in  the  State.  By  ceasing  to 
exist  as  a separate  community,  and  by  advancing  its 

:6 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Intensions  to  influence  the  general  government  of  man- 
[iiul,  Christianity,  to  a certain  extent,  forfeited  its  in- 
dependence. It  was  no  longer  a republic,  governed 
exclusively  — as  far,  at  least,  as  its  religious  concerns  — 
by  its  own  internal  policy.  The  interference  of  the  civil 
power  in  some  of  its  most,  private  affairs,  the  promul- 
gation of  Its  canons  and  even,  In  some  cases,  the  elec- 
tion of  its  bishops,  hv  the  State,  was  the  price  which  it 
must  inevitably  pay  for  its  association  with  the  ruling 
power.”  H.  H.  Milman. 

10.  The  New  Capital  of  tiie  Empire  (a.  d. 
330): 

E.  L.  Cutts : Constantine  the  Great,  519  (505). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  520-1  (506-7). 

G.  Finlay:  Greece  under  Romans,  521  (507). 

11.  Julian,  to  the  Division  of  the  Empire 
(a.  d.  361-395) : 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  2796  (2722). 

P.  Godwin  : History  of  France,  1445  (1412). 

G.  Rawlinson  : Seventh  Oriental  Monarchy,  2582 
(2515). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2799 
(2724-5). 

T.  Hodgkin : Dynasty  of  Theodosius,  2799-2800 
(2725-6). 

12.  Revival  and  Final  Overthrow  of  Pagan- 
ism (a.  d.  361-395): 

G.  Uhlhorn:  Conflict  of  Christianity  and  Hea- 
thenism, 2796-8  (2722-4). 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  2800-1  (2726-7). 

J.  B.  Carwithen : History  of  Christian  Church, 
2801  (2727). 

13.  The  Divided  Empire  (a.  d.  395-) : 

T.  Hodgkin  : Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2801  (2727). 
R.  H.  Wrightson:  Respublica  Romana,  2801-2 
(2727-8). 

G.  Finlay:  Greece  under  the  Romans,  2803-4 
(2729-30). 

J.  N.  Lamed  : Europe,  1037  (1009). 

14.  The  Barbarian  Invasions  (a.  d.  400-) : 

W.  Smith : Note  to  Decline  and  Fall,  1591-2 
(1553-4). 

T.  Hodgkin : Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1592  (1554). 
J.  G.  Sheppard : Fall  of  Rome,  3714-15  (3594-5). 
E.  Gibbon : Decline  and  Fall,  1592-3  (1554-5). 

C.  A.  Scott : Ulfilas,  1594  (1556). 

J.  C.  L.  de  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire, 
1595  (1557). 

W.  C.  Perry  ; The  Franks,  1431  (1397-8). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1431  (1398). 

J.  B.  Bury  : Later  Roman  Empire,  2805  (2731). 
E.  A.  Freeman  : European  History,  2805-6 
(2731-2). 

F.  Guizot : History  of  Civilization,  2806  (2732). 
C.  J.  Stille  : Mediaeval  History,  2806-7  (2732-3). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2807-8, 
2808-9  (2733-4.  2734-5). 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  2808  (2734). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  Middle  Ages,  2809 
(2735). 

J.  Bryce  : Holy  Roman  Empire,  2809-10  (2735-6). 
J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1038-40  (1010-12). 

15.  Causes  and  Significance  of  the  Fall  of 
the  Western  Empire  : 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  Middle  Ages, 
2807  (2733). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  Middle  Ages,  2810 
(2736). 

J.  R.  Seeley:  Roman  Imperialism,  2810-11 
(2736-7). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  2811-12  (2738). 
A.  Thierry:  Merovingian  Era,  2812  (2738). 


W.  Stewart:  The  Church  in  Fourth  Century, 
470-1  (456-7). 

C.  Merivale:  Epochs  of  Church  History,  471 
(457). 

E.  Hatch:  Organization  of  Christian  Churches, 
471  (457). 

16.  Civilization  of  the  Later  Republic  and 
Empire  : 

(a)  Education. 

J.  J.  I.  Dollinger:  Gentile  and  Jew,  708-9  (685-6). 

E.  Kirkpatrick:  Development  of  Superior  Edu- 
cation, 709-10  (686-7). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization,  710-11  (688). 
E.  Edwards:  Memoirs  of  Libraries,  2048-9(2005). 
Guhl  and  Koner:  Life  .of  Greeks  and  Romans, 

2049  (2005). 

T.  H.  Horne:  Study  of  Bibliography,  2050  (2006). 
Historic  Researches  regarding  Library  of  Alex- 
andria, 2047-8  (2003-4). 
ip)  Religion. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  195  (188). 

W.  Ramsay:  Roman  Antiquities,  196-7  (189-90). 

(c)  Laic. 

E.  Reich:  Graeco-Roman  Institutions,  2726-7, 
2728-9  (2652-3,  2655). 

Sir  F.  Pollock:  Oxford  Lectures,  2728  (2654). 

T.  W.  Dwight:  Int.  Maine’s  Ancient  Law,  2727 
(2653). 

J.  Austin:  Lectures  on  Jurisprudence,  2728-9 
(2654^5). 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2727-8  (2653-4). 
J.  Hadley:  Int.  to  Roman  Law,  673  (650). 

(d)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Rome,  3211-13  (3702). 

H.  Pigeonneau:  History  of  French  Commerce, 
3213-15  (3702-4). 

H.  Fox  Bourne:  Romance  of  Trade,  2245-6 
(2201-2). 

T.  Mommsen : History  of  Rome,  2248  (2204). 

(e)  Medical  Science. 

Pliny : Natural  History,  2171-2  (2127-8). 

W.  Whewell:  Inductive  Sciences,  2172-3  (2129). 
Roswell  Park:  History  of  Medicine,  2173(2129). 
(/)  Slavery. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2753^4  (2680). 
W.  R.  Brownlow:  Slavery  and  Serfdom,  2990 
(2912). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XIII. 


FROM  THE  BARBARIAN  INVASIONS 
TO  CHARLEMAGNE  (A.  D.  400-800). 


1.  Origin  and  Migrations  of  the  Barbaric 
Nations: 

C.  F.  Keary : Dawn  of  Civilization,  14A-5  (137-8). 
T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  42,  483  (35,  469). 
T.  Smith:  Arminius,  1464-5  (1431-2). 

Appendix  A.,  3793-6  (End  of  Vol.  I.). 

2.  Gaul  and  the  Gauls  : 

J.  Rhys:  Celtic  Britain,  412  (402). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  Romans,  1448-9  (1416). 
H.  G.  Liddell:  History  of  Rome,  2743  (2669). 

W.  Ihne : History  of  Rome,  2746-7  (2672-3). 

C.  Thirl  wall:  History  of  Greece,  1449  (1416). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Story  of  Alexander’s  Empire, 
1442  (1409). 

J.  Caesar:  Gallic  Wars,  1444^5  (1411-12). 


747 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1445,  1448  (1412, 
1415). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1445-6  (1412-13). 

II.  Pigeonneau:  History  of  French  Commerce, 
3213-15  (3702^4). 

3.  The  Goths  : 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  her  Invaders.  1592  (1554). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1592-3  (1554-5). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1593  (1555). 

C.  A.  A.  Scott:  Ulfilas,  1594  (1556). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
1595-6  (1557-8). 

G.  Finlay:  Greece  under  the  Romans,  1596-7 
(1558-9). 

(a.)  The  Ostrogoths  and  Theodoric. 

H.  Bradley:  Story  of  the  Goths,  1594  (1556). 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome.  1728  (1689). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1598(1560). 

H.  Bradley:  Story  of  the  Goths,  1598-9  (1560-1). 

: , 2812-13  (2738-9). 

V.  Duruy:  History  of  Rome,  2813  (2739). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2814-15 
(2740-1). 

J.  G.  Sheppard : Fall  of  Rome,  1600  (1562). 

( b ) The  Visigoths  and  Alaric. 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  1594^5 
(1556-7). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1594,  1595 
(1556,  1557). 

H.  Bradley:  Story  of  the  Goths,  1597  (1559). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2807-8 
(2733-4). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1597  (1559). 

H.  Bradley:  Story  of  the  Goths,  1598,  1599  (1560, 
1561). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  1598 
(1560). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  Middle  Ages,  1599- 
1600  (1561-2). 

4.  Breaking  of  the  Rhine  Barrier  (a.  d. 
406-500): 

J.  B.  Burju  Later  Roman  Empire,  2805  (2731). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  European  History,  2805-6 
(2731—2) 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization,  2806  (2732). 

C.  J.  Stille:  Mediaeval  History,  2806-7  (2732-3). 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  Middle  Ages, 
2807  (2733). 

5.  The  Huns  and  Attila  • 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1726  (1687). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  1594^5 
(1556-7). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1726  (1687). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1727  (1688). 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome,  1727  (1688). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1727  (1688). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1727-8 
(1689) 

Sir  E.  Creasy:  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles,  1728 
(1689). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1728-9 
(1689-90). 

6.  The  Vandals  and  Genseric  : 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome,  3714-15  (3594-5). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1445-6,  3053-4, 
3715  (1412-13,  2973-4,  3595). 

G.  Finlay : Greece  under  the  Romans,  3716  (3596). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  3716  (3596). 

7.  The  Franks  and  Clovis  : 

W.  C.  Perry:  The  Franks,  1430-1  (1397-8). 


T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  1431  (1398). 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1445  (1412). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3207  (3121). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  French  under  the  Merovin- 
gians, 1432  (1399). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  42-3  (35-6). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  Middle  Ages,  1432 
(1399). 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1433  (1400). 

S.  Baring  Gould:  The  Church  iu  Germany,  472 
(458). 

8.  The  Reign  of  Justinian  (a.  d.  527-565): 

G.  Finlay : Greece  Under  the  Romans,  2814  (2740). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2814r-15 
(2740-1). 

J.  Hadley:  Introduction  to  Roman  Law,  637-8 
(614-15) 

9.  The  Merovingian  Dynasty  (a.  d.  448-752) : 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : The  French  under  the  Mero- 
vingians, 1432  (1399). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1432  (1399). 

W.  C.  Perry:  The  Franks,  202,  1432-3(195, 1399- 
1400). 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  202  (195). 

T.  Smith:  Arminius,  1465-6  (1432-5). 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1466  (1435). 

A.  Thierry:  The  Merovingian  Era,  1446  (1413). 

10.  The  Lombards: 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome,  2076  (2032). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismoudi:  Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2077 
(2033). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2077  (2033). 

P.  Godwin : History  of  France,  2077-8  (2033^4). 

11.  Civilization  at  Beginning  of  the  Middle 
Ages  : 

(a)  Political  and  Social. 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  2224  (2180). 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  2224^5  (2180-1). 

B.  Bosanquet:  Civilization  of  Christendom,  2225 
(2181). 

A.  Thierry:  Formation  of  the  Tiers  Etat,  1446-8 
(1413-15). 

W.  Robertson:  Charles  the  Fifth,  2990-1  (2913). 
(i)  Religion. 

W.  Stewart:  Church  of  the  Fifth  Century,  470-1 
(456-7). 

C.  Merivale : Early  Church  History,  471  (457). 

E.  Hatch : Organization  of  Christian  Churches, 
471  (457). 

G.  Stokes:  The  Celtic  Church,  472  (458). 

M.  Creighton:  The  Papacy,  2818  (2744). 

I.  Gregory  Smith:  Christian  Monasticism,  2239- 
40  (2195-6). 

Count  de  Montalembert:  Monks  of  the  West, 
2240-1  (2196-7). 

(c)  Education. 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  710  (687). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization, 710—11  (687-8). 

A.  T.  Drane:  Christian  Schools,  711-12  (688-9). 

12.  The  Rise  of  Feudalism  : 

W.  Stubbs:  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
1145-6  (1117-18). 

E.  Emerton’  The  Middle  Ages,  1146  (1118). 

Schroder:  Deutschen  Rechtsgeschiclite,  1146-7. 

J.  N.  Larncd : Europe,  1047-8  (1019-20). 

A.  Thierry:  Formation  of  the  Tiers  fitat,  1446-8 
(1413-15). 

• See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


748 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


* STUDY  XIV. 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MODERN  NATIONS. 


1.  The  Franks  : 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1432  (1399). 

T.  Smith:  Arminius,  1465-6  (1432-5). 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1466  (1435). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization.  2163  (2119). 
W.  C.  Perry:  The  Franks,  1432-3  (1399-1400). 

S.  Baring  Gould:  The  Church  in  Germany,  472 
(458). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Charlemagne,  472-3  (458-9). 

2.  The  Burgundians  : 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  The  Fall  of  Rome,  3714^15 
(3594L5). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  338  (328). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  French  under  the  Me- 
rovingians, 339  (329). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  339  (329). 

3.  The  Saxons: 

W.  Stubbs:  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
2884r-5  (2809-10). 

R.  G.  Latham:  The  Germany  of  Tacitus,  2885 
(2810). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2885  (2810). 

4.  The  Empire  of  Charlemagne  (a.  d.  800- 
814): 

C.  J.  Stille:  Mediaeval  History,  1467-8  (1436-7). 
R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1434  (1401). 

E.  Emerton:  Study  of  the  Middle  Ages,  1434—5 
(1401-2). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1435(1402) 
Sir  J.  Stephen:  History  of  France,  1436  (1403). 
J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1468  (1437). 
A.  T.  Drane:  Christian  Schools  and  Scholars, 
712  (689). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization,  2911  (2836). 
Eginhard:  Life  of  Charlemagne,  474  (460). 

J.  B.  Mullinger:  Schools  of  Charles  the  Great, 
474  (460). 

“ Gibbon  has  remarked,  that  of  all  the  heroes  to  whom 
the  title  of  ‘The  Great’  has  been  given,  Charlemagne 
alone  has  retained  it  as  a permanent  addition  to  his 
name.  The  reason  may  perhaps  be  that  in  no  other  man 
were  ever  united,  in  so  large  a measure,  and  in  such 
perfect  harmony,  the  qualities,  which,  in  their  combina- 
tion, constitute  the  heroic  character,  — such  as  energy, 
or  love  of  action ; ambition,  or  the  love  of  power ; curios- 
ity, or  the  love  of  knowledge ; and  sensibility,  or  the  love 
of  pleasure.  Not,  indeed,  the  love  of  forbidden,  unhal- 
lowed, or  of  enervating  pleasure,  but  the  keen  relish  for 
those  blameless  delights  by  which  the  burdened  mind 
and  jaded  spirits  recruit  and  renovate  their  powers.  . . . 
His  lofty  stature,  his  open  countenance,  his  large  and 
brilliant  eyes,  and  the  dome-like  structure  of  his  head, 
imparted,  as  we  learn  from  Eginhard,  to  all  his  atti- 
tudes the  dignity  which  becomes  a King,  relieyed  by  the 
graceful  activity  of  a practised  warrior.  . . . Whether  he 
was  engaged  in  a frolic  or  a chase  — composed  verses  or 
listened  to  homilies  — fought  or  negotiated  — cast  down 
thrones  or  built  them  up  — studied,  conversed,  or  legis- 
lated, it  seemed  as  if  he,  and  he  alone,  were  the  one 
wakeful  and  really  living  agent  in  the  midst  of  an  inert, 
visionary,  and  somnolent  generation.”  Sir  James 
Stephen. 

5.  The  Beginnings  of  Austria-Hungary  : 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History,  3245  (3129). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1726  (1687). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  1594-5 
(1556-7). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  1728-9 
(1689-90). 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome,  242-3  (235-6). 


G.  P.  R.  James:  History  of  Charlemagne,  243 
(236). 

L.  Leger:  History  of  Austro- Hungary,  205  (198). 

6.  Dissolution  of  the  Carolingian  Empire 
(a.  D.  814-877): 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1436-8 
(1403-5). 

H.  H.  Milrnau:  History  of  Latin  Christianity, 

1468  (1437). 

S.  Menzies:  History  of  Europe,  1468-9  (1437-8). 

7.  The  Treaty  of  Verdun  (a.  d.  843): 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  3735  (3615). 

H.  Hallam:  Middle  Ages,  3736  (3616). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geography  of  Europe, 

1469  (1438). 

J.  Brvce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1436-8 
(1403-5). 

8.  The  Beginnings  of  the  Modern  European 
Nations  (a.  d.  843-1000): 

(a)  France. 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  1187  (1157). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Franks  and  Gauls,  1187 
(1157). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1187-8  (1157-8). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1188  (1158). 
J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1436-8 
(1403-5). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Franks  and  Gauls,  1438 
(1405). 

SirF.  Palgrave:  History  of  Normandy  and  Eng- 
land, 1188  (1158). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1188-9 
(1158-9). 

E.  de  Bonnechose:  History  of  France,  1189(1159). 
E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Franks  and  Gauls,  1189 
(1159). 

E.  Lavisse : Political  History  of  Europe,  1189 
(1159). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  3274(3158). 

( b ) Germany. 

T.  Smith:  Arminius,  1464-5  (1431-2). 

C.  J.  Stille:  Mediaeval  History,  1467-8  (1436-7). 

R.  W.  Church : Beginnings  of  Middle  Ages, 
1434  (1401). 

E.  Emerton  : Study  of  Middle  Ages,  1434  (1401). 
J.  Bryce  : The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1436-8 
(1403-5). 

E.  A.  Freeman  : Franks  and  Gauls,  1438  (1405). 
: Hist.  Geography  of  Europe,  1469  (1438). 

H.  Hallam  : The  Middle  Ages,  1470  (1439). 

A.  W.  Griibe:  Heroes  of  History,  1470  (1439). 

C.  W.  Koch : The  Revolutions  of  Europe,  1470-1 

(1439-40). 

L.  Ranke : History  of  Reformation,  1471-2 
(1440-1). 

(c)  Italy. 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2816  (2742). 

J.  G.  Sheppard:  Fall  of  Rome,  2076  (2032). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Fall  of  Roman  Empire,  2077 
(2033). 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  2077  (2033). 

P.  Godwin  : History  of  France,  2077-8  (2033-4). 

S.  Menzies:  History  of  Europe,  1468-9(1437-8). 
J.  Bryce : The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1847-8 

(1807-8). 

A.  F.  Villemain:  Life  of  Gregory  VII.,  2820 
(2746). 

E.  Gibbon : Decline  and  Fall,  1848  (1808). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Italian  Republics,  1848  (1808). 
E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geography  of  Europe, 
1849  (1809). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


749 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


* STUDY  XV. 


GERMANY  TO  THE  END  OF  THE 
MIDDLE  AGES  (A.  D.  1000-1450). 


1.  General  Conditions  at  Close  of  tue 
Tenth  Century  : 

J.  I.  von  Ddllinger:  European  History,  2820-1 
(2746-7). 

Cardinal  J.  H.  Newman : Essays,  2485-6  (2426-7). 
W.  B.  Boyce:  Int.  to  the  Study  of  History, 
1472-3  (1441-2). 

S.  A.  Dunham : History  of  the  Germanic  Em- 
pire, 2730  (2656). 

H.  Hallam : The  Middle  Ages,  2730  (2656). 

J.  H.  Allen  : Christian  History,  1473  (1442). 

2.  Beginning  of  the  Contest  between  the 
Empire  and  the  Papacy  : 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  1473^4  (1442-3). 

Count  de  Montalembert : Monks  of  the  West, 
2486-7  (2427-8). 

J.  Alzog  : Manual  of  Church  History,  2487  (2428). 
Hinschius:  Investiturstreit,  2488-9  (3794-6). 

W.  R.  W.  Stephens:  Hildebrand,  396-7  (386-7). 
C.  T.  Lewis:  History  of  Germany,  2887  (2812). 
J.  H.  Allen : Christian  History,  1474  (1443). 

J.  J.  I.  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church,  1474^5 
(1443-4). 

3.  Rise  of  the  College  of  Electors  (a.  d. 
1125-1272): 

K.  Lamprecht : History  of  Germany,  1475-6 
(3759-60). 

T.  Carlyle:  Frederick  the  Great,  1476-7  (1445). 

: , 316-17  (306). 

4.  The  Disintegration  of  the  Empire  : 

J.  Jastrow:  Deutschen  Einheitstraum,  1477-8 
(3761-2). 

C.  Beard:  Martin  Luther,  487  (473). 

W.  J.  Wyatt:  History  of  Prussia,  487-8  (473-4). 

5.  Rise  of  the  Hohenstaufen  ; the  Guelfb 
and  Ghibellines: 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1478  (1445). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1652  (1614). 

P.  M.  Thornton:  The  Brunswick  Accession, 
1652-3  (1614-15). 

A.  Gallenga:  Italy,  1014-15  (986-7). 

Sir  A.  Haliiday:  Annals  of  the  House  of  Han- 
over, 2888  (2813). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1857-8  (1817-18). 

6.  TnE  Two  Great  Fredericks  : 

(a)  Fi-ederick  I. , Barbarossa  (a.  d.  1152-1190). 
O.  Browning:  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  1478-9 

(1445-6). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1851-2 
(1811-12). 

U.  Balzani : The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1852  (1812). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1852 
(1812). 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1852-3  (1812-13). 

W.  Menzel:  History  of  Germany,  1853  (1813). 

M.  Creighton:  History  of  the  Papacy,  2492-3 
(2432-3). 

The  Republic  of  Venice,  3726  (3606). 

( b ) Frederick  the  Second  (a.  d.  1220-1250). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  European  History  1480  (1447). 


J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1854(1814). 
A.  B.  Pennington:  Emperor  Frederick  II.,  1854-5 
(1814-15). 

T.  L.  Kington:  Frederick  the  Second,  1855-6 
(1815-16). 

G.  Procter;  History  of  the  Crusades,  657,  first 
column,  (634). 

Besantand  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  1926,  second  col- 
umn, (1885). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1481-2 
(1448-9). 

“ We  have  seen  the  Roman  Empire  revived  in  a.  d. 
800,  by  a prince  whose  vast  dominions  gave  ground  to 
his  claim  of  universal  monarchy ; again  erected,  in  a.  d. 
962,  on  the  narrower  but  firmer  basis  of  the  German 
Kingdom.  We  have  seen  Otto  the  Great  and  his  succes- 
sors during  the  three  following  centuries,  a line  of 
monarchs  of  unrivalled  vigor  and  abilities,  strain  every 
nerve  to  make  good  the  pretensions  of  their  office 
against  the  rebels  in  Italy  and  the  ecclesiastical  power. 
The  Roman  Empire  might,  and,  so  far  as  practical  util- 
ity was  concerned,  ought  now  to  have  been  suffered  to 
expire;  nor  could  it  have  ended  more  gloriously  than 
with  the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen.  That  it  did  not  so 
expire,  but  lived  on  600  years  more,  till  it  became  a 
piece  of  antiquarian  ism  hardly  more  venerable  than 
ridiculous,  — till,  as  Voltaire  said,  all  that  could  be  said 
about  it  was  that  it  was  neither  Holy,  nor  Roman,  nor  an 
Empire,  — was  owing  partly  indeed  to  the  belief,  still 
unshaken,  that  it  was  a necessary  part  of  the  world’s 
order,  yet  chiefly  to  its  connection,  which  was  by  this 
time  indissoluble,  with  the  German  Kingdom.  The 
Germans  had  confounded  the  two  characters  of  their 
sovereign  so  long,  and  had  grown  so  fond  of  the  style 
and  pretensions  of  a dignity  whose  possession  appeared 
to  exalt  them  above  the  other  peoples  of  Europe,  that 
it  was  now  too  late  for  them  to  separate  the  local  from 
the  universal  monarch.”  James  Bryce. 

7.  The  Hanseatic  League  (about  a.  d.  1250) : 
History  of  the  Hanseatic  League,  1663  (1626). 

R.  Schrbder:  Der  Deutschen  Rechtsgescliichte, 
1663-4. 

K.  Lamprecht:  Deutsche  Geschichte,  1664-5. 

8.  The  Rise  of  the  Hapsburgs: 

Sir  R.  Comyn:  History  of  the  Western  Empire, 
1482-3  (1449-50). 

W.  Coxe:  History  of  the  House  of  Austria,  206 
(199). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1481-2 
(1448-9). 

Sir  R.  Comyn:  The  Western  Empire,  206-7  (199— 

200). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1710  (1671). 

The  Legend  of  Tell  and  Riitli,  3127,  first  column, 
(3043). 

9.  A Century  of  Confusion: 

C.  T.  Lewis:  History  of  Germany,  1484  (1451). 

S.  A.  Dunham:  The  Germanic  Empire,  1484-5 
(1451-2). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1485-6  (1452-3). 

L.  von  Ranke:  The  Reformation  in  Germany, 
1486  (1453). 

10.  The.  Holy  Roman  Empire; 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1435  and 
2725  (1402  and  2652). 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  World,  2725-6. 

W.  von  Giesebrecht:  The  German  Empire,  2726. 
F.  A.  Gregorovius:  History  of  Rome,  2726. 

C.  W.  Koch:  Revolutions  of  Europe,  1471,  sec- 
ond column,  (1440). 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Reformation,  1471-2 
(1440-1). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1481-2 
(1448-9). 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Reformation,  1486 
(1453). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1541  (1507). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


"On  August  1,  the  French  Envoy  at  Regensburg  an- 
nounced to  the  Diet  that  his  master,  who  had  consented 
to  become  Protector  of  the  Confederate  princes,  no 
longer  recognized  the  existence  of  the  Empire.  Fran- 
cis II.  resolved  at  once  to  anticipate  this  new  Odoacer, 
and  by  a declaration,  dated  August  6,  1800,  resigned  the 
imperial  dignity.  . . . Throughout,  the  term  German 
Empire  (deutsches  Reich)  is  employed.  Unt  it  was  the 
crown  of  Augustus,  of  Constantine,  of  Charles,  of  Maxi- 
milian, that  Francis  of  Hapsburg  laid  down,  and  a new 
era  in  the  world’s  history  was  marked  by  the  fall  of  its 
most  venerable  institution.  One  thousand  and  six 
years  after  Leo,  the  Pope,  had  crowned  the  Frankish 
King,  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty-eight  years  after 
CiESar  had  conquered  at  Pharsalia,  tne  Holy  Roman 
Empire  came  to  its  end.”  James  Bkyce. 

• See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  /. 


* STUDY  XYI. 


FRANCE  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
MIDDLE  AGES  (A.  D.  1000-1453). 


1.  General  Conditions  at  the  Beginning 
of  the  Period  (about  a.  d.  1000): 

E.  deBounechose:  History  of  France,  1189(1159). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Franks  and  the  Gauls, 
1189  (1159). 

E.  Lavisse:  Political  History  of  Europe,  1189 
(1159). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  France  under  the  Feudal 
System,  1189-90  (1159-60). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1190  (1161). 
M.  Arnold:  Schools  and  Universities,  717-18 

(694-5). 

2.  The  Rise  of  Free  Cities  and  of  the  Com- 
munes: 

Achille  Luchaire:  The  French  Communes,  1190-8 
(3748-50). 

W.  Stubbs:  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
505-6  (491-2). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  506  (492). 

3.  Consolidation  and  Expansion  of  the  King- 
dom (a.  d.  1100-1225): 

C.  M.  Yonge:  History  of  France,  1193  (1162). 
Mrs.  J.  R.  Green:  Henry  the  Second,  826  (799). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1193^4  (1162). 

E.  Smedley:  History  of  France,  2551  (2485). 

W.  Stubbs:  Constitutional  History  of  England, 
828  (801). 

See  Maps  between  pages  1200-1201  (1168-9). 

4.  The  Notable  Reign  of  Saint  Louis,  Louis 
IX.  (1226-1270): 

G.  Masson:  St.  Louis,  1194  (1163). 

A.  L.  la  Marche:  France  under  Saint  Louis, 
1194-6  (3750-3). 

Saint  Louis  of  France,  1196  (1164). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1197  (1165). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  1197  (1165). 

F.  P.  Guizot;  History  of  France,  657-8  and  658-9 
(634—5  and  635-6). 

Origin  of  the  Houses  of  Valois  and  Bourbon,  1197, 
3714  (1165,  3594). 

Due  d’Aumale:  The  House  of  Conde,  314  (304). 

“ St  Louis  struck  at  the  spirit  of  the  Middle  Age,  and 
therein  insured  the  downfall  of  its  forms  and  whole 
embodiment.  . . . He  undermined  Feudalism,  because 
he  hated  injustice;  he  warred  with  the  Middle  Age,  be- 
cause he  could  not  tolerate  its  disregard  of  human 
rights;  and  he  paved  the  way  for  Philip-le-Bel’s  struggle 
with  the  Papacy,  because  he  looked  upon  religion 
and  the  Church  as  instruments  for  man’s  salvation, 
not  as  tools  for  worldly  aggrandizement.  The  first  calm, 
deliberate,  consistent  opposition  to  the  centralizing 
power  of  the  great  See  was  that  offered  by  its  truest 


friend  and  honest  ally,  Louis  of  France.  . . . He  is  per- 
haps the  only  monarch  on  record  who  failed  in  most  of 
what  he  undertook  of  active  enterprise,  who  was  under 
the  control  of  the  prejudices  of  his  age,  who  was  a true 
conservative,  who  never  dreamed  of  effecting  great 
social  changes,  — and  who  yet,  by  his  mere  virtues,  his 
sense  of  duty,  his  power  of  conscience,  made  the  most 
mighty  and  vital  reforms.” 

5.  Philip  IV.  and  the  Struggle  with  the 
Papacy  (a.  d.  1285-1314): 

G.  M.  Bussey:  History  of  France,  1198  (1166). 

G.  Trevor:  Fall  of  the  Western  Empire,  2494-5 
(2434-5). 

A.  It.  Pennington:  The  Church  in  Italy,  2495 
(2435). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  3177  (3092). 

6.  The  Parliament  of  Paris  and  the  States 
General: 

Sir  James  Stephen:  History  of  France,  2554^5 
(2488-9). 

Lord  Brougham  : History  of  England  and  France, 
2555  (2489). 

Sir  James  Stephen:  History  of  France,  3108-9 
3026-7). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  3109  (3027). 

A.  Thierry:  The  Tiers  £tat,  1202-3  (1170-1). 

7.  The  Accession  of  Philip  of  Valois,  Philip 
VI.  (A.  D.  1328): 

J.  Michelet:  History  of  France.  1200  (1168). 

E.  de  Bonnechose : History  of  France,  1200  (1168). 
J.  Michelet:  History  of  France,  1200  (1168). 

8.  The  One  Hundred  Years  War  (a.  d.  1327- 
1435): 

(a)  TheFirst  Period  (1327-1380). 

J.  Froissart:  Chronicles,  1200-01  (1168-9). 

H.  Hallam:  Middle  Ages,  1201  (1169). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization,  2868  (2794). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  2868  (2794). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  2868  (2794). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1201  (1169). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1201  (1169). 

J.  Michelet:  History  of  France,  1201-2  (1169-70). 
A.  Thierry:  The  Tiers  fetat,  1202-3  (1170-1). 
Prof,  de  Vericour:  The  Jacquerie,  1204  (1172). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1204  (1172). 

E.  Bonnechose:  History  of  France,  1205  (1173). 

( b ) The  Second  Period  (1415-1435). 

A.  J.  Church:  Henry  the  Fifth,  1205-6  (1173-4). 
C.  M.  Yonge:  English  History,  1206  (1174). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1207  (1175). 

9.  Mission  of  the  Maid  of  Orleans  (a.  d. 
1429-31) ; 

A.  de  Lamartine:  Joan  of  Arc,  1207-8  (1175-6). 

S.  Luce:  Jeanne  d’Arc,  1208  (3755). 

A.  de  Lamartine  : Joan  of  Arc,  1208-9  (1175-6). 
Lord  Mahon:  Historical  Essays,  1209  (1177). 

J.  O’Hagau:  Joan  of  Arc,  1209  (1177). 

T.  de  Quincey:  Joan  of  Arc,  1209-10  (1177-8). 

“ Her  ways  and  habits  during  the  year  she  was  in  arms 
are  attested  by  a multitude  of  witnesses.  Dunois  and 
the  Duke  of  Alenf  on  bear  testimony  to  what  they  term 
her  extraordinary  talents  for  war,  and  to  her  perfect 
fearlessness  in  action;  but  in  all  other  things  she  was 
the  most  simple  of  creatures.  She  wept  when  she  first 
saw  men  slain  in  battle,  to  think  that  they  should  have 
died  without  confession.  She  wept  at  the  abominable 
epithets  w'hich  the  English  heaped  upon  her;  but  she 
was  without  a trace  of  vindictiveness.  ...  In  her  diet 
she  was  abstemious  in  the  extreme,  rarely  eating  until 
evening,  and  then  for  the  most  part,  of  bread  and  water, 
sometimes  mixed  with  wine.  In  the  field,  she  slept  in 
her  armor;  but  when  she  came  into  a city,  she  always 
sought  out  some  honorable  matron,  under  whose  pro- 
tection she  placed  herself;  and  there  is  wonderful  ev- 
idence of  the  atmosphere  of  purity  which  she  diffused 
around  her.  her  very  presence  banishing  from  men’s 
hearts  all  evil  thoughts  and  wishes.  Her  conversation, 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


when  not  of  war,  was  entirely  of  religion.  She  confessed 
often,  and  received  communion  twice  in  the  week.” 

J.  O’Hagan. 

10.  The  Effects  of  the  One  Hundred  Years 
War: 

E.  E.  Crowe:  History  of  France,  1210  (1178). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1211  (1179). 

C.  W.  Oman:  Warwick  the  King-Maker,  846-7 
(819-20). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1065-8  (1037-40). 

11.  The  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Charles  VII. 
(a.  d.  1438): 

R.  C.  Trench:  Church  History,  2500  (2440). 

M.  Creighton:  History  of  the  Papacy,  1210-11 
(1178-9). 

“ Such  were  the  chief  reforms  of  its  own  special 
grievances  which  France  wished  to  establish.  It  was 
the  first  step  in  the  assertion  of  the  rights  of  National 
Churches  to  arrange  for  themselves  the  details  of  their 
own  ecclesiastical  organizations.”  M.  Creighton. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XVII. 


ITALY  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  MID- 
DLE AGES  (A.  D.  1000-1450). 


1.  General  Conditions  at  the  Close  of 
the  Tenth  Century  : 

J.  Bryce : The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1848  (1808). 
A.  F.  Villemain:  Life  of  Gregory  VII.,  2820 
(2746). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  2820  (2746). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1848 
(1808). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1848-9  (1808-9). 
J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  2725  (2652). 
L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  World,  2725-6. 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  2078,  first 

column,  (2034). 

2.  The  Norman  Settlements  (a.  d.  1000-1100): 
A.  Thierry : Conquest  of  England,  2418  (2366). 
Sir  F.  Palgrave:  History  of  Normandy,  etc., 

2419-20  (2367-8). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  2421-2 
(2369-70). 

Sir  F.  Palgrave:  History  of  Normandy,  2422 
(2370). 

C.  Thirlwall  : History  of  Greece,  2981-2(2903-4). 
E.  A.  Freeman:  Story  of  Sicily,  2983  (2905). 

G.  Finlay : The  Byzantine  Empire,  2984  (2906). 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2984(2906). 

J.  Michelet:  History  of  France,  1849  (1809). 

G.  Procter:  History  of  Italy,  1849-50  (1809-10). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  2821  (2747). 
A.  H.  Johnson:  The  Normans  in  Europe,  1850-1 

(1810-11). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1051  (1023). 

3.  Rise  of  the  Free  Cities  : 

P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  2077-8  (2033-4). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1850 
(1810). 

Hinschius:  Investiturstreit,  2488-9  (3794-6). 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  3273  (3157). 

(a)  Milan. 

W.  Ihne : History  of  Rome,  2746-7  (2672-3). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2226  (2182). 

G.  B.  Testa:  War  of  Frederick  I.  against  Lom- 
bardy, 2226  (2182). 


T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2226-7 

(2182-3). 

(b)  Florence. 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  1160  (1130). 
T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1160-1  (1130-1). 

B.  Duffy:  The  Tuscan  Republics,  1161  (1131). 

(c)  Pavia. 

G.  B Niebuhr:  History  of  Rome,  2070  (2026). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2077  (2033). 

(d)  Pisa. 

L.  Pignotti:  History  of  Tuscany,  2605-6(2537-8). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Italian  Republics,  2606-7 

(2538-9). 

(e)  Venice. 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3722  (3602). 

T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders, 3722  (3602). 

G.  Finlay:  Byzantine  Empire,  3722-3  (3602-3). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Italian  Republics,  3724-5 

(3604-5. 

4.  Establishment  of  the  States  of  the 
Church : 

J.  N.  Murphy:  The  Chair  of  Peter,  2492  (2432). 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  3273  (3157). 

M.  Creighton:  History  of  the  Papacy,  2493(2433). 

5.  Conditions  in  Rome  . 

J.  I.  Dollinger:  European  History,  2821  (2747). 
H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  2821  (2747). 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2822  (2748). 

6.  Struggle  of  the  Italian  Republics  with 
the  Emperors  : 

(a)  With  Frederick  I. , Barbarossa  (a.  d.  1154- 
1183). 

O.  Browning:  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  1478-9 
(1445-6). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1851-2 
(1811-12). 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  and  the  Holienstaufen, 
1852  (1812). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  The  Italian  Republics,  1852 
(1812). 

U.  Balzani : The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1852-3  (1812-13). 

W.  Menzel:  History  of  Germany,  1853  (1813). 

( b ) With  Frederick  the  Second  (a.  d.  1220-1250). 
J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1854  (1814). 
J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Italian  Republics,  1137-8 

(1109-10). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  European  History,  1479  (1446). 

: Frederick  the  Second,  1480,  first  column 

(1447). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  The  Revival  of  Learning,  720 
(697). 

(c)  The  Results  of  the  Contest. 

J.  Burckhardt:  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1856-7 
(1816-17). 

O.  Browning : Guelfs  and  Ghibellines,  1856  (1816). 
E.  Smedley:  History  of  France,  1858-9(1818-19). 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Florence  and  the  Medici,  1163 
(1133). 

7.  The  Guelfs  and  Ghibellines  : 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1478  (1445). 

H.  Hallam : Middle  Ages,  1652  (1614). 

Sir  A.  Halliday:  Annals  of  House  of  Hanover, 
1652  (1614). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1857-8  (1817-18). 

R.  W.  Church:  Dante,  1858  (1818). 

N.  Machiavelli : History  of  Florence,  1161-2 
(1131-2). 


752 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


•O.  Browning:  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  1162 
(1132). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  The  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1162-3  (1132-3). 

8.  Tjik  Age  of  tiie  Despots  (a.  d.  1250-1500): 

J.  Burckhardt:  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1856-7 

(1816-17). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  The  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1857-8  (1817-18). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geography  of  Europe, 
1859  (1819). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1859 
(1819). 

J.  Yeats:  Growth  of  Commerce,  2249,  second 
column,  (2205). 

A.  von  Reumont:  Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  2250  (2206). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
2250  (2206). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  The  Renaissance,  24634. 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  107445  (1046-7). 

9.  Continued  Contests  between  the  Guelfs 
and  Ghibellines  : 

W.  Hunt:  History  of  Italy,  1860-1  (1820-1), 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  1861  (1821). 

G.  Procter:  History  of  Italy,  1862-3  (1822-3). 

10  Rienzi;  the  Last  of  the  Tribunes  (a.  d. 
1347-54): 

Prof,  de  Vericour:  Rienzi,  2822-4  (2748-50). 

W.  W.  Story:  The  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  2824-5 
(2750-1). 

11.  The  Infamous  “Free  Companies”  (about 
a.  d.  1340-90): 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1865-6  (1825-6). 

W.  P.  Urquhart:  Life  of  F.  Sforza,  1866  (1826). 

Sir  John  Hawkwood,  1866  (1826). 

12.  Development  of  the  City  Principalities: 
(a)  Florence. 

(1)  The  Passing  of  the  Republic. 

J.  A.  Symonds : Florence  and  the  Medici,  1163 
(1133). 

C.  Balbo  : Life  of  Dante,  1164  (1134). 

W.  P.  Urquhart:  Life  of  F.  Sforza,  1165  (1135). 

T.  B.  Macaulay : Machiavelli,  1166  (1136). 

G.  Boccaccio  : The  Decameron,  1166  (1136). 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers  : History  of  Agriculture,  292-3 
(283-4). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1166-7  (1136-7). 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  1167  (1137). 

(2)  The  Medici. 

J.  A.  Symonds  : Florence  and  the  Medici,  1167-8 
(1137-8). 

T.  A.  Trollope : Commonwealth  of  Florence, 
1168-9  (1138-9). 

W.  B.  Scaife  : Florentine  Life,  1169  (1139). 

W.  Hunt : History  of  Italy,  1169  (1139). 

A.  von  Reumont:  Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  1169-70 
(1139-40). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Italian  Republics,  1170-1 
(1140-1). 

P.  Villari : Machiavelli,  1171-2  (1141-2). 

Mrs.  Oliphant:  Makers  of  Florence,  1172  (1142). 

H.  A.  Taine:  Italy,  Florence,  and  Venice,  1172-3 
(1142-3). 

(3)  Savonarola. 

O.  T.  Hill : Savonarola’s  Triumph  of  the  Cross, 
1173-5  (1143-5). 

H.  E.  Napier:  Florentine  History,  1176  (1146). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Studies  in  Italy,  1176-7  (1146-7). 

Mrs.  Oliphant:  Makers  of  Florence,  1172  (1142). 


“ Florence  was  as  near  a pagan  city  as  it  was  possible 
for  its  rulers  to  make  it.  . . . Society  had  never  been 
more  dissolute,  more  seltish,  or  more  utterly  deprived 
of  any  higher  aim.  Barren  scholarship,  busy  over  gram- 
matical questions,  and  elegant  philosophy,  snipping 
and  piecing  its  logical  systems,  formed  the  top-dressing 
to  that  half-brutal,  hall-superstitious  ignorance  of  the 
poor.  The  dilettante  world  dreamed  hazily  of  a restora- 
tion of  the  worship  of  the  pagan  gods;  Cardinal  Bembo 
bade  his  friend  beware  of  reading  St.  Paul’s  Epistles, 
lest  their  barbarous  style  should  corrupt  his  taste.  . . . 
Thus  limited  intellectually,  the  age  of  Lorenzo  was  still 
more  hopeless  morally,  full  of  debauchery,  cruelty  and 
corruption,  violating  oaths,  betraying  trusts,  believing 
in  nothing  but  Greek  manuscripts,  coins,  and  statues, 
caring  for  nothing  but  pleasure.  This  was  the  world  in 
which  Savonarola  found  himself.”  Mrs.  Oliphant. 

( b ) Milan. 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Italian  Republics,  1851,  sec- 
ond column,  (1811). 

: , 1852,  second  column,  (1812). 

J.  A.  Symonds  : Age  of  Despots,  2227-8  (2183-4). 
W.  Robertson  : Charles  the  Fifth,  2228  (2184). 

A.  von  Reumont:  Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  2228-9 
(218445). 

(c)  Pisa. 

J.  T.  Bent : Genoa,  2606-7  (2538-9). 

J.  A.  Symonds  : Studies  in  Italy,  50-1  (43-4). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  522-3  (508-9). 

G.  Procter  : History  of  Italy,  1862-3  (1822-3). 
W.  Hunt:  History  of  Italy,  1868  (1828). 

J.  N.  Murphy:  The  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  2498 
(2438). 

( d ) Genoa. 

J.  T.  Bent:  Genoa,  1452-3,  2606-7  (1419-20, 
2538-9). 

J.  A.  Symonds : Renaissance  in  Italy,  2227, 
second  column,  (2183). 

J.  T.  Bent:  Genoa,  1454,  2251-2  (1421,  2207-8). 
G.  B.  Malleson:  Genoese  History,  1454  (1421). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Venice  and  Genoa,  3220  (3709). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Italian  Republics,  1454(1421). 

(e)  Venice. 

G.  Finlay  : Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires,  3726 
(3606). 

The  Republic  of  Venice,  3726  (3606). 

E.  Pears:  The  Fall  of  Constantinople,  3726  (3606). 
W.  C.  Hazlitt  : The  Venetian  Republic,  3727 

(3607). 

J.  Yeats:  The  Growth  of  Commerce,  3727  (3607). 
G.  Finlay : Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires, 
523-4  (509-10). 

F.  A.  Parker  : Fleets  of  the  World,  3728  (3608). 
J.  T.  Bent : Genoa,  3729  (3609). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : Italian  Republics,  1869(1829). 
* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XVIII. 


THE  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH : 
FROM  PENTECOST  TO  GREGORY 
THE  GREAT  (A.  D.  30(?)-6oo). 


1.  JUD.EA  AT  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CHRIS- 
TIAN Era: 

E.  de  Pressense:  Jesus  Christ,  1961-2  (1920-1). 
E.  Schiirer:  The  Jewish  People,  1678  (1639). 

A.  Edersheim:  Life  of  Jesus,  446  (432). 

H.  W.  Hulbert:  Historical  Geography,  446  (432). 

2.  Herod  and  the  Herodians  (b.  c.  40-a.  d. 
44): 

T.  Keim:  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1958-9  (1917-18). 

T.  Mommsen  : History  of  Rome,  1960  (1919). 


753 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


H.  H.  Milman:  History  of  the  Jews,  1960  (1919). 

3.  Tiie  Birth  of  Jesus  : 

T.  Keim:  Jesus  of  Nazara,  1960-1  (1919-20). 

W.  Hales:  Analysis  of  Chronology,  1011  (984). 

4.  Pentecost,  and  the  Establishment  ok 
the  First  Churches: 

G.  Y.  Lechler:  The  Apostolic  Times,  447  (433). 

A.  Sabatier:  The  Apostle  Paul,  447  (433). 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  The  Apostolic  Age,  448  (434). 

W.  Moeller : The  Christian  Church,  448  (434). 

J.  E.  Wiltsch:  Statistics  of  the  Church,  448 

(434) . 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  The  Apostolic  Age,  449  (435). 
W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  449  (435). 

5.  The  Apostolic  Period  (a.  d.  30(?)-100): 

(a)  The  Church  at  Antioch. 

C.  Thirlwall:  History  of  Greece,  2107,  2960 
(2063,  2883). 

W.  Moeller : The  Christian  Church,  448  (434). 

J.  J.  von  DOllinger:  European  History,  449 

(435) . 

W.  M.  Ramsay:  The  Church  in  the  Roman 
Empire,  449  (435). 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  449  (435). 

B.  Weiss:  Int.  to  the  New  Testament,  450  (436). 
G.  B.  Brown:  From  Schola  to  Cathedral,  450 

(436) . 

( b ) The  Missions  of  St.  Paul. 

G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Christian  Church,  450  (436). 

A.  Sabatier;  The  Apostle  Paul,  450-1  (436-7). 

: , 451,  second  column,  (437). 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  Biblical  Essays,  451  (437). 

W-  M.  Ramsay:  The  Church  in  the  Roman 
Empire,  451  (437). 

C.  T.  Cruttwell : Literary  History  of  Early 
Christianity,  191-2  (184-5). 

(c)  The  Church  at  Rome. 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  453  (439). 

G.  Salmon:  Infallibility  of  the  Church,  2476 
(2417). 

J.  J.  I.  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church,  2476-7 
(2417-18). 

F.  W.  Farrar:  Early  Days  of  Christianity,  2781-2 
(2707-8). 

J.  B.  Lightfoot : The  Apostolic  Age,  453  (439). 

(d)  The  Church  at  Alexandria. 

R.  S.  Poole : The  Cities  of  Egypt,  44  (37). 

E.  Kirkpatrick:  Development  of  Superior  Edu- 
cation, 708  (685). 

A.  Neander;  History  of  the  Christian  Church, 
452  (438). 

J.  P.  Mahaffy:  Alexander’s  Empire,  2973  (2896). 

(e)  The  Destruction  of  Jerusalem. 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  The  Apostolic  Age,  449  (435). 
C.  Merivale : History  of  the  Romans,  1962  (1921). 
Besant  and  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  1963  (1922). 

H.  H.  Milman:  History  of  the  Jews,  1963  (1922). 
J.  B.  Lightfoot : The  Apostolic  Age,  461  (447). 

(/)  St.  John,  and  the  Church  at  Ephesus. 

E.  Abbott:  History  of  Greece,  146,  second  col- 
umn, (139). 

J.  T.  Wood:  Discoveries  at  Ephesus,  1008-9 
(981-2) 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  1009  (982). 
J.  B.  Lightfoot;  Biblical  Essays,  451-2  (437-8). 

“ For  Christians  are  not  distinguished  from  the  rest 
of  mankind  either  in  locality  or  in  speech,  or  in  cus- 
toms. . . . They  dwell  in  their  own  countries  as  the  lot 
of  each  is  cast,  but  only  as  sojourners;  they  bear  their 
share  in  all  things  as  citizens,  and  they  endure  all  hard- 
ships as  strangers.  Every  foreign  country  is  a father- 
land  to  him  and  every  fatherland  is  foreign.  . . . 
Their  existence  is  on  earth,  but  their  citizenship  is  in 


heaven.  They  obey  the  established  laws,  and  they  sur- 
pass the  laws  in  their  own  lives.  They  love  all  men,  and 
they  are  persecuted  by  all.  War  is  urged  against  them 
as  aliens  by  the  Jews,  and  persecution  is  carried  on 
against  them  by  the  Greeks,  and  yet  those  that  hate 
them  cannot  tell  the  reason  of  their  hostility.  ” The 
Epistle  to  JDiognetus  (about  a.  d.  150). 

6.  TnE  Period  of  Church  Development  (a.  d. 
100-312): 

G.  B.  Brown:  From  Schola  to  Cathedral,  455 

(441) . 

B.  F.  Westcott:  Religious  Thought  in  the  West, 
453-4,  454  (439-40,  440). 

J.  F.  Hurst:  History  of  the  Christian  Church, 
454  (440). 

G.  Uhlhorn:  Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Hea- 
thenism, 454  (440). 

W.  M.  Ramsay:  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, 455  (441). 

J.  H.  Kurtz : Church  History,  457  (443). 

G.  A.  Jackson:  The  Fathers  of  the  Third  Century, 
457  (443). 

See  Map  between  pages  446-7  (432-3),  and  Ap- 
pendix D,  3806-10  (End  of  Vol.  I.). 

7.  Characteristics  of  Early  Church  and 
Christians  : 

G.  Uhlhorn:  Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Hea- 
thenism, 454  (440). 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  Trans.  Epistle  to  Diognetus, 
454  (440). 

R.  W.  Church:  Gifts  of  Civilization,  455  (441). 
J.  B.  Lightfoot:  Apostolic  Age,  457  (443). 

G.  P.  Fisher  : Christian  Church,  459  (445). 

W.  M.  Ramsay:  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, 456  (442). 

H.  Hayman:  Diocesan  Synods,  456  (442). 

W.  Moeller:  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,  457 

(443) . 

G.  A.  Jackson  : Fathers  of  the  Third  Century, 
457  (443). 

J.  H.  Kurtz : Church  History,  459  (445). 

8.  The  Rise  of  Ecclesiasticism  : 

W.  D.  Killen:  The  Old  Catholic  Church,  458 

(444) . 

J.  B.  Lightfoot:  The  Apostolic  Age,  458  (444). 

C.  Gore:  The  Mission  of  the  Church,  458  (444). 
A.  Neander:  The  Christian  Religion,  458  (444). 

9.  Growth  of  Great  Church  Centres  : 

F.  W.  Puller:  Primitive  Saints,  458  (444). 

{a)  Alexandria. 

C.  T.  Cruttwell:  Literary  History  of  Early  Chris- 
tianity, 459-460  (445-6). 

J.  B.  Heard:  Alexandrian  Theology,  460  (446). 
W.  Moeller:  Christian  Church,  460  (446). 

C.  Bigg:  The  Christian  Platouists,  460-1  (446-7). 

F.  C.  Baur:  Church  of  the  First  Three  Centuries, 
1589  (1551). 

(b)  Rome. 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  462  (448). 

R.  Lanciani:  Pagan  and  Christian  Rome,  462-3 
(448-9). 

E.  de  Pressense:  Early  Years  of  Christianity, 
463  (449). 

(c)  Carthage. 

C.  T.  Cruttwell:  Literary  History  of  Early  Chris- 
tianity, 461-2  (447-8). 

J.  I.  von  DOllinger:  European  History,  462  (448). 

10.  TnE  Persecutions  : 

G.  Uhlhorn:  The  Conflict  of  Christianity  with 
Heathenism,  456  (442). 

G.  B.  Brown:  From  Schola  to  Cathedral,  455 

(442) . 


754 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


(а)  Under  Nero  (a.  d.  64-8). 

F.  W.  Farrar:  Early  Days  of  Christianity,  2781-2 
(2707-8). 

(б)  Under  Domitian  (a.  d.  93-6). 

V.  Duruy:  History  of  Rome,  2784  (2710). 

(c)  Under  Trajan  (a.  d.  112-16). 

R.  W.  Browne : History  of  Rome,  2786,  first  col- 
umn, (2712). 

( d ) Under  Marcus  Aurelius  (a.  d.  175-8). 

F.  W.  Farrar:  Seekers  after  God,  2788  (2714). 

(e)  Under  Decivs  (about  a.  d.  250). 

J.  C.  Robertson:  History  of  Christian  Church, 
2790  (2716). 

(/)  Under  Diocletian  (a.  d.  303-5). 

S.  Eliot:  History  of  the  Early  Christians,  2792-3 
(2718-19). 

The  Ante-Nicene  Churches,  Appendix  D,  3806 
(End  of  Vol  I.). 

11.  The  Church  Fathers  : 

J.  F.  Hurst:  History  of  the  Christian  Church, 
454  (440). 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  456-7  (442-3). 
J.  H.  Kurtz:  Church  History,  457  (443). 

G.  A.  Jackson:  Fathers  of  the  Third  Century, 
457  (443). 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  460  (446). 

A.  Plummer:  Church  of  the  Early  Fathers,  461 
(447). 

J.  I.  von  Dollinger:  European  History,  462  (448). 
E.  de  Pressense:  Early  Years  of  Christianity, 
463  (449). 

W.  Stewart:  Church  in  the  Fourth  Century,  468 

(454) . 

G.  T.  Stokes:  The  Celtic  Church,  472  (458). 

W.  Stewart:  Church  in  the  Fourth  Century,  471 
(456-7). 

T.  W.  Allies:  The  Holy  See,  2482  (2423). 

12.  The  Christian  Church  becomes  the 
Church  of  the  Empire  (a.  d.  323) : 

G.  P.  Fisher:  History  of  the  Christian  Church, 
465  (451). 

A.  Carr:  The  Church  and  the  Roman  Empire, 
465-6  (451-2). 

Eusebius:  Ecclesiastical  History,  2794  (2720). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Constantine  the  Great,  2794-5  (2721). 
A.  Neander:  History  of  the  Christian  Church, 
2795  (2721). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
2795  (2721). 

H H.  Milman:  History  of  Christianity,  466-7, 
467-8  (452-3,  453-4). 

13.  The  Eastern,  or  Greek  Church  : 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Constantine  the  Great,  519  (505). 

G.  Finlay:  Greece  under  the  Romans,  520  (506). 
T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2801  (2727). 

H.  F.  Tozer:  The  Church  and  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire, 468-9  (454-5). 

R.  W.  Church:  The  Gifts  of  Civilization,  469 

(455) . 

J.  C.  Lees:  The  Greek  Church,  470  (456). 

14.  The  Arian  Controversy,  and  Council  of 
NiCyEa  (a.  d.  325): 

The  Councils  of  the  Church,  644  (621). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
138  (131). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  138-9  (131-2). 

R.  W.  Bush:  St.  Athanasius,  2411  (2359). 

W.  Moeller:  Christian  Church,  466  (452). 

T.  Hodgkin:  The  Dynasty  of  Theodosius,  2799, 
second  column,  (2725). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Charlemagne,  1150  (1120). 


P.  Schaff:  History  of  Christian  Church,  1150 

(1120). 

15.  The  Revival  of  Paganism,  and  Formal 
Establishment  of  Christianity  (a.  d.  361- 
395): 

G.  Uhlhorn:  Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Hea- 
thenism, 2796-8  (2722—4). 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi:  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
2798,  first  column,  (2724). 

J.  B.  S.  Carwithen:  History  of  the  Christian 
Church,  2801  (2727). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2800-1  (2726-7). 

16.  The  Spread  of  Christianity  in  the 
Provinces  : 

E.  de  Pressense:  Early  Years  of  Christianity, 
463  (449). 

C.  A.  A.  Scott:  Ulfilas,  464,  1594  (450,  1556). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1432  (1399). 

S.  Baring-Gould;  The  Church  in  Germany,  472 
(458). 

C.  Merivale  : Church  History,  464  (450). 

R.  W.  Church:  Gifts  of  Civilization,  465(451). 

A.  Plummer:  Church  of  the  Early  Fathers,  464 
(450). 

Appendix  D,  3S07-10  (End  of  Yol.  I.). 

17.  The  Fall  of  Imperial,  Rise  of  Ecclesi- 
astical Rome  : 

J.  Watt : The  Latin  Church,  471  (457). 

C.  Merivale : Early  Church  History,  471  (457). 

E.  Hatch:  Organization  of  the  Christian 

Churches,  471  (457). 

G.  T.  Stokes:  The  Celtic  Church,  472  (458). 

J.  J.  I.  von  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church, 
2481  (2421-2). 

C.  Gore : Leo  the  Great,  2481  (2422). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XIX. 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  AND 
GROWTH  OF  THE  PAPACY. 


1.  The  Roman  Church  Claim  of  Descent 
from  St.  Peter  : 

G.  Salmon:  Infallibility  of  the  Church,  2476 
(2417). 

J.  J.  I.  von  Dollinger;  History  of  the  Church, 

2476- 7  (2417-18). 

Cardinal  Gibbons:  The  Faith  of  Our  Fathers, 

2477- 8  (2418-19). 

Abbe  Guettee:  The  Papacy,  2478-9  (2419-20). 

S.  Cheetham:  History  of  the  Church,  2480  (2421). 
G.  F.  Seymour:  Christian  Unity,  2480  (2421). 

E.  de  Pressense:  Early  Years  of  Christianity. 
463  (449). 

2.  The  Rise  of  the  Episcopate  : 

W.  D.  Killen:  The  Old  Catholic  Church,  458 
(444). 

C.  Gore : Mission  of  the  Church,  458  (444). 

J.  B.  Lightfoot;  The  Apostolic  Age,  458  (444). 
A.  Neander : The  Christian  Religion,  458  (444). 
E.  Hatch:  Organization  of  the  Christian 
Churches,  471  (457). 

C.  Gore:  Leo  the  Great,  2481  (2422). 

3.  The  Patriarchates  : 

J.  H.  Egar:  Christendom  ; Ecclesiastical  and 
Political,  466  (452). 


755 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


J.  E.  T.  Wiltsch:  Statistics  of  the  Church,  466 
(452). 

J.  C.  Lees:  The  Greek  Church,  470,  first  column, 
(456). 

C.  Merivale:  Early  Church  History,  471  (457). 

4.  The  Early  Bishops  of  Rome  (a.  d.  42-600): 
J.  J.  I.  von  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church, 

2480-1  (2421-2). 

C.  Gore : Leo  the  Great,  2481  (2422). 

.T.  H.  Egar:  Ecclesiastical  and  Political  Christen- 
dom, 476  (462). 

Y.  Duruy : Middle  Ages,  476  (462). 

5.  Origin  of  the  Papal  Title  : 

A.  P.  Stanley:  The  Eastern  Church,  2480  (2421). 

R.  W.  Bush:  St.  Athanasius,  2411  (2359). 

6.  Causes  that  led  to  the  Supremacy  of 
the  Roman  Church  : 

J.  Watt:  The  Latin  Church,  471  (457). 

C.  Merivale:  Church  History,  471  (457). 

E.  Hatch:  The  Christian  Churches,  471  (457). 

C.  Gore : Leo  the  Great,  2481  (2422). 

S.  Cheetliam : The  Christian  Church,  2479,  last 
column,  2480  (2421). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1045  (1017). 

7.  Gregory  the  Great  (a.  d.  590-604): 

Y.  Duruy:  The  Middle  Ages,  475-6  (461-2). 

J.  Barrnby:  Gregory  the  Great,  2481-2  (2422-3). 

T.  W.  Allies:  The  Holy  See,  2482  (2423). 

M.  Creighton  : History  of  the  Papacy,  2818 
(2744). 

C.  Merivale  : Early  Church  History,  476  (462). 
V.  Duruy:  The  Middle  Ages,  476-7  (462-3;. 

J.  F.  Rowbotham:  History  of  Music,  2280-1. 

8.  From  Gregory  to  Charlemagne  (a.  d.  600- 
800): 

The  Succession  of  Popes,  2482-3  (2423-4). 

(a)  The  Rise  of  Papal  Sovereignty  at  Rome. 

G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  Empire,  2483  (2424). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2483  (2424). 

J.  E.  Darras : History  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
2483  (2424). 

P.  Godwin  : History  of  France,  2483  (2424). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  2483  (2424). 
C.  J.  Stille;  Mediajval  History,  1467,  second 
column,  (1436). 

(b)  The  Iconoclastic  Controversy . 

J.  L.  vou  Moslieim:  Ecclesiastical  History,  1732 
(1692-3). 

J.  C.  Lees:  The  Greek  Church,  470  (456). 

(c)  The  Forged  Donation  of  Constantine,  and 
False  Decretals. 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2484  (2425). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  2484  (2425). 
J.  Alzog : Manual  of  Church  History,  2484  (2425). 
J.  E.  Riddle:  History  of  the  Papacy,  2485(2426). 

9.  The  Alliance  between  the  Papacy  and 
the  Franks : 

J.  Bryce  : The  Holy  Roman  Empire  (1846-1806). 
R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1846-7  (1806-7). 

C.  J.  Stille:  Studies  in  Mediaeval  History,  1467-8 
(1436-7). 

E.Emerton:The  Middle  Ages,  1434—5  (1401-2). 

10.  From  Charlemagne  to  Hildebrand; 
Degradation  of  the  Holy  See  (a.  d.  300- 
1073): 

Cardinal  J.  H.  Newman:  Essays,  2485-6  (2426-7). 
A.  F.  Villemain  : Life  of  Gregory  VII.,  2820 
(2746). 


Abbe  J.  E.  Darras:  The  Catholic  Church,  2820 
(2746). 

C.  W.  Koch:  The  Revolutions  of  Europe,  1471 
(1439-40). 

J.  I.  von  Dbllinger:  European  History,  2820-1 
(2746-7). 

J.  H.  Allen:  Christian  History,  1473  (1442). 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  Middle  Ages, 
1473-4  (1442-3). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Charlemagne,  1150  (1120). 

P.  Schaff;  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  1150 

(1120). 

“ Such  are  a few  of  the  most  prominent  features  of  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  these  dreadful  times,  when,  in 
the  words  of  St.  Bruno,  * the  world  lay  in  wickedness, 
holiness  had  disappeared,  justice  had  perished,  and 
truth  had  been  buried;  Simon  Magus  lording  it  over 
the  Church,  whose  bishops  and  priests  were  given  to 
luxury  and  fornication.  ’ Had  we  lived  in  such  deplorable 
times  ....  we  should  have  felt  for  certain,  that  if 
it  was  possible  to  retrieve  the  Church,  it  must  be  by 
some  external  power;  she  was  helpless  and  resourceless; 
and  the  civil  (lower  must  interfere,  or  there  was  no 
hope.”  Cardinal  J.  H.  Newman. 

11.  Hildebrand  and  Reform  (a.  d.  1073- 
1086) : 

Count  de  Montalembert:  Monks  of  the  West, 
2486-7  (2427-8). 

J.  Alzog  : Manual  of  History,  2487-8  (2428). 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization  during  Middle  Ages, 
1473-4  (1442-3). 

J.  N.  Murphy:  The  Chair  of  Peter,  2492  (2432). 

(а)  Papal  Elections. 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  2491-2  (2431-2). 

(б)  Celibacy. 

Sir  James  Stephen:  Hildebrand,  2488  (2429). 

(c)  Investitures. 

Hinschius:  Investiturstreit,  2488-9  (3794-6). 

( d ) At  Canossa. 

W.  Moeller:  The  Christian  Church,  2490  (2430). 
W.  R.  W.  Stephens:  Hildebrand  and  His  Times, 
396-7  (386-7). 

W.  S.  Lilly:  The  Turning-Point  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  2490-1  (2430-1). 

J.  H.  Allen:  Christian  History,  1474  (1442). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  2821  (2747). 

(e)  The  Concordat  of  Worms. 

J.  Sime:  History  of  Germany,  1474  (1443). 

J.  J.  I.  Dollinger:  History  of  the  Church, 1474-5 
(1443-4). 

R.  C.  Trench:  Mediaeval  Church  History,  2491 
(2431). 

12.  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen  (a.  d. 
1138-1250): 

J.  C.  L.  Sismondi : The  Italian  Republics,  1850 
(1810). 

M.  Creighton  : History  of  the  Papacy,  2492-3 
(2432-3). 

H.  Hallam : The  Middle  Ages,  2493-4  (2433-4). 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  anil  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1478  (1445). 

O.  Browning:  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  1478-9 
(1445-6). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  European  History,  1479  (1446). 

: Frederick  the  Second,  1479-80  (1446-7). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1854  (1814). 
T.  L.  Kington:  Frederick  the  Second,  1855-6 
(1815-16). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1050 and  1054(1022,  1026). 

13.  TnE  “ Babylonish  Captivity  ” (a.  d.  1294- 
1378): 

G.  Trevor  : Rome,  2494-5  (2434—5). 

L.  Pastor:  History  of  the  Popes,  2495-6  (2435-6). 

M.  Creighton : History  of  the  Papacy,  2496  (2436). 


756 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


14.  The  “Ghkat  Schism  ” (a.  d.  1378-1417): 

W.  W.  Story : Castle  St.  Angelo,  2497  (2437). 

J.  N.  Murphy : The  Chair  of  Peter,  2498  (2438). 

L.  Pastor:  History  of  the  Popes,  2498  (2438). 

J.  Alzog:  Manual  of  Church  History,  2498-9 
(2438-9). 

15.  The  Darkest  Age  of  the  Papacy  (a.  d. 
1417-1517): 

R.  C.  Trench:  Mediaeval  Church  History,  2500 
(2440). 

R.  L.  Poole  : Wycliffeand  Reform  Movements, 
2501  (2441). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2501  (2441). 

H.  A.  Taine : English  Literature,  2501-2  (2441-2). 

J.  A.  Symonds : Renaissance  in  Italy,  2502,  2503 
(2442,  2443). 

16.  Eve  of  TnE  Great  Reformation; 

T.  Kolde:  Martin  Luther,  2504. 

L.  Ranke:  History  of  the  Reformation,  2504-5 
(2443-4). 

G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Reformation,  2505  (2444). 

Cardinal  N.  Wiseman:  Lectures  on  Catholic 
Church,  2505-6  (2444-5). 

J.  N.  M.  D’Aubigue:  Story  of  the  Reformation, 
2506  (2445). 

17.  The  Inquisition  (a.  d.  1203-1525) : 

J.  A.  Symonds:  The  Catholic  Reaction,  1789-91 
(1750-2). 

• See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XX. 


MONASTICISM  AND  THE  RELIGIOUS 
ORDERS. 


1.  Monasticism  : 

I.  Gregory  Smith:  Christian  Monasticism,  468 
(454). 

E.  Schiirer:  The  Jewish  People,  1014  (3745). 
Charles  Kingsley  : The  Hermits,  119-20(112-13). 

1.  Gregory  Smith:  Christian  Monasticism,  2239- 
40  (2195-6). 

Count  de  Montalembert : Monks  of  the  West, 
2240-1  (2196-7). 

A.  Jessop : The  Coming  of  the  Friars,  2241-2 
(2197-8). 

Count  de  Montalembert:  Monks  of  the  West, 
2050-1  (2006-7). 

F.  Madan  : Books  in  Manuscript,  2051-2  (2007-8). 
F.  Guizot : History  of  Civilization,  711  (688). 

A.  T.  Drane : Christian  Schools,  711-12  (688-9). 

2.  The  Benedictines  (abodt  a.  d.  500) : 

(a)  The  Original  Order. 

C.  J.  Stille : Mediaeval  History,  288  (279). 

(b)  The  Congregations  of  Clung. 

R.  C.  Trench  : Mediaeval  History,  495  (481). 

3.  The  Carthusians  (about  a.  d.  1075): 

J.  E.  Darras : The  Catholic  Church,  405  (395). 
M.  A.  Schimmelpenninck : La  Grande  Char- 
treuse, 405  (395). 

4.  The  Cistercians  (about  a.  d.  1100): 

(a)  The  Original  Order. 

K.  Norgate:  England  under  the  Angevin  Kings, 
487  (472-3). 

C.  J.  Stille : Mediaeval  History,  491-2  (477-8). 

H.  Stebbing : The  Universal  Church,  492  (478). 


G.  W.  Cox  : The  Crusades,  653  (630). 

(b)  The  Trappists  (about  1150). 

C.  Lancelot:  La  Grande  Chartreuse,  3237-8 
(3121-2). 

(c)  Port  Royal  (a.  d.  1204-1710). 

J.  Tulloch:  Pascal,  2637  (2565). 

J.  B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  2637-9 
(2565-7). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  2639  (2567). 

Duke  of  Saint  Simon:  Memoirs,  2640  (2568). 

J.  J.  I.  Dollinger:  European  History,  2640 
(2568). 

5.  The  Augustinians,  or  Austin  Canons 
(about  a.  d.  1150): 

K.  Norgate : England  under  the  Angevin  Kings, 
197  (190). 

E.  L.  Cutts:  Middle  Ages,  2656  (2584). 

6.  The  Carmelite  Friars  (about  a.  d.  1150): 
J.  L.  von  Mosheim:  Ecclesiastical  History,  401 

(391). 

7.  The  Dominicans  (about  a.  d.  1200) : 

J.  Alzog : Manual  of  Church  History,  2196  (2152). 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1789-91 
(1750-2). 

8.  The  Franciscans  (about  a.  d.  1225): 

J.  Alzog : Manual  of  Church  History,  2196. 
(2152). 

E.  L.  Cutts : Middle  Ages,  2196  (2152). 

A.  M.  F.  Robinson : End  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
285  (276). 

J.  L.  von  Mosheim . Ecclesiastical  History,  286 
(277). 

M.  Creighton:  The  Papacy,  2493,  first  column, 
(2433). 

See  “ The  Recollects,”  2700  (2627). 

9.  The  Capuchins  (about  a.  d.  1500): 

J.  Alzog:  Manual  of  Church  History,  399  (389). 

10.  The  Theatines  (about  a.  d.  1525): 

A.  W.  Ward:  The  Counter -Reformation,  3189 
(3104). 

L.  von  Ranke : History  of  the  Popes,  3189  (3104). 

11.  The  Lazarists  (about  a.  d.  1625): 

J.  Alzog:  Universal  History,  2039  (1995). 

12.  Hospitallers  of  St.  John  of  Jerusa- 
lem (a.  d.  1118—) : 

T.  Keightley:  The  Crusaders,  1701-2  (1662-3). 

F.  C.  Woodhouse:  Military  Religious  Orders, 
1702  (1663). 

G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires, 
1702  (1663). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Reign  of  Philip  II.,  1703-4 
(1664-5). 

F.  C.  Woodhouse;  Military  Religious  Orders, 
1704-5  (1665-6). 

13.  The  Knights  Templars  (about  a.  d.  1120) : 
T.  Keightley:  The  Crusaders,  3176  (3091). 

C.  G.  Addison:  The  Knights  Templars,  3176 
(3091). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  3177  (3092). 
A.  P.  Marras:  Secret  Fraternities  of  the  Middle 

Ages,  1438-9  (1405-6). 

R.  A.  Vaughn:  Hours  with  the  Mystics,  2826-7 
(2752-3). 

14.  The  Teutonic  Knights  (about  a.  d.  1190): 

F.  C.  Woodhouse:  Military  Religious  Orders, 
3185-6  (3100-01). 

G.  F.  Maclear:  Apostles  of  Mediaeval  Europe, 
2684-5  (2612-13). 


757 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


15.  The  Society  of  Jesus  (a.  d.  1540-): 

(a)  Loyola,  and  the  Founding  of  the  Order. 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  1928-9  (1887-8). 
G.  B.  Nicolini:  The  Jesuits,  1929  (1888). 

A.  T.  Drane:  Christian  Schools,  731  (708). 

G.  Compayre:  History  of  Pedagogy,  731-2 
(708-9). 

O.  Browning:  Educational  Theories,  732  (709). 

( b ) Early  Jesuit  Missions. 

A Historical  Sketch  of  the  Jesuits,  1929-30 
(1888-9). 

'W.  P.  Greswell:  The  Dominion  of  Canada,  1930 
(1889). 

F.  Parkman : The  Jesuits  in  North  America, 
1930-1  (1889-90). 

R.  Mackenzie  : America,  371-2  (361-2). 

The  Hundred  Years  of  Christiauity  in  Japan, 
1915-16  (1875-6). 

D.  Murray:  The  Story  of  Japan,  1916  (1876). 

(c)  Changes  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Order. 

L.  von  Ranke : History  of  the  Popes,  1931-2 
(1890-1). 

{d)  Expulsion  of  the  Order  from  France  (a.  d. 
1595). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  1246,  first  column, 
(1214). 

(e)  Controversy  with  the  Jansenists  (a.  d.  1653- 
1715). 

J.  B.  Perkins : France  and  Mazarin,  2637-9 
(2565-7). 

H.  Martin : History  of  France,  2639  (2567). 

(/)  General  Suppression  of  the  Society  through- 
out Europe  (a.  d.  1757-1775). 

H.  M.  Stephens  : The  Story  of  Portugal,  1932-3 
(1891-2). 

W.  H.  Jervis:  History  of  the  Church  of  France, 
1933-4  (1892-3). 

( g)  Suppression  of  the  Order  by  the  Pope  (a.  d. 
1773),  and  Restoration  (a.  d.  1814). 

The  Jesuits  and  Their  Expulsion,  1934-5,  and 
1935  (1893-4,  and  1894). 

Clement  XIV.  and  the  Jesuits,  1935  (1894). 

“ Himself  without  home  or  country,  and  not  holding 
the  doctrines  of  any  political  party,  the  Disciple  of 
Jesus  renounced  everything  which  might  alienate  him 
among  varying  nationalities,  pursuing  various  political 
aims.  Then  he  did  not  confine  his  labors  to  the  pulpit 
and  the  confessional ; he  gained  an  influence  over  the 
rising  generation  by  a systematic  attention  to  educa- 
tion, which  had  been  shamefully  neglected  by  the  other 
orders.  It  is  a true  saying,  that  ‘ he  who  gains  the  youth 
possesses  the  future  ’ ; and  by  devoting  themselves  to 
the  education  of  youth,  the  Jesuits  secured  a future  to 
the  Church  more  surely  than  by  any  other  scheme  that 
could  have  been  devised.  What  the  schoolmasters  were 
for  the  youth,  the  confessors  were  for  those  of  riper 
years ; what  the  clerical  teachers  were  for  the  common 
people,  the  spiritual  directors  and  confidants  were  for 
great  lords  and  rulers— for  the  Jesuits  aspired  to  a 
lace  at  the  side  of  the  great,  and  at  gaining  the  con- 
dence  of  Kings.”  L.  Hausser. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXL 


THE  RISE  AND  CONQUESTS  OF 
MOHAMMEDANISM. 


1.  Arabia  and  the  Arabs;  the  Saracens; 

A.  H.  Sayce  ; Races  of  the  Old  Testament,  2963 
(2886). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Notes  to  Herodotus,  128  (121). 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History.  128-9  (121-2). 
A.  H.  Sayce:  Ancient  Arabia,  129-30  (122-3). 


E.  Gibbon;  Decline  and  Fall,  2878  (2803). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Note  to  Gibbon,  2878  (2803). 

H.  Yule:  Cathay,  3215-16,  and  3216-17  (3704r-5, 
and  3705-6). 

2.  The  Birth  and  Career  of  Mohammed 
(a.  d.  570-632): 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquests  of  the  Saracens,  2112 
(2067). 

Sir  W.  Muir : Life  of  Mahomet,  2112-13  (2067-8). 
J.  W.  H.  Stobart  ■ Islam  and  Its  Founder,  1843 
(1803).  _ 

Sir  H.  Nicholas:  Chronology  of  History,  1011 
(984). 

S.  Lane-Poole:  Studies  in  a Mosque,  2194  (2150). 

3.  The  First  Caliphate  ; from  Abu  Beer  to 
Ali  (a.  d.  632-661); 

See  Caliph,  363  (353). 

R.  D.  Osborn : Islam  under  the  Khalifs,  1735 
(1696). 

(а)  Conquest  of  Syria. 

Geo.  Adam  Smith : Geography  of  Holy  Land, 
3141-2  (3057-8). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2113-14  (2068-9). 
W.  Irving:  Mahomet  and  His  Successors,  1923 
(1882). 

(б)  Conquest  of  Persia. 

G.  Rawlinson:  Seventh  Oriental  Monarchy,  2114 
(2069). 

(c)  Conquest  of  Egypt. 

Sir  W.  Muir:  Annais  of  Early  Caliphate,  2114-15 
(2069-70). 

Researches  on  Burning  of  Library  of  Alexan- 
dria, 2047-8  (2003-4). 
id)  Conquest  of  Northern  Af  rica. 

T.  Mommsen:  History  of  Rome,  2442  (2390) 

H.  E.  M.  Stutfield:  El  Maghreb,  2133-4(2089-90). 
E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquest  of  Saracens, 21 15  (2070). 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  2115  (2070). 

4.  The  Omeyyad  Caliphate  (a.  d.  661-750)- 
E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquests  of  the  Saracens,  2116 

(2071). 

Sir  W.  Muir : Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate, 
2116-17  (2071-2). 

5.  The  Subjugation  of  the  Turks  (a.  d.  710): 
E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3246  (3130). 

: , 2117  (2072). 

6.  The  Conquest  of  Spain  (a.  d.  711-13),  and 
Battle  of  Tours  (732) : 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1599-1600  (1561-2). 

H.  Coppee:  The  Conquest  of  Spain,  3054(2974). 
P.  Godwin:  History  of  France,  2117-18,  2119 
(2072-5,  2076). 

7.  The  Divided  Caliphate  ; the  Omeyyads 
and  Abbassides  (a.  d.  715): 

Sir  W.  Muir : Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate, 
2118  (2075). 

E.  A.  Freeman  : Conquests  of  the  Saracens,  2119, 
2120  (2076,  2077). 

E.  H.  Palmer:  Haroun  Alraschid,  2119  (2076). 

T.  Nbldeke : Eastern  History,  2120  (2077). 

8.  TuRiasn  Supremacy,  and  Establishment 
of  the  Sultanate  (a.  d.  1000-): 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall.  3247  (3131). 

A.  Vambery:  History  of  Bokhara,  3247,  3249 
(3131,  3133). 

R.  D.  Osborn:  Islam  under  Khalifs  of  Bagdad, 
3247-8  (3131-2). 

E.  Pears  The  Fall  of  Constantinople,  3248  (3132). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires, 
3348  (3133). 

9.  Risk  ok  the  Ottoman  Empire  (a.  d.  1250-) ; 
Besant  and  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  3867  (3793-3). 

J.  F.  Michaud:  History  of  the  Crusades,  3867 

(3793). 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  3349-50  (3133-1). 

10.  Civilization  of  the  Saracens: 

(a)  Education. 

J.  W.  Draper.  Intellectual  Development  of  Eu- 
rope, 713  (690). 

Westminster  Review : Intellectual  Revival,  713— 
14  (690-1). 

(b)  Medical  Science. 

J.  H.  Baas : History  of  Medicine,  3173-4  (3130). 

G.  F.  Fort:  Medical  Economy  of  Middle  Ages, 
3174  (3130). 

P.  Y.  Renouard : History  of  Medicine,  3174 
(2130). 

(c)  Commerce. 

H.  Yule  : Cathay,  3215-17  (3704^6). 

G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  Empire,  3217-18 
(3706-7). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXII. 


THE  CRUSADES. 


“ ‘You,’  continued  the  eloquent  pontiff  [Urban  II.], 
‘ you,  who  hear  me,  and  who  have  received  the  true 
faith,  and  been  endowed  by  God  with  power,  and 
strength,  and  greatness  of  soul,  — whose  ancestors  have 
been  the  prop  of  Christendom,  and  whose  Kings  have 
put  a barrier  against  the  progress  of  the  infidel,  — I call 
upon  you  to  wipe  off  these  impurities  from  the  face  of 
the  earth,  and  lift  your  oppressed  fellow  Christians  from 
the  depths  into  which  they  have  been  trampled.’  Pales- 
tine was,  he  said,  a land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey, 
and  precious  in  the  sight  of  God,  as  the  scene  of  the 
grand  events  which  have  saved  mankind.  That  land,  he 
promised,  should  be  divided  among  them.  Moreover, 
they  should  have  full  pardon  for  all  their  offenses  against 
God  or  man.  • Go  then,’  he  added,  ‘ in  expiation  of  your 
sins;  and  go  assured  that,  after  this  world  shall  have 
passed  away,  imperishable  glory  shall  be  yours  in  the 
world  to  come.’  The  enthusiasm  was  no  longer  to  be  re- 
strained, and  loud  shouts  interrupted  the  speaker;  the 
people  exclaiming  as  with  one  voice,  ‘ Dieu  le  veult ! 
Dieu  le  veult  1 ’”  C.  Mackay. 


1.  Causes  of  the  Movements: 

W.  Irving;  Mahomet  and  His  Successors,  1923 
(1882). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquests  of  the  Saracens,  2120 
(2077). 

G.  Finlay:  Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires,  649 
(626). 

2.  Preaching  of  Pope  Urban  II.,  and  Peter 
the  Hermit  : 

C.  Mackay:  Popular  Delusions,  649-50  (626-7). 
E.  Gibbon;  Decline  and  Fall,  650  (627). 

3.  The  First  Crusade  (a.  d.  1096-1099): 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  650-1  (627-8). 
Besant  and  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  1923—1  (1882-3). 
T.  Keightley:  The  Crusaders,  651-2  (628-9). 

H.  F.  Brown:  Venice,  3725-6  (3605-6). 

4.  The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  (a.  d. 
1099-1291): 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  1924  (1883). 

T.  Keightley:  The  Crusaders,  1924  (1883). 

C.  Mills:  The  Crusades,  1924^5  (1883-4). 


G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades,  1925  (1884). 

5.  The  Second  Crusade  (a.  d.  1 147—49) : 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  Crusades,  652-3  (629-30). 

G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades,  653  (630). 

C.  M.  Yonge:  History  of  France,  1193  (1161-2). 
K.  Norgate:  England  under  the  Angevin  Kings, 
127-8  (120-1). 

6.  The  Third  Crusade  (a.  d.  1188-92): 

J.  F.  Michaud:  The  Crusades,  653  (630). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  653-4  (630-1). 

G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades,  654  (631). 

7.  The  Fourth  and  Fifth  Crusades  (a.  d. 
1196-1203): 

G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades,  654  (631). 

E.  Pears:  The  Fall  of  Constantinople,  654^5 
(631-2). 

8.  The  Conquest  of  Constantinople  (a  d. 
1204): 

G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires, 
3726  (3606). 

E.  Pears:  The  Fall  of  Constantinople,  3726,  and 
350-1  (3606  and  340-1). 

G.  Finlay:  History  of  Greece,  351  (341). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  351-2  (341-2). 

G.  Finlay:  History  of  Greece,  6 and  2730  (6  and 
2656). 

: Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires,  1649-50 

(1611-12). 

9.  Minor  Crusading  Movements  : 

(а)  The  Children’s  Crusade  (a.  d.  1212). 
Besant  and  Palmer:  Jerusalem,  655-6  (632-3). 

(б)  Against  the  Albigenses  (A.  d.  1209-1229). 

G.  Rawlinson:  Seventh  Oriental  Monarchy, 
2127-8  (2083-4). 

J.  L.  Mosheim:  Christianity.  2128  (2084). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  39  (32). 

J.  Alzog : Manual  of  Church  History,  39  (32). 
Sir  J.  Stephen : History  of  France,  39  (32). 

E.  Smedley:  History  of  France,  39-40  (32-3). 

Sir  James  Stephen:  History  of  France,  40  and 
41  (33  and  34). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geography  of  Europe, 
40-1  (33^). 

(c)  Against  the  Livonians  (about  a.  d.  1200). 
G.  F.  Maclear:  Apostles  of  Mediaeval  Europe, 

2075  (2031). 

(d)  Against  the  Prussians  (about  a.  d.  1250-). 

G.  F.  Maclear : Apostles  of  Mediaeval  Europe, 
2684-5  (2612-13). 

T.  Carlyle:  Frederick  the  Great,  2685  (2613). 

(«)  Against  the  Almohades  (a.  d.  1212). 

E.  A.  Freeman : Conquest  of  the  Saracens,  49 
(42.) 

H.  Coppee:  Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Moors, 
3058  (2977). 

10.  The  Sixth  Crusade  (a.  d.  1216-29): 

G.  Procter  : The  Crusades,  656-7  (633-4). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Emperor  Frederick  the  Second, 
1480  (1446-7). 

Besant  and  Palmer  : Jerusalem,  1926  (1885). 

11.  The  Seventh  Crusade  (a.  d.  1248-54): 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  657-8  (634-5). 
J.  F.  Michaud : The  Crusades,  658  (635). 

12.  Final  Movements  (a.  d.  (1270-99): 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  658-9  (635-6). 

G.  Procter:  The  Crusades,  1927-8  (1886-7). 

W.  Stubbs:  Mediaeval  and  Modern  History, 
1928  (1887). 

C.  G.  Addison:  The  Knights  Templars,  659 
(636). 


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13.  The  Effects  of  tiie  Crusades; 

E.  Gibbon;  Decline  and  Fall,  659  (636). 

H.  Ilallam;  The  Middle  Ages,  659  (636). 

W.  Robertson ; Progress  of  Society  in  Europe, 
659  (636). 

W.  Stubbs;  Mediaeval  and  Modem  History,  660 
637). 

F.  Guizot:  History  of  Civilization,  660-1  (637-8). 
“The  principle  of  the  Crusades  was  a savage  fanati- 
cism ; and  the  most  important  effects  were  analogous 
to  the  cause.  Each  pilgrim  was  ambitious  to  return 
with  his  sacred  spoils,  the  relics  of  Greece  and  Pales- 
tine; andeach  relic  was  preceded  and  followed  by  a train 
of  miracles  and  visions.  The  belief  of  the  Catholics  was 
corrupted  by  new  legends,  their  practice  by  new  super- 
stitions; and  the  establishment  of  the  inquisition,  the 
mendicant  orders  of  monks  and  friars,  the  last  abuse  of 
indulgences,  and  the  final  progress  of  idolatry,  flowed 
from  the  baleful  fountain  of  tne  holy  war.” 

E.  Gibbon. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Stxidy  I. 


* STUDY  XXIII. 


THE  RENAISSANCE— THE  BIRTH 
OF  THE  MODERN  AGE  (A.  D.  1400-1500). 


1.  The  General  Meaning  of  the  Term: 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  2703-4 
(2630-1). 

P.  Villari:  Niccolo  Machiavelli,  2704  (2631). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1077-9  (1049-51). 

2.  The  Leading  Influence  of  Italy  in  the 
Awakening  : 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1872-3, 
1874-5  (1832-3,  1834-5). 

Vernon  Lee:  Euphorion,  1874  (1834). 

H.  A.  Taine:  Italy,  Florence,  and  Venice,  1173 
(1143). 

“ When  Machiavelli  called  Italy  1 the  corruption  of 
the  world,’  he  did  not  speak  rhetorically.  An  impure 
and  worldly  clergy;  an  irreligious,  though  superstitious, 
laity;  a self-indulgent  and  materialistic  middle  class: 
an  idle  aristocracy,  excluded  from  politics  and  unused 
to  arms;  a public'given  up  to  pleasure  and  money  get- 
ting; a multitude  of  scholars,  devoted  to  trifles,  and 
vitiated  by  studies  which  clashed  with  the  ideals  of 
Christianity  — from  such  elements  in  the  nation  pro- 
ceeded a widely  spread  and  ever-increasing  degeneracy. 
. . . Religion  expired  in  laughter,  irony,  and  license. 
Domestic  simplicity  yielded  to  vice,  whereof  the 
records  are  precise  an'd  unmistakable.  The  virile  vir- 
tues disappeared.  What  survived  of  courage  assumed 
the  forms  of  ruffianism,  ferocity,  and  treasonable  dar- 
ing. Still,  simultaneously  with  this  decline  in  all  the 
moral  qualities  which  constitute  a powerful  people, 
the  Italians  brought  their  arts  and  some  departments 
of  their  literature  to  a perfection  that  can  only  be  paral- 
leled by  Ancient  Greece.  The  anomaly  implied  in  this 
statement  is  striking;  but  it  is  revealed  to  us  by  evi- 
dence too  overwhelming  to  be  rejected. 

J.  A.  Symonds. 

3.  Other  Greatly  Contributing  Causes  : 

(a)  The  Capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks 

(A.  d.  1453): 

C.  C.  Felton : Greece,  Ancient  and  Modern,  524 
(510). 

Demetrios  Bikelas:  The  Byzantine  Empire,  352 
(342). 

J.  N.  Larned:  The  Greek  Revival,  1077-8(1050). 

(5)  The  Invention  of  Printing  (a.  d.  1456). 

J.  N.  Larned:  The  Invention  of  Printing,  1077 
(1049). 

H.  Bouchot:  The  Printed  Book,  2660  (2588). 

W.  Blades:  Books  in  Chains,  2660-1  (2588-9). 

(c)  The  Marvelous  Results  of  Exploration  and 
Discovery. 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1078-9  (1050-1). 


J.  A.  Blanqui:  Hist,  of  Political  Economy,. 
3730-1  (3610-11). 

(1)  The  Early  Successes  of  the  Portuguese. 
C.  R.  Markham  : The  Sea  Fathers,  2644  (2572). 

J.  Y eats : Growth  of  Commerce,  2644-5  (2572-3). 
J.  W.  Draper:  Intellectual  Development  of 

Europe,  2645  (2573). 

(2)  The  Spanish  Discoveries. 

H.  H Bancroft:  History  of  the  Pacific  States, 
55  (48). 

Sir  A.  Helps:  The  Spanish  Conquest,  55-6  (48-9). 

C.  R.  Markham  : The  Sea  Fathers,  56  (49). 

W.  Irving  : Life  of  Columbus,  57-8  (50-1). 

J.  Fiske:  The  Discovery  of  America,  60  (53). 

J.  Winsor : Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  61-2  (54-5). 

(3)  The  English  Discoveries. 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  United  States,  58 
(51). 

H.  Harrisse  : Discovery  of  North  America,  59. 

: , 61  (3678). 

4.  The  Effects  of  the  Renaissance: 

(a)  In  Italy. 

H.  A.  Taine:  History  of  English  Literature, 
2502  (2442). 

W.  Hunt:  History  of  Italy,  1870  (1830). 

Mrs.  Oliphant:  Makers  of  Florence,  1172  (1142). 
H.  A.  Taine:  Italy,  Florence,  and  Venice,  1172-3 
(1142-3). 

( b ) In  France. 

J.  A Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1872-3 
(1832-3). 

Mrs.  Mark  Pattison : The  Renaissance  of  Art, 
1216-17  (1184-5). 

A.  Tilley:  Literature  of  the  French  Renaissance, 
1217  (1185). 

(c)  In  Germany. 

M.  Arnold:  Schools  on  the  Continent,  727  (704). 

(d)  In  England. 

H.  A.  Taine : English  Literature,  851-2  (824^5). 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Shakspere’s  Predecessors,  852-3 
(825-6). 

5.  The  Influence  of  the  Renaissance: 

(a)  Upon  Art. 

R.  N.  Wornum:  Epochs  of  Painting,  2462-3. 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  2463-4. 

R.  Westmacott:  Handbook  of  Sculpture,  2957-8. 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  3732(3612). 
W.  B.  Scaife:  Florentine  Life,  1169  (1139). 

(b)  Upon  Education. 

G.  Compayre  : History  of  Pedagogy,  725  (702). 
M.  Arnold  : Schools  on  the  Continent,  727  (704). 

D.  Campbell : The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc.,  728-9 
(705-6). 

A.  Lang : Oxford,  729-30  (706-7). 

(c)  Upon  Music. 

W.  J.  Henderson:  The  Story  of  Music,  2284. 

H.  G.  B.  Hunt : A History  of  Music,  2284. 

(d)  Upon  the  Foundation  of  Libraries. 

J.  A.  Symonds:  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  2052-3 
(2008-9). 

G.  W.  Greene  : Historical  Studies,  2053  (2009). 

E.  Edwards:  Statistics  of  Libraries,  2054  (2010). 

(e)  Upon  Trade  and  Commerce. 

J.  N.  Larned:  Modern  Trade  Routes,  etc.,  3224-8 
(3713-17. 

J.  A.  Blanqui:  History  of  Political  Economy, 
3730-1  (3610-11). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  2299 
(2251). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


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* STUDY  XXIV. 


THE  GREAT  REFORMATION 
(A.  D.  1517-). 


1.  State  op  Religion  at  tiie  Close  op  the 
Fifteenth  Century  : 

Vernon  Lee:  Euphorion,  1874  (1834). 

R.  L.  Poole  : Wyclif  and  Reform,  2501  (2441). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2501  (2441). 

II.  A.  Taine  : English  Literature,  2502  (2442). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  2502(2442). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1081-2  (1053^1). 

2.  Reformers  before  tiie  Reformation  : 

(a)  The  Albigenses  (a.  d.  1209-1229). 

(1)  Tlieir  Origin  and  Beliefs. 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  2561  (2495). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  39  (32). 

A.  Neander:  The  Christian  Church,  39  (32). 

Sir  J.  Stephen:  History  of  France,  39  (32). 

R.  C.  Trench  : Medimval  Church,  409  (399). 
: , 3762-3  (3641-2). 

(2)  Their  Extermination. 

E.  Smedley : History  of  France,  39-40  (32-3). 
Sir  J.  Stephen  : History  of  France.  40  (33). 

E.  E.  Crowe : History  of  France,  41  (34). 

E.  A.  Freeman : Historical  Geography  of  Europe, 
41  (34). 

Sir  J.  Stephen:  History  of  France,  41  (34). 

(5)  Wyclif  and  the  Lollards  (about  a.  d.  1375- 
1400). 

A.  M.  F.  Robinson:  End  of  Middle  Ages,  285 
(276). 

C.  Ullmann;  Reformers  before  the  Reformation, 
285-6  (276-7). 

B.  Herford : Story  of  Religion  in  England,  841-2 
(814-15). 

R.  L.  Poole:  Wyclif  and  Reform,  842  (815). 

J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  842  (815). 

J.  Gairdner  : English  History,  842  (815). 

C.  H.  Pearson : English  History,  843-4  (816-17). 
J.  R.  Green : History  of  English  People,  844  (817). 

(c)  Hus  and  the  Bohemian  Reformation  (a.  d. 
(1405-1434). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1072-3  (1044-5). 

R.  C.  Trench:  Mediteval  Church,  296-7  (287-8). 

B.  Taylor:  History  of  Germany,  297-8  (288-9). 

(d)  Savonarola  (a.  d.  1490-1498). 

Mrs.  Oliphant : Makers  of  Florence,  1172  (1142). 
O.  T.  Hill:  Int.  to  Savonarola’s  Triumph  of  the 
Cross,  1173-5  (1143-5). 

3.  The  Immediate  Causes  of  the  Reform 
Outbreak: 

G.  P.  Fisher : The  Christian  Church,  1489-90 
(1456-7). 

L.  Ranke:  History  of  Reformation,  2504-5 
(2443-4). 

G.  P.  Fisher : The  Reformation,  2505  (2444). 
Cardinal  Wiseman:  Doctrines  of  Catholic  Church, 
2505-6  (2444-5). 

T.  Kolde:  Martin  Luther,  2503-4. 

J.  N.  M.  D’Aubigne:  Story  of  the  Reformation, 
2506  (2445). 

4.  Luther’s  Protest  and  the  Awakening  of 
Germany  (a.  d.  1517): 

F.  Seebohm:  The  Protestant  Revolution,  2506-7 
(2445-6). 

L.  Ranke:  History  of  the  Reformation,  2507 
2446). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1081-2  (1053-4). 


5.  The  Ninety-Five  Theses: 

Full  Text  of  Luther’s  Manifesto,  2507-9  (2446-8). 
6 Luther  burns  the  Papal  Bull  (1520);  the 
Diet  at  Worms  (1521) : 

S.  Baring-Gould;  The  Church  in  Germany,  1490 
(1457). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2509-11  (2448-50). 
J.  A.  Froude:  Luther,  2512-13  (2451-2). 

“ The  presence  in  which  he  [Luther,  at  the  Diet]  found 
himself  would  have  tried  the  nerves  of  the  bravest  of 
men;  the  Emperor,  sternly  hostile,  with  his  retinue  of 
Spanish  priests  and  nobles ; the  Archbishops  and  bish- 
ops, all  of  the  opinion  that  the  stake  was  the  only  fit- 
ting place  for  so  insolent  a heretic;  the  dukes  and 
barons,  whose  stern  eyes  were  little  likely  to  reveal 
their  sympathy,  if  sympathy  any  of  them  felt.  Only 
one  of  them,  George  of  Frundsberg,  had  touched  Luther 
on  the  shoulder  as  he  passed  through  the  ante-room. 

‘ Little  monk,  little  monk,’  he  said,  ‘ thou  hast  work  be- 
fore thee  that  I,  and  many  a man  whose  trade  is  war, 
never  faced  the  like  of.  If  thy  heart  is  right,  and  thy 
cause  good,  go  on,  in  God’s  name.  He  will  not  forsake 
thee.’  . . . There  was  a pause,  and  then  Eck  said  that  be 
had  spoken  disrespectfully;  his  heresies  had  already 
been  condemned  at  the  Council  at  Constance;  let  him 
retract  on  these  special  points,  and  he  should  have 
consideration  for  the  rest.  He  required  a plain  Yes  or 
No  from  him  ‘ without  horns.’  The  taunt  roused  Lu- 
ther’s blood.  His  full  brave  self  was  in  the  reply.  ‘ I will 
give  you  an  answer,’  he  said,  ‘ which  has  neither  horns 
nor  teeth.  Popes  have  erred  and  Councils  have  erred. 
Prove  to  me  out  of  Scripture  that  I am  wrong,  and  I 
submit.  Till  then  my  conscience  binds  me.  Here  I stand. 
I can  do  no  more.  God  help  me.  Amen.’  All  day  long 
the  storm  raged.  Night  had  fallen,  and  torches  were 
lighted  before  the  sitting  closed.  Luther  was  dismissed 
at  last.  When  he  had  reached  his  lodging  again,  he 
flung  up  his  hands.  • I am  through!  ’ he  cried.  1 1 am 
through!  If  I had  a thousand  heads  they  should  be 
struck  off  one  by  one  before  I would  retract.’  ” J.  A. 
Froude. 

7.  ZWINGLI,  AND  THE  REFORMATION  IN  SWITZ- 
ERLAND (a.  d.  1519-1531): 

G.  Waddington:  The  Reformation,  2511  (2450). 
Hug  and  Stead:  Switzerland,  2511-12  (2450-1). 

: , 3130-1  (3046-7). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1087-8  (1059-60). 

8.  The  Reformation  Movement  in  France: 
M.  Creighton:  The  Papacy,  1210-11  (1178-9). 

A.  Tilley:  The  French  Renaissance,  1217  (1185). 
G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Reformation,  2513-14  (2452-3). 
R.  Heath:  The  Reformation  in  France,  2514 

(2453). 

9.  TnE  Revolt  in  the  Netherlands: 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  The  Story  of  Holland,  2302 
(2254). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2302-3  (2254^5). 

C.  Ullmann:  Reformers  before  the  Reformation, 
326  (316). 

W.  E.  Griffis  : Influence  of  the  Netherlands,  326 
(316). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc.,  728-9 
(705-6). 

G.  P.  Fisher : The  Reformation,  2303  (2255). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2303-4 
(2255-6). 

10.  Growth  of  the  Lutheran  Movement  in 
Germany  (a.  d.  1522-9): 

W.  Coxe : House  of  Austria,  2515-16  (2454-5). 

G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Reformation,  2516  (2455). 

11.  Origin  of  the  Name  “ Protestant”  (a.  d. 
1529) : 

P.  Bayne  : Martin  Luther,  2516-17  (2455-6). 

12.  The  Final  Breach  ; the  “ Augsburg  Con- 
fession” (a.  d.  1530): 

J.  Michelet:  Life  of  Luther,  2517  (2456). 

J.  Alzog : Manual  of  Church  History,  2517-18 
(2456-7). 


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W.  Robertson  : Charles  V.,  1493^4  (1460-1). 

J.  N.  Earned  : Europe,  1086-7  (1058-9). 

13.  Calvin,  and  his  Ecclesiastical  State  : 

J.  Tulloch:  Leaders  of  the  Reformation,  1450 

(1417). 

R.  Heath : Reformation  in  France,  2514  (2453). 
L.  Htlusser  : The  Reformation,  1451-2  (1417-19). 

14.  The  Beginning  of  the  Counter-Refor- 
mation  (about  a.  d.  1535): 

“ I intend  to  use  this  term  Counter-Reformation  to 
denote  the  reform  of  the  Catholic  Church,  which  was 
stimulated  by  the  German  Reformation,  and  which, 
when  the  Council  of  Trent  had  fixed  the  dogmas  and 
discipline  of  Latin  Christianity,  enabled  the  Papacy  to 
assume  a militant  policy  in  Europe,  whereby  it  regained 
a large  portion  of  the  provinces  that  had  previously 
lapsed  to  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic  dissent.  . . . The 
centre  of  the  world-wide  movement  which  is  termed  the 
Counter-Reformation  was  naturally  Rome.  Events  had 
brought  the  Holy  See  once  more  into  a position  of  prom- 
inence. It  was  more  powerful  as  an  Italian  State  now, 
through  the  support  of  Spain  and  the  extinction  of  na- 
tional independence,  than  at  any  previous  period  of 
history.”  J.  A.  Symonds. 

J.  A.  Symonds  : The  Italian  Renaissance,  1883-4 
(1843^4). 

A.  W.  Ward:  The  Counter-Reformation,  2518 
(2457). 

J.  A.  Symonds;  The  Catholic  Reaction,  2518-19 
(2457-8). 

15.  Two  Effective  Agents  of  the  Roman 
Church: 

(a)  The  Council  of  Trent  (a.  d.  1545-1563). 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  2519-20  (2458-9). 
L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Popes,  2520-1 
(2459-60). 

A.  W.  Ward:  The  Counter-Reformation,  2521 
(2460). 

J.  N.  Larned : Europe,  1092  (1064). 

( b ) The  Society  of  Jems  (a.  d.  1540-). 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  1928-9  (1887-8). 
G.  B.  Nicolini:  History  of  the  Jesuits,  1929  (1888). 
L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Popes,  1931-2 
(1890-1). 

16.  Progress  of  Lutheranism  .in  Germany 
(a.  d.  1530-1620) : 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1086-7  (1058-9). 

W.  Robertson  : Charles  V.,  1493-4  (1460-1). 

S.  A.  Dunham : The  Germanic  Empire,  1494-5 
(1461-2). 

S.  Baring-Gould:  The  Story  of  Germany,  118-9 
(111-12). 

17.  War  with  the  Emperor  (a.  d.  1546-1561): 
C.  D.  Yonge:  Three  Centuries  of  Modern  His- 
tory, 1495-6  (1462-3). 

J.  Alzog : Universal  Church  History,  1496-7 
(1463-4). 

W.  Menzel:  History  of  Germany,  1497-8  (1464-5). 

18.  Internal  Dissensions  and  the  Catholic 
Reaction  : 

W.  Zimmerman:  History  of  Germany,  1498-9 
(1465-6). 

O.  Kammel : German  History,  2521-2  (3766-7). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXV. 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  AND  RE- 
LIGIOUS WARS  IN  FRANCE. 


1.  The  Comparative  Independence  of  the 
Gallican  Church  : 

H.  Hallam  ; The  Middle  Ages,  1197  (1165). 


H.  H.  Milman:  Latin  Christianity,  1197  (1165). 
M.  Creighton  : The  Papacy,  1210-11  (1178-9). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France, 1219-20  (1187-8). 
W.  H.  Jervis:  The  Church  of  France,  1220(1188). 

“ The  long  contest  for  Gallican  rights  had  lowered  the 
prestige  of  the  popes  in  France,  but  it  had  not  weak- 
ened the  Catholic  Church,  which  was  older  than  the 
monarchy  itself,  and,  in  the  feelings  of  the  people,  was 
indissolubly  associated  with  it.  The  College  of  the 
Sorbonne,  or  the  Theological  Faculty  at  Paris,  and  the 
Parliament,  which  had  together  maintained  Gallican 
liberty,  were  united  in  stern  hostility  to  all  doctrinal 
innovations.”  G.  P.  Fisher. 

2.  Beginning  of  the  Protestant  Reform 
Movement  (about  a.  d.  1520): 

A.  Tilley:  The  French  Renaissance,  1217  (1185). 

G.  P.  Fisher  . The  Reformation,  2513-14  (2452-3). 

R.  Heath : The  Reformation  in  France,  2514 
(2453). 

W.  Hanna:  The  Wars  of  the  Huguenots,  2292-3 
(2244-5). 

E.  de  Bonnechose.  History  of  France,  1225-6 
(1193-^4). 

3.  The  Rise  of  the  Huguenots  (about  a.  d. 
1560): 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  1229  (1197). 

H.  M.  Baird:  The  Rise  of  the  Huguenots,  1230 
(1198). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1089  (1061). 

4.  Beginning  of  the  Civil  Wars  ; the  Guises, 

CoNDES,  ET  AL.  : 

G.  Masson:  The  Huguenots,  1230  (1198). 

W.  Besant:  Gaspard  de  Coligny,  1230-2  (1198- 

1200). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1097-8  (1069-70). 

5.  Rochelle,  and  Henry  of  Navarre: 

W.  Hanna:  The  Wars  of  the  Huguenots,  2292-3 
(2244-5). 

: , 1232-3  (1200-1). 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  1233-4  (1201-2). 

6.  The  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew’s  Day 
(a.  d.  1572): 

J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  1236  (1204). 

T.  Wright:  History  of  France,  1236  (1204). 

7.  The  Fourth  and  Fifth  Civil  Wars  (a.  d. 
1572-1576): 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1236-7  (1204-5). 
E.  E.  Crowe:  History  of  France,  1237-8  (1205-6). 

S.  A.  Dunham:  History  of  Poland,  2615-16  (2547). 

8.  The  Catholic  League  and  the  Pope’s 
Bull  (a.  d.  1576): 

W.  H.  Jervis:  The  Church  of  France,  1238-9 
(1206-7). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1239  (1207). 

9.  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  the  Battle  of 
Coutras  (a.  d.  1584-1589): 

Due  d’Aumale:  Princes  of  Conde,  1240-1  (1209). 
W.  Hanna:  Wars  of  the  Huguenots,  1241  (1209). 
V.  Duruy:  History  of  France,  1241-2  (1209-10). 

“ The  struggle  lasted  but  an  hour,  yet  within  that 
hour  the  Catholic  army  lost  3000  men,  more  than  400  of 
whom  were  members  of  the  first  families  in  the  King- 
dom; 3000  men  were  made  prisoners.  Not  more  than  a 
third  part  of  their  entire  army  escaped.  The  Huguenots 
lost  only  about  200  men.  . . . Before  night  fell  Navarre 
wrote  a few  lines  to  the  French  King,  which  ran  thus: 

‘ Sire,  my  Lord  and  Brother,  — Thank  God,  1 have  beaten 
your  enemies  and  your  army.'  It  was  but  too  true  that 
the  poor  King’s  worst  enemies  were  to  be  found  in  the 
very  armies  that  were  marshalled  in  his  name.” 

W.  Hanna. 

10.  Henry  becomes  Henry  IV.  of  France; 
the  Battle  of  Ivry  (a.  d.  1589): 

Henry  the  Fourth  of  France,  1242-3  (1210-11). 


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“ My  friends,  if  you  share  my  fortune  this  day,  I share 
yours.  I am  resolved  to  roiujuor  or  to  die  with  you. 
Keep  your  ranks  tlrmly,  I beg;  if  the  heat  of  the  combat 
compels  you  to  quit  them,  think  always  of  the  rally;  it 
is  the  gaining  of  the  battle.  If  you  lose  your  ensigns, 
pennons,  anu  banners,  do  not  lose  sight  of  my  white 
plume;  vou  will  find  it  always  on  the  road  of  honor  and 
victory.  ’ Henry  of  Navarre. 

11.  Henry’s  Abjuration  of  Protestantism 
(a.  d.  1593): 

Due  d’Aumale:  The  Princes  of  Conde,  1244-5 
(1212-13). 

H.  M.  Baird:  The  Huguenots,  1245  (1213). 

Sir  J.  Stephen : History  of  France,  1245  (1213). 

12.  The  Siege  of  Paris  ; Interference  of 
Philip  II.  (a.  d.  1590-1598): 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  United  Netherlands,  1243-4 
(1211-12). 

T.  H.  Dyer;  Modern  Europe,  1245-7  (1213-15). 

13.  From  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1598)  to  As- 
sassination of  the  King  (1610): 

H.  M.  Baird:  The  Huguenots,  1247-8  (1215-16). 
W.  Hanna:  Wars  of  the  Huguenots,  1248  (1216). 
A.  de  Bonnechose ; History  of  France,  1248  (1216). 

“ For  the  benefit  of  the  Protestants  the  cardinal  con- 
cession of  the  Edict  was  liberty  to  dwell  anywhere  in 
the  royal  dominions,  without  being  subjected  to  in- 
quiry, vexed,  molested,  or  constrained  to  do  anything 
contrary  to  their  conscience.  As  respects  public  wor- 
ship, while  perfect  equality  was  not  established,  the 
dispositions  were  such  as  to  bring  it  within  the  power 
of  a Protestant  in  any  part  of  the  Kingdom  to  meet  his 
fellow-believers  for  the  holiest  acts,  at  least  from  time 
to  time.  . . . Scholars  of  both  religions  were  to  be  ad- 
mitted without  distinction  of  religion  to  all  universi- 
ties, colleges,  and  schools  throughout  France.  The  same 
impartiality  was  to  extend  to  the  reception  of  the  sick 
in  the  hospitals,  and  to  the  poor  in  the  provision  made 
for  this  relief.  More  than  this,  the  Protestants  were 
permitted  to  establish  schools  of  their  own  in  all  places 
where  their  worship  was  authorized.”  H.  M.  Baird. 

14.  The  Rise  of  Richelieu,  and  Distraction 
of  the  Kingdom  : 

Voltaire:  Ancient  and  Modern  History,  1248-9 
(1216-17). 

J.  B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  1251  (1219). 
G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1251-2  (1220). 

15.  The  Huguenot  Revolt  (a.  d.  1627-1628): 
C.  D.  Yonge:  France  under  the  Bourbons,  1252-3 

(1220-1). 

A.  D.  White:  The  Statesmanship  of  Richelieu, 
1253  (1221). 

R.  Heath:  The  Reformation  in  France,  1253 

(1221). 

16.  Accession  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  Renewed 
Persecution  of  the  Huguenots  (a.  d.  1661); 

J.  C.  Morison:  Reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  1265  (1233). 

S.  Smiles:  The  Huguenots,  1265-6  (1233-4). 

17.  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685), 
and  Exodus  of  the  Huguenots  (1681-8): 

A.  de  Lamartine:  Memoirs  of  Celebrated  Charac- 
ters, 1269  (1237). 

R.  L.  Poole:  Huguenots  of  the  Dispersion,  1269- 
70  (1237-8). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXVI. 


SPAIN  AND  THE  NETHERLANDS  — 
THE  INQUISITION. 


1.  Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arab  Moors 
(a.  d.  711-13): 

H.  Coppee:  Conquest  of  Spain,  3054  (2974). 


S.  A.  Dunham:  History  of  Spain,  3056-7  (2976-7). 

2.  Rise  of  the  Christian  States  : 

H.  Coppee:  Conquest  of  Spain,  3055  (2975). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquest  of  the  Saracens,  3055 
(2975). 

S.  A.  Dunham  : History  of  Spain,  2291  and  3056 
(2243,  2976). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geog.  of  Europe,  3058 
(2977). 

3.  Union  of  Castile  and  Aragon: 

E.  E.  Hale  : The  Story  of  Spain,  3060  (2979). 

C.  H.  Pearson : English  History,  3061-2  (2980-1). 

H.  Hallam:  Middle  Ages,  3062-3  (2981-2). 

4.  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Moorish  Kingdom 
of  Granada: 

C.  M.  Yonge : The  Christians  and  Moors  of 
Spain,  3059-60  (2978-9). 

H.  Coppee  : Conquest  of  Spain,  3061  (2980). 

: , 3063—4  (2982-3). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  3064 
(2983). 

5.  The  Early  Spanish  Cortes  and  the  Santa 
Hermandad : 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  639-40 
(616-17). 

H.  Hallam  : Middle  Ages,  640-1  (617-18). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  1698-9 
(1659-60). 

6.  Establishment  of  the  Inquisition  : 

J.  A.  Symonds : Renaissance  in  Italy,  1789-91 
(1750-2). 

J.  I.  von  Dollinger : The  Jews  in  Europe,  1966 
(1925). 

H.  T.  Buckle : History  of  Civilization,  2270-1 
(2226-7). 

7.  Early  History  of  the  Netherlands  : 

J.  L.  Motley:  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  2298 
(2250). 

W.  T.  McCullagh:  The  Free  Nations,  2298-9 
(2250-1). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc., 
2299  (2251). 

C.  M.  Yonge  : Cameos  of  History.  2300  (2252). 

8.  Relations  with  Burgundy  ; the  States 
General ; 

C.  M.  Davies:  History  of  Holland.  2300  (2252). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2300-01 
(2252-3). 

9.  Marriage  of  Mary  of  Burgundy  to  Max- 
imilian of  Austria  (a.  d.  1477): 

Philip  de  Commines:  Memoirs,  2301  (2253). 

C.  M.  Davies:  History  of  Holland,  2301-2  (2254). 

10.  Rise  of  the  Austro-Spanish  Dynasty: 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  3065-6 

(2984-5). 

J.E.T.  Rogers : The  Story  of  Holland, 2302  (2254). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2302-3  (2254^5). 

J.  Bigland  : History  of  Spain,  3066  (2985). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  3066-7  (2985-6). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Philip  II.,  3067  (2986). 

11.  Beginning  of  the  Reformation  in  the 
Netherlands: 

G.  P.  Fisher  : The  Reformation,  2303  (2255). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2303-4 
(2255-6). 

12.  The  Accession  and  Horrible  Character 
of  Philip  II.  (a.  d.  1555) : 

C.  M.  Davies  : History  of  Holland,  2304  (2256). 


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T.  C.  Grattan:  History  of  the  Netherlands,  2304-5 
(2256-7). 

C.  Gayarre:  Philip  II.,  2305,  3068  (2257,  2987). 

13.  Philip  II.  and  the  Catholic  Reaction  : 
G.  Procter : History  of  Italy,  2520  (2459). 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Popes,  2520-1 
(2459-60). 

O.  Kilmmel:  History  of  Germany,  2521-2. 

14.  Beginning  op  Organized  Resistance  to 
the  Tyranny  of  Philip  (a.  d.  1562): 

W.  H.  Prescott:  The  Reign  of  Philip  II.,  2305-6 
(2257-8). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2306  (2258). 
T.  C.  Grattan:  History  of  the  Netherlands,  2306-7 
(2258-9). 

T.  H.  Dyer : Modern  Europe,  2307  (2259). 

F.  Schiller:  The  Revolt  of  the  Netherlands,  2307 
(2259). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1094-5  (1066-7). 

15.  The  Duke  of  Alva  and  his  Council  of 
Blood  (a.  d.  1567) : 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  2307-8  (2259-60). 
J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2309-10 
(2261-2). 

16.  The  Stupendous  Death-Sentence  (a.  d. 
1568): 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2310  (2262). 

“ Upon  the  16th  February,  1568,  a sentence  of  the 
Holy  Office  condemned  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Neth- 
erlands to  death  as  heretics.  From  this  universal  doom 
only  a few  persons,  especially  named,  were  excepted. 
A proclamation  of  the  King,  dated  ten  days  later,  con- 
firmed this  decree  of  the  Inquisition,  and  ordered  it  to 
be  carried  into  instant  execution,  without  regard  to 
age,  sex,  or  condition.  This  is  probably  the  most  con- 
cise death-warrant  that  was  ever  framed.  Three  mil- 
lions of  people,  men,  women,  and  children,  were  sen- 
tenced to  the  scaffold  in  three  lines ; and  as  it  was  well 
known  that  these  were  not  harmless  thunders,  like  some 
bulls  of  the  Vatican,  but  serious  and  practical  measures 
which  it  was  intended  should  be  enforced,  the  horror 
which  they  produced  may  be  easily  imagined.”  J.  L. 
Motley. 

17.  Beginning  of  the  Forty  Years’  War 
(a.  d.  1568): 

C.  D.  Yonge:  Modern  History,  2310-11  (2262-3). 
J.  L.  Motley:  Tbe  Dutch  Republic,  2311-12 
(2263-4). 

A.  Young:  History  of  the  Netherlands,  2312-13 
(2264-5). 

18.  The  Recall  of  Alva,  and  the  Siege  of 
Leyden  (a.  d.  1573-4): 

C.  M.  Davies:  History  of  Holland,  2313-14 
(2265-6). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc.,  729 
(706). 

19.  The  Pacification  of  Ghent,  and  the 
Union  of  Brussels  (a.  d.  1575-7): 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2314-16  (2266-8). 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  The  Story  of  Holland,  2316-17 
(2268-9). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  2317-18 
(2269-70). 

20.  The  Assassination  of  William  of  Or- 
ange, and  Birth  of  the  Republic  (a.  d. 
1584^5): 

T.  Grattan:  History  of  the  Netherlands,  2318 
(2270). 

J.  L.  Motley:  The  United  Netherlands,  2318-20 
(2270-2). 

“ Thus  constituted  was  the  commonwealth  upon  the 
death  of  William  the  Silent.  The  gloom  produced  by 


that  event  was  tragical.  Never  in  human  history  was  a 
more  poignant  and  universal  sorrow  for  the  death  of  any 
individual.  The  despair  was,  for  a brief  season,  abso- 
lute; but  it  was  soon  succeeded  by  more  lofty  senti- 
ments. . . . Even  on  the  very  day  of  the  murder,  the 
Estates  of  Holland,  then  sitting  at  Delft,  passed  a res- 
olution ‘ to  maintain  the  good  cause,  with  God’s  help, 
to  the  uttermost,  without  sparing  gold  or  blood.’  . . . 
The  next  movement,  after  the  last  solemn  obsequies 
had  been  rendered  to  the  Prince,  was  to  provide  for  the 
immediate  wants  of  his  family.  For  the  man  who  had 
gone  into  the  revolt  with  almost  royal  revenues,  left  his 
estate  so  embarrassed  that  his  carpets,  tapestries,  house- 
hold linen  — nay,  even  his  silver  spoons,  and  the  very 
clothes  of  his  wardrobe  — were  disposed  of  at  auction 
for  the  benefit  of  his  creditors.”  J.  L.  Motley. 

21.  The  Downfall  of  Antwerp  (a.  d.  1585): 
J.  L.  Motley:  The  Dutch  Republic,  125  (118). 

G.  L.  Craik:  History  of  British  Commerce,  3107 

(3025). 

J.  N.  Lamed:  The  Flemings  and  Dutch,  3226-7 
(3715-6). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2320  (2272). 

22.  The  United  Provinces  and  Elizabeth  of 
England: 

Sir  T.  E.  May:  Democracy  in  Europe,  2320-1 
(2272-3). 

J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  2321-2(2274). 
C.  M.  Davies:  History  of  Holland,  2322  (2274). 

23.  Steady  Decline  of  Spanish  Power,  and 
Death  of  Philip  II.  (a.  d.  1590-98) : 

Sir  E.  Cust:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  2322-3 
(2274-5). 

Sir  T.  E.  May:  Democracy  in  Europe,  2323^4 
(2275-6). 

24.  Rise  of  Dutch  Commerce  ; the  East  India 
Company  (a.  d.  1595-1620) : 

W.  T.  McCullagh:  Industrial  History,  2324 
(2276). 

F.  H.  H.  Guillemard:  Malaysia,  2124. 

J.  N.  Larned:  The  Flemings  and  the  Dutch, 
3226-8  (3715-17). 

25.  John  Barneveldt,  and  the  Arminian 
Controversy  (a.  d.  1600-1620): 

C.  M.  Yonge:  Cameos  from  English  History, 
2324-6  (2276-8). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc.,  729 
(706). 

26.  Final  Establishment  of  Peace  between 
Spain  and  the  United  Provinces  (a.  d. 
1648): 

J.  B.  Perkins : France  under  Mazarin,  2329-30 
(2281-2). 

J.  Geddes:  John  De  Witt,  2330  (2282). 

27.  Prosperity  of  the  Dutch  Republic, 
which  becomes  Holland  (about  a.  d.  1660): 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc. , 2332-3 
(2284-5). 

O.  Airy.  The  English  Restoration,  2333  (2285). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  1. 


♦STUDY  XXVII. 


THE  THIRTY  YEARS’  WAR  (A.  D. 
1618-1648). 


‘‘The  Thirty  Years’  War  was  the  last  struggle  which 
marked  the  progress  of  the  Reformation.  This  war, 
whose  direction  and  object  were  equally  undetermined, 
may  be  divided  into  four  distinct  portions,  in  which  the 
Elector  Palatine,  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  France  played 


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in  succession  the  principal  part.  It  became  more  and 
more  complicated  until  it  spread  over  the  whole  of 
Europe.  It  was  prolonged  imlc iinituly  by  varioih  causes. 

I.  The  intimate  union  lietween  the  two  branches  of  the 
house  of  Austria  and  of  the  Catholic  party,  — their  op- 
ponents, on  the  other  hand,  were  not  homogeneous.  11. 
The  inaction  of  England,  the  tardy  intervention  of 
France,  the  poverty  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  etc.  The 
armies  which  took  part  in  the  Thirty  Years’  War  were 
no  longer  feudal  militias,  they  were  permanent  armies, 
and  lived  at  the  expense  of  the  countries  which  they  laid 
waste.”  J.  Michelet. 

1.  Conditions  which  led  up  to  the  War  : 

O.  Kftmmel : History  of  Germany,  2521-2  (3767). 

E.  L.  Godkin:  History  of  Hungary,  1717,  first 
column,  (1678). 

W.  Zimmerman:  History  of  Germany,  1498-9 
(1465-6). 

F.  Schiller:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  301-2  (293). 
J.  Sime:  History  of  Germany,  1499-1500  (1466-7). 
J.  Michelet:  Modern  History,  1500  (1467). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1099-1100  (1071-2). 

2.  The  Prostration  of  Protestantism  (a.  d. 
1618-1626): 

F.  Kohlrausch:  History  of  Germany,  1500-1501 
(1467-8). 

B.  Chapman:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  1501-2(1469). 

S.  R.  Gardiner:  Thirty  Years’  War,  1502  (1469). 
W.  Coxe:  House  of  Austria,  1502-4  (1469-71). 

3.  The  Suppression  of  Bohemia  (a.  d.  1621- 
48): 

L.  Hausser:  The  Great  Reformation,  302  (293). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1100  (1072). 

“ No  succor  reached  the  unfortunate  people ; but 
neither  did  the  victors  attain  their  end.  Protestantism 
and  Hussite  memories  could  not  be  slain,  and  only  out- 
ward submission  was  extorted.  . . . But  a desert  was 
created;  the  land  was  crushed  for  a generation.  Before 
the  war  Bohemia  had  4,000,000  inhabitants,  and  in  1648 
there  were  but  700,000  or  800,000.  In  some  parts  of  the 
country  the  population  has  not  attained  the  standard  of 
1620  to  this  day.”  L.  Hausser. 

4.  The  Rise  of  Prussia  : 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  318  (308). 
H.  von  Treitschke:  History  of  Germany,  2685-6 

(3768-9). 

5.  The  Growing  Power  of  Sweden  : 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2893-4  (2818-19). 
C.  R.  L.  Fletcher:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  2894-6 

(2819-21). 

J.  L.  Stevens:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  2896-7  (2822). 

6.  The  Supremacy  of  Wallenstein  (a.  d. 
1625-30): 

G.  B.  Malleson:  Battlefields  of  Germany,  1504-5 
(1471-2). 

J.  Mitchell:  Life  of  Wallenstein,  1505-6  (1472-3). 

G.  P.  R.  James:  Dark  Scenes  of  History,  1506-7 
(1473-4). 

7.  The  Advent  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  (a.  d. 
1630-1632): 

C.  T.  Lewis:  History  of  Germany,  1507-8  (1475). 

F.  Schiller:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  1508(1475). 
C.  R.  L.  Fletcher:  Gustavas  Adolphus,  1508-9 
(1475-6). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1100-01  (1072-3). 

8.  The  Decisive  Battle  at  Leipsig  (Breiten- 
feld  ) (a.  d.  1631): 

B.  Chapman : Gustavus  Adolphus,  1509-10(1477). 

C.  R.  L.  Fletcher:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  1510 
(1477). 

“ The  battle  of  Breitenfeld  was  an  epoch  in  war,  it 
was  an  epoch  in  history.  It  was  an  epoch  in  war,  because 
first  in  it  was  displayed  on  a great  scale  the  superiority 
of  mobility  over  weight.  It  was  an  epoch  in  history, 


because  it  broke  the  force  upon  which  the  revived  Ca- 
tholicism had  relied  for  the  extension  of  its  empire  over 
Europe.  Germany  might  tear  herself  to  pieces  for  yet 
another  half-generation,  but  the  actual  result  of  the 
Thirty  Years’ War  was  as  good  as  achieved.”  C.  R.  L. 
Fletcher. 

9.  Recall  of  Wallenstein  ; the  Battle  of 
Lutzen;  Death  of  Gustavus  (a.  d.  1632): 

C.  M.  Yonge:  English  History,  1510-11  (1477-8). 
T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1511-12  (1478-9). 
C.  T.  Lewis:  History  of  Germany,  1512  (1479). 

10.  Richelieu  becomes  an  Active  Factor  in 
the  War  : 

J.  Mitchell:  Life  of  Wallenstein,  1512-13  (1480). 

H.  M.  Hozier:  Turenne,  1513  (1480). 

G.  B.  Malleson : Battlefields  of  Germany,  1513-14 
(1480-1). 

11.  Successes  of  the  Swedish  Army  under 
Torstenson  (a.  d.  1640-2): 

L.  Hausser:  The  Reformation,  1514-15  (1481-2). 

12.  The  Final  Campaigns  of  the  War  (a.  d. 
1645-8) : 

H.  M.  Hozier:  Turenne,  1515-16  (1482-3). 

T.  O.  Cockayne:  Life  of  Turenne,  1516  (1483). 

F.  Schiller  : The  Thirty  Years’  War,  1516-17 
(1483-4). 

13.  The  Horrors  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War  : 

R.  C.  Trench:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  1517-18 
(1484-5). 

H.  von  Z-Siidenhorst:  History  of  Germany,  1518 
(3770). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1101  (1073). 

“ This,  which  had  been  a civil  war  at  the  first,  did  not 
continue  such  for  long,  or  rather  it  united  presently  all 
the  dreadfulness  of  a civil  war  and  a foreign.  It  was 
not  long  before  the  hosts  which  trampled  the  German 
soil  had  in  large  part  ceased  to  be  German ; every  region 
of  Europe  sending  of  its  children,  and,  as  it  would 
seem,  of  those  whom  it  must  have  been  gladdest  to  be 
rid  of,  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  destroyers.  . . . Under 
conditions  like  these  it  is  not  wonderful  that  the  fields 
were  left  untilled;  for  who  would  sow,  what  he  could 
never  reap?  What  wonder  that  famine,  thus  invited, 
should  before  long  have  arrived?  . . . Persons  were 
found  dead  in  the  fields  with  grass  in  their  mouths, 
while  the  tanner’s  and  knackers’  yards  were  beset  for 
the  putrid  carcasses  of  beasts.  Men  climbed  up  the  gib- 
bets and  tore  down  the  bodies  which  were  suspended 
there,  and  devoured  them.  Prisoners  were  killed  that 
they  might  be  eaten.  Children  were  enticed  from  home. 
. . . Putting  all  together,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  the  crowning  horrors  of  Samaria,  of  Jerusalem, 
of  Saguntum,  found  their  parallels,  and  often  worse 
than  their  parallels,  in  Christian  Germany  only  two 
centuries  ago.  ...  Of  the  population  it  was  found 
that  three-fourths,  in  some  parts  a far  larger  propor- 
tion, had  perished  ...  or  fled  to  Switzerland,  to  Hol- 
land, and  to  other  countries  never  to  return  from  them 
again.”  R.  C.  Trench. 

14.  The  Peace  of  Westphalia  (a.  d.  1648); 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1518-19  (1486). 
A.  Gindely:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  1519(1486). 
F.  Kohlrausch:  History  of  Germany,  1519-20 

(1486-7). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1101  (1073). 

15.  Results  of  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  : 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1520  (1487). 

S.  A.  Dunham:  The  Germanic  Empire,  1520-1 
(1487-8). 

S.  E.  Turner:  The  Germanic  Constitution,  683-4 
(660-1). 

S.  A.  Dunham:  The  Germanic  Empire,  684  (661). 
See  Map  of  Germany  at  Peace  of  Westphalia, 
1518-19  (1486-7). 

“ Both  Lutherans  and  Calvinists  were  declared  free 
from  all  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope  or  any  Catholic  prelate. 
Thus  the  last  link  which  bound  Germany  to  Rome  was 


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snapped,  the  last  of  the  principles  by  virtue  of  which  the 
Empire  had  existed  was  abandoned.  . . . The  Peace 
of  Westphalia  was  therefore  an  abrogation  of  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Rome,  and  of  the  theory  of  Church  and 
State  with  which  the  name  of  Rome  was  associated.  . . . 
The  Peace  of  Westphalia  is  an  era  in  imperial  history 
not  less  clearly  marked  than  the  Coronation  of  Otto  the 
Great,  or  the  death  of  Frederick  II.  . . . Properly,  in- 
deed, it  was  no  longer  an  Empire  at  all,  but  a Confed- 
eration, and  that  of  the  loosest  sort.  . . . There  were 
300  petty  principalities  between  the  Alps  and  the  Baltic, 
each  with  its  own  laws,  and  its  own  courts,  its  little 
armies,  its  separate  coinage,  its  tolls  and  custom-houses 
on  the  frontier,  its  crowd  of  meddlesome  and  pedantic 
officials.  This  vicious  system,  which  paralyzed  the 
trade,  the  literature,  and  the  political  thought  of  Ger- 
many, had  been  forming  itself  for  sometime,  but  did  not 
become  fully  established  until  the  Peace  of  Westphalia, 
by  emancipating  the  princes  from  imperial  control,  had 
made  them  despots  in  their  own  territories.”  James 
Bryce. 

16.  The  Relations  of  Austria,  Germany, 
and  France  after  the  Thirty  Years’  War: 
H.  von  Treitschke:  History  of  Germany,  1521-2 
(3770-1). 

L.  Hiiusser:  History  of  Germany,  1522  (3771). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1522-3 
(1488-9). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXVI 1 1. 


THE  MAKING  OF  ENGLAND  (A.  D. 
449-1200). 


1.  Britain  : 

C.  F.  Keary:  Dawn  of  History,  144-5  (137-8). 

T.  Wright:  Celt,  Roman,  and  Saxon,  329  (319). 
J.  Ciesar:  Gallic  War,  329  (319). 

C.  Merivale:  History  of  the  Romans,  329-31 
(319-21). 

H.  M.  Scarth:  Roman  Britain,  331  (321). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  332  (322). 

J.  R.  Green:  The  Making  of  England,  332  (322). 

2.  England  : 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  121  (114). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  121  (114). 
T.  Hodgkin:  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,  2885  (2810). 
W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  806  (779). 
E.  A.  Freeman:  The  English  People,  807  (780). 
J.  R.  Green:  The  Making  of  England,  807-8 
(780-1). 

3.  Ireland  : 

M.  Haverty:  History  of  Ireland,  1794-5  (1754-5). 
E.  Lawless:  The  Story  of  Ireland,  1795  (1755). 
T.  Wright:  Celt,  Roman,  and  Saxon,  1795  (1755). 

4.  Scotland  : 

W.  F.  Skene:  Celtic  Scotland,  2913-14  (2838-9). 
J.  Rhys:  Celtic  Britain,  2914  (2839). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  2914 
(2839). 

W.  F.  Skene:  Celtic  Scotland,  2914-15  (2839-40). 

5.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Conquest  (a.  d.  470-630): 

F.  Palgrave:  The  Anglo-Saxons,  808  (781). 

J.  M.  Lappenberg:  England  under  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Kings,  808-9  (781-2). 

E.  A.  Freeman : Old  English  History,  809  (782). 
Thomas  Fuller:  Church  History  of  Britain,  810 
(782-3). 

G.  F.  Maclear:  The  Conversion  of  the  West,  810 
(783). 

E.  A.  Freeman : The  Norman  Conquest,  810  (783). 


J.  R.  Green:  The  Making  of  England,  811  (784). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1042  (1014). 

6.  The  Conversion  of  Ireland  ; its  Schools 
and  Missionaries  : 

Sir  C.  G.  Duffy:  Irish  History,  1795-6  (1755-6). 
Count  de  Montalembert:  Monks  of  the  West, 
1796  (1756). 

G.  F.  Maclear:  Conversion  of  theWest,  474  (460). 

R.  C.  Trench:  Mediaeval  Church  History,  474-5 
(460-1). 

J.  E.  T.  Wiltsch:  Statistics  of  the  Church,  475 
(461). 

A.  T.  Drane:  Christian  Schools,  711-12  (688-9). 

“ The  rapid  extension  of  the  monastic  institute  in 
Ireland,  and  the  extraordinary  ardour  with  which  the 
Irish  coenobites  applied  themselves  to  the  cultivation 
of  letters,  remain  undisputed  facts.  ‘ Within  a century 
after  the  death  of  St.  Patrick,’  says  Bishop  Nicholson, 
‘ the  Irish  seminaries  had  so  increased  that  most  parts 
of  Europe  sent  their  children  to  be  educated  here,  and 
drew  thence  their  bishops  and  teachers.’  The  whole 
country  for  miles  round  Leighlin  was  denominated  the 
‘land  of  Saints  and  Scholars.’  By  the  ninth  century 
Armagh  could  boast  of  7000  students,  and  the  schools 
of  Cashel,  Dindaleathglass,  and  Lismore  vied  with  it  in 
renown.”  A.  T.  Drane. 

7.  The  Saxon  Heptarchy: 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  811 
(784). 

F.  Gneist:  The  English  Constitution,  811  (784). 
E.  A.  Freeman : Old  English  History,  812  (785). 
W.  F.  Skene:  Celtic  Scotland,  291^15  (2839-10). 

8.  The  Danish  Invasions,  and  Alfred  the 
Great : 

R.  G.  Latham:  Nationalities  of  Europe,  2891 
(2816). 

A.  Thierry:  Conquest  of  England  by  the  Nor- 
mans, 2418  (2366). 

G.  W.  Dasent:  The  Story  of  Burnt  Njal,  2418 
(2366). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  812-13 
(785-6). 

M.  J.  Guest:  History  of  England,  813  (786). 
Thomas  Hughes:  Alfred  the  Great,  813-14 
(786-7). 

S.  R.  Gardiner:  English  History,  815-16  (788-9). 
J.  A.  Giles:  Alfred  the  Great,  713  (690). 

“ Alfred  is  the  most  perfect  character  in  history.  . . . 
No  other  man  on  record  has  ever  so  thoroughly  united 
all  the  virtues  both  of  ruler  and  of  the  private  inan.  In 
no  other  man  on  record  were  so  many  virtues  disfigured 
by  so  little  alloy.  A saint  without  superstition,  a scholar 
without  ostentation,  a warrior  all  whose  wars  were 
fought  in  the  defense  of  his  country,  a conqueror  whose 
laurels  were  never  stained  by  cruelty,  a prince  never 
cast  down  by  adversity,  never'lifted  up  to  insolence  in 
the  day  of  triumph  — there  is  no  other  name  in  history 
to  compare  with  his.  . . . The  virtue  of  Alfred,  like  the 
virtue  of  Washington,  consisted  in  no  marvelous  dis- 
plays of  superhuman  genius,  but  in  the  simple,  straight- 
forward discharge  of  the  duty  of  the  moment.”  E.  A. 
Freeman. 

9.  The  Danish  Conquest  (a.  d.  970-1042) : 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  History  of  England,  816  (789). 
Gardiner  and  Mullinger:  History  of  England, 

816  (789). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  History  of  England,  817  (790). 
M.  Haverty:  History  of  Ireland,  1796  (1756). 

S.  Bryant:  Celtic  Ireland,  1796-7  (1756-7). 

T.  D.  McGee:  History  of  Ireland,  1797  (1757). 

10.  TnE  Saxon  Restoration  to  the  Norman 
Conquest  (a.  d.  1042-1066): 

A.  H.  Johnson:  The  Normans  in  Europe,  817-18 
(790-1). 

R.  Vaughan:  Revolutions  of  English  History, 
819  (792). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  819  (792). 


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11.  Formation  of  tiie  Scottish  Kingdom, 
and  its  Relation  to  England  : 

\V.  F.  Skene:  Celtic  Scotland,  2915  (2840). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  2916 
(2840-1). 

W.  F.  Skene:  Celtic  Scotland,  2916  (2841). 

12.  William  of  Normandy,  and  his  Claims 
to  the  English  Crown: 

J.  R.  Green : The  Conquest  of  England,  2417 
(2365). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  2417 
(2365). 

A.  H.  Johnson:  The  Normans  in  Europe,  818 
(791). 

Sir  F.  Palgrave:  Normandy  and  England,  818 
(791). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  William  the  Conqueror,  818  (791). 

13.  The  Battle  of  Hastings  (a.  d.  1066)  and 
Norman  Conquest  : 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
819  (792). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Norman  Conquest,  820 
(793). 

A.  Thierry : The  Conquest  of  England,  820 
(793). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages.  820-1  (793-4). 

C.  Kingsley:  Hcreward  the  Wake,  821  (794). 

14.  The  Domesday  Book  (a.  d.  1086): 

E.  Fischel:  The  English  Constitution,  821  (794). 

T.  Taswell-Langmead : English  Constitutional 
History,  821-2  (794—5). 

Stuart  Moore : A Study  of  Domesday  Book,  822 
(795). 

I.  Taylor:  Domesday  Survivals,  822  (795). 

15.  Scotland  and  the  Conquest  : 

J.  H.  Burton : History  of  Scotland,  2916-17 
(2841-2). 

Sir  Walter  Scott:  Tales  of  a Grandfather,  2917 
(2842). 

16.  Reigns  of  the  Sons  of  the  Conqueror 
(a.  d.  1087-1154): 

S.  Turner:  History  of  England,  823-4  (796-7). 

C.  H.  Pearson:  England  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  824  (797). 

J.  H.  Round:  Geoifrey  de  Mandeville,  824-5 
(797-8). 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  3106-7 
(3024-5). 

E.  W.  Robertson : Scotland’s  Early  Kings,  2918 
(2842-3). 

17.  The  Angevin  Kings  (Plantagenets)  ; 
Henry  II.  (a.  d.  1154^-89): 

Sir  F.  Palgrave : England  and  Normandy,  121-2 
(114-15). 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
122  (115). 

K.  Norgate:  England  under  the  Angevins, 
127-8  (120-1). 

Mrs.  J.  R.  Green:  Henry  II.,  826  (799). 

K.  Norgate:  England  under  the  Angevins,  826 
(799). 

C.  H.  Pearson:  England  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  1798-9  (1758-9). 

18.  Henry’s  Conflict  with  the  Church; 
Becket  (a.  d.  1162-70): 

J.  Campbell : Lives  of  the  Lord  Chancellors, 
826-7  (799-800). 

F.  W.  Maitland : Henry  II.  and  the  Criminous 
Clerks,  827  (800). 


A.  P.  Stanley  : Memorials  of  Canterbury,  827-8 

(800-1). 

II.  C.  Lea:  Studies  in  Church  History,  289  (280). 
Pollock  and  Maitland:  English  Law,  1975. 

J.  B.  Thayer:  Older  Modes  of  Trial,  2000-1 

(1956-7). 

W.  Forsyth : Trial  by  Jury,  2001  and  2002 

(1957-8). 

“ He  [Henry  II.]  was  a foreign  King  who  never  spoke 
the  English  tongue,  who  lived  and  moved  for  the  most 
part  in  a foreign  camp,  surrounded  with  a motley  host 
of  Brabanyons  and  hirelings.  . . . It  was  under  the  rule 
of  a foreigner  such  as  this,  however,  that  the  races  of 
conquerors  and  conquered  in  England  first  learnt  to 
feel  that  they  were  one.  It  was  by  his  power  that  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  and  Ireland  were  brought  to  some 
vague  acknowledgment  of  a common  suzerain  lord, 
and  the  foundations  laid  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  It  was  he  who  abolished 
feudalism  as  a system  of  government,  and  left  it  little 
more  than  a system  of  land  tenure.  It  was  he  who 
defined  the  relations  established  between  Church  and 
State,  and  decreed  that  in  England  churchman  as  well 
as  baron  was  to  be  held  under  the  common  law.  . . . His 
reforms  established  the  judicial  system  whose  main 
outlines  have  been  preserved  to  our  own  day.  It  was 
through  his  ‘Constitutions’  and  his  ‘Assizes’  that  it 
came  to  pass  that  over  all  the  world  the  English-speak- 
ing races  are  governed  by  English  and  not  by  Roman 
law.  It  was  by  his  genius  for  government  that  the  ser- 
vants of  the  royal  household  became  transformed  into 
Ministers  of  State.  It  was  he  who  gave  England  a for- 
eign policy  which  decided  our  continental  relations  for 
seven  hundred  years.  The  impress  which  the  personal- 
ity of  Henry  II.  left  upon  his  time  meets  us  wherever 
we  turn.”  Mrs.  J.  R.  Green. 

19.  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  (a.  d.  1189-1199): 
M.  Burrows  : History  of  England,  828  (801). 

W.  Stubbs  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  828  (801). 
J.  F.  Michaud:  The  Crusades,  653  (630). 

E.  Gibbon : Decline  and  Fall,  653-4  (630-1). 

G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades,  654  (631). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  1. 


* STUDY  XXIX. 


ENGLAND  FROM  MAGNA  CARTA  TO 
ACCESSION  OF  THE  TUDORS  (A.  D. 
1215-1485). 


1.  King  John  and  Magna  Carta  (a.  d.  1215): 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1193-4  (1162). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  828  (801). 
M.  A.  Hookham:  Margaret  of  Anjou,  122-3  (116). 
J.  F.  Bright  : History  of  England,  828-9  (801-2). 

2.  The  Battle  of  Bouvines  (a.  d.  1214): 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  315  (305). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  315  (305). 

3.  Magna  Carta  (a.  d.  1215,  June  15): 

S.  Turner:  England  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
824  (797). 

J.  R.  Green:  The  English  People,  829  (802). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  History  of  England,  829-30 
(802-3). 

R.  Gneist:  The  English  Constitution,  834,  first 
column,  (807). 

T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead : English  Constitution, 
888 

Full  Text  of  the  Great  Charter,  830-4  (803-7). 

“ The  Great  Charter  although  drawn  up  in  the  form 
of  a royal  grant,  was  really  a treaty  between  the  King 
and  his  subjects.  . . . It  is  the  collective  people  who 
really  form  the  other  high  contracting  party  in  the 
great  capitulation.  . . . The  Great  Charter  is'the  first 
great  public  act  of  the  nation,  after  it  has  realized  its 
identity.  . . . The  whole  of  the  constitutional  history 


767 


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of  England  is  little  more  than  a commentary  on  Magna 
Carta.”  \V.  Stubbs. 

4.  The  Evolution  op  the  English  Parlia- 
ment (a.  d.  1216—) : 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Growth  of  the  English  Consti- 
tution, 2552-3  (2486-7). 

(a)  Under  Henry  III.  (a.  d.  1216-1272). 

R.  Gneist:  The  English  Constitution,  834  (807). 
Simon  de  Montfort,  834-6  (807-9). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  836  (809). 

(b)  Under  Edward  I.  (a.  d.  1272-1307). 

5.  R.  Gardiner:  English  History,  836  (809). 

W.  Stubbs : The  Early  Plantagenets,  836-7 
(809-10). 

T.  F.  Tout : Edward  the  First,  837  (810). 
fj.  Boutmy  : The  English  Constitution,  837-8 
(810-11) 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1061-2  (1033^). 

5.  Growth  op  the  Common  Law  under  Henry 
III.  and  Edward  I. : 

T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead : English  Constitution, 
838  (811). 

See  Law,  Common,  2005-7  (1960-3). 

6.  Conquest  op  Scotland  and  Wales  by 
Edward  I.: 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People, 
2919-20  (2844-5). 

W.  Stubbs:  The  Early  Plantagenets,  3764-5 
(3643-4). 

7.  Resistance  to  Papal  Aggressions  (a.  d. 
1200-1400) : 

C.  H.  Pearson:  England  during  Middle  Ages, 
838  (811). 

T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead : English  Constitution, 
838  (811). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  838-9 
(811-12). 

8.  Renewal  op  the  Wars  with  Scotland  ; 
Bannockburn  (a.  d.  1314): 

M.  MacArthur:  History  of  Scotland,  2920(2845). 
J.  H.  Burton : History  of  Scotland,  2920-1 
(2845-6). 

W.  Denton:  England  in  the  15th  Century,  2921-2 
(2846-7). 

P.  F.  Tytler  : History  of  Scotland,  2922  (2847). 

9.  The  Notable  Reign  op  Edward  III.  (a.  d. 
1327-1377) : 

(a)  His  Wars  with  the  Scots. 

W.  Robertson : History  of  Scotland,  2922  (2847). 
Sir  Walter  Scott:  History  of  Scotland,  2922-3 
(2847-8). 

W.  Warburton:  Edward  III.,  2923-4  (2848—9). 
Sir  Walter  Scott:  Tales  of  a Grandfather,  2924 
(2849). 

J.  R.  Green:  The  English  People,  291  (282). 

( b ) The  One  Hundred  Tears  War  (a.  d.  1337- 
1453). 

J.  Froissart:  Chronicles,  1200-01  (1168-9). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1201  and  2868 
(1169,  2794). 

G.  W.  Kitchin;  History  of  France,  1201  (1169). 

H.  Hallam:  Middle  Ages,  1201  (1169). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1204  (1172). 

C.  II.  Pearson:  English  History,  839  (812). 

(c)  The  Black  Death  (a.  d.  1348-9). 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  History  of  Agriculture,  292-3 
and  1970  (283-4  and  1929). 

G.  Boccaccio:  The  Decameron,  1166  (1136). 

J.  Michelet:  History  of  France,  1201-2  (1169-70). 
J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  History  of  Agriculture,  840 
(813). 


10.  Chaucer,  and  the  New  English  Lan- 
guage (a.  d.  1340-1400): 

B.  Ten  Brink:  English  Literature,  840-1  (813-14). 
G.  P.  Marsh : History  of  the  English  Language, 

841  (814). 

11.  Wyclif,  and  the  Translation  op  the 
Bible  (a.  d.  1384): 

J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  842  (815). 

J.  Gairdner:  English  History,  842  (815). 

12.  The  Lollards,  and  Wat  Tyler  Rebel- 
lion (a.  d.  1375-) : 

C.  Ullmann : Reformers  before  the  Reformation, 
285-6  (276-7). 

B.  Herford:  Story  of  Religion  in  England,  841-2 
(814-15). 

S.  R.  Gardiner  : English  History,  842-3  (815-16). 
J.  Gairdner:  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York, 

843  (816). 

C.  H.  Pearson:  English  History,  843^1  (816-17). 
J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 

844  (817). 

Prof,  de  Vericour:  Wat  Tyler,  844  (817). 

J.  N.  Larned:  England  under  Richard  II.,  1068-9 
(1040-1). 

13.  The  House  op  Lancaster  (a.  d.  1399-1471) : 
J.  Gairdner:  The  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York, 

844-5  (817-18). 

J.  H.  Burton:  History  of  Scotland,  2925  (2850). 
J.  Gairdner:  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York,  3765 
(3644). 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  845  (818). 

14.  Henry  V.  (1413-1422)  and  Agincourt: 

A.  J.  Church:  Henry  the  Fifth,  1205-6(1173-4). 
C.  M.  Yonge:  English  History,  1206-7  (1174-5). 
F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1207  (1175). 

A.  J.  Church:  Henry  the  Fifth,  1207  (1175). 

15.  Henry  YI.  (1422-1471)  and  End  op  Hun- 
dred Years’  War: 

A.  de  Lamartine : Joan  of  Arc,  1207-8  and  1208-9 
(1175-6). 

Lord  Mahon:  Historical  Essays,  1209  (1177). 

J.  O’Hagan:  Joan  of  Arc,  1209  (1177). 

E.  E.  Crowe:  History  of  France,  1210  (1178). 

C.  W.  Oman:  Warwick,  the  Kingmaker,  846-7 
(819-20). 

16.  The  Wars  op  the  Roses  (a.  d.  1455-1485): 
Mrs.  Hookham:  Life  of  Margaret  of  Anjou,  847 

(820). 

J.  S.  Brewer:  Reign  of  Henry  YIII.,  848  (821). 
W.  Denton:  England  in  the  15th  Century,  848 

(821). 

E.  Boutmy:  The  English  Constitution,  848(821). 
J.  Gairdner:  Henry  VII.,  1801  (1761). 

17.  The  House  op  York  (a.  d.  1461-85);  toe 
“ New  Monarchy  ” : 

Sir  J.  Mackintosh:  History  of  England,  848-9 
(821-2). 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People,  849 

(822). 

C.  M.  Yonge:  English  History.  849  (822). 

J.  Gairdner:  Life  of  Richard  III.,  849-50(822-3). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1069-71  (1041-3). 

18.  Advance  in  Civilization,  14th  to  16tii 
Centuries: 

(a)  The  Renaissance  in  England. 

II.  A.  Taine  : English  Literature,  851-2  (824-5). 
J.  A.  Symonds : Slrakespere’s  Predecessors,  852-3 
(825-6). 


768 


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A.  Lang:  Oxford,  729-30(706-7). 

(6)  Trie  State  of  Learning. 

B.  Ten  Brink  : English  Literature, 840-1  (813-14). 
H.  C.  M.  Lyte : The  University  of  Oxford,  722 

(699). 

A.  Lang:  Oxford,  722-3  (699-700). 

V.  A.  Huber: English  Universities,  723-4(700-01). 
J.  Mullinger:  The  University  of  Cambridge,  724 

(701). 

W.  Everett : On  the  Cam,  724  (701). 

F.  Seebohm : The  Oxford  Reformers,  730-1 
(707-8). 

C.  Knight : History  of  England,  2009  (1965). 

(c)  Caxton,  and  the  Introduction  of  Printing. 
J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People, 

2662-3  (2590-1). 

J.  II.  Slater:  Book  Collecting,  2663  (2591). 

T.  A.  Romer : Copyright  Law,  2009-10  (1965-6). 

(d)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

L.  Levi : British  Commerce,  3222  (3711). 

W.  Cunningham:  Growth  of  English  Industry, 
3222  (3711). 

J.  Michelet:  History  of  France,  1156  (1126). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXX. 


ENGLAND:  THE  TUDORS  (A.  D.  1485- 
1603). 


1.  The  Accession  of  the  Tudors;  Henry 
VII.  (a.  D.  1485-1509) : 

J.  Forster:  Historical  Essays,  850  (823). 

J.  Gairdner:  Henry  the  Seventh,  853  (826). 

J.  H.  Burton  : History  of  Scotland,  2926-7 
(2851-2). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1089  (1061). 

2.  The  First  English  Voyages  of  Discov- 
ery (a.  d.  1497-8): 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  United  States,  58 
(51). 

H.  Harrisse : The  Discovery  of  America,  61  (3678). 
“The  discovery  of  the  continent  of  North  America 

and  the  first  landing  on  its  east  coast  were  accom- 
plished, not  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  but  by  his  father  John, 
in  1197,  under  the  auspices  of  King  Henry  VII.  . . . 
The  voyage  of  1498,  also  accomplished  under  the  Brit- 
ish flag,  was  likewise  carried  out  by  John  Cabot  per- 
sonally . . . and  the  exploration  embraced  the  north- 
east coast  of  the  present  United  States,  as  far  as 
Florida.”  Henry  Harrisse. 

“ Under  this  patent  John  Cabot,  taking  with  him  his 
son  Sebastian,  embarked  in  quest  of  new  islands  and  a 
passage  to  Asia  by  the  northwest.  On  the  24th  day  of 
June  (1497],  almost  fourteen  months  before  Columbus 
came  in  sight  of  the  main,  and  more  than  two  years  be- 
fore Amerigo  Vespucci  sailed  west  of  the  Canaries,  he 
discovered  the  western  Continent,  probably  in  the  lati- 
tude of  about  56°,  among  the  dismal  cliffs  of  Labrador. 
He  ran  along  the  coast  for  many  leagues,  it  is  said  for 
even  300,  and  landed  on  what  he  considered  to  be  the 
territory  of  the  Grand  Cham.”  George  Bancroft. 

3.  Henry  VIII.  (1509-1547)  and  Cardinal 
Wolsey  : 

SirR.  Comyn:  The  Western  Empire,  1218  (1186). 
M.  Creighton:  Cardinal  Wolsey,  854  (827). 

4.  The  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold  (a.  d. 
1520) : 

J.  Michelet : Modern  History,  1222  (1190). 

J.  S.  Brewer:  Henry  VIII.,  1148  (1119). 

5.  Henry  VIII.,  and  the  Divorce  Question: 
G.  P.  Fisher : The  Christian  Church,  854-5 

(827-8). 


Sir  J.  Mackintosh : 8ir  Thomas  More,  855-6 
(828-9). 

: History  of  England,  858-9  (831-2). 

6.  The  Reformation  in  England  (a.  d.  1530—) : 

(а)  Origin  of  the  Term  “ Protestant." 

P.  Bayne : Martin  Luther,  2516-17  (2455-6). 

(б)  Henry’s  Rupture  with  Rome. 

G.  P.  Fisher:  The  Christian  Church,  855  (828). 
J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1089-90  (1061-2). 

( c ) 'The  Establishment  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. 

T.  B.  Macaulay  : History  of  England,  856  (829). 
J.  Tullocli:  Christian  Philosophy,  856-7  (829-30). 

G.  G.  Perry  : The  Reformation  in  England,  857 
(830). 

“ The  Reformation  in  England  was  singular  amongst 
the  great  religious  movements  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
It  was  the  least  heroic  of  them  all  — the  least  swayed  by 
religious  passion,  or  moulded  and  governed  by  spiritual 
and  theological  necessities.  From  a general  point  of 
view,  it  looks  at  first  little  more  than  a great  political 
change.  The  exigencies  of  royal  passion,  and  the  dubi- 
ous impulses  of  statecraft,  seem  its  moving  and  really 
powerful  springs.  . . . The  lust  and  avarice  of  Henry, 
the  policy  of  Cromwell,  and  the  vacillations  of  the  lead- 
ing clergy,  attract  prominent  notice  ; but  there  may  be 
traced  beneath  the  surface  a widespread  evangelical  fer- 
vour amongst  the  people,  and,  above  all,  a genuine  spirit- 
ual earnestness  and  excitement  of  thought  at  the  uni- 
versities. These  higher  influences  preside  at  the  first 
birth  of  the  movement.  They  are  seen  in  active  opera- 
tion long  before  the  reforming  task  was  taken  up  by  the 
Court  and  the  bishops.”  J.  Tulloch. 

(d)  The  Suppression  of  the  Monasteries. 

H.  Hallam:  History  of  England,  857-8  (830-1). 
G.  G.  Perry:  Reformation  in  England,  858(831). 
F.  A.  Gasquet:  Henry  VIII.  and  the  Monasteries, 

858  (831). 

( e ) The  Reaction;  The  “ Six  Articles." 

J.  F.  Bright : History  of  England,  859  (832). 

(/)  The  Establishment  of  Protestantism  under 
Edward  VI.  (a.  d.  1547-1553). 

D.  Hume  : History  of  England,  859-60  (832-3). 

J.  R.  Green  : History  of  the  English  People,  860 
(833). 

7.  The  Foreign  Relations  of  Henry  VIII. : 

(a)  Scotland. 

J.  H.  Burton : History  of  Scotland,  2926-7 
(2851-2). 

J.  F.  Bright : History  of  England,  2927  (2852). 
Sir  W.  Scott : History  of  Scotland,  2927  (2852). 
D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  2927-8  (2852-3). 

D.  Wilson  : Memories  of  Edinburgh,  2928  (2853). 

(b)  Ireland. 

M.  Haverty  : History  of  Ireland,  2471  (2412). 

J.  A.  Froude : History  of  England,  1801-2 
(1761-2). 

J.  R.  Green  : History  of  the  English  People, 
1802-3  (1762-3). 

(c)  France. 

W.  Robertson  : Reign  of  Charles  V.,  1880-2 
(1840-2). 

F.  P.  Guizot  : History  of  France,  1225  (1193). 

E.  de  Bonnechose  : History  of  France,  1225-6 
(1193-4). 

8.  The  Reformation  in  Scotland  : 

W.  Robertson:  History  of  Scotland,  2928-9 
(2853-4). 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  England,  2929-30 
(2854-5). 

J.  Cunningham:  Church  History  of  Scotland, 
2930  (2855). 

M.  Creighton : The  Age  of  Elizabeth,  2930-1 
(2855-6). 


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9.  “ Bloody  ” Mary,  and  Catholic  Ascend- 
ency (a.  d.  1553-1558): 

Sir  J.  Mackintosh:  History  of  England,  860-1 
(833-4). 

T.  Fuller:  Church  History  of  Britain,  861  (834). 

R.  Southey  : Book  of  the  Church,  861-2  (834—5). 
Sir  J.  Mackintosh:  History  of  England,  862 

(835). 

J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  862  (835). 

H.  Hallam  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  862  (835). 
W.  H.  Jervis:  History  of  France,  1228  (1196). 

10.  The  Accession  of  Elizabeth  ; the  Eliza- 
bethan age  (a.  d.  1558-1603) : 

(a)  The  Final  Establishment  of  Protestantism. 

D.  Hume  : History  of  England,  862-3  (835-6). 

C.  Beard : The  Reformation,  863  (836). 

(b)  The  Civil  Government. 

M.  Burrows:  History  of  England,  863  (836). 

H.  Hallam:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  863-4 
(836-7). 

E.  Fischel:  The  English  Constitution, 2993  (2915). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc.,  2027 
(1983). 

Austin  Abbott:  Capital  Punishment,  2027  (1983). 

(c)  The  State  of  Literature. 

W.  Hazlitt:  Literature  of  the  Age  of  Elizabeth, 
864  (837). 

J.  A.  Symonds:  Elizabethan  and  Victorian 

Poetry,  864-5  (837-8). 

(d)  The  Rise  of  the  Great  Schools  of  England. 
H.  Coleridge:  Biographia  Borealis,  731  (708). 

F.  Seebohm:  The  Oxford  Reformers,  730-1 
(707-8). 

T.  Hughes:  The  Public  Schools  of  England, 
733-5  (710-12). 

Our  Public  Schools  — Their  Discipline, 735  (712). 

(e)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

C.  Gross:  The  Gild  Merchant,  2197  (2153). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Commercial  Progress, 3228-9  (3718). 
Lord  Mahon:  History  of  England,  1748-9  (1710). 

11.  The  Act  of  Supremacy,  and  Act  of  Uni- 
formity : 

M.  Burrows:  History  of  England,  865  (838). 

D.  Neal:  History  of  the  Puritans,  865-6  (838-9). 

12.  The  Rise  of  Puritanism  (about  a.  d.  1560) : 
J.  A.  Froude:  History  of  England,  866  (839). 

T.  B.  Macaulay : History  of  England,  866-7  (840). 
H.  O.  Wakemau  : The  Church  and  the  Puritans, 

867  (840). 

13.  First  Use  of  the  Term  “Protestant” 
(a.  d.  1564) : 

T.  Fuller:  Church  History  of  Britain,  867  (840). 
P.  Heylyn  : Ecclesia  Restaurata,  867  (840). 

14.  Elizabeth  and  the  Catholics: 

H.  Hallam  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  867  (840). 
J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  867-8  (840-1). 
J.  L.  Motley  : The  United  Netherlands,  868  (841). 

15.  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  : 

D.  Wilson:  Memorials  of  Edinburgh,  2928  (2853). 
M.  Mac  Arthur:  History  of  Scotland,  2931-2 

(2856-7). 

E.  S.  Beesly  : Queen  Elizabeth,  2932  (2857). 

J.  Skelton:  Historical  Essays,  2932-3  (2857-8). 
T.  F.  Henderson:  The  Casket  Letters,  2933 

(2858). 

S.  H.  Burke:  Historical  Portraits,  2933-4 
(2858-9). 

A.  C.  Swinburne:  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  2934 
(2859). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1095-6  (1067-8). 


16.  Mary  and  the  Catholic  Conspiracies; 
her  Execution  (a.  d.  1587): 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People,  868-9 
(841-2). 

J.  A.  Froude  : History  of  England,  869  (842). 

17.  The  Effect  of  Mary’s  Execution  ; the 
Spanish  Armada  (a.  d.  1588) : 

R.  Southey:  Lives  of  British  Admirals,  869  (842). 

S.  A.  Dunham  : Spain  and  Portugal,  869  (842). 
J.  L.  Motley:  The  United  Netherlands,  869-70 

(842-3). 

H.  R.  Clinton:  From  Crecy  to  Assye,  870-1 
(843-4). 

W.  Camden  : History  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  871-2 
(844-5). 

“ The  flame  of  patriotism  never  burnt  purer;  all  Eng- 
lishmen alike,  Romanists,  Protestant  Episcopalians, 
and  Puritans,  were  banded  together  to  resist  the  in- 
vader. Every  hamlet  was  on  the  alert  for  the  beacon- 
signal.  . . . Philip’s  preparations  had  been  commen- 
surate with  the  grandeur  of  his  scheme.  ...  A vast 
armament,  named,  as  if  to  provoke  Nemesis,  the  ‘ Invin- 
cible Armada,’  on  which  for  three  years  the  treasures 
of  the  American  mines  had  been  lavished,  at  length  rode 
the  seas,  blessed  with  Papal  benediction  and  under  the 
patronage  of  the  Saints.  . . . The  129  vessels  were  armed 
with  2430  brass  and  iron  guns  of  the  best  manufacture, 
and  carried  5000  seamen.  Parma’s  army  amounted  to 
30,000  men  — Spaniards,  Portuguese,  Italians,  and  Wal- 
loons; and  19,000  Castilians  and  Portuguese,  with  1000 
gentlemen  volunteers,  were  coming  to  meet  him.  . . . 
The  overthrow  of  this  armament  was  effected  by  the 
navy  and  the  elements.1.  . . More  than  two-thirds  of 
the  expedition  perished;  and  of  the  remnant  that  again 
viewed  the  hills  of  Spain  all  but  a few  hundred  returned 
only  to  die.”  H.  R.  Clinton. 

18.  Progress  of  the  Reformation  in  Scot- 
land: 

M.  C.  Taylor:  John  Knox,  2934  (2859). 

T.  Carlyle  : Heroes  and  Hero  Worship,  2934-5 
(2859-60). 

J.  Tulloch:  John  Knox,  2935  (2860). 

W.  Robertson:  History  of  Scotland,  2935  (2860). 
J.  Cunningham:  Church  History  of  Scotland, 

2935- 6  (2860-1). 

T.  M’Crie:  Scottish  Church  History,  2936  (2861). 
J.  Cunningham  : Church  History  of  Scotland, 

2936- 7  (2861-2). 

Sir  W.  Scott : History  of  Scotland,  2937  (2862). 

19.  The  Accession  of  the  Stuarts;  James  I. 
(a.  d.  1603): 

J.  Forster:  Historical  Essays,  872  (845). 

“ His  [James’]  mother  was  Marie  Stuart,  or  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots,  born  of  her  marriage  with  Lord  Darn- 
ley.  He  came  to  the  English  throne  at  a time  when  the 
autocratic  spirit  of  the  Tudors,  making  use  of  the  pe- 
culiar circumstances  of  their  time,  had  raised  the  royal 
power  and  prerogative  to  their  most  exalted  pitch;  and 
lie  united  the  two  Kingdoms  of  Scotland  and  England 
under  one  sovereignty.  The  noble  inheritance  fell  to  a 
race  who,  comprehending  not  one  of  the  conditions  by 
which  alone  it  was  possible  to  be  retained,  profligately 
misused  until  they  lost  it  utterly.  . . What  is  called 
the  Great  Rebellion  can  have  no  comment  so  pregnant 
as  that  which  is  suggested  by  the  character  and  previous 
career  of  the  first  of  the  Stuart  Kings.”  J.  Forster. 

•See  Important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXI. 


ENGLAND:  JAMES  I.  AND  CHARLES 

I.;  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  (A.  D. 
1603-1649). 


I.  The  Accession  of  the  Stuarts  (a.  d.  1603): 

J.  H.  Burton:  History  of  Scotland,  2925  (2850). 


770 


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COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


M.'  Noble:  Genealogy  of  the  House  of  Stuart, 
2925  (2850). 

J.  Forster:  Historical  Essays,  872  (845). 

T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead:  Eng.  Const.  History, 
3107  (3025). 

A.  V.  Dicey:  The  Privy  Council,  3107-8 
(3025-6). 

2.  The  Reign  op  James  I.  (a.  d.  1603-25) : 

T.  McCrie : Scottish  Church  History,  872-3 
(845-6). 

D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  873  (846). 

H.  Hallam:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  874  (847). 
J.  Cunningham : Church  History  of  Scotland, 
2937  (2862). 

3.  The  Settlements  in  America  : 

(а)  In  Virginia  (a.  d.  1606-). 

John  Fiske:  Beginnings  of  New  England,  3748 
(3627). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  United  States,  3748-9 
(3627-8). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  English  Colonies  in  America,  3749 
(3628). 

(б)  The  Independents  or  Separatists. 

J.  A.  Goodwin:  The  Pilgrim  Republic,  2690-1 
(2617-18). 

G.  Punchard:  History  of  Congregationalism,  2691 
(2618). 

J.  Hunter : The  Founders  of  New  Plymouth, 
1737  (1698). 

D.  Masson  : Life  of  John  Milton,  1737  (1698). 

(c)  The  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Colony  (a.  d. 
1620). 

J.  Fiske  : The  Beginnings  of  New  England,  1738 
(1699). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  United  States,  1738-9 
(1699-1700). 

F.  B.  Dexter:  The  Pilgrim  Church,  2141-2 
(2097-8). 

(d)  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  (a.  d. 
1630). 

J.  B.  Moore  : Governors  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
2145-6  (2101-2). 

S.  A.  Drake : Around  the  Hub,  2146-7  (2102-3). 
R.  C.  Winthrop  : Boston  Founded,  2147  (2103). 

4.  Charles  I.  (a.  d.  1625-1649)  ; the  Great 
Rebellion  : 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  874  (847). 
C.  D.  Yonge:  History  of  France,  1252-3  (1220-1). 
W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1805  (1765). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1103-4  (1075-6). 

“ He  [Charles  I.]  seems  to  have  learned  from  the 
theologians  whom  he  most  esteemed  that  between  him 
and  his  subjects  there  could  be  nothing  of  the  nature 
of  mutual  contract ; that  he  could  not,  even  if  he  would, 
divest  himself  of  his  despotic  authority;  and  that,  in 
every  promise  which  he  made,  there  was  an  implied 
reservation  that  such  promise  might  be  broken  in  case 
of  necessity,  and  that  of  the  necessity  he  was  the  sole 
judge.”  T.  B.  Macaulay. 

5.  The  Petition  of  Right  (a.  d.  1628) : 

H.  Hallam:  Const.Hist.  of  England,  874  and  875 
(847,  848). 

Full  Text  of  the  Petition  of  Right,  875-6  (848-9). 

“Our  English  Constitution  was  never  made,  in  the 
sense  in  which  the  Constitutions  of  many  other  coun- 
tries have  been  made.  There  never  was  any  moment 
when  Englishmen  drew  out  their  political  system  in 
the  shape  of  a formal  document,  whether  as  the  carry- 
ing out  of  any  abstract  political  theories  or  as  the  imi- 
tation of  the  past  or  present  system  of  any  other  nation. 
There  are  indeed  certain  great  political  documents, 
each  of  which  forms  a land  mark  in  our  political  his- 
tory. There  is  the  Great  Charter  [1215],  the  Petition  of 
Right  [1628],  and  the  Bill  of  Rights  [1689].  But  not 
one  of  these  gave  itself  out  as  the  enactment  of  any- 
thing new.  All  claimed  to  set  forth,  with  new  strength, 


it  might  be,  and  with  new  clearness,  those  rights  of 
Englishmen  which  were  already  old.  . . . The  life  and 
soul  of  English  law  has  ever  been  precedent;  we  have 
always  held  that  whatever  our  fathers  once  diil  their 
sons  have  a right  to  do  again.”  E.  A.  Freeman. 

“ Lord  Chatham  called  these  three  [Magna  Carta,  the 
Petition  of  Right,  and  the  Bill  of  Rights]  ‘ The  Bible  of 
the  English  Constitution,’  to  which  appeal  is  to  be 
made  on  every  grave  political  question.”  Sir  E.  S. 
Creasy. 

6.  The  Burning  Question  of  Taxation  : 

T.  Carlyle:  Cromwell’s  Letters  and  Speeches, 
877  (850). 

T.  B.  Macaulay : Essays.  — Hampden,  878-9 
(851-2). 

7.  Buckingham  and  Laud: 

C.  M.  Yonge:  English  History,  876-7  (849-50). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  The  English  Revolution,  877-8 
(850-1). 

8.  Presbyterians  and  Independents  : 

J.  Rushworth:  Historical  Collections,  879  (852). 
W.  Godwin:  History  of  the  Commonwealth, 
879  (852). 

D.  Masson  : Life  of  John  Milton,  1737  (1698). 

9.  The  Scottish  National  Covenant  (a.  d. 
1638) : 

T.  Fuller  : Church  History  of  Britain,  2937-8 
(2862-3). 

J.  H.  Burton:  History  of  Scotland,  2938  (2863). 
J.  Taylor:  The  Scottish  Covenanters,  2938 
(2863). 

A.  P.  Stanley:  The  Church  of  Scotland,  2938-9 
(2863-4). 

Full  text  of  the  National  Covenant,  2939-42 
(2864-7). 

10.  The  Bishops’  Wars: 

M.  MacArthur:  History  of  Scotland,  2942-3 
(2867-8). 

T.  Carlyle  : Cromwell’s  Letters  and  Speeches, 
879-80  (852-3). 

11.  Wentworth’s  System  of  “Thorough”: 
R.  Hassencamp:  History  of  Ireland,  1805-6 

(1765-6). 

R.  Browning:  Thomas  Wentworth,  1806  (1766). 

12.  The  Long  Parliament  (1640-1);  Execu- 
tion of  Strafford: 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  Essays.  — Hampden,  880  (853). 

G.  B.  Smith:  History  of  the  Eng.  Parliament, 
2553  (2487). 

J.  R.  Green  : The  English  People,  880-1  (853-4). 

H.  D.  Traill:  Lord  Strafford,  881  (854). 

R.  Browning  : Thomas  Wentworth,  881-2  (855). 
Text  of  the  Articles  of  Impeachment  of  Straf- 
ford, 882  (855). 

13.  Rise  of  Permanent  Parties  ; Cavaliers 
and  Roundheads : 

T.  B.  Macaulav : History  of  England,  882-3 
(855-6). 

D.  Masson  : Life  of  John  Milton,  2828  (2754). 

14.  The  Grand  Remonstrance  (a.  d.  1641) : 
D.  Masson  : Life  of  John  Milton,  883  (856).  - 
J.  Forster  : Historical  Essays,  883  (856). 

Full  Text  of  the  Grand  Remonstrance,  883-893 
(856-866). 

15.  The  Beginning  of  Civil  War  (a.  d.  1642): 
D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  893-4  (866-7). 
T.  Carlyle  : Letters  and  Speeches  of  Cromwell, 

894  (867). 

D.  Masson:  Life  of  John  Milton,  894-5  (867-8). 
F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  895  (868). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1104-5  (1076-7). 


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COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


16.  Early  Engagements  and  Cromwell’s 
Ironsides  ; 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  895-6  (868-9). 
T.  Carlyle : Letters  and  Speeches  of  Cromwell, 
896  (869.) 

F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  896  (869). 

“ These  were  the  men  who  ultimately  decided  the 
war,  and  established  the  Commonwealth.  On  the  field 
of  Marston,  Rupert  gave  Cromwell  the  name  of  Iron- 
side, and  from  thence  this  famous  name  passed  to  his 
troopers.  There  are  two  features  in  their  history 
which  we  need  to  note.  They  were  indeed  ‘such  men 
as  had  some  conscience  in  their  work  ’ ; but  they  were 
also  much  more.  They  were  disciplined  and  trained 
soldiers.  They  were  the  only  body  of  * regulars  ’ on 
either  side.  The  instinctive  genius  of  Cromwell  from 
the  very  first  created  the  strong  nucleus  of  a regular 
army,  which  at  last  in  discipline,  in  skill,  in  valor, 
reached  the  highest  perfection  ever  attained  by  soldiers 
either  in  ancient  or  modern  times.”  Frederic  Har- 
rison. 

17.  The  Westminster  Assembly,  and  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant  (a.  d.  1643) : 

D.  Masson:  Life  of  Milton,  896-7  (869-70). 

J.  Forster:  Statesmen  of  the  Commonwealth, 
897-8  (870-1). 

Text  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  898-9 
(871-2). 

18.  The  Catholic  Rising  and  Massacres  in 
Ireland  (a.  d.  1641): 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  England,  1806-7 
(1766-7). 

W.  A.  O’Connor:  The  Irish  People,  1807 (1767). 

M.  Hickson:  Ireland  in  17th  Century,  1807  (1767). 

N.  L.  Walford:  Parliamentary  Generals, 896  (869). 
J.  R.  Green : English  People,  896  (869). 

19.  Progress  of  the  War;  Marston  Moor 
(a.  d.  1644): 

T.  B.  Macaulay : History  of  England,  899  (872). 
Earl  of  Clarendon:  History  of  the  Rebellion,  899- 
900  (872-3). 

N.  L.  Walford:  Parliamentary  Generals, 900 (873). 
C.  R.  Markham:  Life  of  Lord  Fairfax,  900  (873). 
C.  Knight:  The  History  of  England,  900  (873). 

20.  From  Marston  Moor  to  Naseby: 

F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell.  901  (874). 

H.  Hallam:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  901  (874). 
N.  L.  Walford : Parliamentary  Generals, 901  (874). 
J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  902  (875). 

T.  Carlyle:  Cromweil’s  Letters  and  Speeches,  902 

(875) 

21.  Closing  Events  of  the  War  (a.  d.  1645- 
1648): 

H.  Hallam:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  902  (875). 
C.  R.  Markham:  Life  of  Lord  Fairfax,  903  (876). 
W.  Chambers:  Stories  of  Old  Families,  2943 
(2868). 

B.  M.  Cordery:  King  and  Commonwealth,  903 

(876) . 

J.  A.  Picton:  Oliver  Cromwell,  903-4  (876-7). 

J.  K.  Hosmer:  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  904-5 
(877-8). 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People,  905 

(878) . 

22.  TnE  Second  Civil  War,  and  Battle  of 
Preston  (a.  d.  1648) : 

F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  906  (879). 

H.  Hallam  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  906  (879). 
F.  P.  Guizot:  The  English  Revolution,  906 

(879) . 

23.  Pride’s  Purge,  and  the  Rump  Parlia 
ment: 

W.  Godwin : History  of  the  Commonwealth, 
906-7  (879-80). 


J.  K.  Hosmer:  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  907 

(880). 

D.  Neal:  History  of  the  Puritans,  907  (880). 

24.  Trial  and  Execution  of  Charles  I. 
(a.  d.  1649) : 

C.  Knight : History  of  England,  907-8  (880-1). 
F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  908  (881). 

W.  Godwin : History  of  the  Commonwealth, 
908-9  (881-2). 

S.  R.  Gardiner  : History  of  the  Great  Civil  War, 
909  (882). 

Text  of  the  Act  arraigning  the  King,  909-10 
(882-3). 

“ As  the  head  of  the  King  rolled  on  the  scaffold  the 
old  Feudal  Monarchy  expired  forever.  In  January, 
1049,  a great  mark  was  set  in  the  course  of  the  national 
life  — the  Old  Rule  behind  it,  the  New  Rule  before  it. 
Parliamentary  government,  the  consent  of  the  Nation, 
equality  of  rights,  and  equity  in  the  law  — all  date  from 
this  great  New  Departure.  The  Stuarts  indeed  returned 
for  one  generation,  but  with  the  sting  of  the  old  mon- 
archy gone,  and  only  to  disappear  almost  without  a 
blow.  The  Church  ot  England  returned ; but  not  the 
Church  of  Laud  or  of  Charles.  The  peers  returned,  but 
as  a meek  House  of  Lords  with  their  castles  razed,  their 
feudal  rights  and  their  political  power  extinct.  It  is 
said  that  the  regicides  killed  Charles  I.  only  to  make 
Charles  11.  King.  It  is  not  so.  They  killed  the  old  Mon- 
archy ; and  the  restored  monarch  was  by  no  means  its 
heir,  but  a royal  Stadtholder  or  Hereditary  President.” 
Frederic  Harrison. 

25.  The  Eikon  Basilike  (February,  1649): 

D.  Masson:  Life  of  John  Milton,  910  (883). 

T.  Carlyle:  Life,  by  Froude,  910-11  (883-4). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXII. 


ENGLAND:  FROM  THE  COMMON- 

WEALTH TO  CLOSE  OF  STUART 
DYNASTY  (A.  D.  1649-1714). 


1.  The  Establishment  of  the  Common- 
wealth (a.  d.  1649): 

D.  Masson:  Life  of  John  Milton,  910  (883). 

: , 2043  (1999). 

J.  A.  Picton:  Oliver  Cromwell,  2043  (1999). 

2.  Cromwell  in  Ireland  (a.  d.  1649-1650): 

N.  L.  Walford:  Parliamentary  Generals,  1807-8 

(1767-8). 

B.  M.  Cordery:  King  and  Commonwealth,  1808 
(1768). 

T.  Carlyle:  Cromwell’s  Letters  and  Speeches, 

1808- 9  (1768-9). 

J.  P.  Prendergast:  The  Cromwellian  Settlement, 

1809- 10  (1769-70). 

3.  The  Scottish  Revolt;  Dunbar  and  Wor- 
cester (a.  d.  1650-1): 

J.  H.  M.  d’Aubigne:  The  Protector,  2943-4 
(2868-9). 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  2944  (2869). 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  2945  (2870). 

D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  2945  (2870). 

F.  P.  Guizot : Oliver  Cromwell,  2945-6  (2870-1). 

4.  Passage  of  the  Navigation  Acts  (a.  d. 
1651): 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc., 
2332-3  (2284-5). 

G.  L.  Craik:  British  Commerce,  2293  (2245). 

E.  G.  Scott:  Const.  Liberty  in  English  Colonies, 
3286-7  (3170-1). 


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COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


5.  War  witii  the  Dutch  Republic  (a.d. 

1668-4): 

D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  911-12  (884-5). 
J.  F.  Blight:  History  of  England,  912  (885). 

6.  Cromwell  and  the  Parliaments  (a.  d. 
1651-3): 

J.  R.  Green:  Short  History  of  England,  911  (884). 

F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  912-13  (885-6). 

T.  Carlyle:  Cromwell’s  Letters  and  Speeches,  913 

(886). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  Oliver  Cromwell,  913  (886). 

7.  The  Protectorate  (a.  d.  1653-1660): 

Full  Text  of  the  Instrument  of  Government,  914- 
18  (887-891). 

D.  Masson:  Life  of  John  Milton,  913-14(886-7). 
F.  Harrison:  Oliver  Cromwell,  918  (891). 

H.  Hallam:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  918  (891). 

B.  M.  Cordery:  King  and  Commonwealth,  919 
(892). 

“ His  [Cromwell’s]  wish  seems  to  have  been  to  govern 
constitutionally,  and  to  substitute  the  empire  of  the 
laws  for  that  of  the  sword.  But  he  soon  found  that, 
hated  as  he  was,  both  by  Royalists  and  Presbyterians, 
he  could  be  safe  only  by  being  absolute.  . . . Those  sol- 
diers who  would  not  suffer  him  to  assume  the  kingly 
title,  stood  by  him  when  he  ventured  on  acts  of  power 
as  high  as  any  English  King  has  ever  attempted.  The 
government,  therefore,  though  in  form  a republic,  was 
in  truth  a despotism,  moderated  only  by  the  wisdom, 
the  sobriety,  and  the  magnanimity  of  the  despot.” 

T.  B.  Macaulay. 

8 The  Restoration;  Charles  II.  (a.  d.  1660- 
1685): 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  919-20 
(892-3). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  The  Restoration,  920  (893). 

C.  Dickens:  History  of  England,  920-1  (893-4). 
H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  921  (894). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1105-6  (1077-8). 

J.  Lingard:  History  of  England,  1810  (1770). 

9.  The  State  of  the  Church  following 
the  Restoration: 

O.  Airy:  The  English  Restoration,  921  (894). 

J.  Stoughton:  History  of  Religion,  921  (894). 

J.  Lingard:  History  of  England,  921-2  (894—5). 

E.  Calamy:  The  Nonconformist’s  Memorial,  922 
(895). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  2946(2871). 
J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  2946  (2871). 

10.  The  Wars  with  Holland  (a.d.  1665-78): 
O.  Airy:  The  English  Restoration,  2333  (2285). 

G.  P.  R.  James.  Life  of  Louis  XIV.,  2333-4 
(2285-6). 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
2334  (2286). 

J.  Lingard : History  of  England,  2335  (2287). 

C.  M.  Yonge:  Landmarks  of  History,  2335-6 
(2287-8). 

O.  Airy:  The  English  Restoration,  2336  (2288). 
J.  R.  Brodhead:  History  of  New  York,  2336-7 
(2288-9). 

H.  Martin : History  of  France,  2414  (2362). 

J.  A.  Stevens:  The  English  in  New  York,  2383 
(2330-1). 

J.  R.  Brodhead:  History  of  New  York,  2384-5 
(2332-3). 

11.  Catholicism  and  the  Test  Act  (a.  d. 
1673): 

J.  Lingard:  History  of  England,  922-3  (895-6). 
J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
923-4  (896-7). 

J.  Stoughton:  History  of  Religion,  924  (897). 


12.  Titus  Oates,  and  the  Alleged  Popish 
Plot  (a.  d.  1678-9): 

A.  B.  Buckley:  History  of  England,  924  (897). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  924  (897). 
A.  Carrel : The  Counter-Reformation,  925  (898). 

C.  Butler:  Memoirs  of  English  Catholics,  925 
(898). 

H.  Hallam  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  930  (903). 

13.  The  Habeas  Corpus  Act  (a.  d.  1679): 

D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  925  (898). 

E.  Fischel:  The  English  Constitution,  925-6 
(898-9). 

W.  Blackstone:  Commentaries,  2014  (1970). 

Full  Text  of  the  Act,  926-9  (899-902). 

14.  Whigs  and  Tories  (about  a.  d.  1680): 

D.  Hume  : History  of  England.  930  (903). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky  : History  of  England,  2698  (2625). 

G.  Burnet : History  of  My  Own  Time,  3772  (3651). 

15.  James  II.  (a.  d.  1685-9);  The  Revolution: 
J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People,  930 

(903). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  931(904). 
J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  931  (904). 

T.  B.  Macaulay : History  of  England,  931-2 
(904-5). 

Sir  J.  Mackintosh:  History  of  the  Revolution, 
932  (905). 

16.  The  Revolution  : 

W.  H.  Torriano  : William  the  Third,  933  (906). 
Sir  J.  Mackintosh : History  of  the  Revolution, 
933-4  (906-7). 

R.  Vaughan:  England  under  the  Stuarts,  934-5 
(907-8). 

17.  William  and  Mary  (a.  d.  1689-1702): 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People,  934 
(907). 

Sir  J.  Mackintosh : History  of  the  Revolution, 
934  (907). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1106-7(1078-9). 

H.  D.  Traill : William  the  Third,  934  (907). 

H.  Hallam : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  935-6 
(908-9). 

Full  Text  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  987-9  (910-12). 

18.  The  War  in  Ireland;  the  Battle  of 
the  Boyne  and  Peace  of  Limerick: 

E.  Hale:  The  Fall  of  the  Stuarts,  1810-11  (1770-1). 
T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  1811(1771). 
W.  H.  Torriano  : William  the  Third,  1811—12 

(1771-2). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1812-13 
(1772-3). 

W.  K.  Sullivan : Two  Centuries  of  Irish  History, 
1813-14  (1773-4). 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People, 
1814  (1774). 

19.  The  Church  and  the  Revolution  : 

J.  Rowlev  : The  Settlement  of  the  Constitution, 
936  (909). 

E.  Hale : The  Fall  of  the  Stuarts,  2948-9  (2873-4). 
J.  Cunningham : Church  History  of  Scotland, 
2949  (2874). 

20.  War  with  France  ; Beachy  Head,  and 
La  Hogue  (a.  d.  1690-2): 

W.  H.  Torriano:  William  the  Third,  939  (912). 
T.  B.  Macaulay : History  of  England,  939  (912). 
H.  Martin : History  of  France,  939-40  (912-13). 
G.  P.  R.  James  : Life  of  Louis  XIV. , 1275  (1243). 
J.  W.  Gerard : The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  1275-6 
(1243-4). 


773 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


21.  Founding  of  the  Bank  of  England  (a.  d. 
1694) : 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  2253-4 
(2209-10). 

W.  Bagehot:  Lombard  Street,  2254-5  (2210-11). 

11  It  was  indeed  not  easy  to  guess  that  a bill,  which 
purported  only  to  impose  a new  duty  on  tonnage  for 
the  benefit  of  such  persons  as  should  advance  money 
towards  carrying  on  the  war  was  really  a bill  creating 
the  greatest  commercial  institution  that  the  world  had 
ever  seen.”  T.  B.  Macaulay. 

22.  TnE  Act  of  Settlement  (a.  d.  1701): 

J.  Rowley:  Settlement  of  the  Constitution,  940-1 
(913-14). 

H.  Hallam : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  941  (914). 

“ According  to  the  tenor  and  intention  of  the  Act  of 
Settlement  all  prior  claims  of  inheritance,  save  that  of 
the  issue  of  King  William  and  the  Princess  Anne,  being 
set  aside  and  annulled,  the  Princess  Sophia  became  the 
source  of  a new  royal  line.  The  throne  of  England  and 
Ireland,  by  virtue  of  the  paramount  will  of  Parliament, 
stands  entailed  upon  the  heirs  of  her  body,  being  pro- 
testants.  In  them  the  right  is  as  truly  hereditary  as  it 
ever  was  in  the  Plantagenets  or  the  Tudors.  But  they 
derive  it  not  from  those  ancient  families.  The  blood 
indeed  of  Cerdic  and  of  the  Conqueror  flows  in  the 
veins  of  his  present  majesty  [George  IV.].  Our  Ed- 
wards and  Henries  illustrate  the  almost  unrivalled 
splendor  and  antiquity  of  the  house  of  Brunswick.  But 
they  have  transmitted  no  more  right  to  the  allegiance 
of  England  than  Boniface  of  Este  or  Henry  the  Lion. 
That  rests  wholly  on  the  Act  of  Settlement,  and  re- 
solves itself  into  the  sovereignty  of  the  legislature.” 

H.  Hallam. 

23.  The  Reign  of  Queen  Anne  (a.  d.  1702-14): 
H.  D.  Traill:  William  the  Third,  941  (914). 

L.  Stephen:  English  Thought  in  18th  Century, 
941-2  (914-15). 

E.  Gosse : Eighteenth  Century  Literature,  942 
(915). 

24.  The  Wars  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
(1702-1714): 

Earl  Stanhope : Reign  of  Queen  Anne,  3074 
(2993). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  3074-5  (2993-4). 

J.  W.  Gerard  : The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  1526(1492). 
G.  B.  Malleson : Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy,  1526 
(1492). 

A.  Alison  : Life  of  Marlborough,  1526-7  (1492-3). 
G.  Saintsbury:  Marlborough,  2341  (2293). 

G.  B.  Malleson : Eugene  of  Savoy,  2341-2 
(2293-4). 

L.  Creighton : Life  of  Marlborough,  2342  (2294). 
G.  Saintsbury:  Marlborough,  2342-3(2294-5). 

R.  Johnson  : History  of  the  French  War,  2362 
(2314). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  United  States,  379-80 
(369-70). 

W.  Russell : History  of  Modern  Europe,  3712-13 
(3592-3). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1110-11  (1082-3). 

25.  The  Union  of  England  and  Scotland 
(a.  d.  1707): 

Earl  Stanhope : History  of  England,  2952-3 
(2877-8). 

Sir  W.  Scott:  Tales  of  a Grandfather,  2953 
(2878). 

J.  Rowley:  Settlement  of  the  Constitution, 
2953-4  (2878-9). 

26.  Fall  of  the  Whigs  and  Marlborough 
(a.  D.  1710-12): 

J.  R.  Green : History  of  the  English  People, 

943- 4  (916-17). 

R.  B.  Brett : Footprints  of  Statesmen,  944  (917). 
W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  England  in  the  18th  Century, 

944- 5  (917-18). 


27.  End  of  the  Stuart  Line  (a.  d.  1714): 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  945  (918). 
E.  E.  Morris : The  Early  Hanoverians,  945-6 

(918-19). 

28.  Beginnings  of  English  Commercial  Su- 
premacy : 

D.  Campbell : The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc., 
2332-3  (2284-5). 

R.  L.  Poole  : The  Huguenots,  1270  (1238). 

Earl  Stanhope : History  of  England,  1748-9 
(1709-10). 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers : Economic  Interpretation  of 
History,  3228-30  (3717-19). 

E.  Eggleston : Commerce  in  the  Colonies,  3230 
(3719). 

Lord  Campbell:  Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices, 
2017  (1973). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXIII. 


ENGLAND:  FROM  GEORGE  I.  TO  THE 
FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


1.  Accession  of  George  I.  (a.  d.  1714): 

L.  Mariotti:  Italy,  1014-15  (986-7). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1652  (1614). 

P.  M.  Thornton : The  Brunswick  Accession, 
1652-3  (1614-15). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  945  (918). 
E.  E.  Morris : The  Early  Hanoverians,  946  (919). 

2.  The  Establishment  of  Parliamentary 
Government : 

J.  Morley:  Walpole,  946-7  (919-20). 

J.  F.  Bright : History  of  England,  947  (920). 

3.  The  Evolution  of  the  Cabinet  : 

A.  C.  Ewald : The  Crown  and  Its  Advisers, 
2681  (2609). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  354  (344). 
John  Morley  : Walpole,  354  (344). 

A.  Y.  Dicey  : The  Privy  Council,  354-5  (344-5). 

“ George  I.  cared  very  little  for  his  new  Kingdom, 
and  knew  very  little  about  its  people  or  its  institutions. 
. . . His  expeditions  to  Hanover  threw  the  management 
of  all  domestic  affairs  almost  without  control  into  the 
hands  of  his  English  ministers.  If  the  two  first  Han- 
overian Kings  had  been  Englishmen  instead  of  Ger- 
mans, if  they  had  been  men  of  talent  and  ambition,  or 
even  men  of  strong  and  commanding  will  without  much 
talent,  Walpole  would  never  have  been  able  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  government  by  the  House  of  Commons 
and  by  Cabinet  so  firmly  that  even  the  obdurate  will  of 
George  III.  was  unable  to  overthrow  it.  Happily  for 
the  system  now  established,  circumstances  compelled 
the  first  two  sovereigns  of  the  Hanoverian  line  to  strike 
a bargain  with  the  English  Whigs,  and  it  was  faithfully 
kept  until  the  accession  of  the  third  George.  The  King 
was  to  manage  the  affairs  of  Hanover,  and  the  Whigs 
were  to  govern  England.  It  was  an  excellent  bargain 
for  England.”  John  Morley. 

4.  The  South  Sea  Bubble,  and  the  Mississippi 
Scheme: 

Lord  Mahon:  History  of  England,  3051-2 
(2971-2). 

J.  W.  Monette : The  Valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
2089  (2045). 

5.  A.  Drake:  Making  of  the  Great  West,  2089-90 
(2045-6). 

Viscount.  Bury:  Exodus  of  the  Western  Nations, 
1279-80  (1247-8). 

L.  Stephen:  Swift,  1816  (1776). 


774 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


5.  Troubles  wrrn  Spain  (a.  d.  172(5-31): 

C.  W.  Koch:  Revolutions  of  Europe,  3079 
(2998). 

T.  II.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  3079-80  (2998-9). 

6.  Accession  op  George  II.  (1727);  Walpole’s 
Administration  : 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  Historical  Gleanings,  947-8 
(920-1). 

W.  E.  II.  Lecky  : History  of  England,  948  (921). 

7.  The  War  op  Jenkins’  Ear  (a.  d.  1739-^1): 

E.  E.  Morris:  Early  Hanoverians,  949  (922). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  949  (922). 

8.  Tiie  Rise  op  Pitt, — Lord  Chatham: 

Sir  E.  Creasy:  Eminent  Etonians,  950  (923). 

R.  B.  Brett:  Footprints  of  Statesman,  950  (923). 

9.  War  op  the  Austrian  Succession  (a.  d. 
1740-48): 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  225  (218). 

J.  Graham:  History  of  the  United  States,  2362-3 
(2314-15). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  United  States,  2363-4 
(2315-16). 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  2364 
(2316). 

T.  C.  Haliburton:  English  in  America,  2364-5 
(2316-17). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  Europe,  951  (924). 

: , 28-9  (21-2). 

H.  Tuttle:  History  of  Prussia,  29  (22). 

10.  The  Last  Rising  of  the  Jacobites  (a.  d. 
1745-6) : 

J.  R.  Green  : History  of  the  English  People,  2954 
(2879).  . 

11.  Adoption  op  the  Gregorian  Calendar 
(a.  d.  1751) : 

W.  Hales  : Analysis  of  Chronology,  357  (347). 

Sir  H.  Nicholas : Chronology  of  History,  357 
(347). 

12.  The  Seven  Years’  War  (a.  d.  1754-1763) : 

T.  H.  Dyer : Modern  Europe,  951-2  (924—5). 

A.  R.  Ropes:  Causes  of  the  Seven  Years’  War, 
952  (925). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale:  The  Old  Northwest,  2445-6 
(2393-4). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  United  States,  3755 
(3634). 

T.  J.  Chapman : The  French  in  the  Allegheny 
Valley,  2446-7  (2394-5). 

C.  B.  Brackenbury  : Frederick  the  Great,  1529 
(1495). 

T.  Carlyle  : Friedrich  II.  of  Prussia,  1529  (1495). 

Lord  Mahon  : History  of  England,  1529-30 
(1495-6). 

Justin  McCarthy:  The  Four  Georges,  952  (925). 

T.  B.  Macaulay  : William  Pitt,  952-3  (925-6). 

F.  W.  Longman:  The  Seven  Years’  War,  954 
(927). 

C.  B.  Brackenbury  : Frederick  the  Great,  1535-6 
(1501-2). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2975  (2898). 

T.  Carlyle:  Friedrich  II.  of  Prussia,  2975-6 
(2898-9). 

Frederick  II. : The  Seven  Years’ War,  2976  (2899). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1114-15  (1086-7). 

13.  Accession  of  George  III.  (a.  d.  1760) : 

J.  Fiske:  The  American  Revolution,  954-5 
(927-8). 

Sir  T.  E.  May  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  955-6 
(928-9). 

77 


14.  The  Great  Struggle  op  the  People  with 
Absolutism  : 

(a)  The  Fight  for  the  Freedom  of  the  Press. 

C.  II.  Timperley  : Encyclopedia  of  Typography, 
2667-8  (2595-6). 

J.  Grant:  The  Newspaper  Press,  2668  (2596). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  2669 
(2597). 

C.  II.  Timperley:  Encyclopaedia  of  Typography, 
2671-2  (2599-2600). 

(1)  The  Case  of  John  Wilkes. 

W.  Massey:  History  of  England,  956-7  (930).  • 
W.  F.  Rae:  John  Wilkes,  958-9  (931-2). 

(2)  The  Junius  Letters. 

Lord  Mahon  : History  of  England,  959-60  (933). 
Cushing:  Initials  and  Pseudonyms,  960  (933). 

J.  W.  Ross  Brown  : Criminal  Law  of  Libel, 
2028-9  (1984-5). 

“ It  may  be  doubted  whether  Junius  had  any  confi- 
dant or  trusted  friend.  When  dedicating  his  collected 
letters  to  the  English  people,  he  declares:  ‘I  am  the 
sole  depository  of  my  own  secret,  and  it  shall  perish 
with  me.’  ” Lord  Mahon. 

(3)  The  Surrender  of  Parliament. 

W.  Massey  : History  of  England,  961-2  (934r-5). 
T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead : Eng.  Const.  History, 
962  (935). 

( b ) Remarkable  Increase  of  Capital  Offenses. 

Sir  T.  E.  May  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  2028 

(1984). 

J.  F.  Dillon:  Jurisprudence  of  England,  2029 
(1985). 

(c)  Arbitrary  Taxation. 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  United  States,  3295 
(3178-9). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale : The  American  Government, 
3295  (3179). 

J.  Fiske  : War  of  Independence,  3297-8  (3182). 
J.  Morley  : Edmund  Burke,  3298  (3182). 

(d)  The  Stamp  Act. 

J.  G.  Palfrey : History  of  New  England,  3299 
(3183). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  United  States,  3303 
(3186-7). 

W.  Wirt : Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3303-5  (3189). 
J.  Fiske : The  American  Revolution,  3305-6 
(3189-90). 

(e)  Declaration  of  Rights  of  Stamp  Act  Congress. 
R.  Frothingliam:  Rise  of  the  Republic,  3306-7 

(3190-91). 

Full  Text  of  the  Stamp  Act,  3299-3302  (3183-6). 

15.  The  Ministry  op  Lord  North  ; the 
American  War: 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  960-1  (933-4). 
W.  E.  H.  Lecky  : History  of  England,  962-3 
(935-6). 

J.  Morley  : Edmund  Burke,  963  (936). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  English  People,  963  (936). 

16.  Early  War  Measures: 

H.  S.  Randall:  Life  of  Jefferson,  3346-7  (3230-1). 
Lord  Mahon  : History  of  England,  3347  (3231). 
E.  J.  Lowell:  Hessians  in  the  Revolution,  3347-8 

(3231-2). 

For  Details  of  the  American  War,  see  Study 
XXXVIII. 

17.  Catholic  Relief  and  the  Gordon  Riots 
(a.  d.  1778-80): 

J.  G.  Bourinot:  Const.  Hist,  of  Canada,  388-9 
(378-9). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky  : History  of  England,  963-4 
(936-7). 

Sketches  of  Popular  Tumults,  964-5  (937-8). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


W.  E.  H.  Lecky : History  of  England,  1818-19 
(1778-9). 

18.  Legislative  Independence  for  Ireland 
(a.  d.  1782) : 

J.  H.  McCarthy:  Ireland  since  the  Union,  1817 
(1777). 

W.  F.  Collier : History  of  Ireland,  1817-18 
(1777-8). 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers  : Ireland,  1818  (1778). 

19.  Tiie  Fall  of  Lord  North’s  Ministry: 

J.  Fiske : American  Revolution,  965  (938). 

W.  Massey  : History  of  England,  965-6  (938-9). 

H.  O.  Wakeman:  Life  of  Fox,  966-7  (939-40). 

20.  Close  of  American  War  ; the  Treaty  of 
Paris  (a.  d.  1783) : 

The  Diplomacy  of  the  United  States,  3398-9 
(3282-3). 

E.  Fitzmaurice : The  Earl  of  Shelburne,  3399- 
3400  (3283^). 

John  Fiske:  Critical  Period,  3400-1  (3284-5). 

J.  Q.  Adams : Life  of  John  Adams,  3401-2 
(3285-6). 

F.  Wharton:  Revolutionary  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence, 3402  (3286). 

J.  Bigelow:  Life  of  Franklin,  3402-3  (3286-7). 
Text  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  3403-4  (3287-8). 

21.  British  Rule  in  India: 

(a)  Establishment  of  the  Empire. 

J.  M.  Ludlow  : British  India,  1752  (1713). 

H.  Martineau:  British  Rule  in  India,  1752-3 
(1713-14). 

J.  Mill : British  India,  1753-4  (1714-15). 

J.  R.  Seeley:  Expansion  of  England,  1754(1715). 

“ The  words  ‘ wonderful,’  ‘ strange,’  are  often  applied 
to  great  historical  events,  and  there  is  no  event  to 
which  they  have  been  applied  more  freely  than  to  our 
[the  English]  conquest  of  India.  But  the  event  was  not 
wonderful  in  a sense  that  it  is  difficult  to  discover  ade- 
quate causes  by  which  it  could  have  been  produced.  If 
we  begin  by  remarking  that  authority  in  India  had 
fallen  on  the  ground  through  the  decay  of  the  Mogul 
Empire,  that  it  lay  there  waiting  to  be  picked  up  bv 
somebody,  and  that  all  over  India  in  that  period  ad- 
venturers of  one  kind  or  another  were  founding  Em- 
pires, it  is  really  not  surprising  that  a mercantile  cor- 
poration which  had  money  to  pay  a mercenary  force 
should  be  able  to  compete  with  other  adventurers,  nor 
yet  that  it  should  outstrip  all  its  competitors  by  bring- 
ing into  the  field  English  military  science  and  general- 
ship, especially  when  it  was  backed  over  and  over  again 
by  the  whole  power  and  credit  of  England  and  directed 
by  English  statesmen.  . . . England  did  not,  in  a strict 
sense,  conquer  India;  but  certain  Englishmen,  who 
happened  to  reside  in  India  at  the  time  when  the  Mogul 
Empire  fell,  had  a fortune  like  that  of  Hyder  Ali  or 
Runjeet  Singh  and  rose  to  supreme  power  there.” 

J.  R.  Seeley. 

(b)  The  Administration  of  Clive. 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  Lord  Clive,  1754-6  (1715-17). 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  1756  (1717). 

Sir  W.  Hunter:  India,  1756-8  (1717-19). 

(c)  Passing  of  the  East  India  Company;  War- 
ren Hastings. 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1759-60 
(1720-1). 

H.  Martineau:  British  Rule  in  India,  1760-1 
(1721-2). 

Sir  A.  Lyall:  Warren  Hastings,  1761  (1722). 

Sir  J.  Strachey : Hastings  and  the  Rohillas,  1762 
(1723). 

L.  J.  Trotter:  Warren  Hastings,  1762-3(1723-4). 
W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1763-4 
(1724-5). 

Sir  A.  Lyall:  British  Dominion  in  India,  1764-5 
(1725-6). 

7 


( d ) The  Permanent  Settlement. 

J.  M.  Ludlow:  British  India,  1765  (1726). 

Sir  J.  Strachey:  India,  1765-6  (1726-7). 

(e)  The  Impeachment  of  Warren  Hastings. 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  Warren  Hastings,  1766-8 
(1727-9). 

Sir  A.  Lyall:  Warren  Hastings,  1768  (1729). 

22.  Rise  of  the  Younger  Pitt: 

Lord  Rosebery:  Pitt,  968  (941). 

W.  Bagehot:  William  Pitt,  968-9  (941-2). 

Sir  T.  E.  May : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  969  (942). 

23.  Popular  Feeling  toward  the  French 
Revolution: 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People,  969- 
70  (942-3). 

Gold  win  Smith:  Three  English  Statesman,  970 
(943). 

G.  W.  Cooke:  History  of  Party,  970  (943). 

24.  A Period  of  Revolutionary  Invention: 
S.  Walpole:  History  of  England,  643-4  (620-1). 

S.  Smiles:  Lives  of  Boulton  and  Watt,  3109-10 
(3027-8). 

Life  of  James  Watt,  3110-11  (3028-9). 

25.  The  Rise  of  the  Press: 

1.  Thomas:  Printing  in  America, 2669-70  (2598). 
G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  United  States,  2670 
(2598). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  Life  of  Addison,  2670  (2598). 

E.  Gosse:  Eighteenth  Century  Literature,  2670-1 
(2598-9). 

A.  Dobson : Eighteenth  Century  Essays,  2671 
(2599). 

F.  Hudson:  Journalism  in  the  United  States, 
2672  (2600). 

C.  Pebody:  English  Journalism,  2672-3  (2601). 
* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  J. 


♦STUDY  XXXIV. 


EUROPE:  FROM  THE  PEACE  OF 

WESTPHALIA  (1648)  TO  THE 
FRENCH  REVOLUTION  (1789). 


1.  The  General  Situation  at  Close  of  Thirty 
Years’  War  : 

A.  Gindely:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  1519  (1486). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire, 1520  (1487). 

S.  A.  Dunham  : The  Germanic  Empire,  1520-1 
(1487-8). 

H.  von  Treitschke:  History  of  Germany,  1521-2 
(3770-1). 

J.  B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  2329-30 
(2281-2). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1101  (1073). 

See  Map  between  pages  1518-19  (1486-7). 

2.  The  Rise  of  Prussia  : 

T.  Carlyle:  Frederick  the  Great,  316-17  (306-7). 

H.  Tuttle:  History  of  Prussia,  317-18  (307-8). 

T.  Carlyle:  Frederick  the  Great,  2684-5  (2613). 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  318  (308). 

G.  B.  Malleson : The  Battlefields  of  Germanv, 
318-20  (308-10). 

H.  von  Treitschke:  History  of  Germany,  2685-6 
(3768-9). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  2686  (2613). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1107-8  (1079-80). 

6 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


3.  The  Wars  of  the  Fronde  in  France: 

J.B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  1258  (1226). 
H.  M.  Hozier : Turenne,  1258-9  (1226-7). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1260  (1228). 

C.  M.  Yonjje:  English  History,  1260-2  (1228-30). 
J.  B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  306  (297). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1102  (1074). 

4.  The  Treaty  of  the  Pyrenees  (a.  d.  1659): 
T.  Wright:  History  of  France,  1262  (1230. 

T.  0.  Cockayne:  Life  of  Turenne,  1262-3  (1231). 
O.  Airy:  The  English  Restoration,  1263  (1231). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  History  of  France,  1263-4 
(1231-2). 

J.  Dunlop:  Memoirs  of  Spain,  1264(1232). 

5.  Louis  XIV.  assumes  the  Government  of 
France  (a.  d.  1661): 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  1255,  second 
column,  (1223). 

Sir  J.  Stephen  : History  of  France,  1257-8 
(1225-6). 

J.  C.  Morison:  Reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  1264^5 
(1232-3). 

“ What  the  age  of  Pericles  was  in  the  history  of  the 
Athenian  Democracy,  what  the  age  of  the  Scipios  was 
in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Republic,  that  was  the 
reign  of  Louis'  XIV.  in  the  history  of  the  old  monarchy 
of  Prance.  ...  It  is  not  only  the  most  conspicuous 
reign  in  the  history  of  France  — it  is  the  most  con- 
spicuous reign  in  the  History  of  Monarchy  in  general. 

. . . His  court  was  an  extraordinary  creation.  He 
made  it  the  microcosm  of  all  that  was  most  brilliant 
and  prominent  in  France.  Every  order  of  merit  was 
invited  there  and  received  courteous  welcome.  . . . 
But  Louis  XIV. ’s  reign  has  better  titles  than  the  adu- 
lations of  courtiers  and  the  eulogies  of  wits  and  poets 
to  the  attention  of  posterity.  It  marks  one  of  the  most 
memorable  epochs  in  the  annals  of  mankind.  It 
stretches  across  history  like  a great  mountain  range, 
separating  ancient  France  from  the  France  of  modern 
times.  On  the  farther  slope  are  Catholicism  and  Feu- 
dalism in  their  various  stages  of  splendor  and  decay  — 
the  France  of  crusade  and  chivalry,  of  St.  Louis  and 
Bayard.  On  the  hither  side  are  free-thought,  industry, 
and  centralization  — the  France  of  Voltaire,  Turgot, 
and  Condorcet.  When  Louis  came  to  the  throne,  the 
Thirty  Years’  War  still  wanted  six  years  of  its  end,  and 
the  heat  of  theological  strife  was  at  its  intensest  glow. 
When  he  died,  the  religious  temperature  had  cooled 
nearly  to  the  freezing  point,  and  a new  vegetation  of 
science  and  positive  inquiry  was  overspreading  the 
world.”  J.  C.  Morison. 

6.  The  Administration  of  Colbert  (a.  d. 
1661-83): 

(a)  Some  other  Tariff  Measures. 

J.  A.  Blanqui : Hist,  of  Political  Economy, 
3730-1  (3610-11). 

W.  T.  McCullagh  : Industrial  History,  3147-8 
(3063^). 

D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc., 
2332-3  (2284-5). 

M.  Chamberlain  : The  Revolution  Impending, 
3286-7  (3170-1). 

[h)  The  System,  of  Colbert. 

Lady  Dilke : France  under  Colbert,  1266-7 
(1234-5). 

J.  A.  Blanqui : Hist,  of  Political  Economy, 
3148-9  (3064-5). 

H.  Martin  : History  of  France,  1267-8  (1235-6). 

7.  The  Dutch  Republic  : 

A.  L.  Pontalis  : John  de  Witt,  2330-2  (2282-4). 
D.  Campbell:  The  Puritan  in  Holland,  etc., 
2332-3  (2284-5). 

O.  Airy : The  English  Restoration,  2333  (2285). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1106-7  (1078-9). 

8.  Wars  wiTn  France  and  England: 

T.  B Macaulay : Sir  William  Temple,  2335 
(2287). 


J.  Lingard  : History  of  England,  922-3  (895-6). 
C.  M.  Yonge:  Landmarks  of  History,  2335-6 
(2287-8). 

O.  Airy  : The  English  Restoration,  2336  (2288). 

J.  Ii.  Brodhead  : History  of  New  York,  2336-7 
(2288-9). 

H.  Martin  : History  of  France,  2337-8  (2289-90). 
J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1109-10  (1081-2). 

9.  The  Peace  of  Nimeguen  (a.  d.  1678-9) : 

H.  Martin  : History  of  France,  2414  (2362). 

O.  Airy : The  English  Restoration,  2414^15 
(2362-3). 

J.  C.  Morison : Reign  of  Louis  XIV. , 2338  (2290). 

10.  French  Absorption  of  Alsace  and  Lor- 
raine (a.  d.  1679-81) : 

G.  B.  Malleson : Battlefields  of  Germany,  1513-14 
(1480-1). 

G.  W.  Kitchin : History  of  France,  1518-19 
(1485-6). 

W.  Coxe  : House  of  Austria,  1519  (1486). 

J.  B.  Perkins : France  under  Mazarin,  2086-7 
(2042-3). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1268-9  (1236-7). 

11.  Lotjis  XIV. ’s  Persecution  of  the  Hugue- 
nots : 

S.  Smiles:  History  of  the  Huguenots,  1265-6 
(1 233—4). 

A.  de  Lamartine  : Bossuet,  1269  (1237). 

R.  L.  Poole:  Huguenots  of  the  Dispersion,  1270 
(1237-8). 

12.  War  of  the  League  of  Augsburg  (A.  D. 
1689-97): 

E.  Hale  : Fall  of  the  Stuarts,  1271  (1239). 

T.  B.  Macaulay : History  of  England,  1271 
(1239). 

W.  K.  Sullivan  : Irish  History,  1813  (1773). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  1271-2  (1239-40). 
H.  D.  Traill:  William  the  Third,  1272-3(1240-1). 
T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  1273-4 
(1241-2). 

G.  P.  R.  James:  Life  of  Louis  XIV.,  1275 
(1243). 

13.  The  Peace  of  Ryswick  (A.  D.  1697) : 

J.  W.  Gerard : The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  1275-6 
(1243^). 

H.  Martin  : History  of  France,  1276  (1244). 

14.  The  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
(A.  D.  1702-14): 

See  Study  XXXII. 

15.  Further  Religious  Persecutions: 

(a)  The  Camisards. 

H.  M.  Baird : The  Camisard  Uprising,  1276 
(1244-5). 

(b)  The  Port  Royalists. 

J.  Tulloch : Pascal,  2637  (2565). 

J.  B.  Perkins:  France  under  Mazarin,  2637-9 
(2565-7). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  2639  (2567). 

Duke  of  Saint  Simon  : Memoirs,  2639-40  (2568). 
J.  I.  von  Dbllinger:  European  History,  2640 
(2568). 

16.  The  Papacy: 

L.  von  Ranke:  History  of  the  Popes,  2524-5 
(2462-3). 

A.  R.  Pennington : Epochs  of  the  Papacy,  2525-6 
(2463-4). 

17.  Death  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  state  of  the 
Kingdom  (a.  d.  1715) : 

A.  Thierry  : The  Tiers  Ftat,  1278  (1246). 


777 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Y.  Duruy  : History  of  France,  1278-9  (1246-7). 

“ When  the  reign,  which  was  to  crown  . . . the  as- 
cendant march  of  the  French  monarchy,  had  falsified 
the  unbounded  hopes  which  its  commencement  had 
excited;  when  in  the  midst  of  fruitless  victories  and 
continually  increasing  reverses,  the  people  beheld  pro- 
gress in  all  the  branches  of  public  economy  changed 
into  distress,  — the  ruin  of  the  finances,  industry,  and 
agriculture  — the  exhaustion  of  all  the  resources  of 
the  country,  — the  impoverishment  of  all  classes  of  the 
nation,  the  dreadful  misery  of  the  population,  they 
were  seized  with  a bitter  disappointment  of  spirit, 
which  took  the  place  of  the  enthusiasm  of  their  confi- 
dence and  love."  A.  Thierry. 

“ Succeeding  generations  have  remembered  only  the 
numerous  victories,  Europe  defied,  France  for  twenty 
years  preponderant,  and  the  incomparable  splendor  of 
the  Court  of  Versailles,  with  its  marvels  of  letters  and 
arts,  which  have  given  to  the  17th  century  the  name  of 
the  age  of  Louis  XIV.  It  is  for  history  to  show  the  price 
which  France  has  paid  for  her  King’s  vain  attempts 
abroad  to  rule  over  Europe,  and  at  home  to  enslave  the 
wills  and  consciences  of  men.  . . . The  weight  of  the 
authority  of  Louis  XIV.  had  been  crushing  during  his 
last  years.  When  the  nation  felt  it  lifted,  it  breathed 
more  freely;  the  court  and  the  city  burst  into  disre- 
spectful demonstrations  of  joy;  the  very  coffin  of  the 
great  King  was  insulted.”  V.  Duroy. 

18.  Accession  and  Character  of  Louis  XV. 
(a.  d.  1715-1774) ; 

V.  Duruy : History  of  France,  1278-9  (1246-7). 

W.  Smyth;  The  French  Revolution,  1280  (1248). 
J.  B.  Perkins : France  under  the  Regency,  1280-1 

(1248-9). 

19.  Poland  ; 

S.  A.  Dunham : History  of  Poland,  2613  (2545). 

E.  Gibbon  : Decline  and  Fall,  2100  (2056). 

W.  Koch:  Revolutions  in  Europe,  2613-14 
(2545-6). 

Poland:  Her  History  and  Prospects,  2614-15 
(2546-7). 

: , 2616-17  (2548-9). 

History  of  Poland,  2619-20  (2551-2). 

20.  Russia: 

V.  Thomsen : Russia  and  Scandinavia,  2829 
(2755). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geog.  of  Europe,  2830 
(2756). 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  2830-2 
(2756-8). 

A.  Leroy-Beaulieu : Empire  of  the  Tsars,  2832 
(2758). 

H.  S.  Edwards:  The  Romanoffs,  2832-3  (2758-9). 

A.  Rambaud : History  of  Russia,  2833  (2759). 
Voltaire:  History  of  Charles  XII.,  2835  (2761). 

21.  Sweden: 

(a)  Early  History. 

H.  H.  Howorth:  History  of  Sweden,  2890(2815). 
R.  G.  Latham:  Nationalities  of  Europe,  2890-1 
(2825-16). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Hist.  Geog.  of  Europe,  2891-2 
(2816-17). 

T.  Carlyle:  Early  Kings  of  Norway,  2892  (2817). 
T.  II.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  2893-4  (2818-19). 
C.  R.  Fletcher:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  289<M5 

(2819-21). 

J.  L.  Stevens : Gustavus  Adolphus,  2897  (2822). 

(b)  From  the  Thirty  Years’  War. 

J.  Mitchell:  Life  of  Wallenstein,  1505-6  (1473). 
G.  P.  R.  James:  Wallenstein.  1506-7  (1473-4). 

F.  Schiller:  The  Thirty  Years’  War,  1507-8  (1475). 

B.  Chapman:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  1509-10(1477). 

C.  M.  Yonge  : English  History,  1510—11  (1478). 
L.  Hiiusser  : The  Reformation,  1514-15  (1481-2). 
E.  C.  Otte:  Scandinavian  History,  2897-9  (2824). 

22.  Wars  of  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden: 
Voltaire:  History  of  Charles  XII.,  2899-2900 

(2824-5). 


A.  Crichton : Scandinavia,  2900-1  (2825-6). 

W.  C.  Taylor  : Modern  History,  2901-3  (2826-8). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  2903  (2828). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1111-12  (1083-4). 

23.  Rapid  Advance  of  Prussia  : 

T.  B.  Macaulay : Frederic  the  Great,  1524  (1490). 

H.  von  Sybel:  Founding  of  the  German  Empire, 
152445  (1490-1). 

L.  P.  Segur:  Frederic  William  II.,  1528  (1494). 

24.  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession  (a.  d. 
1740-48) : 

See  Study  XXXIII. 

25.  The  Seven  Years’  War  (a.  d.  1754-63): 

See  Study  XXXIII. 

26.  The  Partition  of  Poland  : 

G.  W.  Kitchin : History  of  France,  2621  (2553). 

H.  von  Sybel:  First  Partition  of  Poland,  2621-3 
(2553-5). 

T.  Carlyle:  Frederick  the  Great,  2623  (2555). 

Sir  J.  Mackintosh:  The  Partition  of  Poland, 
2623-4  (2555-6). 

A.  Rambaud : History  of  Russia,  2624-5  (2556-7). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1115-16  (1087-8). 

See  Maps  between  pages  1114-15  and  2622-3 
(1086-7  and  2554-5). 

27.  The  General  Attack  upon  the  Jesuit 
Order : 

II.  M.  Stephens  : The  Story  of  Portugal,  1932-3 
(1891-2). 

W.  H.  Jervis:  The  Church  of  France,  1933-4 
(1892-3). 

Clement  XIV.  and  the  Jesuits,  1934r-5  (1893-4). 

28.  Europe  on  the  Eve  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution : 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1116-17  (1088-9). 

A.  Sorel:  Europe  and  the  French  Revolution, 
1283-4  (3755-6). 

E.  J.  Lowell:  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution, 
1286-7  (1253-4). 

Sarah  Tytler:  Marie  Antoinette,  1287-8  (1254-5). 

F.  A.  Mignet:  The  French  Revolution,  1288-9 
(1255-6). 

W.  Bagehot : William  Pitt,  968-9  (941-2). 

T.  E.  May  : Const.  Hist,  of  England,  969  (942). 

C.  T.  Lewis  : History  of  Germany,  1536-7  (1503). 

I.  Butt:  History  of  Italy,  1892-3  (1852-3). 

A.  Sorel:  Europe  and  the  French  Revolution, 
3081-2  (3804-5). 

C.  E.  Mallet:  The  French  Revolution,  228-9 
(221-2). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXV. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  (A.  D. 
1789-1796). 


1.  The  Government  of  Louis  XVI.: 

A.  Thiers : The  French  Revolution,  1285-6 
(1252-3). 

E.  J.  Lowell  : Eve  of  the  French  Revolution, 
1286-7  (1253-4). 

Sarah  Tytler:  Marie  Antoinette,  1287-8  (125445). 

2.  The  French  People  at  Tiie  Outbreak  of 
the  Revolution  : 

II.  A.  Taine:  Ancien  Regime,  1289-91  (1256-8). 


778 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


T.  H.  Huxley:  The  Revolutionary  Spirit,  1291 
(1258). 

Chancellor  Pasquier  : Memoirs,  1291-2  (1258-9). 
H.  von  Holst : The  French  Revolution,  1292 
(3757). 

M.  do  la  liocheterie:  Marie  Antoinette,  1292 
(1259). 

“ 1 lam  miserable  because  too  much  is  taken  from  me. 
Too  much  is  taken  from  me  because  not  enough  is  taken 
from  the  privileged.  Not  only  do  the  privileged  force 
me  to  pay  in  their  place,  but,  again,  they  previously 
deduct  from  my  earnings  their  ecclesiastical  and  feudal 
dues.  When,  out  of  my  income  of  100  francs,  I have 
parted  with  58  francs,  or  more,  to  the  collector,  I am 
obliged  again  to  give  14  francs  to  the  seignior,  also  more 
than  14  for  tithes,  and,  out  of  the  remaining  18  or  19 
francs  I have  additionally  to  satisfy  the  exciseman.’  . . . 
These,  in  precise  terms,  are  the  vague  ideas  beginning 
to  ferment  in  the  popular  brain  and  encountered  on 
every  page  of  the  records  of  the  States-General.  . . . 
The  privileged  wrought  their  own  destruction.” 

H.  A.  Taine. 

“ In  1791,  long  before  the  inauguration  of  the  Reign  of 
Terror,  there  were  in  a population  of  650,000  [in  Paris], 
118,000  paupers.  Under  the'  ancien  regime  ’ the  immi- 
grant proletariat  from  the  country  was  by  the  law  barred 
out  from  all  ways  of  earning  a livelihood  except  as 
common  day  laborers,  and  the  wages  of  these  were  in 
1788,  on  an  average,  26  cents  for  men  and  15  for  women, 
while  the  price  of  bread  was  higher  than  in  our  times. 
What  a gigantic  heap  of  ferment  ! ” H.  von  Holst. 

3.  The  States-General  : 

Sir  J.  Stephen  : History  of  France,  3108-9  (3027). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  History  of  France,  3109  (3027). 
Lord  Brougham:  History  of  England  and  France, 
2555  (2489). 

Bussey  and  Gaspey:  History  of  France,  1197,  sec- 
ond column,  (1165). 

A.  Thierry:  Formation  of  the  Tiers  Etat,  1202-3 
(1170-1). 

Voltaire:  Modern  History,  1249,  first  column, 
(1216). 

F.  A.  Mignet : The  French  Revolution,  1288-9 
(1255-6). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1292-3 
(1259-60). 

4 The  Third  Estate  ; the  National  Assem- 
bly (June,  1789): 

W.  Stubbs:  Const.  Hist,  of  England,  1014  (986). 

A.  Thierry:  Formation  of  the  Third  Estate,  1014 
(986). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1293-4 
(1260-1). 

5.  The  Mob  in  Arms  ; Fall  of  the  Bastille 
(July  14,  1789) : 

Chambers’  Miscellany:  History  of  the  Bastille, 
280  (271). 

H.  A.  Taine:  The  French  Revolution,  1294-5 
(1261-2). 

Chancellor  Pasquier:  Memoirs,  1295-6  (1262-3). 

6.  The  Work  of  the  Assembly  ; the  Declara- 
tion of  Rights  : 

B.  Tuckerman  : Life  of  Lafayette,  1296-7(1264). 
H.  M.  Stephens:  The  French  Revolution,  1297-8 

(1264-5). 

G.  H.  Lewes:  Life  of  Robespierre,  1298-9 
(1265-6). 

: , 1656  (1618). 

7.  The  Attack  of  the  Women  on  Versailles: 
T.  Carlyle  : The  French  Revolution,  1299-1300 

(1266-7). 

F.  A.  Mignet:  The  French  Revolution,  1300-01 
(1267-8). 

8.  The  New  Constitution  (1789-91) : 

Sir  T.  E.  May : Democracy  in  Europe,  1301  (1268). 


W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution,  1301-2 
(1268-9). 

9.  The  Emigration  of  the  Nobility: 

Chancellor  Pasquier:  Memoirs,  1297  (1264). 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution,  1302, 
first  column,  (1269). 

10.  The  Rise  of  the  Clubs: 

F.  A.  Mignet : The  French  Revolution,  1302 
(1269). 

H.  von  Sybel : The  French  Revolution,  1302 
(1269). 

G.  H.  Lewes:  Life  of  Robespierre,  1302-3  (1270). 

J.  Michelet:  The  French  Revolution,  1303  (1270). 

11.  The  Attitude  of  Foreign  Powers  ; Flight 
of  the  King  (1791): 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1303-4  (1270-1). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1304-5 
(1271-2). 

12.  The  Girondists: 

H.  Van  Laun:  The  Revolutionary  Epoch,  1306 
(1273). 

A.  de  Lamartine:  The  Girondists,  1306  (1273). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1306-7 
(1273^1). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  1307 
(1274). 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1307-8  (1274-5). 

13.  War  with  Austria  and  Prussia  ; Mob  Rule 
in  Paris  (1792) : 

A.  Griffiths:  Revolutionary  Generals,  1308-9 
(1275-6). 

B.  M.  Gardiner:  The  French  Revolution,  1309-10 
(1276-7). 

H.  M.  Stephens:  The  French  Revolution,  1310-12 
(1277-9). 

14.  The  September  Massacres  (1792) : 

A.  de  Lamartine:  The  Girondists,  1312—13  (1280). 

H.  A.  Taine:  The  French  Revolution,  1313-14 
(1280-1). 

15.  TnE  Proclamation  of  the  Republic  (Sep- 
tember 21,  1792) : 

Sir  A.  Alison : History  of  Europe,  1314-16  (1283). 

C.  MacFarlane:  The  French  Revolution,  1332 
(1299). 

H.  M.  Stephens:  The  French  Revolution,  1332 
(1299). 

16.  First  Successes  of  the  Republican  Army: 

C.  F.  Johnstone  : Historical  Abstracts,  2345-6 

(2297-8). 

C.  E.  Mallet : The  French  Revolution,  228-9 
(221-2). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1537-9 
(1503-5). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1316-17  (1283-4). 

17.  The  Trial,  Sentence,  and  Execution  of 
Louis  XVI.  (January,  1793): 

F.  A.  Mignet:  The  French  Revolution,  1317-18 
(1284-5). 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  First  Empire,  1318  (1285). 

T.  Carlyle : The  French  Revolution,  1319-20 
(1286-7). 

18.  Increasing  Anarchy;  the  Revolution- 
ary Tribunal  : 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  1320-1  (1287-8). 

H.  M.  Stephens  : The  French  Revolution,  1322-4 
(1289-91). 

19.  The  Insurrection  in  La  Vendee  (1793): 

A.  Thiers : The  French  Revolution,  1321-2 

(1288-9). 


779 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


A.  de  Lamartine  : The  Girondists,  1324-5  (1292). 

F.  A.  Mignet : The  French  Revolution,  1325 
(1292). 

: , 1327-8  (1294-5). 

20.  Formation  op  European  Coalition 
against  France  : 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
969-70  (942-3). 

Goldwin  Smith  : Three  English  Statesmen,  970 
(943). 

G.  W.  Cooke : History  of  Party,  970  (943). 

H.  von  Sybel : The  French  Revolution,  1318 
(1285). 

J.  R.  Green-.  History  of  the  English  People, 
1318  (1285). 

Sir  A.  Alison  : History  of  Europe,  1324  (1291). 

21.  TnE  Committee  op  Public  Safety 
(August,  1793): 

R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  1325-6  (1292-3). 

L.  Gronlund  : Ca  Ira,  1326  (1293). 

22.  Charlotte  Corday;  the  Assassination 
of  Marat : 

B.  M.  Gardiner:  The  French  Revolution,  1326-7 
(1293-4). 

23.  The  “Reign  of  Terror”;  Execution  of 
Marie  Antoinette,  and  Mme.  Roland 

(1793): 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1329-31  (1296-8). 
H.  M.  Stephens  : The  French  Revolution,  1331-2 
(1298-9). 

Sir  T.  E.  May  : Democracy  in  Europe,  1333 
(1300). 

T.  Carlyle:  The  French  Revolution,  1333-4 
(1300-1). 

J.  N.  Larned  : Europe,  1119-20  (1091-2). 

24.  Abandonment  of  Christianity;  the 
WoRsniP  of  Reason  : 

C.  MacFarlane:  The  French  Revolution,  1332 
(1299). 

W.  H.  Jervis : The  Gallican  Church,  1332-3 
(1299-1300). 

John  Morley  ; Robespierre,  1334-5  (1301-2). 

“ Before  the  year  ended  [1793]  the  legislators  of  Paris 
voted  that  there  was  no  God,  and  destroyed  or  altered 
nearly  everything  that  had  any  reference  to  Christian- 
ity. ...  They  decreed  that  on  the  10th  of  November 
the  ‘Worship  of  Reason’  should  he  inaugurated  at 
Notre  Dame.  A temple  dedicated  to  ‘ Philosophy  ’ was 
erected  on  a platform  in  the  middle  of  the  choir.  A 
motley  procession  of  citizens  of  both  sexes,  headed  by 
the  constituted  authorities,  advanced  towards  it;  on 
their  approach,  the  Goddess  of  Reason,  impersonated 
by  a well  known  figurante  of  the  opera,  took  her  seat 
upon  a grassy  throne  in  front  of  the  temple;  a hymn, 
composed  in  her  honor  by  the  poet  Chenier,  was  sung 
by  a body  of  young  girls  dressed  in  white  and  bedecked 
with  flowers;  and  the  multitude  bowed  the  knee  before 
her  in  profound  adoration.  It  was  the  ‘ abomination  of 
desolation  sitting  in  the  holy  place.’  . . . The  example 
set  by  Paris,  was  faithfully  repeated,  if  not  surpassed 
in  atrocity,  throughout  the  provinces.  Religion  was 
proscribed,  churches  closed,  Christian  ordinances  in- 
terdicted; the  dreary  gloom  of  atheistical  despotism 
overspread  the  land.”  VV.  H.  Jervis. 

25.  Progress  of  the  War  against  the  Co- 
alition (1793-4): 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution  1328 
(1295). 

Sir  A.  Alison  : History  of  Europe, 1328-9  (1296). 
W.  Massey  : History  of  England,  1336-7  (1303-4). 

26.  The  Climax  of  the  “ Reign  of  Terror” 
(1794) ; the  22d  Praihtal  ; 

John  Morley:  Robespierre,  1337-8  (1304-5). 

H.  von  Sybel:  The  French  Revolution,  1338 
(1305). 


A.  Thiers:  The  French  Revolution,  1338  (1305). 
H.  A.  Taine : The  French  Revolution,  1338  (1305). 

“ It  is  estimated  that,  in  the  eleven  western  depart- 
ments, the  dead  of  both  sexes  and  of  all  ages  exceeded 
400,000.  Considering  the  programme  and  principles  of 
the  Jacobin  sect,  this  is  no  great  number;  they  might 
have  killed  a good  many  more.  But  time  was  wanting; 
during  their  short  reign  they  did  what  they  could  with 
the  instrument  in  their  hands.”  H.  A.  Taine. 

27.  Fall  of  Robespierre;  End  of  the  “Reign 
of  Terror”  (July,  1794): 

J.  E.  Symes:  The  French  Revolution,  1338-9 
(1305-6). 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  Barere’s  Memoirs,  1340  (1307). 
H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1340  (1307). 
Sergent  Marceau : Reminiscences  of  a Regicide, 
1340  (1307). 

B.  M.  Gardiner : The  French  Revolution,  1340-1 
(1307-8). 

28.  Progress  of  the  Foreign  Wars: 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1341-2  (1308-9). 
H.  Van  Laun:  The  Revolutionary  Epoch,  1342-3 
(1309-10). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1345-6(1312-13). 
Sir  A.  Alison  : History  of  Europe,  1346  (1313). 

29.  The  Constitution  of  the  Year  III.  (1795): 
F.  A.  Mignet:  The  French  Revolution,  1343-4 

(1310-11). 

A.  Thiers:  The  French  Revolution,  1344-5 
(1311-12). 

30.  Napoleon  Bonaparte  ; the  Directory 
(1795): 

J.  G.  Lockhart:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1346-7  (1314). 
E.  de  Bonnechose:  History  of  France,  1347(1314). 

“Within  five  days  from  the  ‘Day  of  the  Sections’ 
Buonaparte  was  named  second  in  command  of  the  army 
of  the  interior;  and  shortly  afterwards,  Barras  finding 
his  duties  as  Director  sufficient  to  occupy  his  time,  gave 
up  the  command-in-chief  of  the  same  army  to  his  ‘ little 
Corsican  officer.’  ” J.  G.  Lockhart. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXVI. 


FRANCE  UNDER  NAPOLEON  (A.  D. 
1795-1815). 


1.  Napoleon  in  Command  (a.  d.  1795): 

J.  G.  Lockhart:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1346-7 
(1313-14). 

E.  de  Bonnechose : History  of  France,  1347  (1314). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1120  (1092). 

2.  The  Italian  Campaign  (1796-7) : 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1347-9  (1314-16). 
Count  de  Melito:  Memoirs,  1349  (1316). 

R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  1349-50  (1316—17). 

3.  TnE  State  of  England: 

A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  970-1  (943-4). 

T.  Wright:  History  of  France,  1349  (1316). 

W.  Bagehot:  Lombard  Street,  2255  (2211). 

4.  The  Overthrow  of  Venice;  Peace  of 
Campo  Formio  : 

T.  Mitchell:  Rise  of  Napoleon,  1350-1  (1317-18). 
T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  1351-2  (1318-19). 
See  Map  between  pages  2622-3  (2554-5). 

5.  TnE  Coup  d’IStat  of  the  18™  Fructidor 
(1797): 

E.  de  Bonnechose:  History  of  France,  1352-3 
(1319-20). 


780 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


A.  Thiers:  The  French  Revolution,  1353  (1320). 
Chevalier  O’Clery:  The  Italian  Revolution, 
1353-4  (1320-1). 

6.  The  United  States  and  the  Revolution  ; 
the  X.  Y.  Z.  Letters  : 

E.  Everett  : Life  of  Washington,  3422  (3306). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  George  Washington,  3422  (3306). 
T.  W.  Higginson:  The  United  States,  3431  (3315). 

“ The  plan  of  this  covert  intercourse  came  through 
the  private  Secretary  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  then  French 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs ; and  the  impudence  of 
these  three  letters  of  the  alphabet  went  so  far  as  to  pro- 
pose a bribe  of  1,200,000  francs.  * You  must  pay  money, 
a great  deal  of  money,’  remarked  Monsieur  Y.  The 
secret  of  these  names  was  kept,  but  the  diplomatic 
correspondence  was  made  public,  and  created  much 
wrath  in  Europe,  as  well  as  in  America.  ...  At  last 
the  insults  passed  beyond  bearing,  and  it  was  at  this 
time  that  ‘ millions  for  defense,  not  one  cent  for 
tribute,’  first  became  a proverbial  phrase,  having  been 
originally  used  by  Charles  C.  Pinckney.”  T.  W.  Hig- 
ginson. 

7.  The  Helvetic  Republic: 

H.  Zschokke  : History  of  Switzerland,  3133—4 
(3049-50). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  3134-5  (3050-1). 
Sir  A.  Alison  : History  of  Europe,  3135  (3051), 

8.  Napoleon  in  Egypt  (1798-1799) ; Battle  of 
the  Nile  : 

W.  Massey:  History  of  England,  1354-5  (1321-2). 
J.  G.  Lockhart : Life  of  Napoleon,  1357-9  (1326). 

9.  The  Second  European  Coalition  (1798-9): 
H.  VanLaun:  The  Revolutionary  Epoch,  1355-7 

(1322-4). 

T.  Wright  : History  of  France,  1359-60  (1326-7). 
Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  1360-1 
(1327-8). 

Sir  W.  Scott:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1361  (1328). 

F.  C.  Schlosser:  The  Eighteenth  Century,  1361-2 
(1328-9). 

J.  Adolphus:  History  of  England,  1362  (1329). 

10.  End  of  the  First  Republic;  Napoleon 
First  Consul  (1799) : 

C.  K.  Adams : Democracy  in  France,  1362-4 
(1329-31). 

F.  A.  Mignet:  The  French  Revolution,  1364 
(1331). 

F.  C.  Schlosser:  The  Eighteenth  Century,  1364-5 
(1331-2). 

11.  The  Second  Conquest  of  Italy  ; Peace 
of  Luneville  (1800-1801): 

R.  H.  Horne:  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  1365-6 
(1332-3). 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution,  1366-7 
(1333-4). 

Sir  W.  Scott:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1367  (1334). 

Sir  A.  Alison : History  of  Europe,  1539-40 
(1505-6). 

C.  T.  Lewis:  History  of  Germany,  1540  (1506). 

12.  Louisiana  wrested  from  Spain  and  sold 
to  the  United  States  (1802-3) : 

M.  Thompson:  The  Story  of  Louisiana,  2093-4 
(2049-50). 

C.  F.  Robertson  : The  Louisiana  Purchase,  2094 
(2050). 

H.  von  Holst : Const.  Hist,  of  the  United  States, 
3443  (3327). 

T.  M.  Coolev : The  Acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
3443-4  (3327-8). 

Henry  Adams:  History  of  the  United  States, 
5444  (3328). 


13.  The  “ Continental  System  ’’ ; Napoleon’s 
Domestic  Policies  : 

J.  R.  Green:  The  English  People,  1368-9 
(1335-6). 

L.  Levi:  British  Commerce,  1379-80  (1346-7). 
Captain  A.  T.  Mahan:  Influence  of  Sea  Power, 

1380-1  (1347-8). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  Europe,  1369-70 (1336-7). 
C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1370-1  (1337-8). 

P.  Lanfrey:  History  of  Napoleon,  1371  (1338). 

M.  Arnold : Schools  on  the  Continent,  738-9 
(715-16). 

“The  significance  of  the  Peace  of  Luneville  lay  in 
this,  not  only  that  it  was  the  close  of  the  earlier  revo- 
lutionary struggle  in  Europe;  . . . but  that  it  marked 
the  concentration  of  all  her  energies  in  a struggle  with 
Britain  for  the  supremacy  of  the  world.  . . . The 
country  [Britain]  stood  utterly  alone  while  the  Peace 
of  Luneville  secured  France  from  all  hostility  on  the 
Continent.  ...  To  strike  at  England’s  wealth  had 
been  among  the  projects  of  the  Directory ; it  was  now 
the  dream  of  the  First  Consul.  . . . Her  carrying  trade 
must  be  annihilated  if  he  closed  every  port  against  her 
ships.  It  was  this  gigantic  project  of  a * Continental 
System  ’ that  revealed  itself  as  soon  as  Buonaparte  be- 
came master  of  France.”  J.  R.  Green. 

14.  War  declared  by  Great  Britain;  Na- 
poleon becomes  Emperor: 

H.  Martineau  : History  of  England,  1371-3 
(1338-40). 

J.  R.  Seeley:  History  of  Napoleon  I.,  1373-4 
(1340-1). 

Chancellor  Pasquier:  Memoirs,  1374  (1341). 

Sir  W.  Scott : Life  of  Napoleon,  1374-5  (1341-2). 

15.  Third  European  Coalition;  Trafalgar 
and  Austerlitz  (1805) : 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1375  (1342). 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  1375-6 
(1342-3). 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  Napoleon,  1376-7  (1343-4). 

16.  The  Campaign  against  Prussia  and  Rus- 
sia (1806-7) : 

W.  Menzel : History  of  Germany,  1540-1  (1506-7). 
J.  Bryce:  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1541  (1507). 

J.  G.  Lockhart:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1542-4  (1510). 
Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  1544-5  (1511). 
H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1545-6  (1511-12). 
A.  Rambaud:  History  of  Russia,  1546-7  (1513). 
R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  1547  (1513). 

C.  Joyneville:  Life  of  Alexander  I.,  1547-8(1514). 

17.  The  Character  of  Napoleon’s  Empire 
and  Rule : 

W.  O ’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution,  1381-2 
(1348-9). 

P.  Lanfrey:  History  of  Napoleon,  1382  (1349). 
Sir  H.  L.  Bulwer:  Historical  Characters,  1382-3 
(1349-50). 

Sir  A.  Alison : History  of  Europe,  1383—4  (1350-1). 
H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  2526  (2464). 

Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  2526-7  (2464^5). 
M.  Talleyrand:  Memoirs,  2527-8  (2465-6) 

18.  The  Peninsular  War  (a.  d.  1808-1814): 
M.  M.  Busk  : History  of  Portugal,  2647-8  (2576). 
J.  R.  Seeley  : Napoleon  I.,  3082-3  (3000-1). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  3083-4  (3001-2). 
P.  Lanfrey  : History  of  Napoleon  I.,  1384(1351). 
H.  R.  Clinton:  The  War  in  the  Peninsula,  3084 
(3002). 

C.  Knight : History  of  England,  3084r-5  (3002-3). 
H.  R.  Clinton  : War  in  the  Peninsula,  3087  (3005). 
The  Times : Memoir  of  W ellington,  3087-9  (3007). 
T.  Hamilton : The  Peninsular  Campaigns, 
3089-90  (3907-8). 

P.  Lanfrey  : History  of  Napoleon  L,  3091  (3009). 


781 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


General  Vane  : The  Peninsular  War,  3092  (3010). 
J.  F.  Bright : History  of  England,  3092-3 
(3010-11). 

J.  N.  Larncd:  Europe,  1123(1095). 

19.  TnE  Russian  Campaign  (a.  d.  1812): 

J.  R.  Seeley:  History  of  Napoleon,  1385-6  (1353). 
P.  Lanfrey:  History  of  Napoleon  I.,  1386  (1353). 

E.  Labaume : The  Campaign  in  Russia,  1386 
(1353). 

A.  Rambaud:  History  of  Russia,  2842-3  (2768-9). 

L.  Tolstoi:  The  Russian  Campaign,  2843-4 
(2769-70). 

A.  Thiers:  History  of  the  Empire,  2844^5  (2771). 

V.  Duruy  : History  of  France,  2845-6  (2771-2). 
Sir  R.  Wilson  : The  Invasion  of  Russia,  2846-7 

(2772-3). 

E.  Labaume : The  Campaign  in  Russia,  2847 
(2773). 

A.  Thiers  : History  of  the  Empire,  1387  (1354). 

20.  The  Germanic  Uprising  ; Battle  of  Leip- 
sic  (a.  d.  1812-13) : 

H.  Martin  : History  of  France,  1555-6  (1521-2). 

W.  Menzel  : History  of  Germany,  1556  (1522). 

J.  Mitchell  : The  Fall  of  Napoleon,  1557-8 

(1523-4). 

J.  G.  Lockhart : Life  of  Napoleon,  1558-9  (1525). 
R.  H.  Horne  : History  of  Napoleon,  1560  (1526). 

C.  T.  Lewis  : History  of  Germany,  1561-2(1528). 
W.  Hazlitt : Life  of  Napoleon,  1562-3  (1528-9). 
A.  Thiers : History  of  the  Empire,  1563  (1529). 
Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  1563^1  (1530). 

21.  Invasion  of  the  Allies;  Abdication  of 
Napoleon  (a.  d.  1814): 

A.  Rambaud:  History  of  Russia,  1387-9(1354—6). 
J.  Mitchell : The  Fall  of  Napoleon,  1389-91 
(1356-8). 

Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  1895  (1855). 
W.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 
1895-6  (1855-6). 

I.  Butt:  History  of  Italy,  1896-7  (1856-7). 

“The  act  of  abdication  was  worded  in  the  following 

terms : 1 The  Allied  Powers  having  proclaimed  that  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  is  the  sole  obstacle  to  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  peace  in  Europe,  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  is  ready  to  descend 
from  the  throne,  to  quit  France,  and  even  to  relinquish 
life,  for  the  good  of  the  country,  which  is  inseparable 
from  the  rights  of  his  son,  from  those  of  the  regency  in 
the  person  of  the  Empress,  and  from  the  maintenance  of 
the  laws  of  the  Empire.  Done  at  our  palace  of  Fontain- 
bleau,  4th  April,  1814.  Napoleon.’  ” J.  Mitcuell. 

22.  The  Pope  and  the  Jesuits: 

M.  Talleyrand : Memoirs,  2527-8  (2465-6). 
Fraser’s  Magazine  : The  Jesuits,  1935  (1894). 

23.  The  Congress  of  Vienna  (September, 
1814): 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  3745-7  (3624-6). 

R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  3747  (3626). 

24.  The  New  Government  ; Louis  XVIII. : 

H.  Martin : History  of  France,  1391-2  (1358-9). 
T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1392  (1359). 

25.  The  “One  Hundred  Days”;  Waterloo 
(a.  d.  June  18,  1815): 

G.  Hooper:  Waterloo,  1392-4  (1359-61). 

H.  R.  Clinton:  Wellington’s  Campaigns,  1394—6 
(1361-3). 

G.  Hooper:  Waterloo,  1396-7  (1363-4). 

Baron  de  Jomini:  The  Campaign  of  Waterloo, 
1397-8  (1364-5). 

J.  R.  Seeley:  Napoleon  I.,  1398-9  (1365-6). 

Sir  A.  Alison:  History  of  Europe,  1399-1400 
(1366-7). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XXXVII. 


THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES. 


1.  The  Discovery  of  North  America  (a.  d. 
1498): 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  58  (51). 

H.  Harrisse:  Discovery  of  North  America,  59 
(3678). 

: , 61  (3678). 

2.  The  Aborigines: 

D.  G.  Brinton : The  Lenape,  84  (77). 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  84-5 
(77-8). 

J.  W.  Powell:  Ethnological  Report,  85  (78). 

J.  R.  Brodhead:  History  of  New  York,  85  (78). 

3.  Earliest  English  Ventures: 

E.  J.  Payne : Elizabethan  Seamen,  74-5,  76  (67-9). 

E.  Hayes:  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  76  (69). 

I.  N.  Tarbox:  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  77  (70). 

J.  A.  Doyle:  English  in  America,  76-7  (69-70). 
G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  77-8  (70-1). 
J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  78-9 

(71-2). 

4.  The  Virginia  Company  and  Colony: 

J.  Fiske:  Beginnings  of  New  England,  3748 
(3627). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  U.  S.,  3748-9  (3627-8). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  The  English  Colonies,  3749  (3628). 
R.  A.  Brooke  : Virginia,  3749-50  (3628-9). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S. , 3751  (3630). 
C.  Campbell:  The  Colony  of  Virginia,  3751-2 

(3630-1). 

H.  B.  Adams:  College  of  William  and  Mary, 
749-50  (726-7). 

5.  Virginia  under  the  Stuarts  : 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3752  (3631). 

R.  Beverley:  History  of  Virginia,  3752-3  (3632). 
J.  E.  Cooke  : Virginia,  3753  (3632). 

W.  Ware:  Nathaniel  Bacon,  3753-5  (3632-4). 

6.  The  Mayflower  and  the  Plymouth  Col- 
ony (a.  d.  1620) : 

C.  Deane:  New  England,  2141  (2097). 

F.  B.  Dexter:  The  Pilgrim  Church,  2141-2 
(2097-8). 

Goldwin  Smith : The  American  Colonies,  2142 
(2098). 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  2143 
(2099). 

W.  T.  Davis.  Ancient  Plymouth, 2144-5  (2100-1). 

7.  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  : 

H.C.  Lodge:  English  Colonies,  2145  (2101). 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  2145 

(2101). 

J.  B.  Moore  : Governors  of  New  Plymouth,  2146 
(2101-2). 

J.  Fiske:  Beginnings  of  New  England,  2148 
(2104). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2148-9 12104-5). 

8.  Founding  of  Boston  (a.  d.  1630): 

S.  A.  Drake:  Around  the  Hub,  2146-7  (2102-3). 
R.  C.  Winthrop:  Boston  Founded,  2147  (2103). 
G.  G.  Bush:  Harvard,  751  (728). 

The  Oldest  School  in  America,  750-1  (727-8). 

9.  Early  Religious  Conditions  ; 

J.  G.  Palfrey : New  England,  2147  (2103). 

J.  Fiske:  Beginnings  of  New  England,  2147 
(2103). 

G.  E.  Ellis:  Early  Massachusetts, 2147-8  (2103-4). 


782 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


J.  A.  Doyle  : The  American  Colonies,  2149  (2105). 
J.  S.  Barry:  Massachusetts,  2149  (2105). 

G.  E.  Ellis : Early  Massachusetts,  2149-50 
(2105-6). 

C.  F.  Adams:  Massachusetts,  2150-1  (2106-7). 

10.  The  Dotcii  Settlements  : 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  U.  S.,  79-80  (72-3). 
E.  B.  O’Callaghan : New  Netherlands,  2377  (2325). 
J.  R.  Brodhead  : History  of  New  York,  2377-8 
(2325-6). 

G.  W.  Schuyler  : Colonial  New  York,  2378-9 
(2326-7). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  U.  S.,  677  (654). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  English  Colonies,  2379-80  (2327-8). 
J.  W.  Gerard:  William  Kieft,  2380  (2328). 

S.  S.  Randall : History  of  New  York,  2380  (2328). 
H.  R.  Stiles  : History  of  Brooklyn,  2381  (2329). 
Mrs.  M.  J.  Lamb:  The  City  of  New  York,  2379, 
2382  (2327,  2330). 

11.  The  Beginnings  op  Connecticot  (a,  d. 
1634) : 

(a)  The  First  Settlements. 

B.  Trumbull : History  of  Connecticut,  510  (496). 

C.  W.  Bowen : Boundary  Disputes,  510  (496). 

A.  Johnston  : Connecticut,  510  (496). 

J.  Fiske : The  Beginnings  of  New  England, 
510-11  (496-7). 

R.  Hildreth  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  513  (499). 

J.  G.  Palfrey  : History  of  New  England,  513 
(499). 

A.  Johnston:  A New  England  State,  514^15 
(500-1). 

(b)  Constitution  Making. 

A.  Johnston  : A New  England  State,  511  (497). 
Public  Records  of  Colony  of  Connecticut,  511-13 
(497-9). 

Full  Text  of  the  Fundamental  Orders,  511-13 
(497-9). 

(c)  The  Fundamental  Agreement , and  the 
“ Blue  Laws." 

J.  A.  Doyle:  The  Puritan  Colonies,  513-14 
(499-500). 

C.  H.  Levermore:  New  Haven,  514  (500). 

J.  H.  Trumbull  : The  True  Blue  Laws,  514 
(3691-2). 

12.  Roger  Williams,  and  the  Providence 
Plantations  : 

(a)  The  Persecution  of  Williams. 

S.  G.  Arnold : History  of  Rhode  Island,  2707 
(2634). 

T.  Durfee:  Historical  Discourse,  2707-8  (2634-5). 
J.  L.  Diman:  Orations  and  Essays,  2708-9  (2636). 
J.  R.  Bartlett : Letters  of  Roger  Williams,  2709 

(2636). 

W.  Gammell : Life  of  Roger  Williams,  2709-10 
(2636-7). 

J.  D.  Knowles : Memoir  of  Roger  Williams, 
2710-11  (2637-8). 

(b)  Constitution  of  Providence  Plantation. 

G.  W.  Greene:  Rhode  Island,  2712  (2639). 
Stephen  Hopkins  : The  Planting  of  Providence, 

2712-14  (2639^1). 

(c)  First  Baptist  Church. 

W.  R.  Staples : The  Town  of  Providence,  2714 
(2641). 

13.  The  Founding  of  Rhode  Island  : 

R.  Hildreth  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2711-12 
(2638-9). 

O.  S.  Straus:  Roger  Williams,  2712(2639). 

14.  Lord  Baltimore,  and  Maryland: 

(a)  The  Planting  of  the  Colony. 

J.  McSherry:  History  of  Maryland,  2135  (2091). 


J.  L.  Bozman:  Maryland,  2135-6  (2091-2). 

J.  G.  Shea  : Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days, 
2136-7  (2092-3). 

G.  B.  Keen:  New  Albion,  2353  (2305). 

(b)  Religious  Troubles,  and  Toleration. 

J.  A.  Doyle : English  in  America,  2137-8  (2093-4). 
G.  L.  Davis:  American  Freedom,  2138  (2094). 
W.  II.  Browne:  Maryland,  2138  (2094). 

II.  C.  Lodge : The  English  Colonies,  2138-9 
(2094^5). 

15.  The  Swedish  Settlement  in  Delaware  : 
J.  R.  Brodhead  : History  of  New  York,  677  (654). 
G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  677  (654). 

B.  Ferris:  Settlements  on  the  Delaware,  677-8 
(654-5). 

G.  W.  Schuyler  : Colonial  New  York,  678(655). 
E.  H.  Roberts:  New  York,  678-9  (655-6). 

16.  Early  History  op  Pennsylvania  : 

(a)  Rival  Claims  to  Territory. 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2354  (2306). 
W.  H.  Browne:  Maryland,  2135-6  (2091-2). 

C.  H.  Levermore:  Republic  of  New  Haven, 
2368  (2319). 

J.  R.  Brodhead : History  of  New  York,  2384-5 
(2332-3). 

(b)  The  Territory  and  Government  of  Penn. 
Susan  Coolidge  : History  of  Philadelphia,  2564-5 

(2498-9). 

Scharf  and  Westcott:  Philadelphia,  2565  (2499). 

T.  Clarkson:  Memoirs  of  Penn,  2565  (2499). 

W.  H.  Dixon : History  of  Penn,  2566-7  (2500-1). 
B.  A.  Hinsdale  : Old  Northwest,  2567  (2501). 

J.  Dunlop:  Controversy  between  Penn  and 
Baltimore,  '2567-8  (2501-2). 

B.  Fernow : The  Middle  Colonies,  2568-9  (2502-3). 

17.  General  Review  op  the  Settlement  of 
the  Colonies,  and  their  Relation  to  the 
Mother  Country,  3281-6  (3165-70). 

18.  First  Confederation  of  Colonies  (a.  d. 
1643) : 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2357-8 
(2309-10). 

19.  New  Amsterdam  becomes  New  York 
(a.  d.  1664): 

J.  A.  Stevens:  The  English  in  New  York, 
2382-3  (2330-1). 

R.  L.  Fowler  : History  of  New  York,  2383(2331). 
B.  Tuckerman  : Peter  Stuyvesant,  2384  (2332). 

J.  R.  Brodhead  : History  of  New  York,  2384-5 
(2332-3). 

: , 2336-7  (2288-9). 

20.  Attempted  Overthrow  of  Charters  ; 
Andros;  the  Charter  Oak  : 

J.  G.  Palfrey  : History  of  New  England,  2385 
(2333). 

G.  L.  Austin  : History  of  Massachusetts,  2153-4 
(2109-10). 

Brooks  Adams  : Emancipation  of  Massachusetts, 
2154-5  (2110-11). 

H.  C.  Lodge : The  English  Colonies,  2155-6 
(2111-12). 

J.  S.  Barry  : History  of  Massachusetts,  2156-7 
(2112-13). 

G.  H.  Hollister : History  of  Connecticut,  515 
(501). 

E.  B.  Sanford : History  of  Connecticut,  515-16 
(501-2). 

A.  Johnston:  Connecticut,  516  (502). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  U.  S.,  516-17  (502-3). 


783 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


21.  King  Philip’s  War  (a.  d.  1674-8): 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2358-9 
(2310-11). 

C.  W.  Elliott : New  England  History,  2359 
(2311). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2359-60 
(2311-12). 

J.  G.  Palfrey : History  of  New  England,  2360 
(2312). 

J.  Fiske : Beginnings  of  New  England,  2360 
(2312). 

22.  First  Colonial  Congress  (a.  d.  1690),  and 
King  William’s  War  : 

R.  Frothingham  : Rise  of  the  Republic,  3287-8 
(3171-2). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  U.  S.,  376-7  (366-7). 
J.  G.  Palfrey  : History  of  New  England,  377 
(367). 

J.  8.  Barry:  History  of  Masaschusetts,  377-8 
(367-8). 

23.  The  Salem  Witchcraft  Madness  (a.  d. 
1692-3) : 

J.  G.  Palfrey : History  of  New  England,  2157-8 
(2113-14). 

C.  W.  Elliott : New  England  History,  2158-9 
(2114-15). 

G.  Bancroft : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2159  (2115). 
C.  W.  Upharn : Salem  Witchcraft,  2159  (2115). 
J.  R.  Lowell:  Witchcraft,  2159  (2115). 

24.  The  Carolinas  and  Georgia  : 

J.  A.  Doyle:  English  in  America,  76-7  (69-70). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  77-8  (70-1). 
F.  X.  Martin  : History  of  N.  Carolina,  81  (74). 

J.  H.  Wheeler  : North  Carolina,  2424  (2372). 

F.  L.  Hawks:  History  of  N.  Carolina,  2424-5 
(2372-3). 

W.  G.  Simms : History  of  S.  Carolina,  2425 
(2373). 

G.  Bancroft  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2425-6 
(2373-4). 

J.  A.  Doyle  : English  in  America,  2426  (2374). 
W.  G.  Simms : History  of  S.  Carolina,  3047 
(2967). 

R.  Mackenzie  : America,  1457  (1424). 

25.  The  Intercolonial  Wars  ; Louisburg  : 

R.  Johnson  : The  French  War,  2362  (2314). 

J.  Grahame  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2362-3 
(2314-15). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2363-4 
(2315-16). 

T.  C.  Haliburton:  The  English  in  America, 
2364-5  (2316-17). 

26.  The  Struggle  for  the  Ohio  Valley  : 

R.  G.  Thwaites  : The  Colonies,  3290  (3174). 
Viscount  Bury  : Exodus  of  Western  Nations, 

3290  (3174). 

F.  Parkman : Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  3290-1 
(3174-5). 

II.  Hale  : Iroquois  Book  of  Rites,  2444-5(2392-3). 
B.  A.  Hinsdale:  The  Old  Northwest,  378-9 
(368-9). 

- — : , 2445-6  (2393-4). 

.1.  Winsor  : Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  2446  (2394). 
It.  Mackenzie:  America,  2446-7  (2394-5). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  2975  (2898). 

27.  The  Congress  at  Ai.bany  (a.  d.  1754): 

B.  Franklin:  Autobiography,  3291  (3175). 

W.  E.  Foster:  Stephen  Hopkins,  3291  (3175). 
Full  Text  Representation  of  the  Present  State 

of  the  Colonies,  3291-3  (3175-7). 

Text  of  the  Plan  of  Union,  3293-4  (3177-8). 


28.  Mason  and  Dixon’s  Line: 

W.  H.  Dixon  : William  Penn,  2566-7  (2500-1). 
G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2571  (2505). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale  : The  Old  Northwest,  2571  (2505). 

29.  The  Scotch-Irish  : 

W.  W.  Henry : The  Scotch-Irish,  2912-13 
(2837-8). 

T.  Roosevelt : Winning  of  the  West,  2913  (2838). 

“ Full  credit  has  been  awarded  the  Roundhead  and 
the  Cavalier  for  their  leadership  in  our  history;  nor 
have  we  been  altogether  blind  to  the  deeds  of  the  Hol- 
lander and  the  Huguenot;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  we  have 
wholly  realized  the  importance  of  the  part  played  by 
that  stern  and  virile  people,  the  Irish  whose  preachers 
taught  the  creed  of  Knox  and  Calvin.  These  Irish  re- 
presentatives of  the  Covenanters  were  in  the  West  al- 
most what  the  Puritans  were  in  the  Northeast,  and  more 
than  the  Cavaliers  were  in  the  South. . . . That  these  Irish 
Presbyterians  were  a bold  and  hardy  race  is  proved  hy 
their  at  once  pushing  past  the  settled  regions,  ana 
plunging  into  the  wilderness  as  the  leaders  of  the  white 
advance.  . . . They  were  fitted  to  be  Americans  from 
the  very  start;  they  were  kinsfolk  of  the  Covenanters; 
they  deemed  it  a religious  duty  to  interpret  their  own 
Bible,  and  held  for  a divine  right  the  election  of  their 
clergy.  For  generations,  their  whole  ecclesiastic  and 
scholastic  systems  had  been  fundamentally  democrat- 
ic.” T.  Roosevelt. 

30.  Early  Western  Settlements: 

(a)  The  Northwest  Territory. 

T.  Roosevelt : Winning  of  the  West,  2429  (2377). 
W.  F.  Poole : The  West  from  1763  to  1783, 
2429-30  (2377-8). 

(5)  The  Wyoming  Valley. 

A.  Jolmston  : Connecticut,  2569-70  (2503-4). 

(c)  Transylvania  and  Daniel  Boone. 

N.  S.  Shaler:  Kentucky,  1981-2  (1939—40). 

(d)  The  Watauga  Commonwealth. 

T.  Roosevelt:  Winning  of  the  West,  3179-80 
(3094-5). 

(e)  The  State  of  Franklin,  and  Sevier. 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3181-2 
(3096-7). 

W.  H.  Carpenter:  History  of  Tennessee,  3182 
(3097). 

31.  Colonial  Life: 

(a)  Religion. 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  2147 

(2103). 

G.  E.  Ellis:  Early  Massachusetts,  2147-8  (2104). 
J.  A.  Doyle:  American  Colonies,  2149  (2105). 

G.  E.  Ellis : Early  Massachusetts,  2149-50 
(2105-6). 

C.  F.  Adams:  Massachusetts,  2150-1  (2106-7). 

J.  Fiske  : Beginnings  of  New  England,  2151 

and  2153  (2107,  2109). 

; , 309  (299). 

W.  R.  Staples:  The  Town  of  Providence,  2714 
(2641). 

D.  Weston : Early  Baptists,  266-7  (3690). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2568  (2502). 
G.  L.  Davis  : American  Freedom,  2138  (2094). 
R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3755-6  (3635). 
J.  A.  Russell:  Catholic  Church  in  the  U.  S., 
2526  (2464). 

( b ) Education. 

II.  B.  Adams : College  of  William  and  Mary, 
749-50  (726-7). 

The  Oldest  School  in  America,  750-1  (727-8). 

G.  G.  Bush : Harvard,  751  (728). 

R.  G.  Boone:  Education  in  the  U.  S.,  751-2 
(728-9). 

J.  L.  Stewart:  The  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
752  (729). 

J.  G.  Palfrey  : History  of  New  England  (Yale), 
752-3  (729-30). 


784 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


The  College  of  New  Jersey,  753  (3799). 
Columbia  College  Handbook,  753-4  (730-1). 

G.  T.  Curtis : Dauiel  Webster  (Dartmouth), 
754-5  (3741-2). 

R.  A.  Guild:  Rhode  Island  College  (Brown), 
755  (3693). 

(c)  Printing  and  the  Press. 

C.  R.  Hildebum  : Printing  in  New  York,  2668-9 
(2596-7). 

I.  Thomas:  History  of  Printing,  2669-70  (2598). 

G.  Bancroft  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2670  (2598). 
: , 2387  (2335). 

F.  Hudson:  Journalism  in  the  U.  S.,  2672  (2600). 

J.  Parton:  Life  of  Franklin,  2061-2  (2017-18). 
B.  Samuel : The  Father  of  American  Libraries, 

2062-3  (2018-19). 

(d)  Money  and  Banking. 

W.  B.  Weeden  : Indian  Money,  2252-3  (2208-9). 
J.  R.  Snowden : Description  of  Coins,  2253 
(2209). 

J.  J.  Knox  : United  States  Notes,  2255-6  (2212). 
W.  G.  Sumner:  History  of  American  Currency, 
2256  (2212). 

John  Fiske  : American  Revolution,  2256  (2212). 

(e)  Trade  and  Commerce. 

J.  E.  T.  Rogers:  Economic  Interpretation  of 
History,  3229-30  (3718-19). 

E.  Eggleston : Commerce  in  the  Colonies,  3230 
(3719). 

M.  Chamberlain:  Revolution  Impending,  3286-7 
(3170-1). 

J.  L.  Bishop:  American  Manufactures,  3289 
(3173). 

G.  L.  Beer:  Commercial  Policy  of  England, 
3296-7  (3180-1). 

John  Morley:  Edmund  Burke,  3298  (3182). 

(/)  Slavery. 

E.  J.  Payue  : Elizabethan  Seamen,  74-5  (67-8). 
G.  W.  Williams:  Negro  Race  in  America,  2998 
(2920). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3751  (3630). 
E.  Washburn:  Slavery  in  Massachusetts,  2998-9 
(2920-1). 

G.  W.  Greene  : Rhode  Island,  2715  (2642). 

W.  E.  Foster  : Stephen  Hopkins,  3002  (2924). 

J.  A.  Doyle  : English  in  America.  3047-8  (2968). 
G.  Bancroft:  History  of  U.  S.,  3048  (2968). 

T.  Clarkson  : Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade,” 
3000  (2922). 

J.  Fiske  : Critical  Period,  3001  (2923). 

T.  Jefferson  : The  State  of  Virginia,  3001  (2923). 
J.  E.  Cooke:  Virginia,  3001  (2923). 

E.  B.  Sanford : Connecticut,  3001-2  (2923-4). 

W.  F.  Poole:  Anti-Slavery  Opinions,  3002  (2924). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  /. 


* STUDY  XXXVIII. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 


1.  Relations  between  the  Colonies  and 
the  Crown  on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolu- 
tion: 

M.  Chamberlain:  Revolution  Impending,  3286-7 
(3170-1). 

G.  L.  Craik:  British  Commerce,  2293  (22451. 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3288  (3172). 

H.  W.  Preston : American  History,  3288-9 
(3172-3). 


J.  L.  Bishop:  History  of  American  Manufac- 
tures, 3289  (3173). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale:  The  American  Government, 
3295  (3179). 

G.  L.  Beer:  Commercial  Policy  of  England, 
3296-7  (3180-1). 

John  Morley:  Edmund  Burke,  3298  (3182). 

“ Historians,  in  treating  of  the  American  rebellion, 
have  confined  their  arguments  too  exclusively  to  the 
question  of  internal  taxation,  and  the  right  or  policy 
of  exercising  this  prerogative.  The  true  source  of  the 
rebellion  lay  deeper,  in  our  traditional  colonial  policy. 
Just  as  the  Spaniards  had  been  excited  to  the  discovery 
of  America  by  the  hope  of  obtaining  gold  and  silver, 
the  English  merchants  utilized  the  discovery  by  the 
same  fallacious  method,  and  with  the  same  fallacious 
aspirations.  . . . They  only  saw  that  a colonial  trade 
had  sprung  up,  and  their  jealousy  blinded  them  to  the 
benefits  that  accrued  to  themselves  as  a consequence 
of  it.  Their  folly  found  them  out.  . . . The  result  of 
the  whole  transaction  was  the  birth  of  a very  strong 
sense  in  the  minds  of  the  colonists  that  the  mother 
country  looked  upon  them  as  a sponge  to  be  squeezed. 
This  conviction  took  more  than  a passing  hold  upon 
them.  It  was  speedily  inflamed  into  inextinguishable 
heat,  first  by  the  news  that  they  were  to  be  taxed  with- 
out their  own  consent,  and  next  by  the  tyrannical  and 
atrocious  measures  by  which  it  was  proposed  to  crush 
their  resistance.”  John  Morley. 

2.  The  Question  of  Taxation: 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3294-5 
(3178-9). 

W.  Tudor:  Life  of  James  Otis,  3295-6  (3179-80). 
J.  Fiske:  The  War  of  Independence,  3297-8 
(3181-2). 

T.  Hutchinson:  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
3298-9  (3182-3). 

3.  The  Stamp  Act,  and  the  Stamp  Act 
Congress  (a.  d.  1765): 

J.  G.  Palfrey:  History  of  New  England,  3299 
(3183). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3303  (3187). 
W.  Wirt:  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3303-5(3187-9). 
W.  W.  Henry:  Patrick  Henry,  3305  (3189). 

J.  A.  Stevens:  The  Stamp  Act,  3305  (3189). 
John  Fiske:  The  American  Revolution,  3305-6 
(3189-90). 

E.  B.  Sanford:  History  of  Connecticut,  517 
(503). 

R.  Frothingham:  Rise  of  the  Republic,  3306-7 
(3190-1). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  3317-19 
(3201-3). 

Full  Text  of  the  Stamp  Act,  3299-3302  (3183-6). 

“ It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  magnificent  debate, 
while  he  [Patrick  Henry]  was  descanting  on  the  tyranny 
of  the  obnoxious  act,  that  he  exclaimed  in  a voice  of 
thunder,  and  with  the  look  of  a god : ‘ Caesar  had  his 
Brutus  — Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell  — and  George 
the  Third  — (“  Treason ! ” cried  the  speaker.  “ Treason, 
treason!  ” echoed  from  every  part  of  the  house.  It  was 
one  of  those  trying  moments  that  is  decisive  of  char- 
acter. Henry  faltered  not  for  an  instant;  but  rising  to 
a loftier  attitude,  and  fixing  on  the  speaker  an  eye  of 
the  most  determined  fire,  he  finished  his  sentence  with 
the  firmest  emphasis)  — may  profit  by  their  example.  If 
this  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it.’  ” W.  Wirt. 

4.  Examination  of  Franklin  by  the  House 
of  Commons  (a.  d.  1766) : 

J.  Bigelow:  Life  of  Beniamin  Franklin,  3317 
(3201). 

Full  Text  of  the  Questions  and  Answers  from 
the  “ Parliamentary  History  of  England,” 
3308-3317  (3192-3201). 

“ What  used  to  be  the  pride  of  the  Americans  ?” 

“To  indulge  in  the  fashions  and  manufactures  of 
Great  Britain.” 

“ What  is  now  their  pride  ? ” 

“ To  wear  their  old  clothes  over  again,  until  they  can 
make  new  ones.” 


785 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


5.  The  “ Boston  Massacre,”  and  its  Results 
(a.  D.  1770): 

J.  K.  Hosmer:  Samuel  Adams,  311  (301). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky : History  of  England,  311-12 
(301-2). 

R.  Frothingham:  Rise  of  the  Republic,  3321 
(3205). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3321  (3205). 

6.  The  Townshend  Acts,  and  the  “Boston 
Tea  Party”: 

J.  K.  Hosmer:  Samuel  Adams,  3319  (3203). 

C.  J.  Stille:  Life  of  John  Dickinson,  3319-20 
(3203-4). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3321-2  (3206). 

J.  Fiske  : War  of  Independence,  3322  (3206). 

J.  K.  Hosmer : Samuel  Adams,  3322-3  (3206-7). 

: , 3324-5  (3208-9). 

A.  Gilman:  The  Story  of  Boston,  312  (302). 

7.  The  Boston  Port  Bill  and  its  Effects 
(a.  d.  1774): 

W.  M.  Sloane  : The  French  War  and  the  Revo- 
lution, 3325  (3209). 

R.  Frothingham : The  Siege  of  Boston,  313-14 
(303-4). 

E.  G.  Scott:  Development  of  Constitutional 
Liberty,  3325-6  (3209-10). 

8.  Examination  of  Gov.  Hutchinson  by 
King  George  (a.  d.  1774): 

Diary  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  3326-30  (3210-14). 

Full  Text  of  the  Conversation. 

9.  The  First  Continental  Congress  (a.  d. 
1774)  : 

R.  Frothingham:  Rise  of  the  Republic,  3330 
(3214). 

J.  C.  Hamilton:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3330-1 
(3214-15). 

P.  L.  Ford:  The  First  Congress,  3331-2  (3215-16). 

M.  Chamberlain  : John  Adams,  3332  (3216). 

H.  von  Holst : Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S. , 3332-3 
(3216-17). 

10.  The  General  Situation  in  the  Colo- 
nies, and  in  Parliament: 

R.  Frothingham : The  Siege  of  Boston,  3333 
(3217). 

H.  B.  Carrington : The  American  Revolution, 
3333  (3217). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  3334  (3218). 

Edmund  Burke:  His  Great  Speech  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  3334-7  (3218-21). 

G.  Pellew:  John  Jay,  2388-9  (2336-7). 

B.  J.  Lossing:  Life  of  Philip  Schuyler,  2389-90 
(2337-8). 

M.  L.  Booth:  History  of  New  York,  2390-1 
(2338-9). 

H.  S.  Randall:  Life  of  Jefferson,  3756  (3635). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3049  (2969). 

11.  The  Beginning  of  the  War  (April,  1775): 

R.  Frothingham:  The  Siege  of  Boston,  2160-1 

(2116-17). 

T.  W.  Higginson:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3338 
(3222). 

G.  E.  Ellis:  Battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill,  3338^0 
(3222-4). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3340-1  (3225). 

J.  Sparks:  Life  of  Ethan  Allen,  3341  (3225). 

C.  W.  Elliott:  New  England  History,  3341-2 
(3225-6). 

A.  Johnston:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3343  (3227). 

J.  Winsor:  Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  3343  (3227). 


G.  E.  Ellis:  The  Battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill,  3343-^4 
(3227-8). 

“ Allen  sought  and  found  the  Commander’s  bed-room, 
and  when  Captain  Delaplace  waked  he  . . . opened  the 
door,  with  trousers  in  hand,  and  there  the  great  gaunt 
Ethan  stood,  with  a drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  ‘ Sur- 
render!’ said  Ethan.  ‘To  you?’  asked  Delaplace. 
‘Yes,  to  me,  Ethan  Allen.’  ‘By  whose  authority?’ 
asked  Delaplace.  Ethan  was  growing  impatient,  and 
raising  his  voice,  and  waving  his  sword,  he  said  : ‘ In 
the  name  of  the  Great  Jehovah,  and  of  the  Continental 
Congress.’  Delaplace  little  comprehended  the  words, 
hut  surrendered  at  once.  Thus,  on  the  morning  of  10th 
of  May,  the  strong  fortress  of  Ticonderoga  was  taken  by 
the  border-men,  and  with  it  44  prisoners,  120  iron  can- 
non, with  swivels,  muskets,  balls,  and  some  powder, 
without  the  loss  of  a single  man.  The  surprise  was 
planned  and  paid  for  by  Connecticut,  and  was  led  by 
Allen,  a Connecticut-born  man,  but  was  carried  out  by 
the  ‘ Green  Mountain  Boys.’  ” C.  W.  Elliott. 

12.  Washington,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Continental  Army: 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Washington,  3342  (3226). 

E.  Everett:  Life  of  Washington,  3345  (3229). 

E.  E.  Hale:  Naval  History  of  the  Revolution, 
3345-6  (3229-30). 

13.  War  Measures  of  Parliament  ; the  Hes- 
sians : 

H.  S.  Randall:  Life  of  Jefferson,  3346  (3230). 
Earl  Stanhope:  History  of  England,  3347  (3231). 
E.  J.  Lowell:  Hessians  in  the  Revolution,  3347-8 

(3231-2). 

14.  Independence  declared  (July  4,  1776): 

L.  Sabine:  Biographical  Sketches,  3337-8(3222). 

G.  Bancroft  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3340-1  (3225), 

H.  S.  Randall:  Life  of  Jefferson.  3347  (3231). 

J.  Q.  Adams:  Life  of  John  Adams,  3348-9 
(3232-3). 

J.  T.  Morse,  Jr. : Thomas  Jefferson,  3349-50 
(3233-4). 

,T.  Fiske:  American  Revolution,  3350  (3234). 

II.  von  Holst:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3352 
(3236). 

Text  of  the  Declaration,  and  Signers,  3351-2 
(3235-6). 

15.  The  War  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey 
(a.  d.  1776-7): 

B.  J.  Lossing:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3352-3  (3237). 
H.  C.  Lodge : George  Washington,  3353-4  (3238). 
J.  Fiske : War  of  Independence,  3354-6  (3238-40). 
H.  P.  Johnston : Campaign  of  1776,  3356  (3240). 

E.  Lawrence : New  York  in  the  Revolution, 
3356-7  (3240-1). 

16.  The  Campaign  on  the  Delaware  (a.  d. 
1777): 

F.  D.  Stone:  The  Struggle  for  the  Delaware, 
3361-2  (3245-6). 

G.  Washington:  Writings,  3362-3  (3246-7). 

F.  Kapp:  Life  of  von  Steuben,  3363-4  (3247-8). 

17.  The  Struggle  for  Tns  Hudson  ; Sur- 
render of  Burgoyne  (Oct.  15,  1777): 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3365-6 
(3249-50). 

Sir  E.  Creasy:  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles,  3366-8 
(3250-2). 

E.  Everett:  Life  of  Washington,  3368  (3252). 

G.  Washington:  Writings,  3368  (3252). 

18.  Formation  of  State  Governments,  and 
Articles  of  Confederation  : 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S. , 3360-1  (3244-5). 
J.  Story:  Commentaries  on  the  Constitution, 

3368-9  (3252-3). 

H.  von  Holst:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3372 
(3256). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Full  Text  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
3369-72  (3253-0). 

19.  The  French  Alliance  • 

F.  Wharton:  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the 
U.  S.,  3357  (3241). 

J.  T.  Morse,  Jr.:  Benjamin  Franklin,  3357-8 
(3241-2). 

J.  Marshall:  Life  of  Washington,  3358  (3242). 
W.  G.  Sumner:  Finances  of  American  Revolu 
tion,  3359-60  (3243-4). 

B.  Tuckerman  : Life  of  Lafayette,  3364-5  (3249). 

G.  Bancroft  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3372-3  (3257). 

S.  Eliot:  History  of  the  U.  S. , 3376-7  (3260-1). 

F.  Wharton:  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  U.  S., 
3380-1  (3264-5). 

20.  Indian  Troubles  ; Clark’s  Conquest  of 
the  Northwest  (1778-9)- 

E.  H.  Roberts:  New  York,  3374  (3258). 

E.  Cruikshank:  Story  of  Butler’s  Rangers,  3374-5 
(3258-9). 

A.  F.  McDavis : Border  Warfare  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  3375-6  (3259-60). 

W.  L.  Stone:  Life  of  Joseph  Brant,  3376  (3260). 

T. -  Roosevelt:  Winning  of  the  West,  2429  (2377). 
O.  Turner:  History  of  Pioneer  Settlement,  3382-3 

(3266-7). 

A.  T.  Norton:  Sullivan’s  Campaign  against  the 
Iroquois,  3383-4  (3267-8). 

21.  The  War  in  the  South  (1778-80): 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Washington,  3381  (3265). 

C.  B.  Hartley : Life  of  Gen.  Marion,  3384-5 
(3268-9). 

G.  Tucker:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3286-7  (3270-1). 
G.  W.  Greene : Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,  3389-90 

(3273-4). 

W.  G.  Simms : History  of  South  Carolina,  3390 
(3274). 

J.  Fiske:  War  of  Independence,  3390-1  (3274-5). 

22.  Washington's  Anxieties  and  Movements 
(1778-80): 

W.  Irving  : Life  of  Washington,  3377  (3261). 

G.  Washington : Writings,  3377-8  (3261-2). 

G.  W.  Greene : Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,  3378-9 
(3262-3). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  George  Washington,  3381-2 

(3265-6). 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Washington,  3385-6(3269-70). 
W.  G.  Sumner:  History  of  American  Currency, 
3386  (3270). 

“ At  the  end  of  1779  Congress  was  at  its  wit’s  end  for 
money.  Its  issues  had  put  specie  entirely  out  of  reach, 
and  the  cause  of  the  Revolution  was  in  danger  of  being 
drowned  under  the  paper  sea.  ...  In  the  spring  or 
1780  the  bills  were  worth  two  cents  on  the  dollar,  and 
then  ceased  to  circulate.  The  paper  was  now  worth 
more  for  an  advertisement  or  a foke  than  for  anv  pros- 
pect of  any  kind  of  redemption.  A barber’s  s'hop  in 
Philadelphia  was  papered  with  it;  and  a dog,  coated 
with  tar,  and  with  the  bills  stuck  all  over  him,  was  pa- 
raded in  the  streets.”  W.  GI.  Sumner. 

23.  The  Arrival  of  Rochambeau  (1780) : 

J.  C.  Hamilton  : History  of  the  U.  8.,  3387  (3271). 
T.  Balch : The  French  in  America,  3387-8 
(3271-2). 

24.  The  Treason  of  Arnold  ; and  Mutiny 
of  Pennsylvania  Troops  : 

R.  Hildreth : History  of  the  U.  S. , 8388-9 
(3272-3). 

H.  B.  Carrington  : Battles  of  the  Revolution, 
3391-2  (3275-6). 

25.  The  Virginia  Campaign  (a.  d.  1781) : 

B.  Tuckerman:  Life  of  Lafayette,  3392-3 
(3276-7). 


H.  P.  Johnston : The  Yorktown  Campaign, 
8393  (3277). 

H.  B.  Carrington  : The  American  Revolution, 
3393-4  (3277-8). 

R.  C.  Wiuthrop:  Address  at  Yorktown,  3394-5 
(3278-9). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  3395-6 
(3279-80). 

26.  The  Cession  of  Western  Territory  to 
the  Union  : 

A.  Johnston:  The  United  States,  3396  (3280). 

H.  B.  Adams : Laud  Cessions  to  the  U.  8.,  3396-7 
(3280-1). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale  : The  Northwest,  3397  (3281). 

27.  Peace  Negotiations  : 

J.  Marshall:  Life  of  Washington,  3397-8(3281-2). 
Diplomacy  of  the  United  States,  3398-9  (3282-3). 
E.  Fitzmaurice  : Life  of  the  Earl  of  Shelburne, 
3399-3400  (3283-4). 

E.  B.  Andrews : History  of  the  U.  S. , 3400  (3284). 
J.  Fiske:  The  Critical  Period,  3400-1  (3284-6). 
J.  Q.  Adams : Life  of  John  Adams,  3401-2 

(3285-6). 

F.  Wharton  : Revolutionary  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence, 3402  (3286). 

J.  Bigelow  : Life  of  Franklin,  3402-3  (3286-7). 

28.  The  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace  (Sep- 
tember, 1783): 

H.  W.  Preston : Documents  of  American  History, 
3403-4  (3287-8). 

T.  Pitkin  : Political  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3409-11 
(3293-5). 

T.  Roosevelt:  Winning  of  the  West,  3411-12 
(3295-6). 

29.  The  Dissolution  of  the  Continental 
Army  : 

G.  T.  Curtis:  The  Constitution  of  the  U.  S., 
3403  (3287). 

J.  B.  McMaster : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3404-5 
(3288-9). 

30.  General  Conditions  following  the  War: 
G.  E.  Ellis  : Loyalists  and  their  Fortunes,  3202-3 

(3116-17). 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3405-6 
(3289-90). 

A.  Hamilton : The  Federalist,  3406-7  (3290-1). 

A.  Johnston  : History  of  American  Politics,  3407 

(3291). 

J.  R.  Soley  : Maritime  Industries  of  America, 
3408  (3292). 

W.  B.  Weeden  : Economic  Hist,  of  New  England, 

3408  (3292). 

W.  G.  Sumner : Finances  of  the  Revolution, 

3409  (3293). 

J.  Scliouler  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  2161  (2117). 

“ Four  years  only  elapsed,  between  the  return  of 
peace  ana  the  downfall  of  a government  which  had 
been  framed  with  the  hope  and  promise  of  perpetual 
duration.  . . . But  this  brief  period  was  full  of  suffer- 
ing and  peril.  There  are  scarcely  any  evils  or  dangers, 
of  a political  nature,  and  springing  from  political  and 
social  causes,  to  which  a free  people  can  be  exposed, 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  did  not  experi- 
ence during  that  period.”  G.  T.  Curtis. 

“ It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  period  of  five  years 
following  the  peace  of  1783  was  the  most  critical  mo- 
ment in  all  the  history  of  the  American  people.”  John 
Fiske. 

31.  Plans  for  Settlement  of  the  Northwest 
Territory  : 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2430-1 
(2378-9). 

T.  Donaldson  : The  Public  Domain,  2431  (2379) 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


R.  King  : Ohio,  2431  (2379). 

J.  Winsor:  Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  2431-2  (2380). 
T Donaldson  : The  Public  Domain,  2434-5 
(2382-3). 

Full  Text  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  2432-4  (2382). 

• See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  /. 


♦STUDY  XXXIX. 


THE  UNITED  STATES:  UNION  UN- 
DER THE  CONSTITUTION;  ADMIN- 
ISTRATIONS OF  WASHINGTON 
AND  ADAMS. 


1.  Federal  Government  : 

E.  A.  Freeman  : History  of  Federal  Government, 
1136  (1108). 

A.  B.  Hart : The  Study  of  Federal  Government, 
1136  (1108). 

J.  N.  Dalton  : Federal  States  of  the  World, 
1138-9  (1110-11). 

2.  The  Weakness  of  the  Confederation  : 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3405-6 

(3289-90). 

Alexander  Hamilton : The  Federalist,  3405-6 
(3290-1). 

A.  Johnston  . History  of  American  Politics,  3407 
(3291). 

Text  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  3369-72 
(3253-6). 

3.  The  Making  of  the  Constitution  (a.  d. 
1787) : 

J.  S.  Landon  : Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3412-13 
(3296-7). 

K.  M.  Rowland:  Life  of  George  Mason,  3413 
(3297). 

W.  C.  Rives : Life  of  James  Madison,  3413-14 
(3297-8). 

James  Madison  : Letters  and  Writings,  3414-15 
(3298-9). 

S.  H.  Gay  : James  Madison,  3415-16  (3299-3300). 

John  Fiske  : The  Critical  Period,  3416  (3300). 

A.  B.  Hart  : Formation  of  the  Union,  3416-17 
(3300-1). 

4.  Ratification  of  the  Constitution,  and 
Election  of  President  (a.  d.  1789) : 

J S.  Landon  : Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3417-18 
(3301-2). 

W.  Irving  : Life  of  Washington,  3418  (3302). 

Text  of  the  Constitution,  with  all  Amendments, 
619-25  (596-602). 

5.  Organization  of  the  Government  ; For- 
mation of  Parties  : 

A Johnston:  History  of  American  Politics, 
3418-19  (3302-3). 

Thomas  Jefferson  : Writings,  3419-20  (3303-4). 

H.  C.  Lodge : Life  of  George  Cabot,  3420-1 
(3304-5). 

6.  The  First  Census  (a.  d.  1790),  3421  (3305). 

7.  Organization  of  the  Supreme  Court 
(a.  d.  1789) : 

J.  S.  Landon:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3122-3 
(3039-40). 

J.  Bryce:  The  American  Commonwealth,  3123 
(3040). 

E.  A.  Freeman  : The  English  People,  3123  (3040). 


“ It  [the  Supreme  Court]  is,  I believe,  the  only  na- 
tional tribunal  in  the  world  which  can  ait  in  judgment 
on  a national  law,  and  can  declare  an  act  of  all  the 
three  powers  of  the  Union  to  be  null  and  void.  No  such 
power  does  or  can  exist  in  England.  Any  one  of  the 
three  powers  of  the  State,  — King,  Lords,  or  Commons, 
— acting  alone,  may  act  illegally,  the  three  acting  to- 
ether  cannot  act  illegally.  An  act  of  Parliament  is 
nal;  it  may  be  repealed  by  the  power  which  enacted 
it;  it  cannot  be  questioned  by  any  other  power.  For 
in  England  there  is  no  written  constitution;  the  pow- 
ers of  Parliament, — of  King,  Lords,  and  Commons, 
acting  together,  — are  literally  boundless.  But  in  your 
Union,  it  is  not  only  possible  that  President,  Senate,  or 
House  of  Representatives,  acting  alone,  may  act  ille- 
gally; the  three  acting  together  may  act  illegally. 

. . . Congress  may  pass,  the  President  may  assent  to 
a measure  which  contradicts  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution. If  they  so  act,  they  act  illegally,  and  the 
Supreme  Court  can  declare  such  an  act  to  be  null  and 
void.  This  difference  flows  directly  from  the  differ- 
ence between  a written  and  unwritten  constitution.” 

E.  A.  Freeman. 

8.  The  First  Tariff  Measure,  and  First 
Bank  of  the  U.  S. : 

J.  T.  Morse,  Jr. : Life  of  Alexander  Hamilton, 
3150  (3066). 

A.  Hamilton  : Report  on  Manufactures,  3150-2 
(3066-8). 

H.  W.  Domett : The  Bank  of  New  York,  2256 

(2212). 

J.  A.  Stevens:  Albert  Gallatin,  2257-8  (2213-14). 

9.  Founding  of  the  Federal  Capital  (a.  d. 
1791): 

A.  Johnston:  History  of  American  Politics, 
3419  (3303). 

J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  U.  S. , 3767-3  (3646-7). 

10.  Admission  of  New  States  to  the  Union: 

(a)  Vermont  (a.  d.  1791). 

B.  J.  Lossing  : Life  of  Philip  Schuyler,  3736-7 
(3616-17). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3737  (3617). 
Z.  Thompson : History  of  Vermont,  3737-8 

(3617-18). 

R.  Hildreth  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3738-9 
(3618-19). 

( b ) Kentucky  (a.  d.  1792). 

N.  S.  Shaler : Kentucky,  1981-2  (1939-40). 

W.  B.  Allen : History  of  Kentucky,  1982-3 
(1940-1). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  1983  (1941). 

( c ) Tennessee  (a.  d.  1796). 

T.  Roosevelt:  Winning  of  the  West,  3179-80 
(3094-5). 

J.  Phelan : History  of  Tennessee,  3180-1 
(3095-6). 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3181-2 
(3096-7). 

W.  H.  Carpenter:  History  of  Tennessee,  3182 
(3097). 

11.  Slavery  ; the  first  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
(a.  d.  1793): 

H.  G.  McDougall  : Fugitive  Slaves,  3421-2 
(3305-6). 

William  Jay : Letter  to  Josiah  Quincy,  3422 
(3306). 

J.  W.  Draper  : History  of  the  Civil  War,  3422-3 
(3306-7). 

H.  Von  Holst:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3431-2 
(3315-16). 

12.  Relations  with  France;  “Citizen”  Ge- 
net ; the  X.  Y.  Z.  Letters  : 

E.  Everett:  Life  of  Washington,  3422  (3306). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  George  Washington,  3422  (3306). 
T.  W.  Higginson  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3431 
(3315). 


788 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


13.  The  Whiskey  Insurrection  (a.  d.  1794): 
George  Tucker:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2572-3 

(2506-7). 

14.  Strained  Relations  with  Great  Britain; 
the  Jay  Treaty  (a.  d.  1794-5): 

G.  Pellew  : John  Jay,  3423-4  (3307-8'l. 

H.  von  Holst:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3424 
(3308). 

15.  Third  Presidential  Election;  Washing- 
ton’s Farewell  Address  (a.  d.  1796): 

H.  von  Holst : Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S. , 3430-1 
(3314-15). 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Washington,  342443  (3308-9). 
Full  Text  of  the  Farewell  Address,  3425-30 
(3309-14). 

11  In  offering  to  you,  ray  countrymen,  these  counsels 
of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I dare  not  hope  they 
will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  impression  I could 
wish;  that  they  will  control  the  usual  current  of  the 
passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from  running  the  course 
which  has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny  of  nations.  But 
if  I may  even  flatter  myself  that  they  may  he  produc- 
tive of  some  partial  benefit,  some  occasional  good ; that 
they  may  now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury  of 
party  spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  in- 
trigue, to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended 
patriotism;  this  hope  will  be  a full  recompense  for  the 
solicitude  for  your  welfare,  by  which  they  have  been  dic- 
tated. . . . Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my 
administration,  lam  unconscious  of  intentional  error, 
I am,  nevertheless,  too  sensible  of  my  defects  not  to 
think  it  probable  that  I may  have  commited  many  er- 
rors. Whatever  they  may  be,  I fervently  beseech  the 
Almighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they 
may  tend.  I shall  also  carry  with  me  the  hope  that  my 
Country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  indulgence; 
and  that  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life  dedicated  to 
its  service  with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompe- 
tent abilities  will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as  myself 
must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest.”  George  Wash- 
ington, Farewell  Address. 

16.  The  Death  of  Washington  (December 
14,  1799): 

H.  C.  Lodge  : George  Washington,  3439. 

17.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  (a.  d.  1798): 
J.  S.  Landon:  Const.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3432 

(3316). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  Alexander  Hamilton,  3434-5  (3319). 
Text  of  the  Naturalization  Act,  3432  (3316). 
Texts  of  the  Alien  Acts,  3432-3434  (3316-18). 
Text  of  the  Sedition  Act,  3434  (3318). 

18.  The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions: 
E.  D.  Warfield:  The  Kentucky  Resolutions,  3435 

(3319). 

S.  H.  Gay:  James  Madison,  3438-9  (3322-3). 

J.  B.  McMaster : History  of  the  U.  S. , 3439  (3323). 
Text  of  the  Kentucky  Resolutions,  3435-7  (3321). 
Text  of  the  Virginia  Resolutions, 3437-8  (3321-2). 
* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XL. 


THE  UNITED  STATES:  THE  THREE 
DEMOCRATIC  ADMINISTRATIONS 
(A.  D.  1801-25). 


1.  The  Fourth  Presidential  Election; 

Thomas  Jefferson  President  : 

W.  Whitelock  : Life  of  John  Jay,  3440  (3324). 
Goldwin  Smith : The  United  States,  3440-1 
(3324-5). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3441  (3325). 

A.  Bradford : Federal  Government,  3441-2 

(3325-6). 


2.  John  Marshall  Chief  Justice  : 

A.  B.  Magruder:  John  Marshall,  3442-3  (3326-7). 

3.  War  with  tee  Barbary  States: 

E.  Schuyler:  American  Diplomacy,  272  (263). 

J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  272-3  (263-4). 
Henry  Adams : History  of  the  U.  S. , 273  (264). 

S.  Lane  Poole:  The  Barbary  Corsairs,  273-4 
(264-5). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  274  (265). 

4.  Ohio  admitted  to  the  Union  (a.  d.  1802): 

T.  Roosevelt:  Winning  of  the  West,  2429  (2377). 
H.  Hale:  The  Iroquois  Book  of  Rites,  2444-5 

(2392-3). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale:  The  Old  Northwest,  2445-6 
(2393^4). 

B.  King  : Ohio,  2431  (2379). 

J.  Winsor : Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  2431-2  (2380). 

T.  Donaldson  : The  Public  Domain, 2434-5  (2383). 
Full  Text  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  2432-4 
(2380-2). 

5.  The  Louisiana  Purchase  (a.  d.  1803) : 

C.  Gayarre  : Louisiana,  2090  (2046), 

Waring  and  Cable  • New  Orleans,  647  (624). 

G.  Bancroft:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2091  (2047). 

G.  W.  Cable : The  Creoles  of  Louisiana,  2091-2 
(2047-8). 

T.  M.  Cooley : The  Acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
2092-3  (2048-9). 

M.  Thompson : The  Story  of  Louisiana,  2093-4 
(2049-50). 

C.  F.  Robertson  : The  Louisiana  Purchase,  2094 
(2050). 

H.  von  Holst : Const.  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3443 
(3327). 

Henry  Adams  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3444  (3328). 
See  maps  between  pages  3342-3  (3326-7). 

6.  Federalist  Secession  Movement  (a.  d.  1804): 
T.  M.  Cooley : The  Acquisition  of  Louisiana, 

3444  (3328). 

C.  F.  Robertson  : The  Louisiana  Purchase,  3445 
(3329). 

“ The  purchase,  according  to  the  Federal  view  of  the 
Constitution,  was  perfectly  legitimate.  . . But  the 

Federalists  in  general  took  narrow  and  partisan  views, 
and  in  order  to  embarrass  the  administration  resorted 
to  quibbles  which  were  altogether  unworthy  the  party 
which  had  boasted  of  Washington  as  its  chief  and 
Hamilton  as  the  exponent  of  its  doctrines.  . . . The 
Federal  leaders  did  not  stop  at  cavils;  they  insisted  that 
the  unconstitutional  extension  of  territory  was  in  effect 
a dissolution  of  the  Union,  so  that  they  were  at  liberty 
to  contemplate  and  plan  for  a final  disruption.”  Jodge 
T.  M.  Cooley. 

7.  The  British  Impressment  of  Seamen: 

G.  Tucker:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3444  (3328). 
Henry  Adams  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3444(3328). 
Goldwin  Smith:  The  United  States,  3444-5 

(3328-9). 

8.  The  Impeachment  of  Judge  Chase  (a.  d. 
1804-5): 

Henry  Adams : John  Randolph,  3445-6  (3330). 
J.  Q.  Adams  : Memoirs,  3446  (3330). 

J.  Schouler  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3446-7  (3331). 

9.  The  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition  (a.  d. 
1804-5): 

The  Nation  : Review  of  Dr.  Coues’  History, 
3447-8  (3331-2). 

10.  Aaron  Burr’s  Filibustering  Scheme 
(a.  d.  1806-7): 

J.  D.  Hammond  : History  of  Political  Parties, 
3450-1  (3334-5). 


789 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


11.  The  Question  of  the  Slave  Trade  : 

W.  F.  Poole : Anti-Slavery  Opinions,  3002(2924). 

John  Fiske:  The  Critical  Period,  3002-3  (2924—5). 

C.  P.  Lucas  : The  British  Colonies,  3003  (2925). 

E.  Quincy:  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,  3451-2  (3336). 

12.  Troubles  with  Great  Britain  (a.  d. 
1804-1810): 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3448-9 
(3332-3). 

S.  H.  Gay : James  Madison,  3449-50  (3333-4). 

Henry  Adams:  History  of  theU.  S.,  3450(3334). 

: , 3452-3  (3336-7). 

Goldwin  Smith  : The  United  States,  3453  (3337). 

G.  L.  Rives  : Thomas  Barclay,  3454  (3338). 

13.  Sixth  Presidential  Election  ; James 
Madison  President  (a.  d.  1808) : 

J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  United  States,  3453 
(3337). 

14.  The  Third  Census  (a.  d.  1810),  3454  (3338). 

15.  Louisiana  admitted  to  the  Union  (a.  d. 
1812): 

Waring  and  Cable:  New  Orleans,  2095  (2051). 

L.  Carr : Missouri,  2095  (2051). 

J.  W.  Monette  : The  Valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
2095  (2051). 

R.  Hildreth : History  of  the  U.  S.,  1182-3(1153). 

16.  Beginning  of  the  War  with  Great 
Britain  (a.  d.  1812): 

C.  Schurz : Life  of  Henry  Clay,  3455  (3339). 

R.  Johnson  : The  War  of  1812,  3456-7  (3340-1). 

T.  W.  Higginson  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3457-8 
(3341-2). 

R.  Hildreth  : History  of  the  U.  S.,  3458  (3342). 

J.  Schouler : History  of  the  U.  S. , 3458-9 
(3342-3). 

17.  Condition,  and  Early  Successes,  of 
the  Navy: 

J.  A.  Stevens:  Second  War  with  Great  Britain, 
3459  (3343). 

J.  R.  Soley  : Wars  of  the  U.  S.,  3459-60  (3343-4). 

18.  Perry’s  Victory  on  Lake  Erie  (a.  d.  1813) : 

J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  U.  S., 3460-2  (3344-6). 

T.  Roosevelt : The  Naval  War,  3462  (3346). 

19.  The  Burning  of  Toronto,  and  Buffalo 
(a.  d.  1813): 

G.  Bryce  : History  of  Canada,  3462-3  (3346-7). 

J.  T.  Headley:  Second  War  with  England,  3463-4 
(3347-8). 

R.  Johnson:  The  War  of  1812,  3464-5  (3348-9). 

20.  The  Creek  War;  Jackson’s  First  Cam- 
paign : 

A.  S.  Gatschet : The  Creek  Indians,  102  (95). 

A.  Gallatin  : Synopsis  of  Indian  Tribes,  102  (95). 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Andrew  Jackson,  3465  (3349). 

21.  Lundy’s  Lane,  and  Lake  Champlain 
(a.  d.  1814) : 

S.  Perkins : History  of  the  Late  War,  3466-7 
(3350-1). 

W.  Dorsheimer:  Buffalo  iu  the  War  of  1812, 
3467-8  (3351-2). 

T.  Roosevelt:  The  Naval  War  of  1812,  3469-70 
(3353-4). 

22.  The  Capture  of  Washington;  Burning 
of  Public  Buildings  (a.  d.  1814) : 

A.  Johnston:  The  United  States,  3465  (3349). 

C.  B.  Todd:  The  Story  of  Washington,  3468 
(3352). 


G.  R.  Gleig:  Campaigns  of  the  British  Army, 
3468  (3352). 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S. , 3468-9  (3352-3). 

23.  The  Last  Battles  of  the  War  : 

J.  R.  Soley : The  Boys  of  1812,  3474  (3358). 

J.  Schouler : History  of  the  U.  S. , 3474-5  (3358-9) . 

24.  The  Treaty  of  Peace  (a.  d.  1814) : 

J.  T.  Morse,  Jr.  : John  Quincy  Adams,  3470-1 
(3354-5). 

T.  Wilson:  The  Treaty  of  Ghent,  3471  (3355). 
Full  Text  of  the  Treaty,  3471-4  (3355-8). 

25.  Incorporation  of  the  Second  Bank  of 
the  U.  S.  (a.  d.  1817): 

D.  Kinley  : The  Treasury  of  the  U.  S.,  2258-9 
(2214-15). 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Andrew  Jackson,  2259  (2215). 

A.  Johnston  : History  of  American  Politics,  2259 
(2215). 

26.  The  Eighth  Presidential  Election; 
James  Monroe  elected  (a.  d.  1816): 

N.  Sargent:  Public  Men  and  Events,  3475-6 
(3359-60). 

E.  Stanwood : Presidential  Elections,  3476  (3360). 

27.  The  First  Move  toward  “Internal  Im- 
provements ” (a.  d.  1816-17) : 

A.  B.  Hart:  Formation  of  the  Union,  3476  (3360). 
C.  Colton : Life  of  Henry  Clay,  3476  (3360). 

28.  Admission  of  New  States  to  the  Union  : 

(a)  Indiana  (a.  d.  1816). 

T.  Donaldson : The  Public  Domain,  2434-5 
(2382-3). 

J.  W.  Monette:  The  Mississippi  Valley,  1787-8 
(1748-9). 

(b)  Mississippi  (a.  d.  1817). 

J.  W.  Monette:  The  Mississippi  Valley,  2233 
(2189). 

T.  Donaldson  . The  Public  Domain,  2094  (2050). 
J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2233  (2189). 

(c)  Illinois  (a.  d.  1818). 

J.  Wallace  : History  of  Illinois,  1734  (1695). 

B.  A.  Hinsdale : The  Old  Northwest,  3379-80 
(3263-4). 

J.  B.  McMaster:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2430-1 
(2378-9). 

J.  W.  Monette : The  Mississippi  Valley,  1787-8 
(1748-9). 

R.  G.  Th waites  : The  Boundaries  of  Wisconsin, 
3776  (3655). 

(d)  Alabama  (a.  d.  1819). 

W.  Brewer  : Alabama,  30  (32). 

( e ) Maine  (a.  d.  1820). 

C.  W.  Tuttle  : Captain  John  Mason,  2354-5 
(2306-7). 

C.  W.  Elliott:  New  England  History,  2122-3 
(2079-80). 

G.  L.  Austin:  History  of  Massachusetts,  2123 
(2080). 

W.  D.  Williamson:  History  of  Maine, 2123  (2080). 

29.  The  Seminole  Wars: 

A.  S.  Gatschet : The  Creek  Indians,  108  (101). 

D.  G.  Brinton  : The  Floridian  Peninsula,  108-9 
(101-2). 

Bryant  and  Gay:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  1183  (1153). 
W.  G.  Sumner  : Andrew  Jackson,  1183-4  (1154). 
T.  Roosevelt:  Life  of  Benton,  1184  (1154). 

30.  The  Dartmouth  College  Case  (a.  d.  1819): 
G.  T.  Curtis:  Life  of  Daniel  Webster,  754-5 

(3741-2). 


790 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


81.  Tiie  Beginning  of  Ocean  Navigation: 

F.  E.  Chadwick:  Development  of  the  Steamship, 
3115-16  (3033-4). 

32.  Ninth  Presidential  Election  ; the  “ Era 
of  Good  Feeling"  (a.  d.  1820): 

J.  Schooler:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3478  (3362). 
T.  W.  Iligginson:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3478 
(3362). 

“ Monroe  like  Washington  was  re-cliosen  President 
by  a vote  practically  unanimous.  One,  however,  of  the 
232  electoral  votes  cast  was  wanting  to  consummate  this 
exceptional  honor;  for  a New  Hampshire  elector,  with 
a boldness  of  discretion  which,  in  our  days  and  espe- 
cially upon  a close  canvass,  would  have  condemned  him 
to  infamy,  threw  away  upon  John  Quincy  Adams  the 
vote  which  belonged  like  those  of  his  colleagues  to 
Monroe,  determined,  so  it  is  said,  that  no  later  mortal 
should  stand  in  Washington’s  shoes.  Of  America’s 
Presidents  elected  by  virtual  acclamation  history 
furnishes  but  these  two  examples ; and  as  between  the 
men  honored  by  so  unapproachable  a tribute  of  confi- 
dence, Monroe  entered  upon  his  second  term  of  office 
with  less  of  real  political  opposition  than  Washington.” 

J.  Schouler. 

33.  The  Fourth  Census  (1820),  3478  (3362). 

34.  The  First  Great  Conflict  over  Slavery; 
the  Missouri  Compromise  (a.  d.  1818-21): 

Waring  and  Cable:  New  Orleans,  2095  (2051). 

L.  Carr  : Missouri,  2095  (2051). 

Carl  Schurz  : Life  of  Henry  Clay,  3476-7  (3360-1). 
J.  A.  Woodburn:  The  Missouri  Compromise, 
3477-8  (3361-2). 

35.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  (a.  d.  1823): 

T.  W.  Higginson:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3478-9 
(3362-3). 

D.  C.  Gilman:  James  Monroe,  3479  (3363). 

36.  Tariff  Legislation ; “The  American 
System  ” (a.  d.  1816-24) : 

O.  L.  Elliott:  The  Tariff  Controversy,  3153-4 
(3069-70). 

T.  H.  Benton:  Thirty  Years’ View,  3154  (3070). 
* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XLI. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  FROM  THE 
ELECTION  OF  ADAMS  (1825)  TO 
THE  COMPROMISE  OF  1850. 


L Tenth  Presidential  Election  (a.  d.  1824): 

J.  Quincy:  Life  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  3479-80(3364). 

J.  P.  Kennedy:  Life  of  William  Wirt,  3480 
(3364). 

Goldwin  Smith:  The  United  States,  3480-1 
(3364-5). 

2.  Reconstruction  of  Parties: 

T.  H.  Benton:  Thirty  Years’  View,  3481  (3365). 

A.  Johnston:  History  of  Am.  Politics,  3481-2 
(3365-6). 

3.  Tariff  Changes  ; “The  Bill  of  Abomi- 
nations ” : 

T.  H.  Benton:  Thirty  Years'  View,  3154  (3070). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  Daniel  Webster,  3154  (3070). 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Andrew  Jackson,  3154-5(3071). 

C.  Schurz : Life  of  Henry  Clay,  3155  (3071). 

4.  Eleventh  Presidential  Election  ; An- 
drew Jackson  (a.  d.  1828) : 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Andrew  Jackson,  3482  (3366). 

T.  H.  Benton  : Thirty  Years’  View,  3482  (3366). 

5.  Nullification  and  Disunion  Sentiment  : 

S.  H.  Gay  : James  Madison,  3438-9  (3322-3). 


T.  M.  Cooley:  The  Acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
3443-4  (3327-8). 

A.  Johnston:  American  Politics,  3470  (3354). 

H.  von  Holst:  Const.  Hist.  3470  (3354). 

Texts  of  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions, 
3435-8  (3319-22). 

6.  Nullification  Ordinance  of  South  Car- 
olina ; Webster-Hayne  Debate: 

G.  T.  Curtis:  Life  of  Daniel  Webster,  3482-3 
(3366-7). 

C.  Schurz:  Life  of  Henry  Clay,  3483  (3367). 

G.  Hunt:  The  Nullification  Struggle,  3483-4 
(3367-8). 

Text  of  Ordinance  of  Nullification,  3485  (3369). 

7.  The  Beginning  of  the  “Spoils  System ” : 
John  Fiske:  Civil  Gov’t,  in  the  U.  S.,  490. 

8.  Rise  of  the  Abolitionists  : 

H.  von  Holst : Const.  Hist.,  3005-6  (2927-8). 

B.  Tuckerman:  William  Jay,  3485-6  (3369-70). 
Goldwin  Smith  : William  Lloyd  Garrison,  3486 

(3370). 

J.  F.  Clarke:  Anti-Slavery  Days,  3487  (3370-1). 

“ The  1 Liberator’  was  a weekly  journal,  bearing  the 
names  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  Isaac  Knapp  as 
publishers.  Its  motto  was,  ‘ Our  Country  is  the  world, 
Our  Countrymen  are  Mankind,’  a direct  challenge  to 
those  whose  motto  was  the  Jingo  cry  of  those  days,  ‘ Our 
Country,  right  or  wrong  ! ’.  . . The  salutatory"  of  the 
‘ Liberator  ’ avowed  that  its  editor  meant  to  speak  out 
without  restraint.  ‘ I will  be  as  harsh  as  truth  and  as 
uncompromising  as  justice.  On  this  subject  [.Slavery] 
I do  not  wish  to  think,  or  speak,  or  write  with  modera- 
tion. No  ! No  ! Tell  a man  whose  house  is  on  fire  to  give 
a moderate  alarm;  tell  him  to  moderately  rescue  his 
wife  from  the  hands  of  the  ravisher;  tell  the  mother  to 
radually  extricate  her  babe  from  the  fire  into  which  it 
as  fallen  — but  urge  me  not  to  use  moderation  in  a cause 
like  the  present.  I am  in  earnest— I will  not  equivo- 
cate—I will  not  excuse— I will  not  retreat  a single 
inch  — I will  be  heard.’  This  promise  was  amply  kept.” 

Goldwin  Smith. 

9.  The  Fifth  Census  (a.  d.  1830),  3487  (3371). 

10.  The  First  Railroads  : 

W.  J.  M.  Rankine:  The  Steam  Engine,  3111-12 
(3029-30). 

S.  Smiles:  Life  of  George  Stephenson,  3112 
(3030). 

C.  F.  Adams,  Jr. : Railroads,  3112-13  (3030-1). 

11.  Jackson  and  the  United  States  Bank: 

D.  Kinley:  The  Independent  Treasury,  2258-9 
(2214-15). 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Andrew  Jackson,  2259  (2215). 
A.  Johnston:  American  Politics,  2259  (2215). 

J.  Parton:  Life  of  Jackson,  3487-8  (3371-2). 
UJSchurz : Life  of  Clay,  3488  (3372). 

12.  Birth  of  the  Whig  Party  (a.  d.  1834): 

E.  Stanwood:  Presidential  Elections,  3488 
(3372). 

G.  T.  Curtis:  Life  of  Webster,  3488-9  (3372-3). 

13.  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ; 
The  Right  of  Petition  : 

N.  Sargent:  Public  Men  and  Events,  3489  (3373). 
J.  F.  Clarke:  Anti-Slavery  Days,  3490  (3374), 
3494  (3378). 

Bryant  and  Gay:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3490 
(3374). 

T.  H.  Benton:  Thirty  Years’  View,  3492  (3376). 

14.  Thirteenth  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1836) : 

A.  D.  Morse:  Political  Influence  of  Jackson, 
3490-1  (3374-5). 

G.  Bancroft:  Martin  Van  Buren,  3491  (3375). 


791 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


15.  The  Financial  Panic  of  1837: 

A.  Johnston:  American  Politics,  2259  (2215). 

E.  M.  Shepard : Martin  Van  Buren,  3489  (3373). 

A.  Johnston:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3774  (3653). 

Century  Magazine:  Cheap  Money  Experiments, 
2259-60  (2215-16). 

T.  M.  Cooley:  Michigan,  2260  (2216). 

E.  G.  Spaulding:  100  Years  of  Banking,  2260 
(2216). 

A.  S.  Bolles:  Financial  Hist.,  3491  (3375). 

16.  Admission  of  New  States;  Arkansas, 
Michigan: 

T.  Donaldson:  The  Public  Domain,  2094  (2050). 

J.  W.  Monette : The  Mississippi  Valley,  140  (133), 
1787-8  (1748-9). 

R.  G.  Thwaites:  The  Boundaries  of  Wisconsin, 
2223-4  (2179-80). 

17.  The  Sixth  Census  (a.  d.  1840),  3493  (3377). 

18.  The  Harrison-Tylek  Administration 
(a.  d.  1841-5) : 

N.  Sargent:  Public  Men  and  Events,  3493  (3377). 

A.  Johnston : American  Politics,  3493-4  (3377-8). 

J.  F.  Clarke:  Anti-Slavery  Days,  3494  (3378). 

A.  S.  Bolles:  Financial  Hist.,  3158  (3074). 

J.  Schouler:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3494-5(3378-9). 

19.  The  Polk  Administration  (a.  d.  1845-9): 

W.  Wilson:  Division  and  Reunion,  3495  (3379). 

E.  M.  Shepard:  Martin  Van  Buren,  3496  (3380). 

20.  The  “Walker  Tariff”  (a.  d.  1846): 

A.  L.  Perry  Political  Economy,  3159  (3075). 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  3159-60 
(3075-6). 

21.  Admission  of  New  States  to  the  Union  ; 
Florida,  Texas,  Iowa,  Wisconsin: 

R.  Hildreth:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  1184  (1154). 

T.  Roosevelt:  Life  of  Benton,  1184  (1154). 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3495-6  (3379-80). 

J.  W.  Monette:  The  Mississippi  Valley,  3186 
(3101). 

C.  Schurz:  Life  of  Clay,  3187  (3102). 

J.  W.  Draper:  American  Civil  War,  3187-8 
(3102-3). 

R.  G.  Thwaites  - Boundaries  of  Wisconsin,  3776 
(3655). 

See  Maps  between  3442-3  (3326-7). 

22.  The  War  with  Mexico  (a.  d.  1846-8) : 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  2217  (2173). 

J.  W.  Draper:  American  Civil  War,  2217-18 
(2173-4). 

A.  H.  Noll:  History  of  Mexico,  2218  (2174). 

Bryant  and  Gay:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  2218  (2174). 

J.  R.  Soley:  Wars  of  the  U.  S.,  2218-19  (2174-5). 

II.  O.  Ladd:  War  with  Mexico,  2219-20(2175-6). 

23.  The  Free  Soil  Party  ; Sixteenth  Presi- 
dential Election  (a.  d.  1848): 

E.  M.  Shepard:  Martin  Van  Buren,  3498  (3382). 

C.  F.  Adams:  Richard  Henry  Dana,  3498  (3382). 

C.  Colton:  Life  of  Clay,  3498  (3382). 

24.  The  Seventh  Census  (a.  d.  1850),  3499 
(3383). 

25.  Conquest  of  California;  Discovery  of 
Gold: 

J.  Royce:  California,  358  (348). 

E.  E.  Dunbar:  Romance  of  the  Age,  359-60 
(349-50). 

J.  S.  Hittell : Discovery  of  Gold,  360  (350). 

J.  E.  Caimes:  Political  Economy,  2261  (2217). 


26.  Aggression  of  the  Slave  Power;  Web- 
ster’s “ Seventh  of  March”  Speech  (a.  d. 
1850): 

J.  S.  Landon:  Const.  Hist.  3499  (3883). 

F.  W.  Seward:  Seward  at  Washington,  3499-3500 
(3883-4). 

Daniel  Webster:  Works,  3500-03  (3384r-7). 

H.  C.  Lodge:  Daniel  Webster,  3503  (3387). 

J.  F.  Rhodes:  History  of  the  U.  S.,  3503 
(3387). 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  1685  (1646). 

“ When  Seward  came  to  the  territorial  question,  his 
words  created  a sensation.  ‘ We  hold,’  he  said,  ‘ no  ar- 
bitrary authority  over  anything,  whether  acquired  law- 
fully or  seized  by  usurpation.  The  Constitution  regu- 
lates our  stewardship;  the  Constitution  devotes  the 
domain  (i.  e.  the  territories  not  formed  into  States)  to 
union,  to  justice,  to  defense,  to  welfare,  and  to  liberty. 
But  there  is  a higher  law  than  the  Constitution,  which 
regulates  our  authority  over  the  domain,  and  devotes 
it  to  the  same  noble  purposes.  The  territory  is  a part, 
no  inconsiderable  part,  of  the  common  heritage  of 
mankind,  bestowed  upon  them  by  the  Creator  of  the 
Universe.  We  are  His  stewards,  and  must  so  discharge 
our  trust  as  to  secure  in  the  highest  attainable  degree 
their  happiness.’  This  remark  about  ‘ a higher  law  ’ 
. . . was  destined  to  have  a transcendent  moral  in- 
fluence. A speech  which  can  be  condensed  into  an 
aphorism  is  sure  to  shape  convictions.”  J.  F.  Rhodes. 

27.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  ; “Compromise 
of  1850  ”: 

M.  G.  McDougall:  Fugitive  Slaves,  3421-2 
(3305-6) 

W.  R.  Houghton:  American  Politics,  3503-4 
(3387-8). 

J.  F.  Rhodes : History  of  the  U.  S. , 3504  (3388) 
C.  Schurz : Life  of  Clay,  3504  (3388). 

Text  of  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  3504-7  (3388-91). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XLII 


ENGLAND  (GREAT  BRITAIN  AND 
IRELAND)  FROM  THE  FALL  OF  NA- 
POLEONTOTHE  DEATHOF  QUEEN 
VICTORIA. 


1.  England  at  the  Close  of  the  Napoleonic 
Wars: 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  975-6(948-9). 

J.  McCarthy:  Sir  Robert  Peel,  977-8  (950-1). 

H.  Ashworth:  Richard Cobden,  3152-3  (3068-9). 

2.  Agitation  for  Parliamentary  Reform 
(a.  d.  1816-) : 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  976-7  (949-50). 

J.  McCarthy : Sir  Robert  Peel,  977-8  (950-1). 

3.  Removal  of  Disabilities  from  Dissenters 
(a.  d.  1827): 

J.  R.  Green:  History  of  the  English  People, 
923-4  (896-7): 

J.  Stoughton:  Religion  in  England.  924  (897). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  History  of  England,  944-5 
(917-18). 

S.  Walpole:  England  from  1815,  979  (952). 

4.  Union  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ; 
Catholic  Emancipation: 

J.  H.  McCarthy  : Ireland  since  the  Union,  1817 
(1777). 

W.  F.  Collier:  History  of  Ireland,  1817-18  (177S). 

W.  A.  O’Connor:  The  Irish  People,  1818  (1778). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky  : History  of  England,  1818-19 
(1778-9);  1822-3  (1782-4). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


W.  Massey  : Reign  of  George  III.,  1821-2  (1782). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky  : Leaders  of  Public  Opinion, 
1824-5  (1784-5). 

J.  A.  Hamilton:  Daniel  O'Connell,  1825  (1785). 

5.  Pakty  Divisions: 

R.  Burnet:  Hist,  of  My  Own  Time,  3772  (3651). 

R.  Chambers:  Annals  of  Scotland,  3772-3(3652). 

D.  Hume:  History  of  England,  930  (903). 

I.  Jennings  : The  Croker  Papers,  518  (504). 

6.  The  Great  Reform  of  Representation 
(a.  d.  1830-2) : 

W.  Heaton:  Three  Reforms  of  Parliament,  980-2 
(953-5). 

Sir  T.  E.  May:  Const.  Hist.,  982-3  (955-6). 

J.  N.  Lamed  : Europe,  1126  (1098). 

7.  Suppression  of  Slave  Trade  ; Abolition 
of  Colonial  Slavery  (a.  d.  1792-1833). 

C.  P.  Lucas : British  Colonies,  3003  (2925),  3006 
(2928). 

L.  Herstlet : Treaties  and  Conventions,  3003 
(2925). 

J.  McCarthy:  Epoch  of  Reform,  983  (956). 

8.  The  Oxford,  or  Tractarian  Movement 
(1833-) : 

II.  O.  Wakeman  : Religion  in  England,  2459-60 
(2407-8). 

S.  Walpole:  History  of  England,  2460  (2408). 

9.  Commercial  Supremacy  ; Free  Trade  Agi- 
tation : 

H.  deB.  Gibbins:  British  Commerce,  3230-1 
(3719-20). 

A.  J.  Wilson:  British  Trade,  3231-2  (3720-1). 

A.  L.  Bowley . Foreign  Trade,  3232  (3721). 

H.  Ashworth:  Recollections  of  Cobden,  3152-3 
(3068-9). 

John  Morley:  Life  of  Cobden,  3156-7  (3072-3). 

10.  Factory  Legislation  : 

G.  Howell:  Conflicts  of  Capital  and  Labor,  1133-4 
(1105-6). 

C.  D.  Wright:  Factory  Legislation,  1134  (1106). 

11.  Accession  and  Marriage  of  Queen  Vic- 
toria (a.  d.  1837,  1840) : 

A.  H.  McCalman : History  of  England,  984  (957). 

J.  McCarthy:  Sir  Robert  Peel,  985  (958). 

: Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  988-9  (959-60). 

12.  The  Chartist  Agitation  (a.  d.  1838-48): 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  987  (960). 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  987-8 
(960-1). 

J.  F.  Bright:  History  of  England,  990  (963). 

13.  The  Opium  War  (a.  d.  1839-42): 

S.  Walpole:  England  from  1815,  435-7  (421-3). 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  437  (423). 

S.  W.  Williams:  The  Middle  Kingdom,  437 
(423). 

14.  Adoption  of  Penny  Postage  (a.  d.  1840) : 

C.  Knight:  History  of  England,  988  (961). 

W.  N.  Molesworth : Hist,  of  England,  988  (961). 

15.  Affairs  in  Ireland  (a.  d.  1840-1850) : 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1130-1  (1102-3). 

(а)  Agitation  for  Repeal  of  the  Union. 

Sir  C.  G.  Duffy:  Irish  History,  1825-7  (1785-7). 

E.  Lawless:  The  Story  of  Ireland,  1827-9 
(1787-9). 

(б)  The  Maynootli  Or  ant. 

S.  Walpole:  History  of  England,  1829-30  (1790). 
(c)  The  Great  Famine  (a.  d.  1845-7). 

A.  M.  Sullivan:  New  Ireland,  1830-1  (1790-1). 


L.  Levi:  British  Commerce,  1831  (1791). 

Sir  R.  Blennerhassett:  Ireland,  1832  (1792). 

T.  P.  O’Connor:  The  Parnell  Movement,  1832 
(1792). 

16.  Bank  of  England  ; Charter  Act  of 
1844: 

T.  B.  Macaulay:  History  of  England,  2253^4 
(2209-10). 

W.  Bagehot:  Lombard  Street,  2254-5  (2210-11). 
W.  C.  Taylor:  Sir  Robert  Peel,  2260  (2216). 

F.  C.  Montague:  Life  of  Peel,  2260-1  (2216-17). 

17.  Repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  (a.  d.  1846); 
Perfected  Free  Trade: 

F.  G.  Montague:  Sir  Robert  Peel,  3157-8  (3073-4). 
L.  Levi:  Hist,  of  British  Commerce,  3158-9 
(3074-5). 

H.  Martineau:  History  of  Thirty  Years'  Peace, 
3159  (3075). 

W.  N.  Molesworth : History  of  England,  2293-4 
(2245-6). 

J.  McCarthy : Epoch  of  Reform,  3160  (3076). 

A.  Mongredien:  Free  Trade  Movement,  3160-1 
(3076-7). 

18.  Overthrow  of  Peel;  Advent  of  Disraeli 
(a.  d.  1846) • 

J.  McCarthy  : Epoch  of  Reform,  989  (962). 

J.  A.  Froude:  Lord  Beaconsfield,  989-90(982-3). 

19.  Civil  Service  Reform  (a.  d.  1853-5) : 

D.  B.  Eaton:  Civil  Service  in  Great  Britain, 
489-90  (475-6). 

20.  The  Crimean  War  (a.  d.  1853-6): 

S.  Walpole:  Foreign  Relations,  2848-9  (2774-5). 
J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  2849-50 
(2775-6). 

J.  F.  Bright:  Hist,  of  England,  2850-1  (2776-7). 
W.  N.  Molesworth:  England,  2851-2(2777-8). 

21.  Anglo-French  War  with  China  (a.  d. 
1856-60) : 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  439-41 
(425-7). 

22.  Sepoy  Mutiny  in  India  (a.  d.  1857-1858): 
W.  W.  Hunter : Brief  Hist,  of  Indian  People, 

1779  (1740) 

Lord  Lawrence:  Speech,  1779-80  (1740-1). 

II.  S.  Cunningham:  Earl  Canning,  1780  (1741). 
Sir  O.  T.  Burne:  Clyde  and  Strathnairn,  1780-2 
(1741-3). 

J.  T.  Wheeler:  Short  History,  1782-3  (1743-4). 

R.  B.  Smith:  Lord  Lawrence,  1783-4  (1744-5). 
W.  N.  Molesworth:  Hist,  of  England,  1784-5 
(1745-6). 

S Walpole:  History  of  England,  1785-6  (1746-7). 
J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  1786 
(1747). 

23.  Attitude  toward  the  American  Civil 
War  (a.  d.  1861-5): 

The  Queen’s  Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  3544 
(3428). 

Proclamation  of  President  Lincoln,  3544  (3428). 
The  Case  of  the  United  States  at  Geneva,  3544-5 
(3428-9). 

J.  Jay : The  Great  Conspiracy,  3545  (3429). 

J.  Watts  : Facts  of  the  Cotton  Famine,  993^4 
(966-7). 

24.  Further  Parliamentary  Reform  (a.  d. 
1865-8): 

A.  H.  McCalman:  History  of  England,  994-5 
(967-8). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


B.  C.  3kottowe  ; History  of  Parliament,  995-6 
(968-9). 

D.  W.  Rannie:  The  English  Constitution,  996 
(969). 

R.  Wilson,  Queen  Victoria,  997  (970). 

25.  Mr.  Gladstone’s  First  Irish  Measures 
(a.  d.  1868-70) : 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  996-7 
(969-70). 

26.  Treaty  of  Washington  ; Geneva  Arbi- 
tration (a.  d.  1869-72) : 

B.  J.  Lossing:  The  Civil  War,  30-1  (23—4). 

Case  of  the  U.  S.  Before  Tribunal  of  Arbitra- 
tion, 31  (24). 

C.  Cushing:  The  Treaty  of  Washington,  34(27); 
35-6  (28-9). 

Treaties  and  Conventions  between  U.  S.  and 
Other  Powers,  34-5  (27-8). 

27.  Irish  Politics;  The  Home  Rule  Party; 
Parnell;  Coercion. — Phoenix  Park  Mur- 
ders (a.  d.  1873-1882). 

J.  H.  McCarthy  : Irish  History,  1835-6(1795-6). 

: England  Under  Gladstone,  1836-7  (1797). 

Summaries  from  The  Times,  1837  (1797). 

W.  M.  Pimblett:  Political  History,  1837—8  (1798). 
Cassell’s  History  of  England,  1838  (1798). 

28.  England  in  South  Africa  (a.  d.  1877-81) : 
A.  Trollope:  South  Africa,  3039-40  (2961-2). 

J.  H.  McCarthy  : England  Under  Gladstone, 

3040-02  (2962-4). 

J.  F.  Bright:  Hist,  of  England,  3042-3  (2964-5). 
J.  S.  Keltie:  Partition  of  Africa,  3043-5  (2967). 

29.  The  War  in  Egypt  (a.  d.  1882-): 

J.  C.  McCoan : Egypt,  788-9  (761-2). 

H.  Vogt:  The  Egyptian  War,  790-2  (763-5). 

J.  E.  Bowen:  Conflict  in  Egypt,  792-4  (765-7). 
A.  E.  Hake  : Story  of  “ Chinese”  Gordon,  794-5, 
(767-8). 

30.  The  Partition  of  Africa  (a.  d.  1884-91) : 
A.  S.  White:  Development  of  Africa, 21-3  (17-19). 

31.  TnE  Third  Reform  Bill  (a.  d.  1884-5): 
W.  Heaton : Three  Reforms  of  Parliament,  999- 

1000  (972-3). 

R.  Gneist:  Parliament  in  Transformation,  1000 
(973). 

W.  A.  Holdsworth:  New  Reform  Act,  1005(978). 
Text  of  Third  Reform  Act,  1884,  1000-1004 
(973-7). 

32.  Gladstone’s  Home  Rule  Bill  for  Ire- 
land (a.  d.  1885-6): 

G.  B.  Smith:  Prime  Ministers  of  Queen  Victoria, 
1005  (978). 

P.  W.  Clayden:  England  Under  the  Coalition, 
1005-7  (978-80) ; 1839-40  (1799-1800). 

J.  Bryce  : The  Irish  Question,  1838-9  (1798-9). 
R.  Johnston:  The  Queen’s  Reign,  1840  (1800). 

33.  Retirement  of  Gladstone  (a.  d.  1892-4): 
Irish  Home  Rule  Bill,  1007-8  (980-1). 

Earl  of  Rosebery  Prime  Minister,  Vol.  VI., 
203-4. 

34.  Venezuela  Boundary  Dispute  (a.  d.  1895): 
(See  Study  XLVI.) 

35.  Diamond  Jubilee  of  the  Queen  (a.  d. 
1897): 

The  Message  of  the  Queen  to  her  Subjects,  Vol. 
VI.,  207-8. 


COURSES  FOR  STUlb’ 


36.  Death  of  Gladstone  (May  19, V J): 
Tributes  of  Lords  Salisbury  and  Rose  ,ery,  and 

Mr.  Balfour,  Vol.  VI.,  209-10. 

“The  most  distinguished  political  name  of  the  cen- 
tury has  been  withdrawn  from  the  roll  of  Englishmen.” 

Lord  Salisbury.' 

“This  country,  this  nation,  loves  brave  men.  Mr. 
Gladstone  was  the  bravest  of  the  brave.  There  was  no 
cause  so  hopeless  that  he  was  afraid  to  undertake  it; 
there  was  no  amount  of  opposition  that  would  cowe 
him  when  once  he  had  undertaken  it.”  Lord  Rose- 
bery. 

37.  The  Great  Boer  War  (a.  d.  1899-1902): 
[The  treatment  of  this  subject  in  volumes  VI.  and 

VII.  of  History  for  Ready  Reference  covers  sixty-five 
of  its  large  double-column  pages  (456-517  in  Vol.  6 and 
620-624  in  Vol.  7),  and  is  the  most  complete  statement 
of  all  the  causes  that  led  up  to  that  conflict  that  can  be 
found  in  any  work.  The  scope  of  these  Studies  does  not 
admit  of  a detailed  analysis  of  this  material,  nor  is  such 
an  analysis  necessary;  as  all  the  despatches,  State 
papers,  and  descriptive  matter  are  arranged  in  such  an 
orderly  manner,  under  the  general  head  of  “ South  Af- 
rica,” that  one  needs  no  aid  in  studying  the  subject.] 

38.  Death  of  Queen  Victoria  (Jan.  28,  1901): 
Detailed  Account  of  her  last  illness,  Vol.  VI., 

212-13. 

Tributes  of  leading  Statesmen,  Vol.  VI.,  213-16. 

“ The  simple  dignity,  befitting  a Monarch  of  this 
realm,  in  that  she  could  never  fail,  because  it  arose 
from  her  inherent  sense  of  the  fitness  of  things.  It  was 
no  trapping  put  on  for  office,  and  therefore  it  was  that 
this  dignity,  this  Queenly  dignity,  only  served  to  throw 
into  a brighter  light  those  admirable  virtues  of  the 
wife,  the  mother,  and  the  woman,  with  which  she  was 
so  richly  endowed.”  A.  J.  Balfour,  Leader  of  the 
House  of  Commons. 

“ But  have  you  realized  what  the  personal  weight  of 
the  late  Queen  was  in  the  councils  of  the  world  ? She 
was  by  far  the  senior  of  all  the  European  Sovereigns. 
The  German  Emperor  was  her  grandson  by  birth.  The 
Emperor  of  Russia  was  her  grandson  by  marriage.  She 
had  reigned  eleven  years  when  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
came  to  his  throne.  She  had  seen  two  dynasties  pass 
from  the  throne  of  France.  She  had  seen,  as  Queen, 
three  Monarchs'  of  Spain,  and  four  Sovereigns  of  the 
House  of  Savoy  in  Italy.  . . . Can  we  not  realize,  then, 
what  a force  the  personal  influence  of  such  a Sovereign 
was  in  the  troubled  councils  of  Europe?  And  when, 
as  we  know,  that  influence  was  always  given  for  pence, 
for  freedom,  and  for  good  government,  we  feel  that 
not  merely  ourselves  but  all  the  world  has  lost  one  of 
its  best  friends.”  Lord  Rosebery. 

39.  Victorian  Age  in  Literature: 

J.  McCarthy:  Literature  of  t^e Victorian  Reign, 
985  (958). 

R.  Garnett:  Reign  of  Queen  Victoria,  986  (959). 
G.  L.  Craik:  Hist,  of  Eng.  Literature,  986(959). 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Elizabethan  and  Victorian  Po- 
etry, 986-7  (959-60). 

T.  D.  Robb:  Elizabethan  Drama  and  Victorian 
Novel,  987  (960). 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  /. 


* STUDY  XLIII. 


FRANCE  FROM  THE  FALL  OF  NA- 
POLEON TO  A.  D.  1910. 


1.  Treaty  of  Paris;  New  Boundaries  (a.  d. 
1814): 

II.  Martin:  Hist,  of  France,  1391-2  (1358-9). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1392  (1359). 

2.  Congress  of  Vienna  (a.  d.  1814): 

C.  A.  Fyffe-  Modern  Europe,  3745-7  (3625-6). 
R.  Lodge : Modern  Europe,  3747  (3626). 

3.  The  Holy  Alliance  (a.  d.  1815—): 

M.  E.  G.  Duff:  European  Politics,  1697  (1658). 
E.  Hertslet:  Europe  by  Treaty,  1697  (1658). 


794 


)L  IISES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


W.  R.  Ti  . : Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 
1607-8  ( j8-9). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1124  (1096). 

4.  Restok  :d  Monarchy;  Louis  XVIII  (a.  d. 
1815-24): 

J.  H.  Rose:  Century  of  Continental  History, 
1401  (1368). 

5.  Congress  of  Verona  (a.  d.  1822): 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  3741  (3621). 

F.  II.  Hill:  George  Canning,  3741  (3621). 
li.  Bell.  Life  of  Canning,  3741-2  (3621-2). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  112^5  (1096-7). 

6.  French  Invasion  ok  Spain: 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  3094-6  (3012-14) . 

7.  Charles  X;  Revolution  of  1830;  Louis 
Philippe  (a.  d.  1824-1830): 

J.  H.  Rose:  Century  of  Continental  History, 
1401-2  (1368-9);  1402  (1369). 

T.  W.  Knox:  Decisive  Battles,  1645-6  (1607-8). 
W.  Muller:  Political  History,  1402-3  (1369-70). 

8.  Revolt  of  Belgium  (a.  d.  1830-2). 

S.  Walpole:  England  from  1815,2348-50  (2302). 
C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  2350  (2302). 

9.  Conquest  of  Algiers  (a.  d.  1830-) . 

T.  W.  Knox : Decisive  Battles,  275  (266). 

T.  Wright:  History  of  France,  275-6  (266-7). 

J.  II.  Morell : Algeria,  276-7  (267-8). 

10.  Revolution  of  1848: 

J.  Macdonnell:  France  since  the  First  Empire, 
1404  (1371). 

R.  Mackenzie : The  Nineteenth  Century,  1404-5 
(1371-2). 

11.  Second  Republic;  Louis  Napoleon: 

N.  W.  Senior:  Journals,  1405-6  (1372-3). 

E.  S.  Cayley : Revolution  of  1848, 1406-8  (1373-5). 

12.  French  Intervention  at  Rome  (a.  d.  1849): 
W.  Muller:  Political  History,  1901-3  (1861-3). 
W.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 

1903  (1863). 

13.  The  Coup  d’etat  of  1851: 

A.  W.  Kinglake : Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  1408-10 
(1375-7). 

H.  Murdock:  Reconstruction  of  Europe,  1410-11 
(1377-8). 

14.  The  Second  Empire  Ordained  (a.  d. 
1851-2): 

H.  Martin:  Hist,  of  France,  1411-12  (1378-9). 

15.  Crimean  War;  Peace  Congress  of  Paris; 
“Declaration  of  Paris”  (a.  d.  1853-1856): 

S.  Walpole:  Foreign  Relations,  2848-9  (2774-5); 
2853-5  (2779-81). 

J.  McCarthy:  Our  Own  Times,  2849-50  (2775-6). 
J.  F.  Bright:  Hist,  of  England,  2850-1  (2776-7). 
W.  N.  Molesworth:  England,  2851-2  (2777-8). 
E.  Schuyler : American  Diplomacy,  675-6(652-3). 

16.  Alliance  with  Sardinia  ; War  with  Aus- 
tria (a.  d.  1859): 

J.  W.  Probyn : Italy,  1815-1890, 1903-5  (1863-5). 
H.  Murdock:  The  Reconstruction  of  Europe, 
1905-6  (1865-6). 

17.  With  the  English  in  China  (a.  d. 
1856-60) : 

J.  McCarthy : Our  Own  Times,  439-41  (425-7). 

18.  The  Cobden-Chevalier  Commercial 
Treaty  (a.  d.  1860): 

C.  F . Bastable : The  Commerce  of  Nations,  3161 
(3077). 

L.  Levi:  Treaties  of  Commerce,  3161-2  (3077-8). 


19.  The  French  in  Mexico  (a.  d.  1861-7): 

A.  H.  Noll:  History  of  Mexico,  2221,  first  col- 
umn (2177). 

J.  McCarthy : History  of  Our  Own  Times,  2221-2 
(2177-8). 

20.  French  Withdrawal  from  Rome: 

G.  S.  Godkin:  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  1906-8 
(1866-8). 

J.  Marriott:  Modern  Italy,  1908-9  (1868-9). 

21.  Declaration  of  War  against  Prussia 
(a.  d.  1870): 

E.  B.  Washburne:  Recollections,  1413  (1380-1). 

W.  Maurenbrecher:  The  German  Empire, 
1413-14. 

22.  Disasters  of  the  War;  Sedan: 

W.  Muller:  Political  History,  1414-15  (1381-2). 

G.  Hooper:  Campaign  of  Sedan,  1415  (1382). 

W.  O’C.  Morris  - Sedan,  1415-16  (1382-3). 

H.  M.  Hozier:  Franco  Prussian  War,  1416-17 
(1383-4). 

E.  W.  Latimer:  France  in  the  19th  Century,  1418 
(1384^5). 

German  Official  Account,  1418  (1385). 

23.  Collapse  of  the  Empire  (a.  d.  1870) : 

H.  Vizetelly:  Paris  in  Peril,  1418-19  (1385-6). 

E.  Simon:  Emperor  William,  1419-20  (1386-7). 

24.  Capitulation  of  Paris  ; Treaty  of 
Frankfort  (a.  d.  1871) : 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1420-2  (1387-9). 

H.  Murdock:  Reconstruction  of  Europe,  1422 
(1389). 

C.  Lowe:  Prince  Bismarck,  1422-3  (1389-90). 

25.  The  Commune;  Second  Siege  of  Paris 
(a.  d.  1871): 

H.  Martin  • History  of  France,  1423-4  (1390-1). 

G.  L.  Dickinson:  Revolution  and  Reaction, 
1424-5  (1391-2). 

26.  Establishment  of  the  Third  Republic 
(a.  d.  1871-6): 

P.  de  Remusat:  Thiers,  1425  (1392). 

G.  M.  Towle:  Modern  France,  1425-7  (1392-4). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1129  (1101). 

Text  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Third  Republic, 
558-67  (538-47). 

27.  Strengthening  of  Constitutional  Gov- 
ernment (a.  d.  1875-89): 

V.  Duruy : History  of  France,  1427-9  (1394-6). 

The  Assassination  of  President  Carnot,  1429 
(1396). 

Census  of  the  Republic  (1896),  Yol.  VI.,  225. 

28.  Conquests  in  Cochin-China  : 

V.  Duruy:  History  of  France,  1428  (1395). 

A.  H.  Keane:  Eastern  Geography,  3201  (3115). 

t.  Reclus:  Asia,  3201-2  (3115-16). 

29.  The  Panama  Canal  Scandal  • 

L.  F.  Vernon-Harcourt:  Achievements  in  Engi- 
neering, 2474  (2415). 

Quarterly  Reg.  of  Current  History,  2475  (2416). 

P.  de  Coubertin:  The  Evolution  of  France,  2475 
(2416). 

30.  The  Dreyfus  Affair: 

Sir  G.  Lushington:  Full  detailed  Review,  Vol. 
VI.,  225-33. 

31.  The  Regulation  of  Religious  Orders 
(a.  d.  1901): 

M.  Waldeck-Rousseau:  A Bill  on  Associations, 
Vol.  VI.,  236-8. 


795 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Text  of  the  Principal  Sections  of  the  Bill,  Vol. 

VI. ,  238. 

Closing  of  unauthorized  Schools,  Vol.  VII.,  275. 

32.  Separation  of  Church  and  State  (a.  d. 
1905-1907) : 

J.  Legrand  : Church  and  State  in  France,  Vol. 

VII. ,  275-6. 

J.  A.  Bain : The  New  Reformation,  Vol.  VII., 
276-7. 

R.  Wallier:  Le  VingtiOme  Sificle  Politique,  Vol. 
VII.,  277-8. 

F.  W.  Parsons  : Separation  of  Church  and  State, 
Vol.  VII.,  278-9. 

O.  Guerlac:  Separation  of  Church  and  State, 
Vol.  VII.,  281-2. 

J.  F.  Boyd:  French  Ecclesiastical  Revolution, 
Vol.  VII.,  282-3. 

S.  Dewey  : The  Year  [1906]  in  France,  Vol.  VII., 
283. 

F.  Klein:  Present  Difficulties  of  the  Church, 
Vol.  VII.,  284. 

Papal  Encyclical  Vehementer  Nos,  Vol.  VII., 
472-4. 

33.  The  Morocco  Question  ; Conference  at 
Algeciras  (a.  d.  1904-1906) : 

Text  of  the  Anglo-French  Agreements  of  1904, 
Vol.  VII.,  249-50. 

A.  Tardieu  : France  and  the  Alliances,  Vol.  VII., 
249,  252-3. 

British  Parliamentary  Paper  (Cd.  1952,  April, 
1904),  251-2. 

W.  C.  Dreher : The  Year  [1906]  in  Germany, 
Vol.  VII.,  253. 

B.  Meakin : The  Algeciras  Conference,  Vol. 
VII.,  254. 

34.  Political  Parties  in  France  (a.  d.  1906- 
1909): 

R.  Dell:  France,  England  and  Mr.  Bodley,  Vol. 
VII.,  280. 

S.  Dewey:  The  Year  [1906]  in  France,  Vol. 
VII.,  281. 

35.  Labor  Organization  in  France  : 

The  London  Times:  The  Syndicalist  Movement, 
Vol.  VII.,  376-8. 

: Strike  of  Government  Employes  (1909), 

378-80. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XLIY. 


GERMANY. 


I.  In  Roman  Times  (b.  c.  12-a.  d.  752): 
Tacitus:  Germany,  1462-3  (1429-30). 

C.  Merivale:  Hist,  of  the  Romans,  1463^1 
(1430-1). 

T.  Smith : Arminius,  1464-5  (1431-2). 

T.  Mommsen : Hist,  of  Rome,  42  (35). 

W.  C.  Perry:  The  Franks,  1430-1  (1397-98), 
1432-3  (1399-1400). 

J.  N.  Larned-  Europe,  1043-4  (1015-6). 

J.  B.  Bury:  The  Later  Roman  Empire,  2805 
(2731). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Chief  Periods,  European  Hist., 
2805-6  (2731-2). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  Hist,  of  Civilization,  2806  (2732). 

G.  B.  Adams:  Civilization,  Middle  Ages,  2807 
(2733). 


2.  Mediaeval  Germany;  Charlemagne’s  Em- 
pire, and  After  (a.  d.  768-). 

R.  W.  Church:  Beginnings  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
1434  (1401). 

E.  Emerton : Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages, 
1434-5  (1401-2). 

J.  Bryce:  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1435  (1402), 
1436-8  (1403-5). 

H.  H.  Milman:  Hist,  of  Latin  Christianity,  1468 
(1437). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Historical  Geography' of  Europe, 
1469  (1438). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1470  (1439),  1481 
(1448). 

L.  von  Ranke:  Reformation  in  Germany,  1471-2 
(1440-1). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1050  (1022),  1053-5 
(1025-7). 

M.  Creighton : Hist,  of  the  Papacy,  2492-3 
(2432-3). 

I.  Jastrow : Geschichte  des  deutschen  Einheits- 
traumes,  1477-8  (1445). 

U.  Balzani:  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 
1478  (1445). 

O.  Browning:  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  1478-9 
(1445-6). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Sketch  of  European  Hist.,  1479 
(1446). 

: Emperor  Frederick  II.,  1479-80  (1446-7). 

3.  Under  the  House  of  Austria  (a.  d.  1272- 

} 1519): 

J.  Bryce-  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  1481-2 
(1448-9). 

W.  Coxe:  The  House  of  Austria,  206  (199). 

Sir  R.  Comyn:  Hist,  of  Western  Empire,  206-7 
(199-200),  1482-3  (1449-50). 

V.  Duruy : Hist,  of  the  Middle  Ages,  208  (201). 

H.  Hallam:  The  Middle  Ages,  1485-6  (1452-3). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1083-4  (1055-6). 

L.  von  Ranke:  Latin  and  Teutonic  Nations, 
210-12  (203-5). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  1490-1 
(1457-8). 

4.  Rise  of  Brandenburg  and  Prussia;  The 
Hohenzollerns  (a.  d.  1142-1688): 

T.  Carlyle:  Friedrich  II.,  called  the  Great,  316- 
17  (306-7),  1696  (1657). 

H.  Tuttle:  Hist,  of  Prussia,  317-18  (307-8). 

L.  von  Ranke:  House  of  Brandenburg,  1486-7 
(1453-4). 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  318  (308). 

G.  B.  Malleson:  Battle  fields  of  Germany,  319- 
20  (309-10). 

5.  Luther  and  the  Reformation  (a.  d.  1517— 
1600) : 

(See  Study  XXIV.) 

6.  The  Thirty  Years  War  (a.  d.  1618-1648): 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1099-1101  (1071-3). 

G.  B.  Malleson:  Battle-fields  of  Germany,  1504-5 
(1471-2). 

J.  Mitchell:  Life  of  Wallenstein,  1505-6(1472-3). 

C.  T.  Lewis:  Hist,  of  Germany,  1507-8  (1474-5). 

F.  Schiller:  The  Thirty  Years  War,  1508  (1475). 

R.  C.  Trench:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  1517—18 

(1484-5). 

A.  Gindely:  The  Thirty  Years  War,  1518-9 
(1485-6) 

II.  von  Treitsclike:  Deutsche  Geschichte,  1521-2. 

7.  Wars  of  the  18tii  Century;  Frederick 
the  Great  (a.  d.  1701-1763). 

Lord  Macaulay : Essays,  1524  (1490). 


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H.  von  Sybel:  Founding  of  the  German  Empire, 
1525  (1491). 

(a)  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession. 

Lord  Macaulay:  Essays,  3073  (2992). 

C.  W.  Koch:  Revolutions  of  Europe,  3073^4 
(2992-3). 

W.  Russell:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  3712-13 
(3592-3). 

(b)  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession. 

W.  Coxe:  The  House  of  Austria,  218-19  (211-2). 
Lord  Mahon:  Hist,  of  England,  219  (212). 
Frederick  the  Great-  My  Own  Times,  220  (213). 
Lord  Macaulay:  Essays,  220-1  (213-4). 

T.  Carlyle:  Friedrich  II.,  221  (214). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1113  (1085). 

(c)  The  Seven  Years  War. 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  951-2  (924-5), 
2975  (2898). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1114-15  (1086-7). 

T.  Carlyle:  Friedricli  II.,  2975-6  (2898-9). 
Friedrich  II. : Posthumous  Works,  2976  (2899). 

8.  Struggles  with  Revolutionary  France 
and  Napoleon  (a.  d.  1792-1814): 

C.  E.  Mallet . The  French  Revolution,  228-9 
(221-2). 

R.  Lodge:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  1308(1275). 

A.  Griffiths:  French  Revolutionary  Generals, 
1308-9  (1275-6). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1316-17  (1283^4). 
A.  Alison:  Europe,  1324  (1291). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1341-2  (1308-9). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1120-21  (1092-3). 

A.  Weir:  Historical  Basis  of  Modern  Europe, 
229-31  (222-4). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1541-2  (1507-8). 
J.  G.  Lockhart  - Life  of  Napoleon,  1542-4(1510). 
J.  R.  Seeley:  Life  and  Times  of  Stein,  1548 
(1514). 

• Prussian  History,  1548-9(1514-5). 

9.  The  Teutonic  Awakening  : 

J.  R.  Seeley:  Life  of  Stein,  1549-51  (1515-17). 

H.  Martin  : Hist,  of  France,  1555-6  (1521-2). 

W.  Menzel  : Hist,  of  Germany,  1556  (1522). 

10.  The  Germanic  Confederation  (a.  d. 
1814-20): 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  3745-7  (3624-6). 

R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  3747  (3626). 

M.  E.  G.  Duff : European  Politics,  1565-6 
(1531-2). 

11.  Tendencies  toward  Union  ; The  Zoll- 
verein  : 

G.  Krause:  Growth  of  German  Unity,  1566 
(1532). 

Bruno-Gebhart:  German  History,  1566  (3775). 
W.  Maurenbrecher  : The  German  Empire,  1567 
(3775). 

The  Edinburgh  Review : The  Zollverein,  3155-6 
(3071-2). 

12.  Revolutionary  Movements  (a.  d.  1848): 

B.  Taylor:  Hist,  of  Germany,  1567-8  (1532-3). 

E.  S.  Cayley:  Revolutions  of  1848,  1568-9(1534). 
J.  Sime.  Hist,  of  Germany,  235(228). 

J.  H.  Rose:  Centurv  of  Continental  History, 
235-7  (228-30). 

E.  L.  Godkin:  Hist,  of  Hungary,  1722  (1683-5). 

C.  M.  Yonge : Landmarks  of  History,  1724  (1685). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1126-7  (1098-9). 

13.  Reaction  ; Failure  of  Movement  for 
Unity  (a.  d.  1848-50): 

W.  Muller  : Political  History,  1569-71  (1534-6). 


T.  S.  Fay:  The  Three  Germanys,  1571-2  (1537). 

F.  H.  Geffcken:  Unity  of  Germany,  237  (230). 
M.  E.  G.  Duff:  European  Politics,  237-8  (231). 

14.  Schleswig-Holstein  Question  (a.  d.  1848- 
62): 

S.  Walpole:  Life  of  Lord  John  Russell,  2908-9 
(2833-4). 

Sir  A.  Alison:  Hist,  of  Europe,  2909  (2834). 

15.  William  I.  and  Bismarck;  “Blood  and 
Iron”  (a.  d.  1861): 

W.  Maurenbrecher:  Founding  of  the  German 
State,  1572-3  (3777-9). 

A.  Forbes:  William  of  Germany,  1574^5  (1539). 

“It  is  a fact,  the  great  self-assertion  of  individuality 
among  us  makes  constitutional  government  very  hard  in 
Prussia.  . . . We  are  perhaps  too  ‘ cultured  ’ to  tolerate 
a constitution  ; we  are  too  critical ; the  ability  to  pass 
judgment  on  measures  of  the  government  or  acts  of 
the  legislature  is  too  universal ; there  is  a large  num- 
ber of  1 Catilinarian  Characters  ’ in  the  land  whose 
chief  interest  is  in  revolutions.  People  are  too  sensitive 
about  the  faults  of  government.  . . Our  blood  is  too 
hot,  we  are  fond  of  wearing  an  armor  too  large  for  our 
small  body;  now  let  us  utilize  it.  . . . Prussia  must 
consolidate  its  might  and  hold  it  together  for  the  favor- 
able moment,  which  has  been  allowed  to  pass  unheeded 
several  times.  Prussia’s  boundaries,  as  determined  by 
the  Congress  of  Vienna,  are  not  conducive  to  its 
wholesome  existence  as  a sovereign  state.  Not  by 
speeches  and  resolutions  of  majorities  the  mighty 
problems  of  the  age  are  solved  — that  was  the  mis- 
take of  1848  and  1849  — but  by  Blood  and  Iron.” 

Bismarck. 

16.  Formation  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  (a.  d.  1862-4) : 

L.  J.  Huff  ; Ferdinand  Lasalle,  3027-8  (2950). 

R.  T.  Ely:  French  and  German  Socialism,  3028 
(2950). 

17.  The  Seven  Weeks  War  (a.  d.  1866): 

S.  Baring-Gould  : Story  of  Germany,  239  (232). 
W.  Zimmermann  : Hist,  of  Germany,  1577  (1541). 
H.  von  Sybel:  Founding  of  the  German  Empire 

1577  (1541). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1128-9  (1100-01). 

18.  Completion  of  Germanic  Confederation 
(a.  d.  1866-70): 

G.  Krause:  Growth  of  German  Unity,  1577-9 
(1541-3). 

E.  Simon:  The  Emperor  William,  1579  (1543). 

19.  “The  Hohenzollern  Incident”  ; War 
with  France  (a.  d.  1870) 

E.  B.  Washburne:  Recollections,  1413(1380-1). 
W.  Maurenbrecher:  Founding  of  the  German 
State,  1413-14. 

W.  Muller:  Political  History,  1414-15  (1381-2). 
W.  O’C.  Morris  : Campaign  of  Sedan,  1415-16 
(1382-3). 

H.  M.  Hozier:  Franco-Prussian  War,  1416-17 
(1383-4). 

E.  W.  Latimer:  France  in  the  19th  Century, 
1417-18  (1384-5). 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  History,  1420-2  (1387-9). 
H.  Murdock:  Reconstruction  of  Europe,  1422 
(1389). 

C.  Lowe:  Prince  Bismarck,  1422-3  (1389-90). 

20.  King  William  becomes  Emperor  (a.  d. 
1871): 

A.  Forbes:  William  of  Germany,  1579-80  (1544). 
R.  Rodd:  Frederick,  Crown  Prince,  1580  (1544). 

21.  The  Constitution  of  the  New  Empire  : 
Proclamation  by  the  Emperor,  April  16,  1871, 

1580  (1544). 

Text  of  the  Constitution,  567-75  (547-54). 


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22.  Establishment  ok  Uniform  Gold  Coinage 
(a.  d.  1871-3): 

J.  L.  Laughlin:  History  of  Bimetallism,  2264-5 
(2220-1). 

23.  Government  op  Alsace-Lorraine: 

C.  Lowe:  Prince  Bismarck,  1580-1  (1544-5). 

24.  The  Culturkampf  : 

J.N.  Murphy:  The  Chair  of  Peter,  1581-2(1546). 

S.  Baring-Gould : Germany,  1582  (1546). 

C.  Bulle:  History  of  Our  Time,  2542-3(3779-91). 
The  Political  Speeches  of  Prince  Bismarck, 
2543-6  (3781-4). 

“ There  is  therefore  great  importance  for  the  German 
Empire  in  the  character  that  is  given  to  our  diplomatic 
relations  with  the  head  of  the  Roman  Church,  wielding, 
as  he  does,  an  influence  in  this  country  unusually  ex- 
tensive for  a foreign  potentate.  I scarcely  believe, 
considering  the  spirit  dominant  at  present  in  the  lead- 
ing circles  of  the  Catholic  Church,  that  any  Ambassa- 
dor of  the  German  Empire  could  succeed  ...  by  per- 
suasion in  exerting  an  influence  to  bring  about  a 
modification  of  the  position  assumed  by  His  Holiness 
the  Pope  toward  things  secular.  The  dogmas  of  the 
Catholic  Church  recently  announced  and  publicly  pro- 
mulgated make  it  impossible  for  any  secular  power  to 
come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Church  without 
its  own  effacement,  which  the  German  Empire,  at  least, 
cannot  accept.  Have  no  fear;  we  shall  not  go  to  Can- 
ossa,  either  in  body  or  in  spirit.”  Bismarck. 

25.  Adoption  of  the  Protective  Policy: 

H.  Villard : German  Tariff  Policy,  3162-3  (3079). 
C.  F.  Bastable : Commerce  of  Nations,  3166  (3082). 

26.  Increasing  Strength  of  Socialistic 
Parties  : 

£.  de  Laveleye:  Socialism  of  To-day,  3031-2 
(2953-4). 

R.  T.  Ely : French  and  German  Socialism,  3032 
(2954). 

J.  Rae:  Contemporary  Socialism,  3032  (2954). 

W.  H.  Dawson : German  Socialism,  3032-3  (2955). 

. Bismarck  and  State  Socialism,  3033-4 

(2955-6). 

27.  Accession  of  William  II.  (a.  d.  1888); 
Rupture  with  Bismarck  : 

The  Times:  Eminent  Persons,  1582  (1546). 
Fortnightly  Review:  Change  of  Gov’t  in  Ger 
many,  1583  (1547). 

Hans  Blum:  The  German  Empire,  1583-4  (1548). 

28.  German  Colonization  in  Africa: 

A.  S.  White:  Development  of  Africa,  21-3  (19). 

29.  Organization  of  the  German  Empire: 

I.  Jastrow:  Geschichte  des  deutschen  Einheits- 
traumes,  1584-6  (3785-7). 

Diplomatic  Reports:  Tariff  Changes,  Vol.  VI., 
239-40;  Vol.  VII.,  639-40. 

30.  The  Emperor  and  the  Social  Democrats 
(a.  d.  1894-5). 

Speeches  of  the  Emperor,  Vol.  VI.,  240-1. 

“ You  have,  my  children,  sworn  allegiance  to  me.  That 
means  that  you  have  given  yourselves  to  me  body  and 
soul.  You  have  only  one  enemy,  and  that  is  my  enemy. 
With  the  present  socialist  agitation,  I may  order  you  — 
which  God  forbid  !—  to  shoot  down  your  brothers,  and 
even  your  parents,  and  then  you  must  obey  me  without 
a murmur.”  The  Emperor,  to  the  Foot  Guards. 

“ Even  the  word  1 opposition  ’ has  reached  my  ears. 
Gentlemen,  an  Opposition  of  Prussian  noblemen,  di- 
rected against  their  King,  is  a monstrosity.  . . . 1,  in  my 
turn,  like  my  imperial  grandfather,  hold  my  Kingship 
as  by  the  grace  of  God.  ...  To  you,  gentlemen,  I ad- 
dress my  summons  to  the  fight  for  religion,  morality, 
and  order  against  the  parties  of  revolution.  Even  as  the 
ivy  winds  round  the  gnarled  oak,  and,  while  adorning 
it  with  its  leaves,  protects  it  when  storms  are  raging 
through  its  topmost  branches,  so  does  the  nobility  of 
Prussia  close  round  my  house.  May  it,  and  with  it,  the 


whole  nobility  of  the  German  nation,  become  a brilliant 
example  to  those  sections  of  the  people  who  still  hesi- 
tate. Let  us  enter  into  this  struggle  together.  Forward 
with  God,  and  dishonor  to  him  who  deserts  his  King.” 
Emperor  William  if. 

31.  The  Kaiser  Wilhelm  Ship  Canal: 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  241. 

32.  TnE  Agrarian  Protectionists: 

Annual  Register,  Vol.  VI.,  242. 

T.  Burtli:  Political  Germany,  Vol.  VI.,  242-3. 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports  Sugar  Bounties,  Vol. 
VI.,  243,  Vol.  VII.,  635. 

33.  German  Action  in  China  (a.  d.  1897-): 
Naval  Expeditions  to  China,  Vol.VI.,  244. 

U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics.  Seizure  of  Kiao- 
Cliau,  Vol.  VI.,  80. 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol  VI., 
80-1,  85. 

34.  State  System  of  Workingmen’s  Insur- 
ance (a.  d.  1897-): 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  etc.:  Vol.  VI.  244-5; 
Vol.  VII.,  396,  509-11. 

35.  Foreign  Interests  of  the  German 
People : 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  1899,  Vol.  VI.,  247. 

36.  German  Colonies  and  Colonial  Policy  : 
Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 

248. 

W.  C.  Dreber:  The  Year  [1907]  in  Germany, 
Vol.  VII.,  290-1. 

37.  Introduction  of  the  Civil  Code  (a.  d. 
1900): 

R.  Sohm:  The  Civil  Code  of  Germany,  Vol. 

VI. ,  248-9. 

38.  Census  and  Statistics  of  the  Empire 
(a.  d.  1900-1907) : 

W.  C,  Dreher:  Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol.  VI., 
251—2 

World’s  Work,  Vol.  VI.,  252. 

London  Times,  Vol.  VII.,  292. 

39.  Germanizing  the  Polish  Provinces- 

E.  Givskov:  Germany  and  her  Subjected  Races, 
Vol.  VII.,  288-9. 

R.  Blennerhassett.  The  Polish  Question,  Vol. 

VII. ,  293-4. 

40.  Present  Political  Parties  ; the  Social- 
ists: 

E.  Sellers:  August  Bebel,  Vol.  VII..  289. 
Election  Reports,  1907,  1909,  Vol.  VII.,  291,297. 

41.  Chancellor  Bulow’s  “Bloc”: 

The  occasion  of  the  “ Bloc,"  Vol.  VII.,  290-2. 
The  Breaking  of  the  “Bloc,”  Vol.  VII.,  295-7. 

42.  The  Morocco  Question: 

The  Kaiser’s  Speech  at  Tangier,  and  after,  Vol. 
VII.,  252-5. 

43.  The  Trials  of  Editor  Harden  : 

The  Outlook:  Summary  of  Facts.  Vol.  VII., 
292-3. 

44.  Emperor’s  Interview  with  an  English- 
man: 

Digest  of  Press  reports,  Vol.  VII.,  294-5. 

45.  Building  of  Dreadnoughts;  The  Naval 
Programme : 

British  Parliament-  Debate;  Vol.  VII. , 701-3. 
German  Reichstag:  Speeches,  Vol.  VII.,  705. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


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* STUDY  XLV. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  FROM  COM- 
PROMISE OF  1850  TO  CLOSE  OF  THE 
CIVIL  WAR. 


1.  Seventeenth  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1852): 

A.  Johnston:  American  Politics,  3507  (3391). 

G.  E.  Baker:  W.  H.  Seward,  3507-8  (3391-2). 

E.  Stanwood : Presidential  Elections,  3508  (3392). 

2.  Appearance  of  Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin  (a.  d. 
1852) : 

J.  F.  Rhodes:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3508  (3392). 

C.  F.  Briggs:  Uncle  Tomitudes,  3508-9  (3392-3). 
Mrs.  F.  T.  McCray:  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,  3509 
(3393). 

“ It  is  but  nine  months  since  this  Iliad  of  the  blacks, 
as  an  English  reviewer  calls  1 Uncle  Tom,’  made  its  ap- 
pearance among  books,  and  already  its  sale  has  ex- 
ceeded a million  of  copies;  author  and  publisher  have 
made  fortunes  out  of  it.  and  Mrs.  Stowe,  who  was  be- 
fore unknown,  is  as  familiar  a name  in  all  parts  of  the 
civilized  world  as  that  of  Homer  or  Shakespeare.  . . . 
The  book  was  published  on  the  20th  of  last  March.  . . . 
and  the  publishers  have  paid  to  the  author  $20,300  as 
her  share  of  the  profits  on  the  actual  cash  sales  for  the 
first  nine  months.  But  it  is  in  England  where  Uncle 
Tom  has  made  his  deepest  mark.  . . . We  know  of 
twenty  rival  editions  in  England  and  Scotland,  and 
that  millions  of  copies  have  been  produced.  . . . Uncle 
Tom  was  not  long  in  making  his  w-ay  across  the  British 
Channel,  and  four  rival  editions  are  claiming  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Parisians,  one  under  the  title  of  ‘lePfere 
Tom,’ and  another  ‘ la  Case  de  l’Oucle  Tom.’”  C.  F. 
Briggs,  in  Putnam's  Magazine,  January,  1853. 

“Of  translations  into  different  languages  there  are 
nineteen,  viz:  Armenian,  one;  Bohemian,  one;  Flemish, 
one;  French,  eight  distinct  versions,  and  two  dramas; 
German,  five  distinct  versions,  and  four  abridgments; 
Hungarian,  one  complete  version,  one  for  children,  and 
one  versified  abridgment;  Illyrian,  two  distinct  ver- 
sions; Italian,  one;  Polish,  two  distinct  versions;  Portu- 
guese, one;  Roman,  or  modern  Greek,  one;  Russian, 
two  distinct  versions;  Spanish,  six  distinct  versions; 
Swedish,  one;  Wallachian,  two  distinct  versions; 
Welsh,  three  distinct  versions.”  Mrs.  F.  T.  McCray. 

3.  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill;  “ Squatter  Sov- 
ereignty ” (a.  d.  1854) : 

G.  E.  Baker:  W.  H.  Seward,  3509-10  (3393-4). 

S.  A.  Douglas:  Treatise  Upon  the  Constitution, 
3510-11  (3394-5). 

B.  Tuckerman : William  Jay,  3511  (3395). 

4.  Birth  of  the  Republican  Party  (a.  d 
1854): 

H.  Wilson : The  Slave  Power,  3511-12  (3395-6). 
Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3512(3396). 

5.  Struggle  for  Kansas: 

A.  Johnston : American  Politics,  1977-8  (1936-7). 
J.  F.  Rhodes:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3515  (3398-9). 

6.  The  Dred  Scott  Case  : 

W.  A.  Larned:  Negro  Citizenship,  3516  (3400). 
Goldwin  Smith:  The  United  States,  3517  (3401). 
Text  of  the  Decision  of  Chief  Justice  Taney, 
3516-17  (3400-01). 

7.  The  Mormon  Rebellion  in  Utah  (a.  d. 
1857-9)  ■ 

T.  Ford:  Hist,  of  Illinois,  2277  (2233). 

J.  Remy:  Journey  to  Great  Salt  Lake,  2277-8 
(2233^). 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  The  Pacific  States,  2278  (2234), 
3709-10  (3589-90). 

J.  Schouler : Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3710-11  (3591). 

8.  The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debate  (a.  d. 
1858): 


9.  Oregon  admitted  to  TnE  Union  (a.d.  1859;: 
T.  Roosevelt:  Life  of  Benton,  2454r-5  (2402-3). 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  2455  (2403). 

10.  The  Underground  Railroad  (a.  d. 
1840-60): 

11.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3007  (2929). 

11.  John  Brown  at  Harper’s  Ferry  (a.  d. 
1859) : 

H.  Greeley:  The  American  Conflict,  3519-20 
(3404). 

II.  von  Holst:  John  Brown,  3520  (3404). 

11.  D.  Thoreau;  Last  Daysof  John  Brown,  3520 
(3404). 

“ At  the  last,  when  John  Brown,  wounded  and  a pris- 
oner, lay  waiting  his  death  ...  he  writes,  1 My  health 
improves  slowly,  and  I am  quite  cheerful  concerning 
my  approaching  end,  since  I am  convinced  that  I am 
worth  infinitely  more  on  the  gallows  than  I could  be 
anywhere  else.’  . . . One  year  after  the  execution  of 
Brown,  on  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  South  Carolina 
declared  its  secession  from  the  Union,  and  on  May  11, 
1861,  the  Second  Massachusetts  Regiment  of  Infantry 
was  raised,  which  was  first  to  sing  on  its  march  South, 
— ‘ John  Brown’s  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  grave. 
His  Soul  goes  marching  on.’  ” H von  Holst. 

12.  The  Eighth  Census(  a.  d.  1860),  3521  (3405). 

13.  Nineteenth  Presidential  Election  ; 
Abraham  Lincoln  (a.  d.  1860) : 

J.  T.  Morse,  Jr. . Abraham  Lincoln,  3522  (3406). 
E.  Stanwood:  Presidential  Elections,  3522 

(3406). 

14.  Attitude  of  the  South;  South  Carolina 
secedes  : 

J.  F.  Claiborne:  Life  of  Quitman,  3522  (3406). 

H.  S.  Foote:  War  of  the  Rebellion,  3523  (3407). 
Text  of  the  Ordinance  of  Secession,  and  Decla- 
ration of  Causes,  3523^-5  (3407-9).  - 

15.  President  Buchanan’s  Disunion  Mes- 
sage; the  Crittenden  Compromise: 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  3526 
(3410). 

J.  W.  Draper-  The  American  Civil  War,  3526-7 
(3410-11). 

16.  Treachery  in  the  Cabinet;  Seizure  of 
Forts,  Arsenals,  etc.  : 

S.  L.  Woodford:  Story  of  Fort  Sumter,  3527-8 
(3411-12). 

E.  McPherson:  Pol.  Hist.,  3528  (3412). 

H.  Greeley:  The  American  Conflict,  3529  (3413) 

17.  “ The  Confederate  States  of  America  ”: 
E.  A.  Pollard:  First  Year  of  the  War,  3529 

(3413). 

A.  H.  Stephens:  Speech  Against  Secession, 
3529  (3413). 

J.  W.  Draper:  American  Civil  War,  3531  (3415). 
J.  L.  M.  Curry:  The  Southern  States,  3531-2 
(3415-16). 

A.  H.  Stephens:  Const.  View  of  the  War,  3532 
(3416). 

J.  E.  Cooke : Virginia,  3759  (3638). 

V.  A.  Lewis:  West  Virginia,  3759  (3638). 

18.  Inauguration  of  President  Lincoln  . 

I.  N.  Arnold:  Life  of  Lincoln,  3533  (3417). 

Carl  Schurz : Abraham  Lincoln,  3536-7  (3420-1). 
Full  Text  of  the  Inaugural  Address,  3533-6 

(3417-20). 

(Note:  The  Story  of  the  Civil  War  in  “History  for 
Ready  Reference  ” covers  more  than  140  of  its  large, 
double-column  pages.  This  matter  would  make  an  oc- 
tavo volume,  similar  to  the  standard  historical  works, 
of  nearly  600  pages.  The  plan  of  these  Studies  will  not 
admit  of  a detailed  analysis  of  all  this  material,  so  that 


W.  H.  Herndon:  Lincoln,  3517-19  (3401-3). 


799 


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COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


only  the  most  significant,  or  pivotal  topics  will  be 
treated.  The  development  of  the  history  is  so  clearly 
presented  in  Volume  V.  that  a guide  is  hardly  needed 
if  one  wishes  to  study  the  subject  as  a whole;  while 
each  individual  topic  may  readily  be  found  in  the  usual 
manner.) 

19.  Attack  on  Fort  Sumter  (April  12,  1861) : 
Governor  Pickens:  Official  Records,  3532(3416). 
Abraham  Lincoln:  Complete  Works,  3537-8 

(3421-2). 

J.  G.  Holland;  Life  of  Lincoln,  3538-9  (3422-3). 

“ The  fall  of  Sumter  was  the  resurrection  of  patriot- 
ism. The  North  needed  just  this.  Such  a universal  burst 
of  patriotic  indignation  as  ran  over  the  North  under  the 
influence  of  this  insult  to  the  national  flag  has  never 
been  witnessed.  It  swept  away  all  party  lines  as  if  it 
had  been  flame  and  they  had  been  flax.” 

J.  G.  Holland. 

20.  President  Lincoln’s  Call  to  Arms 
(April  15,  1861) ; 

Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3539^0 
(3423^4). 

Goldwin  Smith:  United  States,  3540  (3424). 

B.  J.  Lossing:  The  Civil  War,  3540-1  (3424-5). 
Text  of  the  Call  to  Arms,  3539  (3423). 

21.  The  Morrill,  and  the  War  Tariffs: 

F.  W.  Taussig:  Tariff  Hist.,  3164-5  (3080-1). 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  3165 
(3081). 

22.  Monarchical  Cravings  in  S.  Carolina: 
W.  H.  Russell:  Letter  to  London  Times,  3542 

(3426). 

23.  Attitude  of  Great  Britain: 

Case  of  the  U.  S.  before  Tribunal  of  Arbitration 
at  Geneva,  3544-5  (3428-9). 

John  Jay:  The  Great  Conspiracy,  3545  (3429). 
Text  of  the  Queen’s  Neutrality  Message,  3544 
(3428). 

J.  Watts:  The  Cotton  Famine,  993-4  (966-7). 

24.  First  Battle  of  Bull  Run:  July  21, 
1861: 

W.  J.  Tenney:  Hist,  of  the  Rebellion,  3549 
(3433). 

R.  M.  Hughes:  General  Johnston,  3549-50 
((3433-4). 

J.  H.  Stine:  Army  of  the  Potomac,  3550  (3434). 
Gen.  McDowell:  Report,  3550-1  (3434-5). 

R.  Johnson:  War  of  the  Rebellion,  3551  (3435). 
Gen.  Beauregard:  Report,  3551  (3435). 

Comte  de  Paris:  Hist,  of  the  Civil  War,  3552 

(3436). 

Gen.  Slocum:  Military  Lessons  of  the  War,  3552 
(3436). 

25.  The  Trent  Affair: 

G.  E.  Baker:  W.  H.  Seward,  3560  (3444). 

W.  H.  Seward : Despatch  to  Lord  Lyons,  3560-1 
(3444-5). 

26.  The  Monitor  and  the  Merrimac: 

S.  Eardley-Wilmot : Development  of  Navies, 
3570  (3454). 

C.  B.  Boynton : Hist,  of  the  Navy,  3570  (3454). 

F.  B.  Butts:  The  Monitor  and  the  Merrimac, 

3570-1  (3454-5). 

J.  T.  Wood:  First  Fight  of  Iron  Clads,  3571-2 
(3455-6). 

“No  battle  was  ever  more  widely  discussed  or  pro- 
duced a greater  sensation.  It  revolutionized  the  navies 
of  the  world.  . . . In  this  battle  old  things  passed  away, 
and  the  experience  Of  a thousand  years  was  forgotten. 
The  effect  of  the  news  was  best  described  by  the  London 
‘ Times,’  which  said : ‘ Whereas  we  had  available  for  im- 
mediate purposes  149  first  class  war  ships,  we  have  now 
two,  these  two  being  the  Warrior  and  her  sister  Iron- 
side. There  is  not  now  a ship  in  the  English  navy  apart 


from  these  two  that  it  would  not  bo  madness  to  trust  to 
an  engagement  with  that  little  Monitor.’  The  Admi- 
ralty at  once  proceeded  to  reconstruct  the  navy.” 

J.  T.  Wood. 

27.  Farragut’s  Capture  of  New  Orleans 
(April,  1862): 

E.  Shippen:  Naval  Battles,  3574-5  (3458-9). 

L.  Farragut:  Life  of  Farragut,  3575-6  (3459-60). 

D.  D.  Porter:  Naval  Hist,  of  the  Civil  War,  3576 
(3460). 

M.  Thompson:  Story  of  Louisiana,  3576-7 
(3460-1). 

C.  C.  Chesney : Military  Biography,  3577  (3461). 

28.  The  Homestead  Act  (a.  d.  1862) : 

T.  Donaldson:  The  Public  Domain,  3579-80 
(3463-4). 

29.  Preliminary  Proclamation  of  Emanci- 
pation (September,  1862) : 

J.  A.  Garfield : Works,  3596-7  (3480-1). 

G.  S.  Boutwell:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3597  (3481). 

G.  Welles:  Lincoln  and  Seward,  3597-8  (3481—2). 
Text  of  Preliminary  Proclamation,  3598  (3482). 

30.  The  Final  Proclamation  of  Emancipa- 
tion (Jan.  1,  1863): 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3604  (3488). 
Nicolay  and  Hay : Abraham  Lincoln,  3604(3488). 
Text  of  the  Final  Proclamation,  3603-4  (3487-8). 

31.  President  Lincoln  and  the  Copper- 
heads: 

J.  T.  Morse : Abraham  Lincoln,  3612-13  (3497). 
Abraham  Lincoln,  Complete  Works,  3613-15 
(3497-9). 

32.  Turning  Point  of  the  War;  Vicksburg, 
Gettysburg  : 

U.  S.  Grant:  The  Siege  of  Vicksburg,  3612(3496). 
W.  J.  Tenney:  Military  and  Naval  Hist.,  3615 

(3499). 

J.  E.  Cooke:  Life  Gen.  R.  E.  Lee,  3616  (3500). 
Gen.  Doubleday:  Gettysburg,  3617-19(3503). 

33.  President  Lincoln’s  Gettysburg  Ad- 
dress ; The  Amnesty  Proclamation  : 

Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3630-1 
(3514-15). 

Abraham  Lincoln:  Complete  Works,  3632-3 
(3516-17). 

Text  of  the  Amnesty  Proclamation,  3632  (3516). 

34.  General  Grant  in  General  Command: 
Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3636-7 

(3520-1). 

35.  Twentieth  Presidential  Election  (a.  d. 
1864) : 

H.  J.  Raymond:  Life  of  Lincoln,  3648-9(3533). 

E.  Stanwood : Presidential  Elections,  3649  (3533). 

36.  Destruction  of  the  Alabama  : 

Senate  Executive  Document  No.  31,  42d  Cong., 
31  (24). 

E.  A.  Pollard:  The  Lost  Cause,  31-2  (24-5). 

The  Rebellion  Record,  32  (25). 

37.  Sherman’s  March  to  the  Sea  : 

U.  S.  Grant:  Personal  Memoirs,  3659  (3543). 
Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3659-60 
(3543-4). 

A.  G.  Bennett:  Report,  3663  (3547). 

A.  Badeau:  U.  S.  Grant,  3663-4  (3547-8). 

38.  Lincoln’s  Second  Inaugural;  His  Last 
Public  Address  : 

CarlSchurz:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3665-6(3549-50). 


800 


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Text  of  the  Inaugural  Address,  3(566  (3660). 
Text  of  Ills  Last  Address,  on  Reconstruction, 
8668-9  (3562-3). 

39.  Richmond  Abandoned  ; Surrender  at 
Appomattox : 

A.  L.  Long:  Memoirs  of  R.  E.  Lee,  3669-70 
(3553-4). 

F.  Lee  : General  Lee,  3670  (3554). 

B.  J.  Lossing:  The  Civil  War,  3670-1  (3554-5). 

40.  Assassination  of  President  Lincoln 
(April  14,  1865) : 

Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3671-3 
(3555-7). 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3673  (3557). 

G.  W.  Julian:  Political  Recollections,  3673(3557). 

41.  End  of  the  Rebellion  ; Statistics  of 
the  War: 

Nicolay  and  Hay:  Abraham  Lincoln,  3673-4 
(3557-8) ; 3676  (3560). 

U.  S.  Grant:  Personal  Memoirs,  3674  (3558). 

H.  Greeley:  The  American  Conflict,  3674  (3558). 
J.  D.  Cox : Surrender  of  Johnston,  3675  (3559). 
Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War,  3675  (3559). 
J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3675-6 

(3559-60). 

J.  T.  Scliarf:  The  Confederate  Navy,  3676(3560). 
Y.  Mott:  Report  of  U.  S.  Sanitary  Commission, 
2679  (2607). 

A.  Spencer:  Narrative  of  Andersonville,  2679-80 
(2607-8). 

Southern  Historical  Society  Papers,  2680  (2608). 
A.  H.  Stephens:  War  between  the  States,  2680 
(2608). 

*See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  XL VI 


UNITED  STATES  FROM  THE  CIVIL 
WAR  TO  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN. 


1.  President  Lincoln’s  Views  of  Recon- 
struction : 

A.  Lincoln:  Complete  Works,  3631-3(3515-17); 
3667-9  (3552-3). 

G.  W.  Julian:  Political  Recollections,  3673(3557). 
“I  spent  most  of  the  afternoon  [on  the  day  of  John- 
son’s inauguration]  in  a political  caucus,  held  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  the  necessity  for  a new  Cabinet, 
and  a line  of  policy  less  conciliatory  than  that  of  Mr. 
Lincoln ; and  while  everybody  was  shocked  at  his  mur- 
der, the  feeling  was  nearly  universal  that  the  accession 
of  Johnson  to  the  Presidency  would  prove  a godsend  to 
the  country.  Aside  from  Mr.  Lincoln’s  known  policy 
of  tenderness  to  the  Rebels,  which  now  so  jarred  upon 
the  feelings  of  the  hour,  his  well-known  views  on  the 
subject  of  reconstruction  were  as  distasteful  as  possi- 
ble to  radical  Republicans.”  G.  W.  Jollan. 

2.  Accession  of  Vice-President  Johnson: 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power  in  America,  3673 
(3557). 

3.  Conditions  at  the  South  ; First  Recon- 
struction Measures  : 

Reports  of  Gen.  Grant  and  Carl  Schurz  on  Re- 
bellious States,  3678-9  (3562-3). 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3676-8 
(3560-2). 

4.  End  of  Slavery  ; The  Freedmen’s  Bureau  : 

G.  W.  Julian:  Political  Recollections,  3662 
(3546). 

O.  J.  Hollister:  Schuyler  Colfax,  3662  (3546). 

H.  Wilson : The  Slave  Power,  3665  (3549). 


G.  W.  Williams:  The  Negro  Race,  3679  (3563). 
O.  Skinner:  American  Politics,  3679-80  (3565-4). 

5.  Reconstruction  Question  in  Congress; 

the  Civil  Rights  Bill  : 

5.  S.  Cox : Federal  Legislation,  3680  (3564). 

W.  H.  Barnes:  The  39th  Congress,  3680-1 
(3564-5);  3681  (3565). 

6.  Reconstruction  before  the  People  ; the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  : 

W.  H.  Barnes  : The  39th  Congress,  3682  (3566). 
J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3682 
(3566). 

H.  A.  Herbert:  Why  the  Solid  South?  3682-3 
(3566-7). 

A.  Badeau:  Grant  in  Peace,  3683  (3567). 

7.  Restoration  of  Tennessee  (a.  d.  1866) : 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3184 
(3099). 

W.  H.  Barnes:  The  39th  Congress,  3184  (3099). 

8.  The  Tenure  of  Office  Bill: 

J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3683 
(3567). 

W.  H.  Barnes:  The  39th  Congress,  3683  (3567). 

9.  The  Fenian  Movement  (a.  d.  1866): 

J.  McCarthy:  History  of  Our  Own  Times,  1833- 
4 (1793-4). 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  393-4  (383-4). 

10.  The  Ku-klux  Elan  (a.  d.  1866-71): 

S.  S.  Cox:  Federal  Legislation,  3683-4  (3567-8) 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3684  (3568). 

11.  Purchase  of  Alaska  (a.  d.  1867): 

W.  H.  Dali:  Tribes  of  the  Northwest,  88  (81). 

H.  Rink:  The  Eskimo,  93  (86). 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  The  Pacific  States,  37  (30). 

12.  Military  Reconstruction  Acts  : 

O.  J.  Hollister:  Schuyler  Colfax,  3685  (3569). 

W.  H.  Barnes:  The  39th  Congress,  3685  (3569). 

P.  H.  Sheridan:  Personal  Memoirs,  2095-6  (2052). 

13.  Impeachment  of  President  Johnson  (a.  d. 
1868) : 

T.  P.  Taswell-Langmead:  English  Const.  Hist., 
1735-6  (1696-7). 

J.  Forster:  Historical  Essays,  845  (818). 

H.  McCulloch : Men  and  Measures,  3685-6  (3570). 
J.  G.  Blaine:  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  3686 
(3570). 

14.  Twenty-First  Presidential  Election; 
Choice  of  General  Grant  (a.  d.  1868) : 

E.  Stanwood:  Presidential  Elections,  3686  (3570). 

15.  Completed  Reconstruction  (a.  d.  1868-70): 
W.  Allen:  Gov.  Chamberlain  in  S.  Carolina, 

3050-1  (2970-1). 

H.  Wilson : The  Slave  Power,  3687  (3571). 

16.  National  Bank  System;  Gold  Specula- 
tion; Black  Friday  (a.  d.  1869) : 

H.  W.  Richardson:  The  National  Banks,  2263-4 
(2219-20). 

W.  G.  Sumner:  Hist,  of  Am.  Currency,  2264 

(2220). 

A.  S.  Bolles:  Financial  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  2264 

(2220). 

W.  R.  Hooper:  Black  Friday,  2399-2401  (2349). 

17.  The  Fifteenth  Amendment  ; Suppression 
of  Colored  Vote: 

H.  Wilson:  The  Slave  Power,  3687  (3571). 

J.  Bryce:  The  American  Commonwealth,  3688 
(3572). 


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18.  The  Ninth  Census  (a.  d.  1870),  3689  (3573). 

19.  Treaty  of  Washington,  and  Geneva  Ar- 
bitration (a.  d.  1869-72): 

B.  J.  Lossing:  The  Civil  War,  30-1  (23-4). 

Case  of  the  U.  S.,  31  (24). 

R.  Johnson:  The  War  of  Secession,  32-3  (25—6). 

Argument  of  the  U.  S.,  33-4  (26-7). 

Summary  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  34-5 
(27-8). 

C.  Cushing:  The  Treaty  of  Washington,  34  (27) ; 
35-6  (28-9). 

20.  Civil  Service  Reform  : 

J.  Fiske:  Civil  Government  in  the  U.  S.,  490 
(476). 

H.  Lambert:  Progress  of  Civil  Service  Reform, 
490-1  (476-7). 

G.  W.  Curtis:  Address,  491  (477). 

21.  Twenty-second  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1872) : 

A.  Johnston : American  Politics,  3689-90  (3574). 

E.  Stanwood : Presidential  Elections,  3690  (3574). 

22.  The  “Demonetization  of  Silver;” 
Panic  of  1873: 

J.  L.  Laughlin:  Bimetallism  in  the  U.  S.,  3690 
(3574). 

L.  R.  Ehrich : The  Question  of  Silver,  2261  (2217). 

Banker’s  Magazine : The  Panic  of  1873,  3690-02 
(3574M5). 

23.  The  Sioux  War;  Death  of  Gen.  Custer 
(1876): 

A.  Gallatin:  Synopsis  of  Indian  Tribes,  110-11 
(103-4). 

F.  Whittaker:  Life  of  Custer,  3692  (3576). 

24.  The  Centennial  Exhibition  (a.  d.  1876): 

C.  B.  Norton:  World’s  Fairs,  3692-3  (3576-7). 

25.  Twenty-third  Presidential  Election  ; 
the  Electoral  Commission  (a.  d.  1876): 

E.  Stanwood:  Presidential  Elections,  3693-4 
(3577-8). 

J.  Fiske:  Civil  Government,  3697. 

The  Electoral  Count  Act  (a.  d.  1887),  3699. 

26.  The  Bland  Silver  Bill  (a.  d.  1878) : 

F.  W.  Taussig:  The  Silver  Situation,  3694-5 
(3578-9). 

L.  R.  Ehrich:  The  Question  of  Silver,  2262 
(2218). 

27.  Twenty-fourth  Presidential  Election  ; 
Assassination  of  Garfield: 

E.  McPherson:  Handbook  of  Politics,  3695 
(3579). 

J.  C.  Ridpath:  Life  of  Garfield,  3696  (3580). 

28.  The  Tenth  Census  (a.  d.  1880),  3695  (3579). 

29.  Twenty-fifth  Presidential  Election; 
the  “Mugwumps”  (a.  d.  1884): 

E.  McPherson:  Handbook  of  Politics,  3697 
(3581). 

J.  Bryce:  The  American  Commonwealth,  3697 
(3581). 

30.  The  Bering  Sea  Controversy: 

American  History  Leaflets,  3698  (3581-2). 

The  Bering  Sea  Arbitration,  3698-9  (3582). 

Messages  of  the  President,  Vol.  VI.,  51. 

Treaty  of  Arbitration,  Vol.  VI.,  51-2. 

The  Joint  High  Commission,  Vol.  VI.,  63-4. 

31  The  Inter-State  Commerce  Act  (a.  d. 
1887),  3699. 


32.  Attempted  Tariff  Revision ; the  “Mills 
Bill”  (a.  d.  1887-8): 

O.  H.  Perry  : Proposed  Tariff  Legislation,  3167- 
8 (3083^). 

President  Cleveland’s  Tariff  Message,  3168-9 
(3084-5). 

33.  Twenty-sixth  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1888): 

Appleton’s  Annual  Encyclopedia,  3699  (3582). 

34.  Opening  of  Oklahoma;  Admission  of 
Seven  New  States  (a.  d.  1889-90): 

D.  H.  Montgomery : Leading  Facts  of  Am.  Hist., 
3699-3700  (3582-3). 

F.  N.  Thorpe:  Recent  Constitution- making,  3700 
(3583). 

35.  The  McKinley  Tariff  Act  (a.  d.  1890): 

F.  W.  Taussig:  Tariff  History.  3169-70  (3086). 
Report  of  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  3170 

(3086). 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  3170-01  (3086-7). 

36.  The  Eleventh  Census  (a.  d.  1890),  3700 
(3583). 

37.  Financial  Panic  ; Repeal  of  the  Sher- 
man Act  (a.  d.  1893) : 

F.  W.  Taussig:  The  Silver  Situation,  3701 
(3584). 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  3701  (3584). 

H.  A.  Pierce:  Review  of  Finance,  3702  (3585). 
Message  of  the  President,  2262  (2218). 

38.  The  Chinese  Exclusion  Act;  the 
“ Geary  Act”  (a.  d.  1892): 

E.  McPherson:  Handbook  of  Politics,  3702 
(3585). 

39.  Twenty- seventh  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1892): 

Appleton’s  Annual  Encyclopedia,  3702  (3585). 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  3702-3  (3585-6). 

40.  TnE  Wilson  Tariff  Bill  (a.  d.  1894): 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  3171-2  (3087-8). 

H.  A.  Pierce:  Review  of  Finance,  3173  (3088). 

41.  The  Income  Tax  (a.  d.  1895) : 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  3172,  first  column 
(3088). 

Decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Vol.  VI.,  554-7. 

42.  The  Venezuela  Boundary  Dispute  (a.  d. 
1895): 

Despatch  of  Sec.  Olney  to  Ambassador  Bayard,. 
Vol.  VI  , 684-7. 

Reply  of  Lord  Salisbury,  Vol.  VI.,  687-8. 

The  Message  of  President  Cleveland,  Vol.  VI., 
689-90. 

Commission  to  determine  the  Boundary,  Vol. 
VI.,  090. 

Text  of  Arbitration  Treaty,  Vol.  VI.,  691-2. 
Text  of  the  Decision  of  the  Tribunal,  Vol.  VI., 
692-3. 

J Bryce:  British  Feeling,  Vol.  VI.,  559-60. 

A.  Carnegie:  The  Venezuelan  Question,  Vol. 
VI.,  560. 

43.  Serious  Financial  Difficulties  of  1895-6: 
Messages  and  Documents,  Vol.  VI.,  560-2. 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  Vol.  VI.,  562. 

44.  Twenty-eighth  Presidential  Election 
(a.  d.  1896): 

Conditions  preceding,  Vol.  VI.,  563-4. 

Full  Texts  of  Party  Platforms,  Vol.  VI.,  564-73. 
The  Campaign,  and  Results,  Vol.  VI.,  573^. 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


45.  President  Cleveland’s  Veto  of  the  Im- 
migration Bill  (a.  d.  1897) : 

Text  of  the  President’s  Message,  Vol.  VI.,  574-6. 

46.  Indianapolis  Monetary  Commission  (a.  d. 
1896-8) : 

Proceedings,  Jan.  12,  1897,  Vol.  VI.,  576. 

Hostile  Attitude  of  the  U.  S.  Senate,  Vol.  VI., 
576. 

47.  Inauguration  of  President  McKinley 
(a.  d.  1897): 

The  Inaugural  Address,  Vol.  VI.,  580-1. 

His  Cabinet,  Vol.  VI.,  581. 

48.  The  Dingley  Tariff  Act  (a.  d.  1897) : 

Extra  Session  of  Congress,  Vol.  VI.,  581. 

Analysis  of  the  Bill,  Vol.  VI.,  581-2. 

F.  W.  Taussig:  Tariff  Hist.,  Vol.  VI.,  582. 

49.  First  Arbitration  Treaty  with  Great 
Britain  (a.  d.  1897). 

Text  of  the  Treaty,  Vol.  VI.,  577-9. 

Action  of  the  Senate;  Popular  Indignation, 
Vol.  VI.,  579-80. 

* See  important  Note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


STUDY  XLVII. 


{Entirely  in  Vols.  VI.  and  VII.) 

THE  UNITED  STATES  FROM  THE 
OUTBREAK  OF  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 
(1898)  TO  1910. 


1.  Causes  of  the  War: 

U.  S.  Senate  Doc.,  54th  Congress:  Cuban  Insur- 
rection, a.  D.  1895,  Vol.  VI.,  171-3. 
Captain-General  Weyler:  Concentration  Orders, 
Vol.  VI.,  173. 

President  Cleveland:  Message,  a.  d.  1896,  Vol. 
VI.,  173-4. 

Text  of  Constitution  granted  by  Spain  to  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico,  Vol.  VI.,  175-80. 

Gen.  F.  Lee:  Cuba  and  her  Struggle,  Vol.  VI., 
180,  181. 

Senator  Proctor:  Speech  in  Congress,  Vol.  VI., 
181-2. 

President  McKinley:  Message  on  the  Destruction 
of  the  Maine,  Vol.  VI.,  583-4. 

. Message  on  the  Cuban  Situation,  Vol.  VI., 

585-90. 

Resolutions  of  Congress  and  Declaration  of  War, 
Vol.  VI.,  590-1. 

2.  Operations  and  Events  of  the  Spanish 
American  War  (a.  d.  1898) : 

[The  naval  and  military  operations,  engagements  and 
other  events,  of  the  war,  are  narrated  very  fully  and 
consecutively  in  about  forty  pages  (591-638)  of  Volume 
VI.,  mostly  in  quotations  from  the  reports  of  the  offi- 
cers who  conducted  them.  This  account  covers  the  cir- 
cumstances which  brought  the  Filipino  insurgents 
under  Aguinaldo  into  connection  with  the  American 
forces  sent  to  lay  siege  to  Manila,  and  the  subsequent 
breach  with  them,  when  Aguinaldo  was  declared  Presi- 
dent of  a Philippine  Republic.  It  covers,  also,  the  ne- 
gotiation at  Paris  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  text  of  the 
treaty,  and,  in  part,  the  debate  and  action  of  the  U.  S. 
Senate  on  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.] 

3.  Establishment  of  American  Authority  in 
the  Philippines  : 

Report  of  General  Otis,  August,  a.  d.  1899,  Vol. 
VI.,  371-2. 

F.  H.  Sawyer:  Inhabitants  of  the  Philippines, 
Vol.  VII.,  372-3. 


J.  Foreman:  Will  the  United  States  withdraw  ? 
Vol.  VI.,  373. 

Official  and  other  Reports  and  Statements,  Vol. 
VII.,  373-5. 

Instructions  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  the  Military  Governor,  Vol.  VI.,  375-6. 
Proclamation  and  Report  of  Military-Gov.  Otis, 
Vol.  VI.,  376-7. 

Counter  Proclamation  of  Aguinaldo,  Vol.  VI., 
377-8. 

President  McKinley : Instructions  to  First  Com- 
mission to  the  Philippines,  Vol.  VI.,  378-9. 
Philippine  Information  Society : Publication  No. 
7,  Vol.  VI.,  379-80. 

Reports  of  Philippine  Commission,  U.  S.  Sec. 
of  War,  Military-Gov.  Otis,  and  others,  a.  d. 
1899-1900,  Vol.  VI..  380-9. 

Instructions  to  the  Second  Commission,  Vol.  VI., 
389-92 

Appeal  of  Citizens  of  Manila,  Vol.  VI.,  392-3. 
Reports  of  the  U.  S.  Sec.  of  War  and  of  the 
Second  Commission  on  the  Civil  Government 
of  the  Islands,  Vol.  VI.,  393-6. 

The  Problem  of  the  Friars,  Vol.  VI.,  396-9. 
Congressional  grant  of  powers  for  Philippine 
Government,  Vol.  VI.,  399-401. 

Senator  Hoar:  Speech  against  the  Subjection  of 
the  Philippines,  Vol.  VI.,  641-5. 

Organization  of  Provincial  Governments,  Vol. 
VI.,  401-2. 

Capture  of  Aguinaldo,  Vol.  VI.,  402-3. 

4.  Establishment  of  the  Gold  Standard  of 
Value  (March  14,  a.  d.  1900): 

Report  of  the  Sec.  of  the  Treasury,  Vol.  VI. » 
639-40. 

5.  Presidential  Election  of  1900: 

Party  Platforms  and  Nominations:  Re-election 
of  President  McKinley,  Vol.  VI.,  646-66. 
Inaugural  Address  of  President  McKinley,  Vol. 

VI. ,  680-2. 

6.  Constitutional  Status  of  the  New  Pos- 
sessions : 

Supreme  Court  Decisions,  Vol.  VI.,  668-74,  683. 

7.  Increase  of  the  Standing  Army  (a.  d. 
1901): 

Act  of  Congress,  Vol.  VI.,  678-80,  682. 

8.  Twelfth  Census  (a.  d.  1900) : 

Statement  of  Population,  Vol.  VI.,  645-6. 
Apportionment  of  Representatives,  Vol.  VI., 

674-8. 

9.  Assassination  of  President  McKinley  ; 
Accession  of  Vice-President  Roosevelt 
(a.  d.  1901): 

Message  of  President  Roosevelt  to  Congress, 
Vol.  VII.,  665-6. 

President  Roosevelt’s  Cabinet,  Vol.  VII.,  666. 
W.  Wellman:  Narrative  of  the  Tragedy,  Vol. 

VII. ,  59-61. 

10.  Attitude  in  the  Case  of  Venezuela 
vs.  Germany,  et  al  (a.  d.  1901-1904): 

U.  S.  Report  on  Foreign  Relations,  Vol.  VII.,  684. 
Message  of  President  Roosevelt,  Vol.  VII.,  684-5. 
H.  W.  Bowen:  Queer  Diplomacy  with  Castro, 
Vol.  VII.,  685. 

11.  Conferences  of  American  Republics 
(a.  d.  1901-2  and  1906): 

Reports  of  American  Delegates,  Vol. VII.,  20-25. 
Secretary  Root:  Address  at  Rio  Janeiro,  Vol. 
VII.,  24-25. 

Bureau  of  American  Republics,  Vol.  VII.,  25. 


803 


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COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


12.  The  Undertaking  of  the  Panama  Canal  : 
First  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty,  Vol.  VI.,  69-70. 
Second  Ditto,  Vol.  VII.,  466-7. 

Messages  of  the  President  and  Official  Reports, 
Vol.  VII.,  467-71. 

13.  Measures  for  the  Regulation  of  Great 
Corporations  : 

[The  first  Federal  legislation  regulative  of  the  rail- 
way service  of  commerce  between  the  States,  creating 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  in  1887,  is  briefly 
noted  in  Vol.V.,  p.  3699  (3582).  In  six  and  one  half  pages 
of  Vol.  VI.,  under  the  heading  “ Trusts  ” (pp.  529-36), 
the  rise  of  the  great  industrial  and  commercial  com- 
binations, which  began  at  about  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century  to  cause  serious  anxiety  in  the  coun- 
try, is  related  quite  fully,  from  the  report  of  the  U.  S. 
Industrial  Commission  created  by  Congress  in  1898,  and 
from  other  sources.  In  Vol.  VII.,  under  the  two  head- 
ings of  “ Combinations,  Industrial  and  Commercial  ” 
(pp.  116-135),  and  “Railways”  (pp.  547-558),  an  ex- 
tended history  of  the  vigorous  proceedings  of  Govern- 
ment, between  1900  and  1910,  to  restrain  wrong  uses  of 
the  power  which  great  corporate  combinations  of  capi- 
tal can  acquire,  is  compiled.  The  particulars,  of  legis- 
lation, executive  prosecution  and  judicial  decision,  are 
too  numerous  to  be  detailed  here.] 

14.  National  Movement  for  the  Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources  (a.  d.  1901- 
1910). 

President  Roosevelt’s  Messages,  etc.,  Vol.  VII., 
145-8. 

Conference  of  Governors:  Declaration,  Vol.  VII., 
148-9. 

National  Conservation  Commission:  Report, Vol. 
VII.,  149-51. 

President  Taft’s  Recommendations,  Vol.  VII., 
152. 

15.  Civil  Service  Reform  under  President 
Roosevelt : 

A notable  record,  Vol.  VII.,  104-8. 

16.  Establishment  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba 
(a.  d.  1902): 

Senate  Doc.  312,  58th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  etc.,  Vol. 
VII.,  174-7. 

17.  Restoration  of  the  White  House  (a.  d. 
1902) : 

Charles  Moore : Restoration  of  the  White  House, 
Vol.  VII.,  667-8. 

18.  Settlement  of  Alaska  Boundary  Ques- 
tion (a.  d.  1903)- 

President  Roosevelt:  Message,  Vol.  VII.,  9. 

F.  B.  Tracy:  Tercentenary  Hist,  of  Canada, 
Vol.  VII.,  9. 

19.  Financial  Crisis  (a.  d.  1903-1904): 

N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Vol.  VII.,  263. 

20.  Frauds  in  Land  Office  (a.  d.  1903-1906): 
Indictments  and  Prosecutions,  Vol.  VII.,  669. 

21.  Presidential  Election  (a.  d.  1904): 
Parties,  Candidates  and  Platforms;  Result,  Vol. 

VII.,  669-71. 

22.  Arbitration  of  Newfoundland  Fisher- 
ies Questions  (a.  d.  1905-1909) : 

Correspondence  and  Agreement,  Vol.  VII., 
446-8. 

23.  Financial  Assistance  to  San  Domingo  : 
President  Roosevelt : Message,  Vol.  VII.,  583-4. 
Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs:  Report,  Vol.  VII., 

584-5. 

24.  Mediation  between  Japan  and  Russia 
(a.  d.  1905) : 

President  Roosevelt’s  Proffer,  and  the  Replies, 
Vol.  VII.,  356-7. 


F.  De  Martens:  The  Portsmouth  Peace  Confer- 
ence, Vol.  VII.,  357. 

E.  J.  Dillon:  Story  of  the  Peace  Negotiations, 
Vol.  VII.,  357-8. 

Text  of  the  Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  Vol.  VII . 
358-60. 

25.  Venezuelan  Complications: 

An  extended  Account,  Vol.  VII.,  684-8. 

26.  Central  American  Mediation,  with 
Mexico  (a.  d.  1906): 

Text  of  the  resulting  Treaty,  Vol.  VII.,  77-9. 

27.  National  Pure  Food  Law  (a.  d.  1906) : 

U.  S.  Dep’t.  of  Ag.,  Bureau  of  Chemistry:  Bul- 
letin 104,  Vol.  VII.,  520-2. 

28.  At  the  Algeciras  Conference  (a.  d.  1906)  .- 
U.  S.  Sec.  of  State:  Instructions  to  Delegates, 

Vol.  VII. , 254. 

29.  Re-establishment  of  the  Cuban  Repub- 
lic (a.  d.  1906-1909) : 

U.  S.  Papers  Relating  to  Foreign  Relations,  Vol. 
VII.,  178-80. 

30.  The  San  Francisco  Japanese  Question 
(a.  d.  1906): 

F.  H.  Clark:  Anti -Japanese  Agitation  in  Cali- 
fornia, Vol.  VII.,  538-41. 

31.  Monetary  Panic  of  a.  d.  1907: 

N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Vol.  VII.,  264. 

32.  New  Law  of  Citizenship  (a.  d.  1907): 

G.  Hunt:  The  New  Citizenship  Law,  Vol.  VIL, 
443-4. 

33.  Part  taken  in  Second  Peace  Confer- 
ence at  The  Hague  (a.  d.  1907): 

U.  S.  Senate  Doc.,  and  other  Sources,  Vol.  VIL, 
716-22. 

34.  Cruise  of  the  Battle-Ship  Fleet  (a.  d. 
1907-1909). 

Various  Sources,  Vol.  VII.,  707-8. 

35.  Presidential  Election,  a.  d.  1908: 
Parties,  Platforms,  Candidates,  Results,  Vol. 

VII.,  674-8. 

36.  The  Emergency  Currency  Act  (a.  d.1908): 
Summary  of  the  Act,  Vol.  VIL,  266. 

37.  Partial  Remission  to  China  of  Boxer 
Indemnity  (a.  d 1908): 

Correspondence  on  the  Subject,  Vol.  VII.,  92-3. 

38.  Understanding  with  Japan: 

Exchange  of  Notes  on  Policy  to  the  East,  Vol. 

VII.,  362. 

39.  Commission  to  Liberia  : 

U.  S.  Sec.  of  State:  Memorandum  to  the  Presi- 
dent, Vol.  VIL,  414-17. 

40.  The  Country-Life  Commission: 

President  Roosevelt:  Letter,  Vol.  VTL,  679. 
Report  of  the  Commission,  Vol.  VII.,  679-80. 

41.  New  Copyright  Act: 

N.  Y.  Evening  Post:  Summary  of  the  Act,  Vol. 
VII.,  166-7. 

42.  The  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff  Act  (a.  d. 
1909): 

Party  Promises  of  1908,  Vol.  VII.,  641. 

C.  F.  Adams:  On  the  Hearings  at  Washington, 
Vol.  VII.,  641-2. 


804 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


President  Taft:  Statement  on  signing  the  Bill, 
Yol.  VII..  642. 

Woodrow  Wilson : The  Tariff  Make-Believe, Vol. 
VII..  644-5. 

S.  W.  McCall:  Reasons  for  Satisfaction, Vol.  VII., 
645-6. 

American  Review  of  Reviews:  On  the  Changes 
Made,  Vol.  VII.,  646. 

Outside  Effects.  Vol.  VII.,  646-7. 

43.  Proposed  Income  Tax  Amendmentto  the 
Constitution  : 

Gov.  Hughes,  of  New  York:  Objections  stated, 
Vol.  VII.,  681-2. 

44.  Hankau-Szechuan  Railway  Loan  Ques- 
tion: 

President  Taft : Message,  Vol.  VII.,  94-5. 


STUDY  XL VIII. 


( Entirely  in  Volume  VII) 

ENGLAND  (GREAT  BRITAIN  AND 
IRELAND)  FROM  THE  DEATH  OF 
QUEEN  VICTORIA  TO  THE  DEATH 
OF  EDWARD  VII  (1901-1910). 


1.  The  United  Kingdom  and  its  Empire  in 
1901: 

Census  of  the  United  Kingdom,  Vol.  VII.,  229. 
Census  of  the  British  Empire,  51. 

2.  Last  Year  of  the  British-Boer  War 
(a.  d.  1901-2): 

The  Times  History  of  the  War;  Text  of  Treaty 
of  Peace,  620-3. 

3.  Imperial  Conferences  with  Colonial 
Premiers: 

Conferences  of  1902  and  1907,  51-3,  53-7. 

4.  Education  Act  of  1902: 

Text  of  its  Main  Provisions,  196-7. 

J.  G.  Rogers:  The  Nonconformist  Uprising,  197. 
J.  Bryce:  The  New  Education  Bill,  197-8. 

J.  Clifford:  Passive  Resistance,  198-9. 

5.  Defensive  Agreements  with  Japan  (a.  d. 
1902,  1905): 

Texts  and  explanatory  Despatches,  342-3,  360-1. 

6.  Land  Purchase  Act  for  Ireland  (a.  d. 
1903) :' 

L.  Paul  Dubois:  Contemporary  Ireland,  330, 
331-2. 

Text  of  main  Provisions  of  the  Act,  330-1. 

7.  Proposed  Return  to  a Protective  Tar- 
iff, with  “ Preferential  Trade  ” (a.  d. 
1903): 

J.  Chamberlain:  Speeches  and  Letter,  230-1. 

A.  J.  Balfour:  Letter  to  Mr.  Chamberlain,  232. 

8.  Agreements  (“  Entente  Cordiale”)  with 
France  (a.  d.  1904): 

Text  of  the  Agreements,  249-51. 

Lord  Lansdowne:  Explanatory  Despatch,  252. 
A.  Tardieu : France  and  the  Alliances,  249. 

9.  The  “ Dogger  Bank  Incident  ” of  Russo- 
Japanese  War  (a.  d.  1904): 

Naval  Annual:  Abridged  account,  352-3. 


10.  Return  of  the  Lireral  Party  to  Power 
(A.  D.  1905): 

Campbell-Bannermann  Ministry,  233-5. 

11.  Restoration  of  Self-Government  to 
the  Boer  Colonies  (a.  d.  1904-1905): 

Letters  Patent  from  the  Crown,  etc.,  626-7. 

12.  Education  Bill  of  1906: 

C.  W.  Barnes:  Summary  of  its  Provisions,  199- 

200. 

Sir  H.  Campbell-Bannermann:  Resolutions  on 
the  Action  of  the  Lords,  235. 

13.  Friendly  Convention  with  Russia  (a.  d. 
1907) : 

Text  of  the  Convention,  255-7. 

14.  Institution  of  “ The  Territorial 
Force  ” (a.  d.  1907-1908): 

Main  Provisions  of  the  Act,  693-4. 

Lord  Roberts:  Proposal  of  Compulsory  Service, 
694. 

15.  Action  on  Disturbances  in  Macedonia 
(a.  D.  1907-1908) : 

Parliamentary  Papers : Official  Correspondence. 

16.  Action  in  Persia  during  the  Revolu- 
tion (a.  d.  1907-1908): 

Parliamentary  Papers;  Official  Correspondence, 
483-7. 

The  London  Times:  Correspondence,  488-91. 

17.  Disaffection  in  India  ; Governmental 
Reforms  (a.  d.  1907-1909): 

The  London  Times:  Correspondence,  312-14, 
314-15. 

Sir  H.  Cotton:  The  New  Spirit  in  India,  316. 

Dr.  R.  B.  Ghose:  Address  to  India  Congress, 
316. 

A.  Iman:  Address  to  All-India  Moslem  League, 
316-17. 

Goldwin  Smith:  British  Empire  in  India,  317. 

Report  on  Moral  and  Material  Condition,  318-19. 

J.  Morley  (Viscount) ; Speech  in  Parliament  on 
the  Indian.  Councils  Bill,  321-2. 

Text  of  main  Provisions  of  the  Act,  322-4. 

18.  Campaign  of  English  “Suffragettes” 
(a.  D.  1907-1909) : 

Mrs.  Pankhurst:  Address  in  New  York,  224. 

English  Press  Reports,  224-7. 

19.  Old  Age  Pensions  Act  (a.  d.  1908-1909): 

Summary  of  Provisions ; Speech  of  D.  Lloyd- 

George,  508-9. 

20.  Housing  and  Town-planning  Act  (1909): 

Summary  of  its  Provisions,  613. 

21.  Building  of  “Dreadnoughts”  in  Eng- 
land and  Germany  (a.  d.  1909): 

Lord  Charles  Beresford : Speech  in  London,  700. 

Cassell’s  Magazine:  The  Dreadnought,  700-1. 

Speeches  in  British  Parliament,  700-03. 

22.  Chancellor  Lloyd-George’s  Budget  ; 
Its  Rejection  by  the  Lords  (a.  d.  1909): 

D.  Lloyd-George : Explanatory  Speech  in  Par- 
liament, 240-2. 

H.  H.  Asquith : Speech  in  Parliament,  242-3. 

Sir  E.  Grey:  Speech  at  Leeds,  243. 

Lords  Lansdowne,  Rosebery,  Balfour,  James, 
et  al  : Speeches,  243-5. 

Proceedings,  Votes,  Parliamentary  Dissolution, 
Election,  244-5,  246. 


805 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


* STUDY  XLIX. 


CANADA. 


1.  Discovery  and  Early  Exploration: 

G.  Bancroft:  Hist,  of  theU.  S.,  58  (51). 

Sir  A.  Helps:  Spanish  Conquest,  63  (56). 

J.  G.  Kohl:  Discovery  of  Maine,  2404-5(2352-3). 
Father  Charlevoix:  New  France,  72-3  (65-6). 

E.  Warburton:  Conquest  of  Canada,  74  (67). 

E.  Hayes:  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  76  (69). 

2.  The  Aborigines  ; The  Name  Canada: 

D.  G.  Brinton:  The  Lenape,  84  (77). 

J.  W.  Powell:  Ethnological  Report,  85  (78). 

E.  Warburton:  Conquest  of  Canada,  365  (355). 

F.  Parkman  : Pioneers  of  France,  366  (356) 

3.  The  Arrival  of  Champlain  ; Acadia  ; 
Port  Royal  (a.  d.  1603): 

E.  Warburton:  Conquest  of  Canada,  366  (356). 

F.  Parkman : Pioneers  of  France,  2437  (2385). 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  367  (357). 

J.  Hannay:  Hist,  of  Acadia,  368-9  (358-9). 

4.  Founding  of  Quebec  and  Montreal  ; Dis- 
covery of  Lake  Champlain: 

W.  Kingsford:  Hist,  of  Canada,  367-8  (357-8). 
J.  MacMullen:  Hist,  of  Canada,  369  (359). 

J.  R.  Brodhead:  Hist,  of  New  York,  369  (359). 

5.  Jesuit  Missions: 

E.  F.  Slafter  : Memoir  of  Champlain,  371  (361). 

R.  Mackenzie:  America,  371-2  (361-2). 

F.  Parkman:  Jesuits  in  N.  America,  372  (362). 
E.  Warburton:  Conquest  of  Canada,  373  (363). 

A.  Bell : Hist,  of  Canada,  373  (363). 

6.  The  Great  Pioneer  Explorers: 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  372-3  (362-3). 
J.  Fiske:  Spanish  and  French  Explorers,  375-6 

(365-6) 

B.  A.  Hinsdale:  The  Old  Northwest,  378-9 
(368-9). 

7.  First  Inter-Colonial  or  “King  Wil- 
liam’s” War  (a.  d.  1689-97): 

G.  Bancroft.  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  376-7  (366-7). 

J.  G.  Palfrey : Hist,  of  New  England,  377  (367). 
J.  S.  Barry:  Hist,  of  Massachusetts,  378  (368). 

8.  Second  Inter-Colonial  or  “Queen 
Anne’s”  War  (a.  d.  1711-13): 

R.  Johnson:  Hist,  of  the  French  War,  2362 
(2314). 

G.  Bancroft:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S„  379-80  (369-70). 

S.  S.  Hebberd:  Hist,  of  Wisconsin,  380  (370). 

9.  Third  Inter-Colonial  or  “King  George’s” 
War  (a.  d.  1744-8) : 

J.  Graham:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  2362-3  (2314-15). 
R.  Brown:  Island  of  Cape  Breton,  397-8  (387-8). 
J.  G.  Palfrey:  Hist,  of  New  England,  398  (388). 
R.  Hildreth:  Hist,  of  theU.  S.,  2363-4  (2315-16). 
R.  Johnson:  Hist,  of  French  War,  2364  (2316). 

T.  C.  Haliburton:  The  English  in  America, 
2364-5  (2316-17). 

“ As  far  as  England  was  concerned  the  taking  of 
Louisburg  was  the  great  event  of  the  war  of  the  Aus- 
trian succession.  England  had  no  other  success  in  that 
war  to  compare  with  it.  As  things  turned  out,  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  this  exploit  of  New  England  gave 
peace  to  Europe.”  J.  G.  Palfrey. 

10.  The  Fate  of  the  Acadians: 

J.  Hannay:  Hist,  of  Acadia,  2438-9  (2386-7). 

R.  Johnson:  Hist,  of  the  French  War,  2439-40 
(2387-8). 


T.  C.  Haliburton : Nova  Scotia,  2440  (2388). 

F.  Parkman:  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  2440-1 
(2388-9). 

C.  C.  Smith:  Wars  on  the  Seaboard,  2441  (2389). 

11.  A Border  Warfare: 

F.  Parkman:  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  381  (371). 

G.  E.  Hart:  The  Fall  of  New  France,  381  (371). 
E.  II.  Roberts:  New  York,  381  (371). 

J.  H.  Patton:  The  American  People,  381-2  (372). 

12.  The  “Seven  Years,”  or  “French  and 
Indian,”  War  (a.  d.  1755-1763): 

F Parkman:  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  382-3  (372-3). 

G.  E.  Hart:  The  Fall  of  New  France,  383-4  (374). 
C.  C.  Smith:  Wars  on  the  Seaboard,  398  (388). 
J.  Marshall:  Life  of  Washington,  384r-5  (374^5). 

13.  The  Fall  of  Quebec  ; Montcalm  and 
Wolfe  (a.  d.  1759): 

E.  Warburton:  Conquest  of  Canada,  385  (375). 
W.  Irving:  Life  of  Washington,  385-6  (375-6). 

14.  Closing  Events  of  the  War: 

R.  Johnson:  Hist,  of  the  French  War,  386-7 
(376-7). 

G.  Bancroft:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S , 387-8  (377-8). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  2975  (2898). 

15.  The  American  Revolution  and  Canada: 
J.  G.  Bourinot:  Const.  Hist,  of  Canada,  388-9 

(378-9). 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  389-90  (379-80). 
J.  Fiske:  War  of  Independence,  3355,  first 

column  (3239). 

R.  Hildreth : Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3365-6  (3249-50). 
Sir  E.  Creasy:  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles,  3366-8 
(3250-2). 

H.  W.  Preston:  Historical  Documents,  3403-4 
(3287-8). 

16.  Constitutional  Act  of  1791 ; Upper  and 
Lower  Canada  : 

J.  E.  C.  Munro:  Constitution  of  Canada,  390 

(380) . 

17.  In  the  War  of  1812: 

See  Study  XL. 

18.  Convention  Relating  to  Fisheries  (a.  d, 
1818): 

H.  W.  Preston:  Historical  Documents,  Article 
III.,  3404  (3288). 

E.  Schuyler:  American  Diplomacy,  1151-2 
(1121-2). 

19.  The  “Family  Compact”;  Rebellion  of 
1837: 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  390  (380). 

Earl  of  Durham : British  N.  America,  390  (380). 
J.  McCarthy : Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  391  (381). 
W.  P.  Greswell : The  Dominion  of  Canada,  391 

(381) . 

Viscount  Bury:  Exodus  of  Western  Nations,  392 

(382) . 

W.  P.  Greswell : The  Dominion  of  Canada,  392 

(382). 

20.  The  “Caroline  Affair”;  The  Ashbur- 
ton Treaty  (a.  d.  1842) : 

Viscount  Bury:  Exodus  of  Western  Nations,  392 

(382) . 

H.  C.  Lodge:  Daniel  Webster,  392-3  (382-3). 

J.  Schouler:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  3494-5  (3378-9). 

21 . Opposition  of  Races  ; Relations  with  the 
United  States  (a.  d.  1840-65) : 

Gold  win  Smith:  The  Canadian  Question,  393 

(383) . 


806 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Treaties  and  Conventions  between  the  U.  S.  and 
Other  Powers,  3163-4  (3079-80). 

F.  E.  Haynes:  Reciprocity  Treaty,  3164  (3080). 
II.  J.  Raymond:  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  3658 

(3542). 

22.  Fenian  Invasions  (a.  d.  1866-1871): 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  1833-1 
(1793-4). 

G.  Bryce:  The  Canadian  People,  393-4  (383—1). 

23.  Federation;  The  Dominion  of  Canada 
(a.  d.  1867). 

J.  G.  Bourinot:  Federal  Gov’t,  in  Canada, 
1139-40  (1111-12). 

: Const.  Hist,  of  Canada,  394  (384). 

J.  Bryce : The  American  Commonwealth,  394-5 
(384-5). 

Full  Text  of  the  Constitution,  546-557(526-537). 

"The  Federal  Constitution  of  the  Dominion  of  Can- 
ada is  contained  in  the  British  North  America  Act,  1867, 
a statute  of  the  British  Parliament  (30  Viet.,  c.  3).  . . . 
The  Federal,  or  Dominion  Government,  is  conducted  on 
the  so-called  ‘ Cabinet  system  ’ of  England,  i.  e.,  the 
Ministry  sit  in  Parliament,  and  hold  ofhee  at  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  House  of  Commons.  . . . The  distribution 
of  matters  within  the  competence  of  the  Dominion 
Parliament  and  of  the  Provincial  legislatures  respect- 
ively, bears  a general  resemblance  to  that  existing  in 
the  United  States;  but  there  is  this  remarkable  distinc- 
tion, that  whereas  in  the  United  States,  Congress  has 
only  the  powers  actually  granted  to  it,  the  State  legis- 
latures retaining  all  such  powers  as  have  not  been 
taken  from  them,  the  Dominion  Parliament  has  a gen- 
eral power  of  legislation,  restricted  only  by  the  grant 
of  certain  specific  and  exclusive  powers  to  the  Provin- 
cial legislatures.  . . . The  Constitution  of  the  Dominion 
was  never  submitted  to  popular  vote,  and  can  be  al- 
tered only  by  the  British  Parliament,  except  as  regards 
certain  points  left  to  its  own  legislature.  There  exists 
no  power  of  amending  the  provincial  Constitutions  by 
popular  vote  similar  to  that  which  the  peoples  of  the 
several  States  exercise  in  the  United  States.”  James 
Bryce. 

24.  Later  Admissions;  Increase  of  Terri- 
tory: 

J.  E.  C.  Munro:  Constitution  of  Canada,  2429 
(2377). 

J.  McCarthy : Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  395  (385). 
J.  McCoun : The  Great  North  West,  395-6  (385-6). 
J.  E.  C.  Munro:  Constitution  of  Canada,  333-4, 
2658  (323-4,  2586). 

C.  Cushing:  The  Treaty  of  Washington,  2874 
(2799). 

Viscount  Milton:  The  San  Juan  Boundary,  2874 
(2799). 

Creation  of  New  Provinces  in  1905,  Vol.  VII.,  67. 

25.  The  Fisheries  Question  (a.  d.  1818-1910) : 
Treaties  and  Conventions  Between  the  U.  S.  and 

Other  Powers,  35  (28). 

C.  B.  Elliott:  The  Northeastern  Fisheries,  1152 

(1122). 

Final  Agreement  for  Arbitration  (a.  d.  1909), 
Volume  VII.,  446-8. 

26.  The  Manitoba  School  Question  (a.  d. 
1890-96  and  1905) : 

J.  G.  S.  Cox:  Mr.  Laurier  and  Manitoba,  Volume 
VI.,  59-61. 

Text  of  the  Encyclical  Letter  of  the  Pope,  Vol- 
ume VI.,  62-3. 

The  Outlook  (a.  d.  1905),  Volume  VII.,  68. 

27.  Immigration  ; Movement  from  the  United 
States. 

E.  Farrer:  Canada  and  the  New  Imperialism, 
Volume  VII.,  63. 

J.  W.  Dafoe-  Western  Canada,  Vol.  VII.,  63. 
London  Times:  Correspondence,  Vol.  VII.,  64. 


28.  Recent  Important  Treaties  and  Agree- 
ments : 

(a)  Alaska  Boundary. 

President  Roosevelt:  Message  (1903),  Vol.  VII.,  9. 

F.  B.  Tracy:  Tercentenary  History  of  Canada, 
Vol.  VII.,  9. 

Convention  for  fixing  the  Line,  Vol.  VII.,  9-10. 

( b ) Waterways  Treaty. 

Text  of  Treaty  (1909)  U.  S.  and  Great  Britain, 
Volume  VII.,  71-2. 

(c)  General  Boundary. 

Summary  of  Boundary  Treaty  (1908),  Volume 
VII.,  69-70. 

29.  Imperial  Relations: 

Parliamentary  Papers:  Proceeding  of  Imperial 
Conferences  of  Colonial  Premiers,  1897,  1902 
and  1907,  Volume  VI.,  208-9;  Volume  VII., 
51-7. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  L. 


JAPAN. 


1.  Early  History: 

B.  H.  Chamberlain:  Things  Japanese,  1913-15 
(1873-5). 

IS.  Reclus:  The  Earth  and  Its  Inhabitants,  1990 
(3737). 

2.  Jesuit  Missions;  A Century  of  Chris- 
tianity (a.  d.  1550-16801 : 

Quarterly  Review,  1871 : Christianity  in  Japan, 
1915-16  (1875-6). 

D.  Murray:  Story  of  Japan,  1916  (1876). 

Sir  E.  J.  Reed:  Japan,  1916-17  (1876-7). 

3.  Opening  of  Ports  to  Foreigners  (a.  d. 
1852): 

Inazo  Nitobe:  The  U.  S.  and  Japan,  1917-18 
(1877-8). 

Monument  to  Com.  Perry,  Vol.  VI.,  282-3;  Vol. 
VIL,  341. 

4.  Constitutional  Development  (a.  d. 
1869—): 

T.  Iyenaga:  Development  of  Japan,  1918-19 
(1878-9). 

H.  N.  G.  Busliby:  Parliamentary  Gov’t  in 
Japan,  Vol.  VI.,  277-8. 

Tokiwo  Yokoi-  New  Japan,  Vol.  VI.,  278-9. 
Text  of  the  Constitution  of  1889,  578-80  (554-7). 

5.  War  with  China  (a.  d.  1894r-5): 

G.  N.  Curzon:  Problems  of  the  Far  East, 
1990-91  (3737-8). 

Political  Science  Quarterly,  1991  (3738). 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
76-8. 

6.  Acquisition  of  Formosa  : 

J.H.  Wilson:  China,  1185-6  (3747). 

S.  W.  Williams:  Middle  Kingdom,  1186  (3747). 
Treaty  with  China  (1895),  Article  II.  (b),  Vol. 
VI.,  76. 

The  Annual  Register  (1896),  Vol.  VI.,  279. 

7.  Japan  and  Russia  in  Korea  (a  d.  * 895-8) : 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  288-9. 
Correspondence  of  London  Times,  Vol.  VI., 

289. 


807 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


8.  Party  Organizations  ; The  Marquis  Ito  : 
H.  N.  G.  Bushby:  Parliamentary  Gov’t  in 

Japan,  Vol.  VI.,  279-80. 

Correspondence  of  the  London  Times,  Vol.  VI., 
282;  Vol.  VII.,  362-3. 

W.  E.  Griffis:  Prince  Ito’s  Party,  Vol.  VII.,  343. 

9.  Distrust  of  the  Russians  in  Manchuria 
(a.  d.  1901-1904) : 

G.  T.  Ladd:  In  Korea  with  Marquis  Ito,  Vol. 
VII.,  341-2. 

Text  of  Russo-Chinese  Treaty  of  1902,  Vol.  VII., 
91-2. 

10.  Defensive  Agreements  with  Great 
Britain  : 

Text  of  Agreements  of  1902  and  1905,  Vol.  VII., 
342-3,  360-1. 

11.  War  with  Russia  (a.  d.  1904-1905): 

U.  S.  War  Dep’t:  Epitome,  Vol.  VII.,  343-5, 

346,  348. 

E.  J.  Nojine : The  Truth  about  Port  Arthur,  Vol. 
VII.,  345,  347-8,  350. 

Admiral  Sir  C.  Bridge:  In  the  Naval  Annual, 
Vol.  VII.,  346. 

Lord  Brooke:  An  Eye-witness  in  Manchuria, 

347. 

L.  Hearn:  Letter  from  Japan,  347. 

T.  Sakurai:  Human  Bullets,  348-50. 

American  Review  of  Reviews,  Vol.  VII.,  351-2. 
G.  Kennan:  The  Naval  Battle  of  Tsushima,  Vol. 
VII.,  352-4. 

L.  L.  Seaman,  M.  D. : The  Japanese  Medical  Ser- 
vice, Vol.  VII.,  354-5. 

Official  Japanese  Statement  of  Casualties,  Vol. 
VII.,  355-6. 

12.  The  Peace  Treaty  of  Portsmouth  (a.  d. 
1905) : 

American  Mediation;  President  Roosevelt’s 
Proffer,  Vol.  VII.,  356. 

Official  Correspondence  and  Preliminaries,  Vol. 
VII.,  356-7. 

F.  de  Martens:  The  Portsmouth  Peace  Confer- 
ence, Vol.  VII.,  357. 

E.  J.  Dillon:  Story  of  the  Peace  Negotiations, 
Vol.  VII.,  357-8. 

Text  of  the  Treaty,  Vol.  VII.,  358-60. 

13.  The  War  Debt  ; Material  Conditions: 
The  London  Times:  Correspondence,  Vol.  VII., 

363,  362. 

14.  Korea  under  Japanese  Control  (a.  d. 
1904-1909): 

Text  of  three  Agreements  of  1904  and  1905,  Vol. 
VII.,  365-7. 

K.  Asakawa:  Korea  and  Manchuria  under  the 
New  Treaty,  Vol.  VII.,  367. 

London  and  New  York  Press  Correspondence, 
Vol.  VII.,  367-70. 

Assassination  of  Prince  Ito,  Vol.  VII.,  363-4. 

15.  Disputes  with  China  (a.  d.  1905-1909) : 
The  London  Times:  Correspondence,  Vol.  VII., 

95,  97-8. 

16.  Exchange  of  Notes  with  the  United 
States  on  Policy  in  the  East  (a.  d.  1908): 

Text  of  the  Declaration,  Vol.  VII.,  362. 

17.  The  San  Francisco  School  Question: 

F.  H.  Clark:  Anti-Japanese  Agitation  in  Cali- 
fornia, Vol.  VII.,  538-40. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  LI. 


CHINA. 


1.  The  Names  and  Character  of  the  Coun- 
try: 

H.  Yule:  Cathay,  428  (416). 

E.  Reclus:  The  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants,  428-30. 

2.  Origin  and  Early  History  of  the  People: 
T.  de  Lacouperie:  Chinese  Civilization,  246 

(239). 

R.  Iv.  Douglas:  China,  430-2  (416-18). 

3.  Religions  of  the  People  : 

R.  Iv.  Douglas:  China,  432-3  (418-19). 

T.  Rhys  Davids:  Buddhism,  433  (419). 

Abbe  Hue:  Christianity  in  China,  1995  (1951). 

4.  The  Mongol  Conquest  ; Empire  of  Kublai- 
Khan  (a.  d.  1150-1368). 

H.  H.  Howorth.  The  Mongols,  2265  (2221). 

C.  R.  Markham:  Hist,  of  Persia,  2265  (2221). 

H.  Yule:  Cathay,  433  (419);  2266-8. 

H.  H.  Howorth : The  Mongols,  433  (419). 

D.  C.  Boulger.  China,  2266  (2222). 

5.  The  Ming  and  Manchu  Dynasties  : 

L.  Ritchie:  Oriental  Nations,  434  (420). 

H.  A.  Giles:  Historic  China,  434-5(420-1). 

T.  T.  Meadows:  North  China,  2126-7  (3791-2). 

6.  The  Opium  War  ; Opening  of  the  Treaty 
Ports  (a.  d.  1839-42) : 

S.  Walpole:  History  of  England,  435-7  (421-3). 
S.  W.  Williams:  The  Middle  Kingdom,  437 

(423) . 

C.  P.  Lucas:  The  British  Colonies,  1701. 

7.  The  Taiping  Rebellion  (a.  d.  1850-64) 
“Chinese”  Gordon: 

S.  W.  Williams:  The  Middle  Kingdom,  438 

(424) . 

L.  N.  Wheeler:  The  Foreigner  in  China,  438 
(424). 

A.  Forbes:  Chinese  Gordon,  438-9  (42U5). 

R.  H.  Veitch:  Charles  George  Gordon,  439  (425). 

8.  The  War  with  England  and  France  (a. 
d.  1856-60): 

J.  McCarthy : Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  439-41 
(425-7). 

9.  French  Acquisitions  in  Indo-China  (a.  d. 
1875-79) : 

A.  H.  Keane:  Eastern  Geography,  3200-01 

(3114-15). 

V.  Duruy:  Hist,  of  France,  1428(1395). 

10.  The  Burlingame  Treaty  and  the  Ex- 
clusion Act  : 

W.  Speer:  The  Oldest  Empire,  441-2  (427-8). 

E.  McPherson:  Handbook  of  Politics,  3702 
(3585). 

11.  The  Chinese  in  Korea: 

fl.  Reclus-  The  Earth  and  Its  Inhabitants,  1990 
(3736-7). 

R.  S.  Gundry:  China  and  Her  Neighbors,  1990 
(3737). 

G.  N.  Curzon:  Problems  of  the  Far  East,  1990-1 
(3737-8). 

12.  The  War  With  Japan  (a.  d.  1894-95): 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  1991  (3738). 

Korean  Independence,  Vol.  VI.,  76. 

Text  of  the  Treaty  of  Shimonoseki,  Vol.  VI., 
76-8. 


808 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


13.  Treaty  With  Russia  Giving  Rights  in 
Manchuria  . 

H.  Norman:  Russia  and  England,  Vol.  VI.,  78-9. 
Statistical  Description  of  Manchuria  in  1897, 
Vol.  VI.,  301-2. 

14.  Foreign  Residents  of  China  (a.  d.  1897)' 
U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  80. 

15.  European  Wrecking  of  the  Empire  be- 
gun (a.  d.  1897-98): 

U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  Vol.  VI.,  80. 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
80-3. 

The  “Battle  of  Concessions,”  Vol.  VI.,  83-6. 

16.  Russian  Acquisition  of  Port  Arthur 
(a.  d.  1898): 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
86-8. 

17.  Increased  Demands  of  France  and  Gt. 
Britain  (a.  d.  1898) : 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 

88- 9. 

18.  “Open-Door”  Commercial  Agreements 
secured  by  the  United  States: 

U.  S.  Congressional  Documents,  Vol.  VI.,  104. 

19.  Efforts  toward  Reform  (a.  d.  1898): 
Kang  Yeu  Wei:  Revolution  of  1898,  Vol.  VI., 

89- 91. 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
91-4. 

Blackwood’s  Magazine : The  Empress  Dowager, 
Vol.  VI.,  94-5. 

20.  Outbreak  of  Hostility  to  Foreigners 
(a.  d.  1898-1900): 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  95-101. 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
95-101 

G.  F.  Wright:  Letter  to  the  Nation,  Vol.  VI., 
299 

21.  The  Tsung-li  Yamen: 

The  Spectator  (London,  1899),  Vol.  VI.,  101. 

22.  Early  Accounts  of  “The  Boxers”  (a.  d. 
1900): 

Great  Britain:  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
104-7. 

Robert  Hart:  The  Peking  Legations,  Vol.  VI., 

107- 8. 

23.  Naval  Demonstration  of  the  Powers 
(a.  d.  1900): 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 

108- 9. 

Telegrams  from  British  Minister  at  Peking,  Vol. 
VI.,  109-12. 

Official  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  112-13. 

24.  Chinese  Imperial  Edicts  (a.  d 1900): 
Correspondence  of  London  Times,  Vol.  VI.,  114. 
Report  by  Minister  Wu  Ting-fang, Vol.  VI.,  115. 

25.  Siege  of  the  Foreign  Legations  at  Pe  ■ 
king  (June- Aug.,  1900) : 

Detailed  Account  by  one  of  the  Besieged,  Vol. 
VI.,  115-128. 

London  Times  Correspondence,  Vol.  VI.,  115-128. 
U.  S.  Secretary  of  War,  Report,  Vol.  VI.,  128-9. 

26.  Capture  of  Peking  by  Allied  Forces 
(Aug.,  1900): 

Report  of  U.  S.  Gen.  Chaffee,  Vol.  VI.,  130-2. 


27.  Horrors  of  the  Allied  Invasion: 

T.  F.  Millard:  The  Armies  in  China,  Vol.  VI., 
132. 

E.  J.  Dillon:  Chinese  Wolf  and  European  Lamb, 
Vol.  VI.,  132-4. 

Correspondence  of  London  Times,  Vol.  VI., 
134^6. 

28.  Final  Negotiations  of  Powers  with 
China  : 

Texts  of  Notes,  Agreements,  etc.,  Vol.  VI., 
137^:3. 

29.  Murdered  Missionaries  and  Christians  : 

Several  Detailed  Statements,  Vol.  VI.,  143-4. 

30.  The  Russian  Grip  on  Manchuria  (a.  d. 
1901-1902) : 

Text  of  Secret  Treaty  Secured,  Vol.  VI.,  300-01. 

Remonstrance  of  the  U.  S.  Secretary  of  State, 
Vol.  VI.,  144. 

United  States:  Papers  on  Foreign  Relations, 
Vol.  VII.,  91-2. 

G.  T.  Ladd:  In  Korea  with  Prince  Ito,  Vol. 
VII.,  341-2. 

31.  Chinese  Indemnity  for  the  Boxer  Ris- 
ing: 

Settlement  of  the  Indemnity,  Vol.  VII.,  92. 

Remission  of  part  by  the  United  States;  Corre- 
spondence, Vol.  VII.,  92-3. 

32.  Commercial  Treaty  with  the  United 
States  (a.  d.  1903): 

J.  H.  Latane  : America  as  a World  Power,  Vol. 
VII.,  94. 

33.  Railways  and  Recent  Railway  Ques- 
tions: 

D.  C.  Boulger:  The  Shanghai -Nanking  Railway, 
Vol.  VII.,  94. 

TheHankau  Sze  chuen  Railway  Loan  Question, 
Vol.  VII.,  94-5. 

Railway  Agreements  and  Disputes  with  Japan, 
Vol.  VII.,  95,  97-8. 

Russo-Chinese  Agreement  and  the  ELharbin  Ques- 
tion, Vol.  VII.,  100-02. 

Opening  of  the  Peking-Kalgan  Railway,  Vol. 
VII.,  545. 

Proposed  neutralization  of  Manchurian  railways, 
Vol.  VII.,  102-03. 

34.  Promised  Constitution  of  Representa- 
tive Government  (a.  d.  1908-1909): 

New  York  Tribune  : Summarized  translation  of 
Decree,  Vol.  VII.,  95-6. 

Reaffirmation  of  the  Decree,  Vol.  VII.,  99-100. 

London  Times ; Election  and  Opening  of  Pro- 
vincial Assemblies,  a.  d.  1909,  Vol.  VII.,  102. 

35.  Death  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
Dowager  (a.  d.  1908) : 

Newspaper  Reports,  Vol.  VII.,  99. 

36.  Dismissal  of  Viceroy  Yuan  Shih-kai 
(a.  d.  1909): 

Correspondence  of  New  York  Evening  Post,  Vol. 
VII.,  100. 

37.  Opium  Reform  : 

United  States  Legation  Report,  Vol.  VII.,  462-3. 

Tang  Shao  Yi  : Address  in  London,  Vol.  VII., 
463-4. 

British  Consular  Report,  Vol.  VII.,  464. 

38.  American  Treaties,  vs.  Exclusion  Laws  : 

An  Exhibit  from  the  Documents,  Vol.  VII.,  538. 

*See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


* STUDY  LII. 


RUSSIA. 


1.  Origin  of  the  People  and  Their  Na- 
tional Name: 

V.  Thomsen:  Russia  and  Scandinavia,  3009 
(2931) ; 2829  (2755). 

A.  Lefevre:  Race  and  Language,  3009  (2931). 

G.  Finlay:  Byzantine  Empire,  521  (507). 

2.  Early  Relations  with  Byzantine  Empire: 
G.  Finlay:  Byzantine  Empire,  2829-30  (2755-6); 

521-2  (507-8). 

G.  F.  Maclear:  Conversion  of  the  West,  480-1 
(466-7). 

3.  The  Mongol  Conquest  (a.  d.  1237-39); 

H.  Yule:  Cathay,  2267-8  (2222-4). 

C.  I.  Black:  Proselytes  of  Ishinael,  2268  (2224). 
H.  H.  Howorth:  Hist,  of  the  Mongols,  2268 
(2224). 

4.  Two  Centuries  of  Tartar  Domination 
(a.  d.  1237-1480): 

J.  C.  Prichard : Races  of  Mankind,  3173  (3089). 

P.  A.  Kropotkine:  Tartars,  3173  (3089). 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  2830-2 
(2756-8). 

A.  Leroy -Beaulieu : Empire  of  the  Tsars,  2832 
(2758). 

5.  Invasion  of  the  Poles;  Origin  of  the 
Romanoffs  : 

H.  S.  Edwards:  The  Romanoifs,  2832-3  (2758). 

H.  Krasinski:  Cossacks  of  the  Ukraine,  641-2 
(618-19). 

W.  R.  Morfil:  The  Story  of  Russia,  2619  (2551). 

6.  Assumption  of  the  Title  “Tsar”  (a.  d. 
1547) : 

A.  Rambaud:  Hist,  of  Russia,  2833  (2759). 

W.  K.  Kelly.  Russia,  2833  (2759). 

7.  Conquest  of  Siberia  (a.  d.  1580) : 

W.  Coxe:  Russian  Discoveries,  2979  (2902). 

U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  2980. 

8.  Wars  with  Turks  and  Sweden: 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy : The  Ottoman  Turks,  2833-4 
(2759-60). 

J.  L.  Stevens:  Gustavus  Adolphus,  2897  (2822). 

9.  Great  Religious  Schism,  — “The  Rascol  ” 
(a.  d.  1655-60) : 

W.  R.  Morfil : Story  of  Russia,  2834  (2760). 
Stepniak:  The  Russian  Peasantry,  2834  (2760). 

10.  Peter  the  Great;  the  Conquest  of  Azov: 
Voltaire:  Charles  XII.,  2834-5  (2760-1). 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  3259-60  (3143-4) 

J.  N.  Earned-  Europe,  1108  (1080). 

11.  War  with  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden  (a.  d. 
1697-1718): 

Voltaire:  Charles  XII.,  2899-2900  (2824-5). 

A.  Crichton:  Scandinavia,  2900-01  (2825-6). 

W.  C.  Taylor:  Modern  History,  2903  (2826-8). 

12.  Founding  of  St.  Petersburg  (a.  d.  1703) : 

E.  Schuyler.  Peter  the  Great,  2835-6  (2761-2). 

13.  From  Peter  the  Great  to  Catherine  II. 
(a.  d.  1725-62) : 

W.  R.  Morfil : Story  of  Russia,  2836-7  (2762-3). 

W.  K.  Kelly : Hist,  of  Russia,  2837  (2763). 

T.  H.  Dyer : Modern  Europe,  2837-8  (2763-4). 

A.  Rambaud:  Hist,  of  Russia,  2838  (2764). 

81 


14.  Reign  of  Catherine  II.  (a.  d.  1762-96): 
Lardner:  History  of  Russia,  2839  (2765). 

C.  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  2839-40 
(2765-6). 

Edinburgh  Review  : Empress  Catherine  II.,  2840 
(2766). 

It.  Waliszewski-  Romance  of  an  Empress,  2840- 
1 (2766-7). 

H.  Frederic:  The  New  Exodus,  1971  (1930). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1115-16  (1087-8). 

15.  Assassination  of  Paul  (a.  d.  1801): 

A.  Czartoryski:  Memoirs,  2841-2  (2867-8). 

16.  Alexander  I. ; Alliances  against  Napo- 
leon (a.  d.  1801-1807): 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1375  (1342). 

H.  Martin:  History  of  France,  1545-6  (1511—12). 
A.  Itambaud:  History  of  Russia,  1546-7(1513). 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1547  (1513). 

C.  Joyneville:  Life  of  Alexander  I.,  1547-8 
(1513-14). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Finland,  2905-6  (2830-1). 

17.  Napoleon’s  Invasion  (a.  d.  1812): 

It.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1385-6  (1351-2). 

P.  Lanfrey:  History  of  Napoleon,  1384  (1351). 
A.  Rambaud : History  of  Russia,  2842-3  (2768-9). 
L.  Tolstoi:  Napoleon  and  the  Russ.  Campaign, 
2843-4  (2769-70). 

A.  Thiers:  History  of  the  Empire,  2844-5  (2771). 

V.  Duruy:  History  of  France,  2845-6  (2771-2). 
Gen.  R.  Wilson:  The  Invasion  of  Russia,  2846-7 

(2772-3). 

E.  Labaume:  The  Campaign  in  Russia,  2847 
(2773). 

18.  Alliance  of  Russia  and  Prussia  : Leipsic 
(a.  d.  1812-13): 

H.  Martin:  Hist,  of  France,  1555-6  (1521-2). 

J.  Mitchell.  The  Fall  of  Napoleon,  1557-8 
(1423-4). 

J.  G.  Lockhart:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1558-9  (1525). 
R.  H.  Horne:  Hist,  of  Napoleon,  1559-60  (1526). 
C-  T.  Lewis:  Hist,  of  Germany,  1561-2  (1527-8). 

W.  Hazlitt:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1562-3  (1528-9). 
G.  R.  Gleig.  The  Leipsic  Campaign,  1563  (1529). 

19.  The  Allies  in  Paris  ; Fall  of  Napoleon 
(a.  d.  1814): 

A.  Rambaud:  Hist,  of  Russia,  1387-9  (1354-6). 

J.  Mitchell:  Fall  of  Napoleon,  1389-91  (1356-8). 
II.  Martin:  Hist,  of  France,  1391-2  (1358-9). 

20.  The  Congress  of  Vienna: 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  3745-7  (3624-6). 

It.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  3747  (3626). 

21.  Alexander  I.  and  the  Holy  Alliance: 

M E.  G.  Duff:  European  Politics,  1696-7  (1658). 

E.  Hertslet:  Europe  by  Treaty,  1697  (1658). 

\V.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 
1697-8  (1658-9). 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  3741  (3621). 

F.  H.  Hill:  George  Canning,  3741  (3621). 

It.  Bell:  Life  of  Canning,  3741-2  (3621-2). 

22.  Revolt  of  Russian  Poland  (a.  d.  1830-2) : 

S.  Walpole:  Hist,  of  England,  2625-6  (2557-8). 

23.  The  Crimean  War  (a.  d.  1853-6): 

R.  Walpole : Foreign  Relations,  2848-9  (2774-5). 
J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  2849-50 

(2775-6).' 

W.  N.  Molesworth:  Hist,  of  England,  2851-2 
(2777-8). 

L.  C.  Sanders:  Life  of  Palmerston,  992  (965). 

S.  Walpole:  Hist,  of  England,  2853-5  (2779-81). 

.0 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


24.  Emancipation  of  the  Serfs  (a.  d.  1861) : 

D.  M.  Wallace : Russia,  2995  (2917). 

The  Times:  Alexander  II.,  2995  (2917). 

W.  H.  Dixon : Free  Russia,  2995-6  (2917-18). 
Stepniak:  The  Russian  Peasantry,  2996  (2918). 

25.  Russian  Advance  in  Central  Asia  (a.  d. 
1869-81): 

T.  W.  Knox:  Decisive  Battles,  2856-7  (2782-3). 

C.  H.  Pearson:  National  Life,  2857  (2783). 

E.  Reclus:  The  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants,  3246 
(3130). 

J.  F.  Bright:  Hist,  of  England,  15-17  (15-17). 
The  Anglo-Russian  Agreement  as  to  Frontiers, 
Vol.  VI.,  1. 

26.  War  with  Turkey  (a.  d.  1877-8): 

Cassell’s  Hist,  of  England,  259-61  (252-4). 

S.  Walpole: Foreign  Relations,  3268-9  (3152-3). 

T.  W.  Knox:  Decisive  Battles,  3269-70  (3153-4). 
E.  Ollier:  The  Russo-Turkish  War,  3270  (3154). 
J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  3270-1 

(3154-5). 

E.  Ollier:  The  Russo-Turkish  War,  3271-2(3156). 
W.  Muller:  Political  History,  3272-3  (3156-7). 

27.  The  Rise  and  Spread  of  Nihilism  (a.  d. 
1861-): 

J.  Rae : Contemporary  Socialism,  3026-7  (2948-9). 

E.  P.  Bazan : Russia,  2413-14  (2361-2). 

Georg  Brandes:  Impressions  of  Russia,  2414 

(2362). 

Stepniak:  Underground  Russia,  2414  (2362). 

C.  Joyneville:  Life  of  Alexander  II.,  2857-9 
(2783-5). 

28.  Alexander  III.  (a.  d.  1881-94);  Jewish  Per- 
secution : 

F.  H.  Geffcken:  Russia  Under  Alexander  III., 
2859-60  (2785-6). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  Israel  Among  the  Nations, 
1972  (1931). 

C.  N.  Barham:  The  Jews  in  Russia,  1972-3 
(1931-2). 

29.  Accession  of  Nicholas  II.  (a.  d.  1894) : 

Proclamation  of  the  Accession,  2860  (2786). 
Frightful  Calamity  at  the  Coronation,  Vol.  VI., 
423. 

Liberal  Policy  of  Nicholas,  Vol.  VI.,  423. 

30.  The  First  Census  of  the  Empire  (a.  d. 
1897): 

E.  J.  Dillon : The  First  Russian  Census,  Vol. 
VI.,  423-4. 

31.  Russia  in  China  (a.  d.  1895-): 

H.  Norman:  Russia  and  England,  Vol.  VI.,  78-9. 
Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
86-8,  101. 

32.  Russia  in  Finland  (a.  d.  1898-1901): 

R.  Eucken:  The  Finnish  Question,  Vol.  VI.,  234. 
Correspondence  of  the  London  Times,  Vol.  VI., 
224. 

33.  The  Student  Outbreaks  (a.  d.  1899-1902): 
Detailed  Accounts  from  Various  Sources,  Vol. 

VI.,  424,  425-7;  Vol.  VII.,  563. 

34.  Aggressive  Movements  in  Manchuria 
(a.  d.  1900-02): 

G.  F.  Wright,  in  the  Nation,  Vol.  VI.,  299-301. 
Text  of  the  Convention  with  China  of  1901,  Vol. 

VI.,  300-01. 


Text  of  Treaty  of  April,  1902,  Vol.  VII.,  91-2. 
G.  T.  Ladd:  In  Korea  with  Marquis  Ito,  Vol. 
VII.,  341-2. 

New  Agreement  of  May,  1909,  Vol.  VII.,  100. 

35.  Transportation  to  Siberia  : 

G.  F.  Kennan:  The  Settlement  of  Siberia,  2980. 
Order  of  Tsar  to  abolish  the  System,  Vol.  VI., 

425. 

36.  The  Trans-Siberian  Railway  (a.  d.  1891): 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
428-9. 

A.  H.  Ford:  Railways  in  Asia,  Vol.  VI.,  429. 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  429. 

37.  Revolutionary  Movements  (a.  d.  1902- 
1905) : 

K.  Zilliacus:  Russian  Revolutionary  Movement, 
Vol.  VII.,  563-4. 

F.  Volkhovsky:  The  Russian  Awakening,  Vol. 
VII.,  564-5. 

H.  W.  Nevinson:  The  Dawn  in  Russia,  567. 
Imperial  Manifestos:  The  so-called  Constitution 

of  October  30,  1905,  Vol.  VII.,  568-9. 

U.  S.  Consul:  Diary  of  Rising  at  Moscow,  Vol. 
VII.,  570-1. 

Annual  Register:  Naval  Mutiny,  Army  Revolt, 
etc.,  Vol.  VII.,  571. 

Imperial  Decree  of  Religious  Liberty,  Vol.  VII., 
571-2. 

38.  War  with  Japan  (a.  d.  1904-1905) : 

(See  in  Study  L.). 

39.  The  First,  Second  and  Third  Dumas  (a.  d. 
1906-1909): 

U.  S.  Ambassador  Meyer:  Despatches  relating 
to  First  Duma,  Vol.  VII.,  572-3. 

Imperial  Manifesto  dissolving  the  Duma,  Vol. 
VII..  574. 

Viborg  Address  of  Duma  Members  to  the  People. 
Vol.  VII.,  574. 

Imperial  Edict  of  Reforms,  Vol.  VII.,  57445. 
The  Short-lived  Second  Duma,  Vol.  VII.,  575. 
E.  J.  Dillon : On  the  Election  and  Character  of 
the  Third  Duma,  Vol.  VII.,  576-7. 

40.  The  Policy  of  Massacre  (“Pogroms”); 
The  Police  “ Agent  Provocateur”: 

Prince  Urussoff:  Speech  in  the  First  Duma,  Vol. 
VII.,  573. 

Prince  Kropotkin:  Letter  to  The  Times,  573-4. 
British  Parliamentary  Paper : Massacre  of  Jews 
at  Kishineff,  Vol.  VII.,  565-6. 

Russian  Police  System:  The  Azeff  Case,  Vol. 
VII.,  579. 

41.  The  Russianizing  of  Finland  : 

Particulars  from  various  sources,  Vol.  VII. , 270-3. 

42.  Agreements  with  Great  Britain  : 

Text  of  Convention  (a.  d.  1907),  with  Explan- 
atory Despatches,  Vol.  VII.,  255-7. 

43.  Submission  to  a German  Menace  (a.  d. 
1909): 

The  London  Times:  Editorial  Statement,  Vol. 
VII.,  260-1. 

44.  Present  Conditions  in  the  Empire  (a.  d. 
1909): 

Differing  Accounts,  Vol.  VII.,  580-1. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


811 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


* STUDY  LIII. 


THE  TURKISH  EMPIRE. 


1.  Race  and  Origin  of  the  Turks: 

H.  H.  Howortli:  History  of  the  Mongols,  2265 
(2221). 

F.  Lenormant:  Ancient  History,  3245  (3129). 

J.  C.  Prichard:  Races  of  Mankind,  3173  (3089). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  The  Ottoman  Power  in  Europe, 

252  (245). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3246-7  (3130-1). 

W.  Smith:  Note  to  above,  3246  (3130). 

2.  Rise  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  from  Wreck 
of  Mongol  Conquests  (a.  d.  1218-1240): 

C.  R.  Markham,  History  of  Persia,  2265. 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3249-50  (3133-4). 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3250 
(3134). 

E.  A.  Freeman.  The  Ottoman  Power,  3250 
(3134). 

3.  Their  Entry  into  Europe  (a.  d.  1360) : 

J.  E.  Tennent:  Modern  Greece,  3250-1  (3134-5). 
Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3251 
(3135). 

E.  Gibbon:  Decline  and  Fall,  3251-2  (3135-6). 

4.  The  Career  of  Timour,  the  Tartar  : 

E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3197  (3112). 

E.  A.  Freeman:  Conquests  of  the  Saracens, 
3197  (3112). 

A.  Vambery:  History  of  Bokhara,  3197-8 
(3112-13). 

5.  The  Fall  of  Constantinople  (a.  d.  1453) : 
Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3252-3 

(3136-7). 

E.  A.  Freeman  • The  Ottoman  Power,  3253 
(3137). 

C.  C.  Felton : Greece,  Ancient  and  Modern,  524 
(510). 

G.  Finlay:  The  Byzantine  Empire,  524-5  (511). 

6.  The  “ Sublime  Porte  ”: 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3119-20 
(3036-7). 

A.  H.  Sayce:  Fresh  Light  from  the  Monuments, 
2595  (2528). 

7.  Wars  of  Solyman  “The  Magnificent” 

(a.  d.  1520-66): 

W.  Robertson:  Reign  of  Charles  V.,  1702-3 
(1663-4). 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  1713-14 
(1674-5). 

E.  Szabad:  Hungary,  1714  (1675). 

N.W.  W rax  hall:  Hist,  of  France,  1882-3(1843). 

S.  Lane-Poole:  The  Barbary  Corsairs,  269-70 
(260-1). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Philip  II.,  1703-4  (1664-5). 

8.  War  with  the  Holy  League  ; The  Battle 
of  Lepanto  (a.  d.  1571): 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Philip  II.,  3255-7  (3139-41). 

R.  Watson:  Hist,  of  Philip  II.,  3257  (3141). 

C-  F.  Johnstone:  Historical  Abstracts,  3257-8 
(3141-2). 

“It  [Lepanto]  was  indeed  a sanguinary  battle,  sur- 
passing in  this  particular  any  sea-fight  of  modern 
times.  The  loss  fell  much  the  most  heavily  on  the 
Turks.  There  is  the  usual  discrepancy  about  numbers ; 
but  it  may  be  safe  to  estimate  their  loss  at  nearly  25,000 
slain  and  5000  prisoners.  What  brought  most  pleasure 
to  the  hearts  of  the  conquerors  was  the  liberation  of 
12,000  Christian  captives,  who  had  been  chained  to  the 

81 


oar  on  board  the  Moslem  galleys,  and  who  now  came 
forth,  with  tears  of  joy  streaming  down  their  haggard 
cheeks,  to  bless  their  deliverers.  . . . The  news  of  the 
victory  of  Lepanto  caused  a profound  sensation 
throughout  Christendom.  ...  It  is  a great  error  to 
speak  of  the  victory  of  Lepanto  as  a barren  victory. 
True,  it  did  not  strip  the  Turks  of  an  inch  of  territory. 
But  the  loss  of  reputation  — that  tower  of  strength  to 
the  conqueror  — was  not  to  be  estimated.” 

W.  H.  Prescott. 

9.  The  War  with  Persia,  and  the  Conquest 
of  Crete  (a.  d.  1623-70) : 

R.  W.  Fraser:  Turkey,  3258  (3142). 

Sir  E.  S.  Creasy:  The  Ottoman  Turks,  3258 
(3142). 

G.  Finlay  : History  of  Greece,  3258-9  (3142-3). 

10.  Great  Invasions  of  Poland  and  Hungary 
(a.  d.  1670-90): 

Chambers’  History  of  Poland,  2619-20  (2551-2). 
Sir  E.  S.  Creasy  : The  Ottoman  Turks,  1719-20 
(1680-1). 

H.  E.  Malden:  Vienna,  1720  (1681). 

G.  B.  Malleson:  Eugene  of  Savoy,  1720-1  (1682). 

11.  A Century  of  Aggression  on  the  Euro- 
pean Frontier  (a.  d.  1680-1780): 

T.  H.  Dyer  : Modern  Europe,  3259-60  (3143-4). 
R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  3260  (3144). 

W.  K.  Kelly:  History  of  Russia,  2837  (2763). 

R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  3260-1  (3144-5). 

R.  Bell:  History  of  Russia,  3261-2  (3145-6). 

12.  Turkey  in  the  Napoleonic  Wars: 

Sir  J.  Porter:  Turkey,  3262-3  (3146-7). 

H.  Van  Laun:  The  Revolutionary  Epoch,  1355 
(1322). 

H.  Martineau : History  of  England,  3263-4 
(3147-8). 

R.  Lodge  : Modern  Europe,  1547  (1513). 

C.  Jovneville:  Life  of  Alexander  I.,  1547-8 
(1513-14). 

13.  Gradual  Restriction  of  Turkish  Terri- 
tory : 

T.  W.  Knox:  Decisive  Battles,  1644-6  (1606-8). 

R.  W.  Fraser:  Turkey,  3264-7  (3148-51). 

A.  A.  Paton:  Researches  on  the  Danube,  257-8 
(250-1). 

J.  G.  C.  Minchin.  Servia  and  Montenegro,  258 
(251). 

H.  Morse  Stephens:  Modern  Historians,  258-9 
(251-2). 

W.  Midler:  Political  History,  3267-8(3151-2). 

14.  The  Crimean  War  (a.  d.  1853-6) : 

See  Study  XLII. 

15.  The  War  with  Russia  (a.  d.  1877-8): 

S.  Walpole:  Foreign  Relations,  3268-9  (3152-3.) 
Cassell’s  Hist,  of  England,  259-61  (252-4). 

E.  Ollier.  The  Russo-Turkish  War,  3269-70 
(3153-4). 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  3270-1 
(3155). 

16.  The  Treaty  of  Berlin  (a-  d.  1878) : 

E.  Ollier:  Russo-Turkish  War,  3271-2  (3155-6). 
W.  Midler:  Political  History,  3272-3  (3156-7). 

J.  H.  Rose:  Century  of  Continental  Hist.,  261 
(254). 

17.  The  Revolt  and  Massacres  in  Armenia 
(a.  d.  1895,  1903-4) : 

The  Annual  Register  (1895),  Vol.  VI.,  537-8. 
United  States,  54th  Congress,  Senate  Doc.,  Vol. 
VI.,  538-9. 

Duke  of  Argyle:  Our  Responsibility  for  Turkey, 
Vol.  VI.,  539-40. 

2 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


Contemporary  Review:  The  Constantinople  Mas- 
sacre, Vol.  VI.,  542-3. 

Great  Britain,  Papers  by  Command,  Vol.  VI., 
544-7;  Vol.  VII.,  653. 

18.  Cretan  Revolts  ; Protection  by  the  Pow- 
ers (1866-1909) : 

D.  Bikelas:  Christian  Greece,  1648-9  (1610-11). 
Ypsiloritis:  Situation  in  Crete,  Vol.  VI.,  540. 

E.  J.  Dillon:  Crete  and  the  Cretans,  Vol.  VI., 
540-1. 

Great  Britain:  Parliamentary  Papers,  Vol.  VI., 
543-7. 

Government  under  “The  Concert  of  Europe,” 
Vol.  VI.,  549,  551-2. 

: Vol.  VII.,  167-9. 

19.  War  with  Greece  (a.  d.  1897): 

B.  Burleigh:  The  Greek  War,  Vol.  VI.,  547-8. 

F.  Palmer:  How  the  Greeks  were  Defeated,  Vol. 

VI. ,  548. 

20.  Reign  of  Terror  in  Macedonia  (1900- 
1909) : 

The  London  Times  (August,  1900),  Vol.  VI., 
47-8. 

G.  F.  Abbott:  The  Macedonian  Question,  Vol. 

VII. ,  649-50. 

E.  J Dillon:  The  Reign  of  Terror,  Vol.  VII., 
650-1. 

H.  N.  Brailsford:  The  Macedonian  Revolt,  Vol. 
VII.,  651. 

H.  Vivian:  The  Macedonian  Conspiracy,  Vol. 
VII..  651-2. 

Great  Britain:  Parliamentary  Papers,  Vol.  VII., 
652,  653-5,  657. 

21.  The  “Young  Turks”  and  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1908: 

K.  Blind:  Macedonia,  Vol.  VII.,  655-6. 

Narrative  of  the  Revolution,  from  Official  and 
Press  Despatches,  Vol.  VII.,  656-62,  664. 

22.  Massacre  in  Southeastern  Asia  Minor 
(a.  d.  1909): 

Narrative  from  Various  Sources,  Vol.  VII..  664. 

23.  Bulgarian  Independence  and  Austrian 
Annexations  (a.  d.  1908-9) : 

Narrative  of  Events  from  Official  and  News- 
paper Sources,  Vol.  VII.,  258-61. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  LIV. 


SPANISH  AMERICA. 


1.  Origin  of  Spanish  Claims  in  America: 

(a)  By  Discovery , 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  The  Pacific  States,  55  (48). 

Sir  A.  Helps:  The  Spanish  Conquest,  55-6  (48-9). 

C.  R.  Markham:  The  Sea  Fathers,  56  (49). 

J.  Fiske : Discovery  of  America,  59-60  (52-3). 

J.  Winsor:  Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  61-2  (54-5). 

(b)  By  Papal  Grant. 

M.  Creighton : Hist,  of  the  Papacy,  57  (50). 

L.  L.  Dominguez : Conquest  of  the  River  Plate, 

58  (51). 

2.  The  American  Aborigines: 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Columbus,  89  (82). 

D.  G.  Brinton : Races  and  Peoples,  89  (82),  100 
(93),  105  (98). 

W-  H.  Brett:  Tribes  of  Guiana,  89-90  (82-3). 

81 


n.  II.  Bancroft:  Native  Races,  100  (93),  106-7 
(99-100). 

T.  J.  Hutchinson : The  Parana,  104  (97). 

J.  S.  Kingsley:  Natural  History,  113  (106). 

L.  H.  Morgan:  American  Aborigines,  54  (47). 

“ The  Spanish  adventurers  who  thronged  to  the  New 
World  after  its  discovery  found  the  same  race  of  Red 
Indians  in  the  West  India  Islands,  in  Central  and  South 
America,  in  Florida,  and  in  Mexico.  In  their  mode  of 
life,  and  means  of  subsistence,  in  their  weapons,  arts, 
usages,  and  customs,  in  their  institutions,  and  in  their 
mental  and  physical  characteristics,  they  were  the  same 
people  in  different  stages  of  advancement.  . . . There 
was  neither  a political  society,  nor  a state,  nor  any  civ- 
ilization in  America  when  it  was  discovered  ; and,  ex- 
cluding the  Eskimos,  but  one  race  of  Indians,  the  Red 
Race.’r  L.  H.  Morgan. 

3.  Conquest  of  Cuba  (a.  d.  1511): 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Conquest  of  Mexico,  661  (638). 
S.  Hazard,  Cuba,  661-2  (638-9). 

4.  Early  Exploring  Expeditions: 

W.  Irving:  Life  of  Columbus,  65-7  (58-60). 

W.  B.  Rye:  Discovery  of  Terra  Florida,  67  (60). 
Sir  A.  Helps:  Spanish  Conquest,  67-8  (60-1). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Conquest  of  Mexico,  68-9  (62). 

G.  Bancroft:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  70  (63). 

F.  de  Xeres:  Province  of  Cuzco,  71-2  (64-5). 

5.  Ancient  Central  America: 

H.  H.  Bancroft:  Native  Races,  2200-02  (2156-8). 

D.  G.  Brinton:  Hero-Myths,  2202  (2158). 

6.  The  Empire  of  Montezuma: 

H.  H.  Bancroft-  Native  Races,  2202  (2158). 

John  Fiske:  Discovery  of  America,  2203  (2159). 
H.  Cortes:  Despatches,  2205-6  (2161-2). 

Bernal  Diaz:  Memoirs,  2206  (2162). 

L.  H.  Morgan:  Houses  of  Am.  Aborigines,  2206-7 
(2162-3). 

7.  The  Spanish  Conquest  (a.  d.  1519-1521): 

S.  Hale:  Story  of  Mexico,  2203-4  (2159-60). 

J.  Winsor:  Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  2204-5(2161). 

M.  Chevalier:  Mexico,  2205  ((2161). 

W.  Robertson:  Hist,  of  America.  2207-8  (2164). 
Sir  A.  Helps:  The  Spanish  Conquest,  2209(2165). 

B.  Mayer:  Mexico,  2209  (2165). 

W.  H.  Prescott:  Conquest  of  Mexico,  2209-10 
(2165-6),  2212  (2168). 

M.  Chevalier:  Mexico,  2211-12  (2167-8). 

8.  The  Empire  of  the  Incas: 

C.  R.  Markham:  Hist,  of  America,  2585  (2518). 
W.  H.  Prescott:  Conquest  of  Peru,  2585-6 

(2518-19). 

E.  G.  Squier:  Peru,  2586  (2519). 

F.  Hassaurek : Four  years  among  Spanish  Amer- 
icans, 693-4  (670-1). 

9.  Pizarro’s  Conquest  of  Peru  (a.  d.  1531-3): 
R.  G.  Watson:  South  America,  2587  (2520). 

C.  R.  Markham : Conquest  of  Peru  and  Chili, 
2587-8  (2520-1). 

Sir  A.  Helps-  The  Spanish  Conquest,  2588-9 
(2521-2). 

10.  The  Conquest  of  Chile: 

J.  S.  Kingsley:  Natural  History,  422  (411). 

R.  G.  Watson : South  America,  422  (411). 

E.  R.  Smith  - The  Araucanians,  422-3  (411-12). 

11.  Early  History  of  Paraguay  and  Buenos 
Ayres  : 

T.  J.  Hutchinson:  The  Parana,  104  (97). 

R.  G.  Watson:  South  America,  2547-8  (2481-2), 
132-3  (125-6). 

A.  Gallenga : South  America,  2548-9  (2482-3). 

3 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


12.  The  Spanish  Vice-Royalties: 

C.  R.  Markham:  South  America,  195  (188). 

: Cuzco  and  Lima,  2589  (2522). 

S.  Hale:  The  Story  of  Mexico,  2212-13  (2168-9). 
R.  G.  Watson:  South  America,  497-8  (483-4). 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  413,  first  col- 
umn (403). 

13.  Revolt  and  Independence  (a.  d.  1810- 
1826): 

(a)  The  Colombian  States  ; Simon  Bolivar. 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  498-9  (484-5), 
499-500  (485-6). 

C.  R.  Markham:  South  America,  499  (485). 

F.  Hassaurek : The  Spanish- Americans,  500  (486). 
(5)  Mexico. 

J.  Winsor:  Nar.  and  Crit.  History,  2213-14 
(2169-70). 

J.  W.  Monette:  The  Mississippi  Valley,  3186 
(3101). 

M.  Willson:  American  History,  2214-16  (2170-2). 
R.  A.  Wilson:  Mexico,  2216  (2172). 

(c)  Congress  of  Panama  (a.  d.  1826). 

C.  Cushing:  Bolivar,  500-01  (486-7). 

T.  H.  Benton:  Thirty  Years’  View,  501  (487). 

(d)  Chile. 

B.  Hall:  Extracts  from  Journal,  423-4  (412-13). 
The  Atlantic  Monthly : Republic  of  Chile,  424-5 

(413-14). 

II.  Brownell:  Peru,  2590-1  (2523-4). 

A.  B.  Hart:  Essays  on  American  Gov’t,  426-7 
(3694-5). 

“ Treaty  of  Truce  ” with  Bolivia,  Vol.  VI.,  75-6. 
Spanish-American  Congress,  Vol.  VI.,  520. 

(e)  Peru. 

C.  R.  Markham : Peru,  2590  (2523).  2592-3  (2526). 

H.  Brownell : South  America,  2590-1  (2523-4). 

C.  Cushing:  Bolivar,  2591-2  (2524-5). 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  2592  (2525). 
Overthrow  of  an  Unconstitutional  Government, 
Vol.  VI.,  366. 

(/)  The  Argentine  Republic,  and  Paraguay. 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  133-4  (126-7). 
R.  Napp:  The  Argentine  Republic,  134-5  (128). 

I.  N.  Ford:  Tropical  America,  135-6  (128-9). 

A.  Gallenga:  South  America,  2548-9  (2482-3). 

U.  S.  Consular  Reports,  Vol.  VI.,  26. 

Text  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Argentine  Re- 
public, 525-32  (511-18). 

(g)  Central  America. 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  413  (403). 

H.  H.  Bancroft.  The  Pacific  States,  414. 
Continued  Revolutionary  Conflicts,  414-15. 

H.  Jalhay  : Bulletin  of  Am.  Republics,  Vol.  VI., 
72-3. 

Recent  History : Messages  of  Presidents,  Consu- 
lar Reports,  etc.,  Vol.  VI.,  73-4;  VII.,  74-80. 

14.  Mexico  ; Later  History  : 

(a)  War  with  the  United  States  (a.  d.  1846-8). 

E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  2216-17  (2173). 
II.  Wilson : The  Slave  Power,  2217  (2173). 

J.  W.  Draper:  American  Civil  War,  2217-18 
(2173-4). 

A.  H.  Noll : Hist,  of  Mexico,  2218  (2174). 
Bryantand  Gay:  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.,  2218  (2174). 
J.  R.  Soley:  Wars  of  the  U.  S.,  2218-19  (2175). 
H.  O.  Ladd.  War  with  Mexico,  2219-20  (2176). 

(b)  Maximilian’ s Empire,  and  The  Restored  Re- 
public. 

A.  II.  Noll:  Hist,  of  Mexico,  2220-1  (2176-7). 

J.  McCarthy:  Hist,  of  Our  Own  Times,  2221-2 
(2177-8). 

Text  of  Constitution  of  Mexico,  581-90  (558-67). 


(c)  The  Republic  under  Diaz. 

S.  Hale:  The  Story  of  Mexico,  2222-3  (2178-9). 
M.  Romero:  Mexicoand  theU.  S.,  Vol. VI  305 
306-7. 

W.  S.  Logan:  Yaqui,  Vol.  VI.,  305-6. 

C.  F.  Lummis:  The  Awakening  of  a Nation 
Vol.  VI.,  307. 

Bureau  of  American  Republics:  Mexico,  Vol. 

VI. ,  307-8. 

Census  of  1900,  Vol.  VI.,  308-9. 

Arbitration  of  the  Pious  Fund  Question,  Vol. 

VII. ,  419. 

F.  R.  Guernsey:  The  Year  in  Mexico  (1905  and 
1906),  Vol.  VII.,  420. 

15.  Venezuela: 

W.  Barry:  Venezuela,  3720-1  (3600-1). 

I.  N.  Ford:  Tropical  America,  3721  (3601). 
Messages,  State  Papers,  Arbitration, etc.,  regard- 
ing the  Boundary  Dispute,  Vol.  VI.,  68443. 

The  Career  and  Fall  of  Cipriano  Castro,  Vol. 
VII.,  684-8. 

16.  Cuba,  freed  from  Spain: 

J.  H.  Latane:  Diplomatic  Relations  of  the  U.  S. 
and  Spanish  America,  Vol.  VI.,  171. 

Senate  Doc.  No.  166,  54th  Cong.  1st  Sess.,  Vol. 
VI.,  171-3. 

Message  of  President  Cleveland,  Dec  7,  1896, 
Vol.  VI.,  173-4. 

Text  of  Constitution  granted  by  Spanish  Crown 
(a.  d.  1897);  Vol.  VI.,  175-80. 

U.  S.  Senator  Proctor,  Speech,  March.  1898, 
Vol.  VI.,  181-2. 

Narrative  of  Spanish-American  War,  from  Doc- 
uments, Vol.  VI.,  583-612,  620-38. 

Reports  of  Military-Governor,  Gen.  Brooke,  and 
Generals  Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Leonard  Wood 
(A.  d.  1899),  Vol.  VI.,  182-5. 

Rep’ts  of  U.  S.  Sec.  of  War  (a.  d.  1900),  Vol. 
VI.,  186-8. 

Text  of  “the  Platt  Amendment,”  Vol.  VI.,  190. 
Report  on  Establishment  of  Free  Government 
in  Cuba  (Senate  Doc.  No.  312,  58th  Cong.  2d 
Sess.),  Vol.  VII.,  174-177. 

Papers  relating  to  Foreign  Relations  of  the  U.  S., 
1906,  Vol.  VII.,  178-180. 

17.  Hayti  ; Touissant  l’ouverture  ; San  Do- 
mingo 

C.  H.  Eden.  The  West  Indies,  1670-1  (1631-2). 
E.  J.  Payne:  European  Colonies,  1671-3  (1634). 
Later  Changes  and  Developments,  Vol.  VI.,  192, 
258,  639  ; and  Vol.  VII.,  302-4. 

18.  International  Organization  of  Ameri- 
can Republics  ; The  Bureau. 

Bulletin  of  the  Bureau,  June,  1898,  Vol.  VI.,  10. 
President  of  the  U.  S.:  Message,  Dec.  5,  1899, 
Vol.  VI.,  10-11. 

The  Pan-American  Exposition,  Vol.  VI.,  58. 
Proceedings  of  International  Conferences  of  Am. 
Republics,  1901  and  1906,  Vol.  VII.,  20-25. 

* See  Important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


* STUDY  LY. 


MODERN  ITALY. 


I.  The  Peninsula  as  a French-Spanish  Bat- 
tlefield (a.  d.  1494-1525) : 

J.  N.  Lamed : Europe,  1080-1  (1052-3),  1083-4 
(1055-6),  1085  (1057). 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


COURSES  FOR  STUDY 


H.  Grimm:  Life  of  Michael  Angelo,  1871  (1831). 
P.  Villari:  Machiavelli  and  his  Times,  1871-2 
(1831-2). 

F.  P.  Guizot:  Hist,  of  France,  1873  (1833). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  1875-6 
(1835-6). 

V.  Duruy : Hist,  of  France,  1876-7  (1836-7). 

G.  W.  Kitchin:  Hist,  of  France,  1877-8  (1838). 
T.  Wright:  Hist,  of  France,  1218-19  (1186-7). 

J.  S.  Brewer:  Reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  1219  (1187). 
J.  Michelet:  Summary  of  Modern  History,  1222 

(1190). 

C.  Coignet:  Francis  I.  and  his  Times,  1222 
(1190). 

T.  A.  Trollope:  Hist,  of  Florence,  1879.(1839). 

2.  Under  Spanish  and  Papal  Domination 
(a.  d.  1525-1600) : 

H.  Grimm:  Michael  Angelo,  1879-80  (1839-40). 

W.  Robertson:  Reign  of  Charles  V.,  1882  (1842). 
J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1086  (1058),  1109  (1081). 
J.  A.  Symonds:  Renaissance  in  Italy,  1883-4 

(1843—4). 

E.  de  Bonnechose:  Hist,  of  France,  1226  (1194). 

G.  Procter:  Hist,  of  Italy,  1884  (1844). 

W.  Chambers:  France,  1227  (1195). 

W.  H.  Jervis:  Student’s  Hist,  of  France,  1227-8 
(1195-6). 

3.  Rise  of  the  House  of  Savoy  and  King- 
dom of  Sardinia  (a.  d.  1559-1792): 

A Gallenga:  Hist,  of  Piedmont,  2882-3  (2808). 
R.  Lodge:  Hist,  of  Modern  Europe,  2884  (2809). 
C.  W.  Koch:  Revolutions  of  Europe,  3078-9 
(2997-8). 

I.  Butt-  Hist,  of  Italy,  1889  (1849). 

W.  E.  H.  Lecky:  Hist,  of  England,  1890  (1850). 
W.  Coxe:  House  of  Austria,  1890-1  (1850-1), 
1892  (1852). 

Sir  E.  Cust:  Wars  of  the  18th  Century,  1891 
(1851). 

I.  Butt:  Hist,  of  Italy,  1892-3  (1852-3). 

4.  Under  Napoleon  (a.  d.  1796-1814): 

C.  A.  Fyffe:  Modern  Europe,  1347-9  (1314-16). 
R.  Lodge:  Modern  Europe,  1349-50(1316-17). 

T.  Mitchell:  Principal  Campaigns,  1350-51 
(1317-18). 

T.  H.  Dyer:  Modern  Europe,  1351-2  (1318-19.) 

H.  Van  Laun.  French  Revolutionary  Epoch, 
1355-7  (1322-4). 

Sir  W.  Scott:  Life  of  Napoleon,  1361  (1328). 

R.  H.  Horne:  History  of  Napoleon,  1365-6 
(1332-3). 

W.  O’C.  Morris:  The  French  Revolution,  1366-7 
(1333-4). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1122  (1094). 

Sir  A.  Alison:  Hist,  of  Europe,  1383-4  (1350-1). 

H.  Martin:  Hist,  of  France,  2526  (2464). 
Talleyrand.  Memoirs,  2527-8  (2465-6). 

5.  Rise  of  the  Carbonari  (a.  d.  1803) : 

C.  Botta:  Italy,  1893-4  (1853—4). 

W.  R.  Thayer : Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 

1894- 5  (1854-5). 

6.  Downfall  of  Napoleon  and  Return  of 
the  Despots  (a.  d.  1814-15): 

A.  Rambaud : Hist,  of  Russia,  1387-9  (1354-6). 

J.  Mitchell:  The  Fall  of  Napoleon,  1389-91 
(1356-8). 

Sir  A.  Alison : Hist,  of  Europe,  1895  (1855). 

W R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 

1895- 6  (1855-6). 

I.  Butt:  Hist,  of  Italy,  1896-7  (1856-7). 


J.  W.  V.  Mario:  Garibaldi,  234-5  (227-8). 

7.  The  Holy  Alliance  (a.  d.  1815): 

M.  E.  G.  Duff:  European  Politics,  1696-7  (1658). 
E.  Ilertslet:  Europe  by  Treaty,  1697  (1658). 

W.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 
1697-8  (1658-9). 

8.  Revolutions  in  Naples,  Sicily  and  Pied- 
mont (a.  d.  1820-21) : 

E.  Dicey:  Victor  Emmanuel,  1897-8  (1857-8). 
W.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 

1898-9  (1858-9). 

9.  The  Congress  of  Verona: 

R.  Lodge : Modern  Europe,  3741  (3621). 

F.  H.  Hill : George  Canning,  3741  (3621). 

R.  Bell : Life  of  Canning,  3741-2  (3621-2). 

“ From  Laybach,  the  allied  sovereigns  issued  a cir- 
cular to  their  representatives  at  the  various  foreign 
courts,  in  which  portentous  document  they  declared 
that 1 useful  and  necessary  changes  in  legislation  and 
in  the  administration  of  states  could  only  emanate 
from  the  free-will,  and  from  the  intelligent  and  well- 
weighed  convictions  of  those  whom  God  has  made  re- 
sponsible for  power.’  ” F.  H.  Hill. 

10.  Revolts  of  1830  and  1848-9  ; Mazzini  : 

R.  Lodge : Modern  Europe,  1899  (1859). 

W.  R.  Thayer:  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence, 
1900-01  (1860-1),  1903  (1863). 

Text  of  Constitution  granted  to  Sardinia  (1848), 
574-8  (3732-6). 

W.  Muller:  Political  History,  1901-3  (1861-3). 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1125(1097),  1126-7(1099). 

11.  War  with  Austria  ; Garibaldi  ; The  New 
Kingdom  of  Italy  (a.  d.  1856-61): 

J.  N.  Larned:  Europe,  1128  (1100). 

J.  W.  Probyn:  Italy  from  1850  to  1890,  1903-5 
(1863-5). 

H.  Murdock:  The  Reconstruction  of  Europe, 
1905-6  (1865-6). 

12.  The  Acquisition  of  Rome  and  Venice: 

G.  S.  Godkin:  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  1906-8 
(1866-8). 

J.  A.  Marriott:  Makers  of  Modern  Italy,  1908-9 
(1868-9). 

13.  Rome  the  Capital  of  Italy  (a.  d.  1870) : 

J.  W.  Probyn:  Italy  from  1815  to  1890,  2539-41 

(2477-9). 

Chevalier  O’Clery : The  Making  of  Italy,  2541-2 
(2479-80). 

Text  of  the  Law  of  the  Papal  Guarantees,  2540-1 
(2478-9). 

14.  The  United  Nation: 

W.  R.  Thayer:  The  Italian  Crisis,  1909  (1869). 

J.  S.  Jeans:  Italy,  1843  (1803). 

15.  Italy  from  1895  to  1910: 

W.  J.  Stillman:  The  Union  of  Italy.  Vol.  VI., 
273. 

G.  D.  Vecchia:  The  Revolt  in  Italy,  Vol.  VI., 
274-5. 

: The  Situation  in  Italy,  Vol.  VI.,  275-6. 

The  Census  of  1900,  Vol.  VI.,  276. 

B King:  The  New  Reign  (Victor  Emmanuel 
III.),  Vol.  VII.,  338. 

16.  The  Appalling  Earthquake  of  1908: 

F.  M.  Crawford  (and  others)-  Descriptive  Ac- 
counts, Vol.  VII.,  187-9. 

* See  important  note  at  head  of  Study  I. 


81 


5 


FURTHER  DIRECTION. 


On  the  following  important  subjects  of  general  history,  readers  may  be  directed  sufficiently  to  all 
that  this  work  contains  by  a simple  mention  of  captions  and  page-numbers  in  one  or  two  or  three 
of  its  volumes. 


Civil  Service  Reform : Vol.  I. .pages  489-9  (1475- 
7);  Vol.  VI.,  145-150;  Vol.  VII.,  103-8. 
Conservation  of  Natural  Resources:  Vol.  VII., 
143-153. 

Constitutions  of  Government:  Vol.  I.,  525-633 
(511-610  and  Vol.  V.,  3727-36);  Vol.  VI., 
154-169. 

Education:  Vol.  I.,  696-775  (673-748) ; Vol.  VI., 
193-5  ; Vol.  VII.,  191-217. 

Elective  Franchise:  Vol.  V.  (under  the  caption 
“Woman’s  Rights”),  3777-81  (3656-60) ; Vol. 
VI.  (same  caption),  700;  Vol.  VII.  (under  the 
caption  “Elective  Franchise”),  219-28.  v 
Europe:  Vol.  II.,  1017-1131  (989-1103);  Vol. 
VII  , 247-262 

Insurance:  Vol.  III.,  1791-2  (1752-3);  Vol.  VII. 
326—29 

Jesuits':  Vol.  III.,  1928-35  (1887-95). 

Law:  Vol.  III.,  1999-2038  (1955-94);  Vol.  VII., 
411-14,  and  (under  the  caption  “Crime  and 
Criminology  ”),  169-74. 

Libraries:  Vol.  III.,  2044-69  (2000-25);  Vol. 
VI.,  290-3. 

Medical  Science:  Vol.  III.  2164-94  (2120-50); 
Vol.  VII.  (under  the  caption  “Public  Health”), 
516-27. 

Money  and  Banking:  Vol.  Ill,  2242-65  (2198- 
2221) ; Vol.  VI.  (under  the  caption  “Monetary 
Questions”),  314-17;  Vol.  VII.  (under  the 
caption  “Finance  and  Trade”),  263-70. 
Municipal  Government:  Vol.  VII.,  431^42. 
Panama  Canal:  Vol.  IV.,  2474-5  (2415-6) ; Vol. 
VI.  (under  the  caption  “ Canal,  Interoceanic”), 
65-71;  Vol.  VII.,  466-71. 

Papacy:  Vol.  IV.,  2476-2546  (2417-80  and  Vol.  V., 
3794-7);  Vol.  VI.,  344-51;  Vol.  VII.,  472-77. 
Peace  Conferences,  International:  Vol.  VI.,  352- 
365;  Vol.  VII.  (under  the  caption  “War,  The 
Revolt  against  ”),  714-25. 


Printing  and  the  Press. — Newspapers:  Vol. 
IV.,  2659-78  (2587-2606). 

Race  Problems:  Vol.  VII.,  528^43. 

Railways:  Vol.  IV.  (under  the  caption  “Steam 
Locomotion”),  3111-13  (3029-31);  Vol.  VI., 
420-2;  Vol.  VII.,  543-58. 

Science  and  Invention,  Recent:  Vol.  II.  (under 
the  caption  “Electrical  Discovery”),  797-804 
(769-77);  Vol.  III.  (under  the  caption  “Medi- 
cal Science”),  2164-94  (2120-50);  Vol.  IV- 
(under  the  caption  “Steam  Engine,”  3109-16 
(3027-34);  Vol.  VI.,  435-49;  Vol.  VII.,  590- 
608. 

Slavery:  Vol.  IV.,  2989-3008  (2911-30);  Vol. 
VI.,  455;  Vol.  VII.,  612. 

Social  Movements. — Social  Service. — Indus- 
trial Reform:  Vol.  IV.,  3010-36  (2932-58), 
also  (under  the  caption  “Poor  Laws”),  2634—6 
(2562-4) ; Vol.  VI.  (under  the  captions  “ Social 
Democracy  ” and  “ Socialist  Parties  ”,  455;  and 
“Industrial  Disturbances”),  267-8;  Vol.  VII. 
(under  several  captions,  as  follows:)  “Chil- 
dren under  the  Law,”  82-9,  “ Labor  Organiza- 
tion,” 370-95,  “ Labor  Protection,”  395-401, 
“Labor  Remuneration,”  402-10,  “Poverty 
and  Unemployment,”  507-15,  “Social  Better- 
ment,” 613-17,  “Socialism,”  617-20. 

Suffrage.  See  Elective  Franchise. 

Tariff  Legislation:  Vol.  V.,  3147-73  (Vol.  IV. 
3063-89),  Vol.  VI.,  526-7;  Vol.  VII.,  638- 
47. 

Temperance  Movements:  Vol.  V.,  3176  (Vol. 
IV.,  3091) ; Vol.  VII.  (under  the  caption  “Al- 
cohol Problem  ”),  10-19. 

Trade:  Vol.  V.,  3207-37  (in  the  original  edition. 
Vol  V.  under  the  caption  “Commerce,” 
3696-3726). 

Trusts:  Vol.  VI.,  529-36;  Vol.  VII.  (under  the 
caption  “Combinations”),  112-35. 


816 


